43 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LV N° 1/2, Januari-April 1998 44

OBJECTS WITH MESSAGES: Reading Old Akkadian Royal Inscriptions1)

Prof. Kienast has assembled in this volume all the inscrip- tions of the kings of the Old Akkadian dynasty and those written in Akkadian by the kings of the dynasties of pre-Sar- gonic Mari, the sakkanakkum period, Mari, Gutium, , Ur III, and various other royal inscriptions from minor poten- tates spanning the period from Early Dynastic III through early Old Babylonian. Further, there are various inscriptions of members of the royal family (the series beginning with A) and high officials (the series beginning with B), some of which are dedicated in the name of the ruling monarch and some of which are not. The selection can be puzzling: the inscriptions of king Mari Il-su and his daughter from Ur are absent (already pub- lished in ABW AnUr 12 and 13), while the stone macehead fragment from Mari — probably to be attributed to Lugalutu of Kish (missing from ABW) — has been inserted (MP 40, cf. SARI p. 20, note to Ki 5).2) Also included are the year date formulae of the Old Akkadian kings and seal inscrip- tions of members of the royal family, courtiers, and officials. Some of these inscriptions are well-known while others are here treated for the first time. The author has done a heroic job working on the basis of the compendiums made by Prof. I.J. Gelb, who passed away before this project, one of his life's works, could be com- pleted. Those that have come after have improved, added, and corrected, but this compendium stands alone as the pioneering

1) A review article of Ignace Gelb(†) and Burkhart Kienast, Die altakkadischen Königsinschriften des dritten Jahrtausends v. Chr. Frei- burger Altorientalische Studien, no. 7. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1990 (xvi + 434, 20 pls.). ISBN 3-515-0428-2, DM 120. 2) The following abbreviations will be used in this article: ABW = H. Steible, under Mitarbeit von H. Behrens, Die Altsumerischen Bau- und Weihinschriften, Teil I, II [FAOS 5], Wiesbaden, 1982; SARI = J. Cooper, Sumerian and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions, I Presargonic Inscriptions, New Haven, 1986; OSP II = Aa. Westenholz, Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts in Philadelphia, Part Two: The ‘Akkadian’ Texts, The Enlilemaba Texts, and the Onion Archive, Copenhagen, 1987. 45 OBJECTS WITH MESSAGES: READING OLD AKKADIAN ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS 46 effort of the decade.3) Kienast is to be lauded for his painstak- to accomplish the task of looking at objects bearing royal ing efforts in translating and annotating these difficult texts. dedications, I will also have to rely on the fuller listings of He has also presented in the appendix to his glossary those the RIME 2 volume. In addition, only the latter volume lists inscriptions found after his book came out, and has also findspots, dimensions, and materials, a difference that high- improved many of his readings.4) lights the lack of interest in the object bearing the royal This book was tailored to fit the framework provided by inscription which is manifested by the volume under review. H. Steible in his project of “die sumerischen Bau- und Weih- For a companion volume to Kienast that provides further inschriften bis zum Ende des Dritten Jahrtausends in Text- information on the objects, see Eva Braun-Holzinger's Meso- edition und Glossaren zu erfassen". Perhaps it would have potamische Weihgaben der früdynastischen bis altbabyloni- been more appropriate to keep this title for the Akkadian schen Zeit [HSAO 3], Heidelberg, 1991. inscriptions since it juxtaposes dedications by the rulers and This medium has two aspects: its raw material and its final dedications in the name of the ruling monarch, as well as product. From their inscriptions, it seems that these monarchs those dedications made by and for others; note, for example, placed a strong emphasis on the raw materials that they used. the clay stamp artefact that provides evidence of building The metals and the stones are specified in their inscriptions. activity on the part of a member of the royal family.5) This Rimus states that he made a statue of the metal an-na / practice, common to all historiographers of the ancient rulers KU.AN, which no one had ever done before him (C 9: 7,9).8) of Mesopotamia, obscures the independent actions of various In a year date which Frayne believes to relate the bestowal members of the royal family, especially the women. Women's of the symbol of kingship on Naramsîn (D-19), Naramsîn dedications, either in their own right or in the name of the receives a weapon (? written KU, which is taken to be tukul ruling monarch, show them displaying a right and privilege in RIME 2 p. 85) also made of an-na.9) Statues are said to be not always accorded to their sex in the literature. Note, for made of gold (Naramsîn C 7:11), showing a need for con- example, the inscriptions of the en-priestesses EnÌeduanna spicuous display of rare and expensive metals. On the other (Sar A 1 and Sargon 3)6) and Tutanapsum (Naramsîn A 7), hand, it is interesting to note the absence of silver for any Old who dedicated objects in their own name. Further, the dedi- Akkadian royal testimonial in contradistinction to the Early cation by Alma, the wife of the ruler of Mari, is attributed to Dynastic inscriptions (e.g., ABW Ean. 69,3:1 = SARI La her husband Ikunmari (MP 7) while the dedication of the 3.10), despite the fact that the metal was imported in quan- nephew of the king has his own attribution (MP 4). tity during the Old Akkadian period, cf. OSP II 25, where a Much has been said of a philological nature concerning total of 6 talents and 20 minas of silver are accounted for. these inscriptions and their linguistic definition. This reviewer Another material brought back from the shores of the Persian would like to pose two questions regarding the raison d'être Gulf or Indian Ocean is shell, of which one example bears a of these inscriptions: what were they and why were they so-called “standard" inscription of Rimus (6 Text V). made? In other words, I want to look at the objects them- Stones are especially quarried for the express purpose of selves, as Jerry Cooper has done for the Early Dynastic making the statues in Manistusu 1:42 and Manistusu C 1:42. inscriptions,7) and the purpose served by their being inscribed In particular, the stone “diorite" (probably an olivine-gabbro)10) with the name of the king. In these fragmentary remains of E.SI, ESI / esium is mentioned (see Naramsîn 3:38, Naram- the contemporary public displays of Old Akkadian monarchs, sîn C 5:76, and the Rimus C 10 Kolophon.11) Apparently, the we may be able to discern their vision of kingship.

8) This metal (also read nagga) has been variously understood as lead The Medium (H. Freydank, “Fernhandel und Warenpreise nach einer mittel-assyrischen Urkunde des 12. Jh. v. u. Z.,” Societies and Languages of the Ancient Near This edition clearly allows one to differentiate between East, Studies in honour of I.M. Diakonoff, Warminster, England, 1982, 64- 75; this idea was discounted by B. Landsberger, “Tin and Lead: the Adven- copies and originals by numbering the copies in a separate tures of Two Vocables,” JNES 24 [1965] 285-296), tin (e.g. H. Waetzoldt series prefixed with “C”. These inscriptions should, how- and H.G. Bachman, “Zinn- und Arsenbronzen in den Texten aus Ebla und ever, be consulted in conjunction with D. Frayne, Sargonic dem Mesopotamien des 3. Jahrtausends,” OA XXIII [1984] 1-2), or iron ( ), (=RIME 2) Toronto, (e.g. A.A. Vaiman, “Eisen in Sumer,” AfO Beiheft 19, 1982, 33-38). For and Gutian Periods 2334-2113 B.C. a survey of metals found in the archival texts consisting of gold, silver, cop- 1993. The latter volume provides a concordance facilitating per and tin, see H. Limet, “Les métaux à l'époque d'Agadé,” JESHO 15 conversion between the two systems on pp. 334-335. In order (1972) 3-34. The problem of identification of this metal is complicated by the fact that neither tin nor iron seem to be possible, since they were used solely for small objects, the largest being blades. For a survey of the prob- lematic state of the evidence, see F. Joannès, “Metalle und Metallurgie. 3) Reviews: D.R. Frayne, “The Old Akkadian Royal Inscriptions: Notes A.,” RIA 8 (1993) 98, 109. on a New Edition,” JAOS 112 (1992) 619-638; H. Hirsch, WZKM 81 9) Frayne, “The Old Akkadian Royal Inscriptions,” 624 and “Histori- (1991) 283-287; M. Krebernik, “Buchbesprechungen,” ZA 81 (1991) 133- cal Texts in Haifa: Notes on R. Kutscher's ‘Brockmon Tablets’,” BiOr 48 143; W.H.Ph. Römer, Orientalia 60 (1991) 351-354. A worthy successor (1991) 383 n. 13. In RIME 2 p. 85, he gives a tentative translation of this was Douglas Frayne's Sargonic and Gutian Periods (2334-2113 BC) [Royal references as: “weapon of heaven /An” although he ascribes meteoric iron Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Early Periods, vol. 2], Toronto, 1993. See also to the material of the statue of Rimus. However, whereas statues are not the reviews of the latter volume including that appearing in this journal: known to have been made of iron, and though rare, weapons have been Aa. Westenholz, BiOr 53 (1996) 116-123. found both in texts and in excavations, see refs. above in footnote 8. 4) Burkhart Kienast mit W. Sommerfeld, Glossar zu den altakkadi- 10) Heimpel, “A First Step in the Diorite Question,” RA 76 (1982) 65- schen Königsinschriften r. Freiburger Altorientalische Studien, no. 8. 68; idem, “Das Untere Meer,” ZA 77 (1087) 48-49, 69-70. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994. 11) This text is known from two published editions, that of FAOS 7 and 5) F.N.H. al-Rawi, “Texts from Tell Haddad and Elsewhere,” Iraq 56 that of J. Oelsner (“Einige Königsinschriften des 3. Jahrtausends,” DUMU- (1994) p. 41 no. 7 = RIME 2.1.1.17. E2-DUB-BA-A, Studies in Honour of Ake W. Sjöberg, Philadelphia, 1989: 6) A. Westenholz, BiOr 53, 118. 403-4). The reading ESI is found only in FAOS 7 and is based on Gelb's 7) E.g. J.S. Cooper, “Medium and Message: Inscribed Clay Cones and earlier collations, while Oelsner stated that the line is uninscribed. Note that Vessels from Presargonic Sumer”, RA 79 (1985) 97-114. Frayne in RIME 2.1.2.8 utilizes Gelb's ESI in this line. 47 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LV N° 1/2, Januari-April 1998 48 hard dark igneous stones had prestige value, as did the duÌ- it is not suggested here that the motive for Akkadian military si-a (possibly an agate) stone from MarÌasi.12) These diorites ventures is loot and plunder19) nor that foreign trade was and gabbros, which occur both in Oman and in southern Iran, strangled by the influx of booty; the taking of booty seems have been taken as visual proof of the far flung empire,13) primarily to be the exhibition of concrete proof of great vic- both by present-day historiographers and by contemporary tories placed on display for all to view — god and country- Sumerians and Akkadians. In contrast to the Early Dynastic men. On the other hand, Braun-Holzinger is leery of accept- period (e.g., SARI Ki 8, Um 4.1), lapis lazuli is not used as ing the designation “booty" literally, since the foreign origin a material for Old Akkadian inscriptions.14) of all votive objects is not obvious.20) Non-monumental inscribed material on clay — such as that found in the Early Dynastic period (clay nails, clay cones, Building Materials clay disks, and boulders) — has not yet been found featur- Objects used in the construction of buildings and carrying ing Old Akkadian royal inscriptions. Although utilized as a royal inscriptions are confined to bricks and door sockets. medium for royal inscriptions before and after this period, its Brick inscriptions give testimony not only to the many con- absence is remarkable. struction projects of the Old Akkadian kings but also to their Sources of the raw materials, and even the final product, pretensions: note, for example, bricks stamped with Naram- can be foreign. Note the importance of booty taking in the sîn's name and a divine determinative, at Nippur, Lagash, Ur, Old Akkadian period: this theme is a leitmotif of many royal Adab, and Tell Brak. Since officials declare their own build- inscriptions and is depicted on reliefs (see the booty from ing activities with an acknowledgement of their superior Anatolia carried by Akkadian warriors depicted in fragment monarch, we can ascertain royal building programs and thus A of the Nasiriyah stele IM 5563915) and the vessel charac- direct royal control of those programs in places such as Tell teristic of the Indian Harappan civilization carried by an Brak (Nagar). Akkadian (?) on a fragment from Susa Sb 45).16) Even the Door sockets mark gateways into the sacred precincts where Sumerian Kinglist makes mention that Enmebaragesi of Kis daily rituals were performed. For a discussion on the loca- carried away the weapons of Elam as booty. Booty taking is tion of the door sockets established in the Ekur, see OSP II already mentioned by Early Dynastic rulers (ABW Ensak. v 23. Note the suggestion by R.S. Ellis that the two scraps of Uruk 2:3 = SARI 4.2; ABW AnLag. 1:1'-3'), but all textual gold sheet (Naramsîn B 9 and Sarkalisarri 2 Text C) served and archaeological evidence point to the importance of booty to decorate these door sockets.21) These were visible to all taking under the Old Akkadian kings. The taking of raw who came within the gates of the temples. This was more materials as spoils is related in the royal inscriptions. For than a pious foundation dedication: the royal activities were example, note the statement of King Rimus: “When he con- meant to be seen and praised by all. quered Elam and Barahsum, he took away 30 minas of gold, 3600 minas of copper" (Rimus C 6 131-144). Sargon uses an idiosyncratic term, NIG.LA+IB (Sargon C 2 Beischrift a, Utilitarian Objects c, d; Sargon C 7 Beischrift c, f, g, l, o, p, s),17) possibly Objects bearing royal inscriptions are mostly vessels. emphasizing his singular achievements. There is one published weight (RIME 2.1.4.44), and one lamp The taking and displaying of booty goes to the root of the of marble (Naramsîn 11 Text A). Vessels could be put to type of empire which Sargon envisaged. It is also likely that mundane uses, but could also grace the table of the gods; the Akkadian crown exercised direct control over the move- they were made of various materials; mostly stone, but also ment of foreign goods, since the import of goods is celebrated copper and bronze. For example, Rimus C 9 was written on in these official inscriptions rather than accounted for in tem- a URUDU.SEN.ZA.ÎU. This policy contrasts with that for ple or palace archives; this may help explain the conspicu- the Early Dynastic royal inscriptions, which use clay vessels, ous absence from Sargonic archives of account documents clay cones, and other practical items such as mortars. concerning the acquisition of foreign materials.18) However, The most studied objects bearing royal inscriptions are the stone vessels.22) The earlier traditions of inscribed stone ves- sels were particularly popular among rulers of Akkade. 12) T.F. Potts, “Foreign Stone Vessels of the Late Third Millennium B.C. Although there are no known vessels of Sargon, there are from Southern Mesopotamia: Their Origins and Mechanisms of Exchange,” Iraq 51 (1989) 130; idem, Mesopotamia and the East, An Archaeological about 100 vessels known from Rimus, while the distribution and Historical Study of Foreign Relations ca. 3400-2000 BC, Oxford, 1994: 27-28. 13) T.F. Potts, 1989, 135f. foreigners who appear in the accounts: couriers from Dilmun receive bread 14) I will discuss the lapis disk(s) of Rimus in my forthcoming book, and beer in Umma, a juridical text concerns payment for breaking a tooth Cuneiform Inscriptions in the Collections of the Bible Lands Museum by a MaluÌÌan, and a translator of the MeluÌÌan language is needed. Jerusalem, The Third Millennium Texts. See further W. Heimpel, “Das Untere Meer,” ZA 77 (1987) 22-91. On booty 15) J.F.X. McKeon, “An Akkadian Victory Stele,” Boston Museum Bul- and trade movements, see T. Potts, Mesopotamia and the East, An Archae- letin 68 (1970) 226-243. ological and Historical Study of Foreign Relations ca. 3400-2000 BC, 16) See the most recent publication by P.O. Harper, J. Aruz and F. Tal- Oxford, 1994: 282-286. lon, The Royal City of Susa, New York, 1992: 108 no. 108. 19) As suggested by J.-J. Glassner, La chute d'Akkadé. L'événement et sa 17) Note that, in a similar context, Ensakusanna uses the term nig.ga mémoire [BBVO 5], Berlin, 1986, 23ff. See the review by Aa. Westenholz, “possessions” of sacked Kish for the booty which included their statues, OLZ 87 (1992) 39-48. their precious metals (kù generic) and lapis lazuli, their timber, and again 20) P. 12-13. the generic term nig.ga. 21) Foundations Deposits in Ancient Mesopotamia [YNER 2], New 18) B. Foster, “Commercial Activity in Sargonic Mesopotamia,” Iraq Haven, 1968: 154, note 2. In his note, he also mentions that there is another 39 (1977) 37f. Nevertheless, there are a few economic texts that do reflect smaller fragment A1218 which does not appear either in this volume or in private trading through the Persian Gulf. There are Lagash records of RIME. copper imports from Makkan (one of which is destined for the palace) and 22) T.F. Potts, “Foreign Stone Vessels of the Late Third Millennium B.C. Dilmun boats are specified in the Nippur and Umma sources while the last from Southern Mesopotamia: Their Origins and Mechanisms of Exchange,” also mentions a MeluÌÌan ship. The trade seems to be in the hands of the Iraq 51 (1989) 123-164; Braun-Holzinger, 102-213. 49 OBJECTS WITH MESSAGES: READING OLD AKKADIAN ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS 50 of vessels bearing inscriptions of other members of the daggers, and arrows, since they are the most common mili- dynasty is as follows: Manistusu, two; Naramsîn, sixteen; tary equipment. Instead, we have many dedications of mace- Sar-kali-sarri, two; Eluldan, one; and Dudu, three. heads and various assorted stray weapons, such as the stone These vessels were of various types, shapes, and sizes, hammer dedicated by a palace prefect for Su-Durul B 1. including miniature items, large containers, and even goblets. Every ruler in the Old Akkadian dynasty produced at Many vessels mention their status as booty from foreign least one presentation macehead. We know of one by Sargon conquests.23) Certain specific varieties are mentioned — (Sargon 2), five by Rimus (Rimus 2A, 4,29) 5C, 6M, 6Q), two Naramsîn states distinctly that he set up a kurkurru vessel by Manistusu (Manistusu 3,5), four by Naramsîn (Naramsîn 8, (DUG.KUR.KU.DÙ/DU NI) before and dedicated it to 10, 16 and Fragment 4,30) a possible fifth is RIME 2.1.4.38), him (Foster ARRIM 8 1990 p. 31 col. xi = rev. v 9, 24, 28).24) and one by Sarkalisarri (Sarkalisarri 3). They were large and He also states the purpose of the vessel — to be used for impressive — up to 21 cm (Rimus 2 see RIME 2.1.2.13) in oil.25) According to Braun-Holzinger, vessels, like other diameter and up to 19 cm (Rimus 2 see RIME 2.1.2.13) in 31 votive objects, are dedicated in order to obtain the goodwill height. ) The materials used are mainly the calcites (CaCO3, of the god but can also be used for sacral purposes of food including limestone and marbles) a variety of which may and drink offerings, as well as purification rituals. A vessel have been available locally. Calcite maceheads are: reddish for oil could be used for ritual anointing of cult objects and numulite limestone (Rimus 4), white calcite (Rimus 2, images. Most bear a “standard" inscription of the king (not- Naramsîn 16), calcite (Rimus 5, Naramsîn 10), banded cal- ing his titles and conquests), while the few that are dedicated cite (Rimus 6M), black and white marble (Manistusu 3), pink to any deity are dedicated to Enlil in Nippur, with one excep- marble (Sarkalisarri 3), yellowish red alabaster (Manistusu tion — a dedication by Dudu to of Apiak (Dudu 2). 5), and alabaster (Fragment 4 = RIME 2.1.4.32). The harder However, they may feature a much longer inscription, such as quartzes (SiO2, including quartz, rock crystal, and quartzite) a narrative concerning military victories, e.g., RIME 2.1.4.3. are only represented by two examples, a green quartzite (Sar- The origin of many of the vessels bearing the designation gon 1) and one of rock crystal (Varia 21). Iron oxide was of “booty" has been proven by T.F. Potts to have been for- infrequently used before 2000 B.C.E., so its use for seals was eign. As he maintains, the vessels of foreign stone and manu- also limited: hematite (Rimus 6Q). A rare import is the brec- facture were not imported into Mesopotamia to fill a gap in ciated rock used for another broken macehead (RIME local production; both plain and decorated forms were made 2.1.4.38). The one presentation macehead of metal was in Sumer throughout the third millennium, exploiting the dedicated not by a king but by his servant (Naramsîn B 6 local supplies of calcium-based stones. Rather, he suggests Karsum). These were presented to gods in a variety of places: that these vessels were brought back from foreign lands in Ur, Samas as well as Belet-Aja in Sippar, Enlil as well not only for the aesthetic appeal of the darker stones, their as in Nippur, Ninisina in Isin, Nisaba in Eres, and exoticism and manifestly foreign origin, and their political Istaran, apparently in Ur. A macehead with just the so-called connotations; a vessel brought back as spoil was tangible “standard" inscription of Rimus (Rimus 6Q) was found by proof of a ruler's conquests.26) the outer wall of an Akkadian house in Assur. Thus, the pre- Weights in the name of the king argue for an Old Akka- sentation of maceheads is not particular to any deity or sanc- dian system of royal standardized weights and measures, tuary but spans the core of the empire plus Assur. which we know of already from the administrative texts. One There are various aspects of the use of presentation mace- duck weight bears an inscription of Naramsîn, said to have heads to be considered: (1) the raison d'être of a macehead; come from Sippar; another, featuring the name of the late (2) the attribution of this weapon to a divine or human fig- Akkadian king Su-Durul, was found at Titri≥-Höyük, a site ure; (3) the function of presentation maceheads; and (4), the on the upper river.27) Of the two inscribed weights connotation of the macehead. First, the macehead was a from the Early Dynastic period, one is issued by the temple weapon designed to slaughter human beings; it therefore administrator Dudu (SARI La 5.29) and one is dedicated to became a visual symbol of military victory. In the Old Akka- Ningirsu by the king (SARI La 9.13), either in his role as dian inscriptions there are two sumerograms used: SITA (lig- guarantor of just measures or because it was intended for use ature of KAK+GIS) and GIS.TUKUL.32) The latter is used in his temple complex.28) These weights, on the other hand, in both for the regalia and as the metaphor for “military might argue for an Early Dynastic system of temple-centered might or power". Note that in the latter usage it appears standardization. before the name of a country: GIS.TUKUL SUBIR.KI and GIS.TUKUL NIM.KI. At one time, it was the badge of office Implements of Warfare If implements used in warfare were usually dedicated, we 29) Although Kienast describes it as a “Keulenfragment,” because he should have votive offerings of battle axes, spears, swords, only knew of the bottom half; for the full piece see RIME 2.1.2.10. 30) Fragment 4, which is occasioned by the defeat of Baba ensi of Simur- rum, is attributed to Naram-Sin according to Frayne JAOS 112, 628, 20 cm., 23) See Braun-Holzinger, 94-95. see also RIME 2.1.4.32 for collations to text. Braun-Holzinger (p. 44 K11) 24) In his publication of this text in FAOS 8 (*Naramsîn C 30:50, 67, 72), regards this macehead as Early Dynastic. Kienast decided to give a version based on a parallel text which concerned 31) The information of measurements and materials are taken from setting up a statue. Braun-Holzinger and RIME. Some are fragmentary so that definitive mea- 25) For this reading of NI, see RIME p. 95 2.1.4.3. surements are not always possible. 26) Potts, 143. 32) Kienast/Sommerfeld, FAOS 8 223-4. Cf. the discussion of termi- 27) Guillermo Algaze reported the 1981 find in Mar Sipri in 1992. Piotr nology by D.O. Edzard, “Keule,” RlA 5 (1980) 578-9. Note the use of the Michalowski mentions it in his article “Memory and Deed: The Histori- term GIS.ÎUM in the Varia 4:5 dedication by a private person to in ography of the Political Expansion of the Akkad State,” in: Akkad, The Kish. It does not appear in RIME since it was dated to early Ur III accord- First World Empire [HANES V], Padua, 1993: 84. ing to Frayne JAOS 112 634. Cf. also the discussion by Braun-Holzinger 28) Cooper SARI p. 6. 30-31. 51 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LV N° 1/2, Januari-April 1998 52 of a high ranking person, since it appears in the title GAL. the gods Ilaba and Astar" (JAOS 112 630f., RIME 2.1.4.1). SITA in the archaic Lu lists (line 14). As Braun-Holzinger notes, the recipient divinity is not char- Second, in contrast to Egypt, where the macehead is the acterized by any specific relationship to war or military symbol of the king's might, it is held that it is solely a divine prowess.37) Accordingly, if any god can have a battle net appurtenance in Mesopotamia. Basing herself on visual evi- (SARI La 3.1), they can also have battle maces. It could be dence, Braun-Holzinger has held that the mace ceased to be a symbol of military might and/or destruction by itself, as the used as a military weapon after the Early Dynastic period, if flowing waters of abundance are. As the latter can appear not earlier, thereafter appearing solely as a weapon of the with gods, goddesses, human rulers, and as an independent gods.33) In the Early Dynastic depiction of the Stele of Vul- motif so too can the macehead. It appears as a standard in a tures, a bearded Ningirsu is shown holding a macehead in his fragment of a stele of Gudea, where six such mace-topped right hand; this touches the bald head of a man who protrudes standards are depicted flanking a stele.38) from his battle net. On the reverse of this stele, Eannatum holds a spear; however, Sargon holds a mace in the one Monuments extant stele from his reign (Sargon 1).34) Likewise, Eanna- Monumental public works comprising standardized monu- tum has no beard, but Sargon follows the example set by mental artwork gave expression to symbolic identification Ningirsu. A possible depiction of Sargon is a second unat- and transmitted the codes of this early monarchy. Probably tributed fragment of a victory stele, which shows a figure the most spectacular achievement of the Akkadian empire with a mace giving the coup de grace to one of the enemies was its artwork. Large sculptures in the round, stelae with caught in his net (Fragment 6 = RIME 2.0.0.1002), in the reliefs, and rock sculptures communicated information about presence of what is presumably a warrior goddess. Although nature, society, and a world view to an overwhelmingly illit- it is impossible to tell whether the figure with the mace is erate population. These public monuments contained both divine or human, it is most likely that the figure is a human historical narrative of military conquests and iconic depic- king, since there already is a divine seated figure to one side tions of royal might. Naramsîn tells us in his own words that of the net.35) Furthermore, there is written evidence that the “he made a gold statue for the admiration of his power and king used a divine mace. For example, in Sargon C 4:18, he the battles that he won" (Naramsîn C 7:11-16). claims he accomplished his conquest with the mace of Ilaba. Of these highly developed art forms, which are described When a king claims to have been bestowed with the mace- graphically by the scribes of the Old Babylonian period, all head of god or to triumph through the use of such a weapon that remains are a few free-standing sculpted and inscribed (Sargon C 4:7, Naramsîn C 24:41), how should we believe stelae: Sargon 1 and the broken stele Fragment 6, Rimus 7, these statements? Do we necessarily a priori have to treat as Manistusu 1 D, E (2 stelae according to Braun-Holzinger) propagandistic fiction all royal inscriptions of the Kings of and 2; Naramsîn 4, 5, and RIME 2.1.4.21. “Yet despite the Akkade? pathetic remnants, there is textual evidence documenting a Further evidence adduced to support the contention that flourishing tradition of monumental bas-relief, and sculpture the maceheads are votive offerings to the gods is that they in the round. Only one preserved monument of Sargon exists are found solely in temples. This argument depends on the (figs. 1, 2); yet there were at least sixteen large monuments limited number of objects found in excavation and the fact of Sargon in the Enlil temple at Nippur alone… number of that archaeological research has been centred on the temple known lost monuments up toward fifty".39) One monument areas. However, there are maceheads with dedications by the partially preserved is Manistusu 1, of which the OB copy is kings found in places outside of temple areas, e.g., Rimus 5C, Manistusu C 1 (Kienast 75). Buccellati has tried to recon- which was found in Diqdiqqa in the suburbs of Ur. Many struct Old Akkadian monuments from the description in the were found in a secondary context. Those unadorned ones Old Babylonian copies.40) His reconstruction presents a type found in residential areas are claimed to have been from of monument that we have yet to trace in any extant remains. worksteads or chapels.36) Why are they not burial goods? Sculpture in the round seems to have been politically moti- Why is it presumed that the average soldier would not carry vated. While Rimus dedicated vases as evidence of his far a macehead? Note that those maceheads that are found are flung conquests, Manistusu dedicated statues (probably five mostly made of stone; maceheads made of other materials preserved examples, Manistusu 1 A, 1 B, Braun-Holzinger would have perished, cf. the seventy-one made of cedar that St 96A, 96B, 96C). From Naramsîn, there is only one extant were taken as booty by Sargon (Sargon C 13 BS i). statue (Naramsîn 3), as well as the Bassetki statue of a Ì If it is solely a weapon of the gods, what does it symbolize? la mu doorkeeper. Two other royal statues with dedication names Is it specific to any god or is it just a divine weapon? For are broken. Some of these statues were originally set in gods' example, divine maceheads belonging to the gods Ilaba and Astar are mentioned in Naramsîn C 4:95-98. Although Kien- ast leaves this passages untranslated, in the Komm. (p. 253) he accredits Foster with the suggestion: “who were struck in 37) Ibid. p. 31-33. 38) J. Börker-Klähn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen und vergleichbare the(ir) faces with a mace (describes picture)", while Frayne Felsreliefs, Mainz, 1982: Text p. 148, no. 63 and Tafeln p. 64, 63a and offers: “those whom he … and led off before the maces of Taf. C. Note that she suggests that the maceheads are an image of the defied mace sar-ùr (p. 18). 39) J. Cooper, “Mesopotamian Historical Consciousness and the Pro- duction of Monumental Art in the Third Millennium B.C.,” in A. Gunter (ed.), 33) Braun-Holzinger, 5, 17, 28-30. Investigating Artistic Environments in the Ancient Near East, Washington, 34) Braun-Holzinger (p. 30, n. 144) does not think the partly broken 1990, 41. weapon in his hand is a mace but does not indicate what else it could be. 40) G. Buccellati, “Through a Tablet Darkly, A Reconstruction of Old 35) P. Amiet, L'art d'Agadé au Musée du Louvre, Paris, 1976, 12f. Akkadian Monuments Described in Old Babylonian Copies,” The Tablet Braun-Holzinger (p. 30) insists it is a god because of the battle net. and the Scroll Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William W. Hallo, 36) Braun-Holzinger, p. 30. Bethesda, 1993, 58-71. 53 OBJECTS WITH MESSAGES: READING OLD AKKADIAN ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS 54 shrines and received food offerings. Rimus tells us that he word tamsilum (“likeness"). Although the use of DUB is made a statue of iron (an-na / KÙ.AN, see above) and placed understandable, the word DÙL is unexpected. The auslaut - it before Enlil (Rimus C 9:7,9). Naramsîn tells us that “when mi appears as a phonetic complement, indicating that the he defeated HARsamat and personally felled a wild bull at logogram is to be read Òalmu. A question that arises is the Mount Tibar, he fashioned an image of himself and dedicated significance of the choice of the logogram meaning “to shade, it to the god Enlil, his father" (Naramsîn C 6 = RIME to roof, to protect" (= Òullulu, andullu). Perhaps its usage can 2.1.4.23). These descriptions suggest that statues of life- be related to the Sumerian god dLugal.DÙL.DU “the Lord: size proportions — such as the bronze head from Nineveh, Statue"49) to be understood in relation to the compound divine perhaps of Naramsîn — were set up in temples. As Winter names referring to votive statues,50), as well as the later use proposes, these royal statues represented “the introduction of of dLAMMA / lamassu “protective deity" in relation to the ruler into, and the appropriation of, ritual space hitherto votive statues.51) Lamassus of Sargon and Naramsîn stood belonging to the god. Presence in the god's shrine constitutes in the city of Mari and received offerings during the kispu power; it permits direct access to superhuman authority. Pres- ceremony.52) It is possible that the statue was regarded as an ence and service in the funerary chapel concentrates power effective effigy endowed with certain abilities. … power vested in the images of the ruler, the alam-lugal, As to tamsilum, we note that it also seems to indicate a d … identified by likeness, inscription, and name as the ruler, votive statue, e.g., tam-s[i4-il]-s[u] ib-ni-ma a-na En-lil [a- empowered and instructed by the ruler, ritually consecrated bi-s]u [A.MU.RU] “(Naramsîn) fashioned an image of him- to be the ruler, the images plays upon representation and self and dedicated it to the god Enlil, his father" (Naramsîn manifestation, man-made and heaven-born".41) C 10: 17-21). The two words DÙL and tamsilum are used as Statues were also placed in accessible public venues. As synonyms in the same sentence: e.g., i-nu-su tam-s!-l[i] today, large images of the ruler remind the people of — ab-ni-[ma] a-n[a] dEN.Z[U] as!-ru-uk…DÙLmi ma-Ìa-ar among other things — their fealty to him. Thus, statues were dEN.ZU li-zi-IT “at that time I fashioned an image of myself erected in the foreign dominions conquered by the Akkadian and I dedicated (it) to the god Sin … may my statue stand kings — the Elamite king Hita agreed in his treaty with before the god Sin" (Naramsîn C 5: 97-102, 106-109). Note Naramsîn to erect a statue of his overlord in Susa.42) It is said that in her discussion of this terminology, Braun-Holzinger that at the ratification of the treaty, Naramsîn came to Susa maintained that tamsilum basically refers to images of ani- in person and his minister and oracle-priest dedicated the mals.53) However, it seems most likely that the word tamsilum statue for the occasion.43) referred to representation of both human and animal species. A large group of stone statuettes of worshippers represent In the so-called bilingual royal inscriptions, the Sumerian the sculpture in the round from the Early Dynastic period. word alan is equated with the Akkadian word DÙL. Terms These stone worshippers were certainly intended to pray in a used in colophons reflect the usage of the Old Babylonian temple sanctuary for those named on them. This volume scribes and so have been excluded from the above discussion. shows clearly the roots of Akkadian sculpture in the round The apparent lack of relationship between the terms used in the worshipper statuettes of the pre-Sargonic rulers of Mari in Sumerian and Akkadian texts would support the thesis of and their families. Akkadian period interest in the human H. Galter that the two versions were separate and independent form may have been, as Winter maintains, an exhibition of texts, that the original inscriptions carried only monolingual texts, sexuality linked to potency, potency to male vigor, and male and that the texts became bilingual in the scribal schools.54) vigor to authority and dominance (hence rule), form and breeding, auspicious wholeness, and perfection.44) As Jerry Cooper has pointed out, the terminology for monu- The Message ments has never been thoroughly discussed.45) Ignoring those terms used by the Old Babylonian scribes in their scribal The message borne by the artefacts discussed above has notes accompanying the copies, we find that the expected various components: the actual information conveyed and the terms are not found in these Old Akkadian inscriptions. Nei- extralinguistic or extravisual referent that is part of the sub- ther alan = Òalmu “figural representation rendered as a statue text. As to the information, objects are commonly divided or bas-relief",46) nor the term na-ru-a / narû “stela". according to their inscriptions into building, votive, and stan- Terms used by the Old Akkadian kings in their own dard inscriptions.55) While dedications of a building to a god inscriptions are rendered in pseudo sumerograms:47) DUB48) (“inscription"), DÙL (“statue"), as well as the Akkadian 49) Gebhard J. Selz, “The holy drum, the spear, and the harp,” in Sumerian Gods and Their Representations, ed. M. Geller and I. Finkel, 41) I.J. Winter, “‘Idols of the King’: Royal Images as Recipients of Groningen, 1997: 172 and 194 note 124. Ritual Action in Ancient Mesopotamia,” Journal of Ritual Studies 6 (1992) 50) Ibid. 179f. 32. 51) Ibid. 181f. 42) W. Hinz, “Elams Vertrag mit Naram-Sîn von Akade,” ZA 58 (1967) 52) M. Birot, “Fragment de ritual de Mari relatif au kispum,” in: Death 80-81. in Mesopotamia, 139-150 Mari 12803: 5-6. 43) W. Hinz, The Lost World of Elam, London, 1972, 76f. 53) Braun-Holzinger, 230-231. 44) I.J. Winter, “Sex, Rhetoric and the Public Monument, The Alluring 54) H. Galter, “Cuneiform Bilingual Royal Inscriptions,” Israel Orien- Body of Naram-Sin of Agade,” in N.B. Kampen (ed.), Sexuality in Ancient tal Studies XV (1995) 31. Art, Cambridge, 1996, 11-26. 55) Based on the typology constructed by W.W. Hallo in his “The Royal 45) Cooper, “Mesopotamian Historical Consciousness,” 44. Inscriptions of Ur: A Typology,” HUCA 33 (1962) 1-23. The most recent 46) Ibid. 42, 44. assessment of previous typologies and offering her own (Beischrift, Auf- 47) For a discussion of pseudo sumerograms used in Old Akkadian, see schrift, Weihungsinschrift, Tatenbericht and Übersichtinschrift / Kom- review by M. Krebernik, ZA 81 (1991) 136. memorativinschrift) is to be found in Sabina Franke's Königsinschriften und 48) Written syllabically only in post Old Akkadian inscriptions, see Königsideologie, Die Könige von Akkade zwischen Tradition and Neuer- Glossar. ing, Münster-Hamburg, 1995: 20-31. 55 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LV N° 1/2, Januari-April 1998 56 are usually regarded as building inscriptions, those dedications tions.60) This lack could be interpreted as evidence of a of an object to a god are termed votive inscriptions. The resolution by the Old Akkadian kings not to place their extralinguistic element would be, for example, the exhibition inscriptions where they were invisible; indicating a conscious of royal procurement of prestige materials and goods through decision to create solely display inscriptions. military enterprise. Dedications of a building by the Old Akkadian kings to a Dedication of an Object to a God god are found impressed on the building material itself (bricks) or set on a functional part of the structure, usually a Votive objects inscribed with the dedicatory label (A.MU. door socket, but seemingly not placed in foundation deposits, RU), such as Manistusu 2, are well known. It has been ceremonially buried in foundations or under floors, or set into pointed out that most of these objects are of little economic walls. As Ellis points out in his survey of foundation value but we have no knowledge of the contents possibly deposits: “It is a curious fact that there is little evidence that offered in the many vessels. The inscriptions on these objects, the kings of Akkad used building deposits at all".56) As van which were dedicated to the gods, have been held to com- Driel has pointed out, this fact may be due to the lack of municate with the gods, indicating a dedication on a safe and excavated temples from the Akkadian period.57) Neverthe- triumphant return from the wars — thanksgiving for victory less, there seem to be a lack of any peg figurines, stone or — a triumphal trophy. The importance which the kings held metal tablets, or even clay nails of the Akkadian kings. How- these dedications of vessels can be seen in the text in which ever, stone tablets or “slabs" are not that rare, e.g., Rimus 7 Naramsîn lays a curse on anyone who claims “it is my ves- which measures only 12.8 ≈ 7.35 ≈ 5.55 centimeters and was sel" rather than that of Naramsîn (Naramsîn C 1 473-495 = found in Nippur inside the great southeast temple wall. Note RIME 2.1.4.3 rev. v 16 - vi 5). There is no evidence of any also the “Weihplatte", a square stone with a hole in the mid- extralinguistic subtext such as that given to Eannatum's mor- dle (Naramsîn 11 Text B). These few stone inscriptions could tar (La 3.11) by Sabine Franke, which she says was chosen have been foundation deposits. Other suggested candidates because one pounds the grain to pieces as one wants to do to for foundation tablets are the small (2.9 ≈ 2.3 ≈ 1.4 and 2.5 enemies / has done to enemies.61) ≈ 3.4 ≈ 1.4) carnelian tablets in Leiden (Naramsîn 6 and 7). A further case is that of Naramsîn 2 which comprises six Display Inscriptions fragments, the remains of two inscriptions, not one.58) Frayne (RIME p. 137) suggests that these fragments are from a dior- Besides pious dedications, the Old Akkadian kings created ite foundation tablet but only fragment 2 is known to be a new message in their inscriptions, which were truly display dolerite. Fragments 1 and 3-6 are said to be “basalt" and may inscriptions. It is most clearly enunciated by Naramsîn him- have originally measured 22 ≈ 29 ≈ 8 centimeters. As Aage self: Naramsîn tells us in his own words that “he made a Westenholz has pointed out, the inscription is a building de- gold statue for the admiration of his power and the battles dication of the Ekur to Enlil in Nippur and thus there could that he had won" (Naramsîn C 7:11-16). He was flaunting have been two foundation deposits made by Naramsîn to his achievements in an ostentatious exhibition. commemorate his restoration of the Ekur. Building deposits We must return to the purpose of the presentation mace- of other rulers contemporary with the Sargonic kings are heads. Why would the Old Akkadian kings produce these known: the most indicative being the peg deposits of Tisatal objects? As the word kakku can be used as a metaphor for of Urkis (FAOS 7 Varia 15). Another possibility is that the military strength and aggressiveness, so can the object itself. Old Akkadian kings used materials which differ from foun- The word for conquest is thus graphically depicted — dation deposits of other periods. Aage Westenholz has sug- SAG.GIS.RA — to hit someone on the head with a stick! gested that a stamped brick inscription came from a founda- The macehead exclaims “conquest" to each and every tion deposit (OSP II 40).59) If so, it would indicate that the beholder. It can also carry booty message — the subject of many stamped bricks could have been used also for foun- royal propaganda. dation inscriptions. Further, mention should be made of the discoveries of foundation inscriptions of Old Akkadian kings by later rulers. Consequently, it is probable that there were Conclusion foundation deposits made by the Old Akkadian kings but these pious invisible deposits were not a primary focus of the While this volume's many typographic errors, which could writers of their royal inscriptions. have been caught by careful proof reading, are an irritation, The lack of clay nail inscriptions which are ubiquitous in its greatest weakness is that there seems to have been no buildings of other third and second millennia rulers might attempt to collate any of the scattered texts. Thus, certain support Kraus' contention that clay nail inscriptions are typo- texts that were published in non-assyriological journals have logically distinct from the rest of royal inscriptions, being been omitted. For example, missing are the copper bowl pub- juridical real estate documents rather than building inscrip- lished by Nagel in 1970,62) as well as the three bowls from

56) R.S. Ellis, Foundation Deposits in Ancient Mesopotamia [YNER 2], 60) F.R. Kraus, “Altmesopotamische Tonnaegel mit Keilinschriften,” New Haven, 1968, 154. Halil Edhem Hâtira Kitabi, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlarindan, VII Seri 57) G. van Driel, Review of R.S. Ellis, Foundation Deposits in Ancient No. 5 (Türk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi), Ankara: 1947, 71-113. Mesopotamia, JAOS 93 (1973) 73. 61) Sabine Franke, “Fluch und Mörser: Gedanken zur Symbolkraft eines 58 ) See forthcoming study by Aa. Westenholz, “Assyriologists, Ancient Inschriftenträgers,” DUMU-E2-DUB-BA-A, Studies in Honor of Ake W. and Modern, on Naramsin and Sharkalisharri,” Studies Oelsner. Sjöberg, Philadelphia, 1989: 177-180. 59) See the discussion in OSP II p. 55 (reference courtesy of Aa. Wes- 62) W. Nagel, “Eine Kupferschale mit Inschrift des Königs Manistussu,” tenholz). Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 1 (1970) 195. 57 OBJECTS WITH MESSAGES: READING OLD AKKADIAN ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS 58 the Borowski collection published by Sweet in 1981.63) In the appendix to this article, the two objects bearing Old Akkadian royal inscriptions from the Israel Museum will be published. In this review, I have tried to examine the development of the ideology of the early Mesopotamian national state and its political agenda. The ideological message is often built into the structure of how the message is conveyed, rather than what the message contains: “the medium is the message", as McLuhan has maintained.

Jerusalem, August 1997 Joan Goodnick WESTENHOLZ

Appendix: Old Akkadian Inscriptions in the Israel Museum

The following two objects were acquired by the Israel Museum in 1974. They come from the collection of the Rabbenu family from Iran, who bought it in the market in Teheran, Iran. 1. A copper bowl addressing Naramsin as conqueror of Armanum and Ebla, which was listed as Naramsin 11 Text C: Kunsthandel. It is now Isr. Mus. 74.49.99 and appears as RIME 2.1.4.26, collated by this reviewer. Dimensions: 8 cm high, 13 cm in diameter. It is complete, as can be seen in the photograph. It is probably the same bowl recorded by Peter Calmeyer, Datierbare Bronzen aus Luristan und Kirman- shah, Berlin, 1969, p. 28 no. 12B, and identical to the inscrip- tion on p. 161 no. 3.64)

2. Dedication of a maceheady by Karsum, governor of the city of Niqqum to Ilaba, perhaps for Naramsin, who is praised as conqueror not only of Armanum and Ebla, but also of Elam. The Israel Museum macehead is fragmentary, proba- bly representing approximately one-third of the original piece. Strangely enough, this macehead seems to be taller than those of the kings themselves (see above), being 25.5 cm in height and 17 cm in diameter (reconstructed). The height of the inscription is 12 cm and each line of text is 2.2 cm in width. The series of maceheads dedicated by Karsum are listed as Naramsin B7. It is now Isr. Mus. 74.49.95 and appears as RIME 2.1.4.2005, collated by this reviewer. The inscription is also found on five or six stone maceheads that were shown to the Louvre by a private collector, and the text The inscription reads as follows: was established from the three exemplars published in photo dNa-ra-am-dEN.ZU by M. Lambert (Orientalia NS 37 (1968) 85-86, pls. VIII-IX). da-num The Israel Museum macehead may or may not be related to LUGAL that group. ki-ib-ra-tim ar-ba-im The inscription reads as follows: SAG.GIS.RA [a-na] Ar-ma-nim.KI [Il-a-ba4] ù [dNa-ra-am-dEN.ZU] Eb-la.KI [d]a-[num] LUGAL ki-ib-ra-tim 63) R.F.G. Sweet, in Ladders to Heaven, Art Treasures from Lands of the Bible, ed. O.W. Muscarella, Toronto, 1981, 79-81. ar-ba-im 64) Thus, RIME 2 p. 136 should be corrected as referring to ex. 4 rather SAG.GIS.RA than 3 which is apparently a plaque. Ar-ma-nim.KI 59 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LV N° 1/2, Januari-April 1998 60

ù E[b]-l[a.KI] [ù] [NIM.KI] [A.MU.RU] [Kàr-sum] [su SUKKAL-li] [ÉNSI] [Ni-qum.KI] [IR11-su]