Rodrigues, R 2014 The Dilemmas of Pacification: News of War and Peace stability in the ‘Marvelous City’. Stability: International Journal of Security & Development, 3(1): 22, pp. 1-16, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/sta.dt

RESEARCH ARTICLE The Dilemmas of Pacification: News of War and Peace in the ‘Marvelous City’ Robson Rodrigues*

This article is a reflection on police work carried out in Rio de Janeiro favelas,1 from the viewpoint of someone who works in the field as a police manager in an effort to present the risks, opportunities, mistakes and achievements of the Pacifying Police Units (UPPs), within the process of ‘pacification’ currently underway in Rio de Janeiro. The empirical data, based on observations recorded by the author during his time as coordinator of the UPPs,2 serves as a counterpoint to academic research produced on the subject.

Introduction This is legitimacy in the political sense, There is no standard definition for exactly based on persuasion through consensus what police do (Monjardet 2003). Their building and consideration of all stakehold- activities vary depending on context and ers (Hanah Arendt 2007; Aguiar 2008). institutional arrangement. Despite these dif- In this sense, the police that we want to ferences, they face the same difficulties when legitimize must remain close to the parties the subject is use of force, since they wield affected, seeking consensus even when there the power of the state within their respec- are differences. For the purpose of this paper, tive territories. Arrangements where preven- ‘approximation’ refers to state actions which tion dominates normally indicate a certain aim at this legitimacy and which include advance in a ‘civilizing process’ (Elias 1994) society as a participant in the development whereas repression is a sign that something of public policies. ‘Segregation’ on the has gone awry in society, in the police insti- other hand refers not only to actions which tution, or both. However, the challenge for exclude, but to inaction due to the absence police in a democratic state is to strike the of any public policies. Approximation does right balance between legitimate coercion not necessarily mean physical proximity, but and prevention. Given effective manage- a convergence of interests especially in a civi- ment, under a modern conception of police, lized context in which the main aim is non- legitimacy is the most precious attribute. violence, that is, peace. The more legitimate the police are perceived Previous research provides numerous to be, the lower the need for physical force, examples of this horizontal and respectful their primary resource. approximation to which I refer to in the pre- sent article. As for public security, Skolnick & Bailey (2002) have analysed community * Senior Researcher, Igarapé Institute, Brazil policing and other varieties such as proxim- [email protected] ity and problem solving policing in many Art. 22, page 2 of 16 Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification countries. Examples of this stance can be in the southern zone of the city, with the state’s found in other political settings too. For highest Human Development Index (HDI) instance, Santos (2005) shows good prac- score (and one of the highest in the country), tices of participatory democracy as an alter- is located adjacent to Rocinha, Brazil’s largest native to representative democracy, which favela, which has one of the lowest. is still dominant and practiced in many These contrasts also represent a potential countries, especially in the peripheral ones. for conflict which become evident when they With regard to Brazil, the author mentions are intensified by discourses based on hate the Participatory Budget3 in Belo Horizonte and fear. To better understand policy choices, and Porto Alegre (Santos 2005: 561–592). not only must the practices that bring them On the other hand, vertical public policies about be investigated, but also the ‘collective are examples of a deliberate segregation of representations’5 that direct them. Up until communities by the state. For example, one now a ‘myth of fear,’ based on interactions can cite policies addressed at ‘silent’ com- in contexts where risk is strongly perceived, munity residents, where there is no room for predominate, even if there is no real signifi- dialogue or a possibility of effective partici- cant risk (Borges 2012). The myths about pation and resolution of conflicts, and these the favela, which primarily after ‘consolida- policies unfortunately are the reality in most tion,’6 were based on fear of a different and Brazilian favelas. A sociological study car- unknown ‘other,’ transformed the favela into ried out already in the 1970s in the favela of a natural place for violence and criminal activ- Jacarezinho in Rio de Janeiro (Santos 1977) ity, consequently setting off violent reactions shows that these old problems are repro- from society and the state, in their different duced even today. Santos shows how peo- dimensions: physical, symbolic and structural ple in these deliberately segregated spaces (Souza e Silva 2010). This ‘criminalization of resorted to solving their conflicts informally, poverty,’ as Wacquant (2001) has put it has either because they did not believe in formal lead to Brazil having the fourth largest prison state institutions or because these institu- population in the world, made up largely tions were indeed not capable of dealing from black and brown favela residents with- with their conflicts. Therefore, instead of a out regular employment, who tend to be naturalization of a belief in modern equal- drug users or members of the drug trade. ity, what happened was a naturalization of This has also led to segregation, particularly structural inequality which was exacerbated in relation to favelas, which are seen as zones by this historical segregation. of danger. This resulted in the segregation of By considering what actually happens in Rio de Janeiro, and the widespread notion of the field we can see to what extent this ideal the favela as a dangerous place. is actually achieved by institutions. Whether This trend appears now to be reversing legitimacy is pursued through segregation itself with the Pacifying Police Units (UPPs) or approximation, policy choices depend on and the benefits have already been perceived context. In the case of Rio de Janeiro, sociopo- and measured (IBPS 2009; Cano 2012; CESec litical, historical and economic complexities, 2012, 2013; Rodrigues and Siqueira). They which would be a challenge for any police are accompanied by great expectations. force in the world, provide clues to the his- However, there is still concern over violence, torical approach of segregation. The natural political corruption and armed conflict. wonders of a ‘Marvelous City’ contrast with When combined with the absence or lack the structural inequalities, wavering democ- of social policies and the slow process of racy and a patchwork social geography of a urbanization, this raises uncertainty about ‘Segregated City’ (Leite 2000).4 For example, the sustainability of public policy (IBPS Gávea, an upper-middle-class neighborhood 2009; Machado da Silva 2010; Cano 2012). Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification Art. 22, page 3 of 16

The question that one must ask here is: Is assume responsibility for public security in this change permanent or just another tem- the states, viewing the problem of crime porary solution to segregation? from an ideological perspective of national security. In this sense, the work of General War and peace: Representations and Nilton Cerqueira7 as Secretary of Public practices in public security policies Safety for the state was emblematic. The To be able to talk about peace in Rio de perception was that crime spread due to Janeiro, one must understand a little about the lenience of leftist policies, in this case the ‘war’ over the last three decades. It is not those of former Governor Leonel Brizola.8 a war, in the conventional political sense of Cerqueira responded by creating a financial the word, but an imagined one; socially con- reward for ‘acts of bravery’ for policemen structed ideas that operate practices that, in who risked their lives while fighting crime, turn, reinforce this very image, producing a soon thereafter known as the ‘Wild West spiral of meanings that take hold according bonus’ because it encouraged the death to the interests at play (Bourdieu 2005). of the enemy9 (Cano 2003). The result was During this period a specific conflict one of the harshest and bloodiest repres- emerged in Rio de Janeiro between the police sions the state had ever experienced, and an and the favelas under the pretext that there increase in murder rates and controversial was organized crime operating in these justifications over resisting arrest.10 It is no spaces, notably drug trafficking. The results, coincidence that Cerqueira’s time as head we all know: poverty foretold by the neglect of Public Security (1995–1998) resulted in of the state, growing violence and, instead of the highest murder rates in the history of the end of drug trafficking, a strengthened the state. In 1995, the murder rate within drug economy and increased consumption. In Rio state peaked, with 61.8 homicides per its wake came higher murder rates, as well as 100,000 inhabitants, whereas in 1997 the an increase in police violence and extortion. capital’s murder rate reached a record of In the 1980s, with the political transition 53.7 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants.11 and greater availability of official statistics, It is likely that the media exaggerated in its Brazilian society began to take note of its coverage, displaying a scenario riddled with many problems. Expressions like ‘lost dec- stray bullets and military weapons, but the ade,’ ‘sky-high prices,’ ‘runaway inflation’ fact is that this was one of the country’s most and ‘escalation in violence,’ were often used, violent episodes. The image of drug traffick- indicating this widespread perception. It is ers wielding military-style weapons from from that time onward that public security atop their territories, usurped from the state, became important, not only because of the caused society to recoil and showed the inef- heightened perception of violence, but also fectiveness of the police against increasingly due to the real increases in crime rates. powerful ‘organized crime.’ The solution The end of the Cold War did not alleviate was then to arm the police for ‘war,’ which tensions between the state and society in Rio resulted in the greatest arms race in the his- de Janeiro, on the contrary, they increased. tory of the state.12 ‘War’ metaphors were used Against the backdrop of the ‘war on drugs’ in the construction of discourses that gave and globalization of crime, repression became the impression of a real war, which Michel focused, allowing the media to identify a new Foucault would characterize as ‘discursive threat to society emanating from the favela: practices’ (Foucault 2007). While drug traf- the new ‘dangerous classes’ (Coimbra 2001). fickers used the favela as their ‘military Even with re-democratization, the concept HQs,’ officials transformed it into a ‘theater of public safety was still vague and confused of operations,’ establishing their own ‘war’ with national security. Often generals would based on a ‘war on drugs,’ which at that time Art. 22, page 4 of 16 Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification had already been transformed into a moral occupied and transformed into fortifications crusade of global proportions.13 to protect the illegal businesses), much to the It is likely that many of the ‘acts of bravery’ despair of favela residents. As the volume of recognized through the ‘Wild West bonus’ transactions and working capital grow, the were used to officially record deaths that corruption and violence needed to maintain were in fact extrajudicial killings, like those the businesses also grow. that occurred in 1993 in the ‘Massacre at In this context, where drug traffickers Vigário Geral.’ Vigário Geral is a favela in the and clandestine police or militias find com- northern zone of the city, where 21 residents mon objectives, reproducing practically the were cruelly executed. Investigations suggest same factional logic for economic purposes, the motive was the breach of a pact of corrup- the war ends up maintaining the ideal invis- tion between police and local drug traffickers, ibility for the proliferation of violent illegal who on the previous evening had ambushed markets, far from the control of the state and a police car and killed all of its occupants, the fearful eyes of society. The police model, including the leader of a rival group. Despite therefore, adapted itself well to the histori- the inability of the criminal justice system to cal segregation promoted by the state and try and convict all those involved, some clues its policies for verticalized social control, emerged that allow us to understand how the where the affected communities had been criminal underworld works, primarily when the victims. ‘war’ fuels a criminal market for extortion. The Despite this tendency towards segregation, key witness, who had been an informant for there have been isolated attempts at approx- both of the sides of the dispute, clearly identi- imation. However, these were not system- fied the ‘spoils of war’ as a natural incentive to atic and hardly changed anything, especially run his own business. in the face of a global criminality that was Often the deliberate segregation of the affecting the reality of Rio de Janeiro ever favela produces a vacuum where alterna- more, particularly in favelas.14 One of the first tive types of survival and social organiza- initiatives was the CIPOC (Centro Integrado tion emerge whose frontiers, separating the de Policiamento Comunitário or Centre for moral fields of formality/informality and Community Policing) in the favela Cidade de legality/illegality, are tenuous and flexible. Deus, which was based on American mod- They contain a mix of activities of an under- els of community policing, and which com- ground economy that include motorcycle bined social policies with public security. The taxis, vans, clandestine cable TV providers CIPOC was the beginning of what was later or ‘gatonet,’ clandestine electrical connec- to become the UPPs. In the meantime, how- tions or ‘gatos,’ street cleaning, street par- ever, there has been no progress regarding ties or ‘bailes funk,’ but also markets for a systematic approximation strategy to pre- drugs, weapons and the fencing of goods vent violence and crime. Nor has there been or ‘robauto.’ As activities that are invisible support from the political community to fol- and untaxed by the state, they are ripe for low up these initiatives, which simply did not criminal activity that generally goes beyond extend beyond the involvement of the police. the original creators, generating networks of Attempts at approximation were therefore corruption and violence used both by crimi- subverted by a lack of understanding of the nals and the clandestine police. new global crime scenario, and a lack of polit- Given this situation and an archaic police ical support and critical assessment of poli- model, created within a hierarchical and segre- cies which had been copied from contexts gationist context where it is difficult to deter- different from our own. Approximation was mine who should be controlled or repressed, seen as naïve and ineffective against the fire many favelas have been violently fought over, power of the drug traffickers, which—with Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification Art. 22, page 5 of 16 the help of the media—was expanding visibly eight in the southern zone, 23 in the north- within favelas. ern zone, two in the western zone, three in the center of the city and one outside the Building ‘peace’ state capital, inaugurated recently in the When the first UPP emerged, no one believed favela Mangueirinha, in the city of Duque de there was an alternative to policing by wag- Caxias.19 SESEG’s goal is to have least 40 UPPs ing ‘war.’ As the program progressed, people and 12,500 military policemen in place by began to believe more in its potential.15 This the end of 2014. No other community polic- freed up a symbolic space where repressive ing programme20 in the world can compare. ideologies were being fomented. It is possi- Although institutionally still precarious, ble that the UPPs have helped to deconstruct the UPP is equivalent to, within the organiza- the myths about the favela, establishing tional structure of the Military Police of the approximation where before there was just State of Rio de Janeiro (PMERJ), a military a theater of operations. This is why pacifica- company displaced from its original head- tion, which is still incipient, precarious, and quarters, which is the battalion. It receives provisional in some aspects, represents a administrative support from the battalion of dramatic improvement on the path to public the area where it is located, while responsi- security; an audacious movement of approxi- bility for operations falls to the Pacification mation in the exact place where the ‘war’ was Police Coordinator, created in the same exec- naturalized. The question is whether it can utive order that provided the first institu- be sustained for the long term as an approxi- tional outline for the UPP.21 Local operational mation policy. command is exercised by a captain, who is The process of pacification currently under- assisted by other officials but, depending on way in Rio de Janeiro is being conducted by the size, staff and strategic importance, the the State Secretary of Public Safety (SESEG),16 unit could be commanded by a major. The through the installation of the UPPs in areas services are normally carried out by young under the control of violent armed groups.17 soldiers, who after training are sent directly It began in 2008 with the occupation by the to the UPP where they are supervised by Military Police of the favela Santa Marta, in corporals, sergeants and occasionally lieu- Botafogo, in the southern zone of Rio. The tenants. Their practices distinguish them, in following year it would become the state’s theory, from the conventional policing units first UPP. and controversial police operations, which in Although it was not initially christened a recent decades have focused on these areas UPP, because the idea had not yet become a of great social vulnerability. The proposal is— programme as it is today, the idea was that or should be—to enter and remain there prac- the police would remain and integrate with ticing so-called ‘proximity policing’ which, in the local community: a completely unprec- broad terms, uses the existing local solidarity edented approach. networks to jointly build a safe environment. The experience gained from previous The programme uses an occupation plan approximation efforts by the Military Police that is divided into four distinct phases, start- and some alignment around the idea of pub- ing with an initial eminently military inter- lic safety with citizenship on different levels vention, until the installation of the UPP of government were fundamental to the pro- itself. After the tactical intervention (phase gress of the occupations. After the city’s third I), there is a period of stabilization (phase UPP was inaugurated18 and the initiative was II), while awaiting the right moment for the received positively by society, a bolder plan arrival of the UPP (phase III), at which time was developed. Today there are 37 UPPs, monitoring and evaluation (phase IV) should with 9,073 Military Police in 252 favelas; be carried out simultaneously. Despite all of Art. 22, page 6 of 16 Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification these specifications about the preparations the disappearance of visible drug trafficking, of the environment for the arrival of the UPP, weapons of war and traumatic police incur- nowhere in the plan are there any details sions, and a drastic reduction in gunfights, on how ‘proximity’ should be achieved. The stray bullets, intentional homicides (primarily plan, therefore, is basically a military occupa- those that resulted from police activity) and tion, since it is clear that its greatest concern also greater social control over the police, is with the initial phases (I and II), to the det- local criminal activity and greater freedom of riment of the latter phases. This gap should movement for residents. On the other hand, have been filled by the Public Security there are more reports of non-lethal violence, Institute (ISP) through the creation of a such as bodily harm, threats, fights and rapes, ‘Pacification Police Programme,’ as provided as well as defiance of authority and conflict in for in the executive order that structured the families and between neighbors.23 UPP. However, it has yet to be addressed.22 A reasonable explanation for the rise in the On the one hand the UPP maintains a number of reports of defiance of authority is sophisticated media strategy (see Mello 2010) the perception by those who work in a UPP in order to deconstruct ‘war’ and consequently of greater social control over their activities construct ‘peace,’ which distinguishes it from (CESeC 2010, 2012). The police, because they other previous ‘proximity policing’ initiatives. feel more controlled, policemen begin to reg- However, the same effort is not replicated in ister the conflicts they have with residents as other aspects of the project, such as its insti- defiance of authority in order to protect them- tutional structure, training of its members, selves from future disciplinary action. This investment in digital security and information can also occur out of a lack of knowing how technology. This reveals negligence precisely to deal with issues that emerge from the new where the proposal was to be different: the model, such as, for example, disturbing the ability to promote proximity. peace and the conflicting use of public spaces The programme has also been criticized (CESeC 2013; Cano 2012). The police abuses because of the fact that occupations hap- and/or the reaction of some residents to the pened mainly in favelas that were dominated authority of the state shows a crisis of legiti- by drug dealers and not by militias. In prac- macy. This is why these reports are being mon- tice, the tactics for pacification are still based itored by the CPP, for lack of a better indicator. on a logic of fighting drug trafficking, though Another interesting fact is that arrests for now at least with greater regulatory focus. In drug trafficking have increased, even though other words, the de facto war requires a war drug trafficking is less visible. Seizures of to retake the fortified territories. weapons have also increased, primarily fear- In this way, pacification is presented as an some large-caliber weapons used previously open-ended approximation process, whose in violent territorial disputes. With regard to construction also depends on the daily prac- drug seizures, if before they were sporadic, tices of its participants. We can find many but in large amounts, with the UPPs they have references that inspire them, in both official become more frequent, in smaller amounts and unofficial discourse, and representations being seized. This has led to a less visible and that populate the collective imagination of less violent level of drug trafficking, which the police, as we will see further ahead. police have characterized as ‘ant-like.’ The increase in non-lethal crime has been Established peace generally attributed to a combination of fac- Despite local specificities, research suggests tors, such as a burgeoning demand which that the favelas that have been occupied by was previously repressed by criminal control the UPPs have certain features in common now replaced by informal mechanisms of (Cano 2012; Rodrigues and Siqueira 2012; conflict resolution, the presence of police CESeC 2010, 2012 & 2013) among them: and greater credibility of state agencies. The Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification Art. 22, page 7 of 16 fact is that, although homicides have fallen, and assessment, pacification can instead be levels of ‘violent sociability’ persist (Machado said to be based on often ambiguous official da Silva 2009). Changing this requires appro- discourses, some academic research, a timid priate conflict mediation approaches. standardization and on a day-by-day learning One fact is worth mentioning: the profile process through the intuition and improvisa- of those involved in these non-lethal vio- tion of the people who are directly involved lent incidents, which are now more widely in the programme. reported, appears to coincide with that of There has been a radical shift in the pub- the victims and perpetrators of homicides lic security rhetoric of the state regarding the that predominated earlier. Generally, they fight against organized crime in favelas. This are young black males, ranging in age from can be perceived in the official discourses of 18 to 29. Similarly, those responsible for inci- the officials and managers of the Pacification dents of resistance, defiance of authority and programme, notably the governemnet, SESEG disobedience, also fit this same profile. Given and police agencies, as well as in media out- that most of the police at the UPP are also put. Instead of harsh repression, a hallmark of in this age range, it can be thought of as a the 1990s, the police have now begun, with specific male generational conflict between the UPPs, to prioritize the prevention of vio- young policeman and young local residents. lence and crime; to establish—or reestablish— Alba Zaluar suggests that an ‘ethos of hyper- relations based on trust with the community masculinity’ can lead ‘some young people of and to jointly build effective community net- the male sex to risk their lives in drug traf- works capable of producing local safety. ficking in search of recognition through the However, increasingly frequent prob- use of fear’ (Zaluar 2009). Something similar lems appear to reveal a certain distance appears to occur in the eminently military between the model proposed in these dis- education of PMERJ cadets, which is more courses and what is actually practiced in focused on the logic of ‘war’ (Silva 2011). the UPPs. It should be noted that, although Both groups experience a virile and violent the UPP does not have a set public policy in socialization during the social construction the formal sense, it is under construction, of their respective identities, and are at odds with each unit presenting different circum- with each other from that time onward. On stances, some more, and others less like the one side are those who, in theory, assimilate model proclaimed in the official discourses. what Max Weber defined as the ‘legitimate Nevertheless, this does not invalidate it as a violence’ of the state, and on the other, those successful policy. Its results are more promis- that, a contrario sensu, internalize the ille- ing than those of the ‘war on drugs.’ gitimate violence, rejecting Weber’s ‘rational- Pacification and approximation can also legal authority’ (Weber 1999). be presumed based on these daily practices Although these clues point to important and the representations that direct them. aspects of pacification to be considered in But, whatever the case, approximation or carrying out the project, they lack detailed segregation, the ‘favela’ has invariably been comprehensive research. In practice, approx- the stage for police operations, despite the imation, in its many paths and contexts, gen- conceptual controversies that it has stirred erates not only conflict, but also important up (Ramos & Paiva 2007). The official justi- lessons which deserve to be systematized. fication, in the case of the UPPs, appears to point to more than one of the representa- Presumed peace tions of the favela: the need to re-integrate it In the absence of a systematic pacification with the rest of the city to interrupt the cycle programme in the true sense of the word, of violence that appears to be generated with concrete goals, concepts, strategies from its territorial dynamics. It is evident and above all adequate tools for monitoring that, despite these expectations, the UPP Art. 22, page 8 of 16 Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification will not resolve the problems of public secu- and stigmatizing prejudice often make it rity of the state by operating in the favelas, impossible for the police to see the range of as some might imagine. To believe in this is relations and participants that make up local to insist on a simplistic view of public safety structures. Because of biased perceptions, that reduces it to an eminently police prob- very often, the presence of drug trafficking is lem based on the myths about the favela, morally contaminating for those who have to ignoring fundamental participants outside live with it on a daily basis. This is a mistake the focus of its problems, including those that needs to be corrected so that efforts at of the criminal justice system. Weapons and ‘approximation’ are not compromised. What drugs, for example, require specific investi- we see is that the police still concentrate gations that are not limited to state territory primarily on drug trafficking, despite the and that go beyond the mandate of the mili- changes that have occurred in the criminal tary police. dynamic as a result of the UPP. Most of the time they report incidents related to drug Peace practiced trafficking to the Coordinator’s Office for The gap in the UPP programme gives it a the Pacification Police.24 However, incidents certain practical plasticity, leaving it open to recorded by the police stations, entered into be built day-by-day, which in the beginning the database of the Institute of Public Safety benefited from the contribution of partici- (ISP), show a considerable increase in other pants that normally would not have done so types of conflict that could be key to under- in the case of a formal construction, such as standing this process. Most of them fall out- local leaders and police. But today, with the side the focus produced by structures of an expansion of the programme, this is more old paradigm. of a threat than an opportunity for strategic There is a clear need for proper training management. so that the police can better understand this This gap is perceived as having been filled ‘field of disputes’ in which it has become a by a broad framework of know-how ranging participant (Grynzspan 2004). The risk is from ‘shoot-beat-and-bomb,’ an expression when, inadvertently, they produce conflicts used to refer to police operations based on that are not conducive to the objectives the logic of war, to superficial and unwork- of pacification. There are new participants able ‘nice guy policing,’ which sees the UPP like NGOs, companies, social programmes, as an opportunity to improve the image of homeowner associations, the administrative the police. It is likely that the problems that region and more recently, militias. But, some- currently face the UPPs, primarily the cases how drug trafficking ends up receiving more of deviations and arbitrary use of force, have attention than the others. to do with this poor managerial control. Regardless of the meaning that the term Drug trafficking ‘community’ may evoke, each favela presents It must be understood that each of these a different set of circumstances. Even a single participants represents complex institutions. favela is a mosaic of internal stratifications, Drug trafficking, for example, has various spe- physical and symbolic borders, histories and cialties and divisions of social work which are specific needs. The process of pacification poorly understood. Without this understand- depends on many factors, but, primarily, ing, it is likely that the UPP police will still on the participation of local leaders, police view the favela through their understanding and residents, and an understanding of this about favelas, where this illegal and violent dynamic to build consensus. market may be over or underestimated. For Pacification unveils novelties for a police a more realistic view, one must understand force that in recent decades has focused the dynamics, structures of loyalty and hierar- almost exclusively on drug trafficking. Bias chies in a more systematic manner. Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification Art. 22, page 9 of 16

For example, not all who take part in police. This enables a deconstruction of the drug trafficking receive an equal share of myths about the favela in practice. However, the spoils, like the public might imagine patience is necessary. In contrast, pure and based on reports from the media. When the simple repression, appears quickly and tends media discusses drug trafficking, increasing to destroy these local networks to the disad- the criminal prestige of the ‘owners of the vantage of the police, generating segregation favela,’ it also indirectly curtails their free and a host of related problems. movement in the formal city. With the UPPs, Even without an institutional pedagogical their mobility is even further restricted and plan, it is important to encourage co-opera- some are arrested or flee to other hiding tion and practical understanding between places—that are quickly disappearing due to the police and community residents, aim- the pacification. A proper understanding of ing in this way at gradually destabilising the the dynamics and more effective cooperation criminal structure of the area. Although a with other participants would make the UPP democratic way of negotiation and mitiga- more effective and, consequently, improve tion of differences might still be unfamiliar public security. to professionals who are never used to even There have been cases of drug dealers hearing about these methods, it is crucial to who were forced to leave their territorial maintain this strategy in order to reach the domains after occupation, but who still tried goals of pacification. It is also important to to maintain control of their criminal opera- build an institutional body of knowledge tions through intimidation from a distance. about these relationships and the different At times there have been more extreme acts interests at play in order to be able act stra- of violence, such as shootings and attempted tegically in the complex battlefield of the murder between opponents. Therefore even favelas. In the absence of this institutional despite effective police work in an area, vio- knowledge building, there is a greater risk lent acts orchestrated by those who fear los- that obtained information will be spread by ing their local hegemonic control, are likely policemen in a clandestine fashion. to occur. Such seemingly impulsive behav- Some of the violent conflicts between iour in reality indicates some calculation, police officers and criminals suggest that, especially when they occur in UPPs where even with the presence of a UPP, some police approximation is well underway and where officers, for whom ‘war’ is a particularised the loss of control could lead to considerable means instead of an end in itself may still financial losses for the drug dealers. resort to old criminal practices. In such cases, The risk of not understanding these the process of approximation is jeopardised dynamics in a more realistic way is that apart not by a lack of proper training of police offic- from an insensitivity towards the community, ers or an appropriate understanding of the the older structures of the former policing local structures. On the contrary, the process model will be reproduced in these contexts. is damaged by a mere localised understand- Very often the reaction of the police, because ing of these structures that maintain illegal it cannot resist the tempation to resort to old businesses which thrive in the absence of methods, is too impulsive, thereby undoing formal mechanisms of control. In the UPPs the success that has already been achieved where these diversions were detected, it through pacification. However, when the was clear that the project stagnated or even police form networks of trust with other par- receded due to the distrust of the local popu- ticipants, this brings tranquility to their work lation, and this happened even when the environment and reduces the risk of them criminals had been arrested. returning to old habits. To get to this stage Both the emotional ‘war,’ the product of a a mutual humanizing learning process must moralist state authoritarianism that pits good take place between favela residents and the against evil, and the rational ‘war,’ designed Art. 22, page 10 of 16 Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification to provide clandestine profits through the the different and divergent parties at play. sale of ‘political merchandise,’ (Misse 1999) The question is knowing up to what point are predatory and fritter away the capital these parties are capable of working within of approximation, which is its legitimacy. It this idea. Since the training of the military is important that this threat be continually police is still based on eminently military monitored. To do so, it is necessary to invest models rather than more modern training in proactive and reactive correction so that methods (Silva 2011), the development of the objectives of pacification are quickly individual leadership in a dialogic scenario achieved. Although greater informal control that would be necessary for peace is not is perceived over police activity, the lack of prioritized. Skills such as hearing, listening, appropriate technology and, many times, and being perceptive are almost annihi- the authoritarian and arrogant culture that lated in the formation of military discipline infests many of our institutions (including and obedience. However, these are abso- the police) has stymied a quick institutional lutely necessary and should be encouraged response. There is no systemized control of through this dialogic paradigm which aims police activities; there are not enough cam- at the construction of peace. Unfortunately, eras, data or information systems to moni- this is not happening. Therefore the pro- tor predatory activity and aid in legitimate gramme will be dependent mostly on the approximation. talent and intuition of individual officers and on those who are innate leaders, when Relations with other actors it could also be guided by other, adequately The favela has many different meanings and trained and improved, types of leadership. In uses, depending on the perspectives and the some UPPs, there is room for dialogue and interests of the actors who have a stake in legitimate police actions, whereas in others this ‘battlefield’ (Grynszpan 2004). In gen- there is only a physical police presence with- eral, the structures of this field are different out any concern for legitimisation (CESeC depending on the favela, but some points 2013; Cano 2012). Generally, what happens in common enable us to observe important and when it happens is an intuitive approxi- trends for the planning of approximation. mation with those other actors who have In this sense, interaction with participants, managed to maintain the programme with aimed at convergence of interests, has been a certain coherence. However, because of a fundamental. However, the situation often lack of proper understanding, this often ends changes depending on individual capac- up being more chaotic than effective, lead- ity and whether leaders understand their ing to conflicts and unnecessary damage to roles. Participants, such as the Residents the programme. Associations, NGOs, social programmes, pri- This is the case, for example, with regard vate companies, the administrative region and to the open-air dances or bailes funk and young people, are either in favor or against other cultural projects created by young par- the new participant: the UPP. Depending on ticipants. Often, due to negative perceptions, the UPP’s approach and the capacity for coor- these events are seen as drug trafficking pro- dination, these interactions with participants jects and are not used as possible channels for can result in cooperation or conflict. The approximation with a group that, as we have greatest risk is that the police will eventually seen, is key to the prevention of violence and, replace drug traffickers as the new ‘owners of consequently, to the process of peace. the favela’ (Cano 2012). Therefore, the main factors that still In a field as complex and dynamic as the contribute to strategic errors are: a lack of favela, synergy has to be developed on a daily understanding and proactivity needed for basis in order to reach consensus between approximation due to the lack of appropriate Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification Art. 22, page 11 of 16 specific training; the old police structures since before the start of pacification. The only still producing the ‘war’ mentality; the resist- difference is there is a provisional internship ance to pacification from young policemen of the pacification police, which was impro- who, with their ‘ethos of hyper-masculinity,’ vised by the CPP to reduce the impact of a are more receptive to the adrenalin provided war-like education and prepare policemen by the reactive model of policing than the for the situations they would encounter in model of peace; and the individual interest the favelas. in the benefits that predatory war can offer. For each of these problems there should be Final Considerations an institutional solution. Solutions, however, UPPs represents a transition from the tra- are not forthcoming. Perhaps it is necessary ditional highly reactive model of policing to rethink the SESEG’s prioritization of recent to a modern proactive model based on the graduates for the UPPs, in favor of those truly prevention of violence and crime. It is not committed and trained for pacification. a ready-made project, but one under con- A special pedagogical training project struction, and which still depends much for UPP policemen was requested by CPP on individual skill and local leadership to SESEG, which so far has not been imple- both from policemen and other key partici- mented in the same way as the Pacifying pants. This makes it variable and inconstant. Police Programme. At that time, the project Nevertheless, UPPs have produced many pos- had been designed as an urgent and provi- itive outcomes. The main one is the ‘cease- sional solution for the problem of the pro- fire’ (Rodrigues and Siqueira 2012) resulting fessional profile of the UPP, which must be regaining territorial control of the most dan- governed by the concept of ‘proximity polic- gerous favelas. ing’ and which is entirely different from Change always brings crisis and rupture conventional policing methods. In practi- where the old paradigm clashes with the cal terms, this training course would offer a new; this forms a normal part of the tran- solution for the UPP problem, but not for the sition process. However, the lack of clearly military police as a whole. Therefore the UPP defined objectives leads to uncertainties, should be seen as a pilot project, in which not only for society as a whole but also for all the necessary changes for the police as a the police force involved in the process. The whole should be first implemented, so that biggest problem is when due to a lack of sys- the pacification programme can move for- tematic measures, crises are interpreted as ward. Unfortunately, this strategy to reform a failure of the whole pacification project, the police has been discarded by SESEG. especially when the temptation to resort to Nevertheless, since 2013 the PMERJ has been old practices is not resisted. These practices developing a more comprehensive strategic result in the opposite of approximation, reconfiguration project for the UPPs as well leading to segregation and all its preda- as the entire police force with the aim of tory effects. Due to this segregation, acts implementing ‘proximity policing’ through- of violence emerge; not only state violence, out Rio state by 2016. The project also has which appeals to authoritarians and police a specific strategic action plan to change ‘warriors,’ but above all a secret and instru- the entire educational system, also by 2016. mental violence, which creates an ideal envi- However, this seems too long for a process ronment for a wide range of underground which was begun in 2009 and is already out- criminal activities. dated and in urgent need of adaptation. There is still much to be done to secure a Today, basic police education in the Center sustainable peace. There is also an immense for Education and Improvement of Garrisons social divide due to the historical segrega- (CFAP) continues in practically the same way tion that needs to be quickly reversed so that Art. 22, page 12 of 16 Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification these informal spaces can finally be mini- If this is not the objective, a wider reform mized. These are not just priorities for the of police forces might not even be needed, police, but for an entire society that longs for since the issue can be solved with more of pacification. the same. In this case, our concern is no The facts established in quantitative longer quality, but quantity; the number of and qualitative research are helpful, but it police officers needed to reach the ‘goals is important to create indicators suitably of the programme,’ and not the quality of adjusted to the program to ensure good these resources. These goals have been management through constant and effective reached to a reasonable degree through an monitoring. Approximation and prevention accelerated ‘production of’ police officers, indicators are not easy to create, primarily which however causes institutional, opera- when there is no systemized collection of tional and mostly emotional issues to the data or even appropriate digital systems. For ones who try to carry out pacification in a this reason SESEG hired a specialized consul- coherent manner. Therefore, the objective tancy, but its product needs to be made avail- should be quality. able to managers as quickly as possible. It is important to understand that the UPP It is important to invest in digital and alone will not resolve the complex problems social technology that provides support of public safety, despite the expectation cre- for pacification. If this does not happen, it ated in the media that it can. The exclusive will be just another project based on a vast focus on the favela may be a signal that the amount of human resources, but not neces- old representations are being reproduced, sarily on the quality and training of these which probably obfuscates the perception of resources. Technologies are urgently needed a large part of public security problems. It is for social prevention and public security that necessary to consider that, with the ‘demo- enable rationalization of these resources; cratic invasion’ of the 1990s not only the for the gathering of information, systema- forces of the ‘criminal economy’ of drug traf- tization and analysis of data on prevention ficking were freed (Napoleoni 2010), but also activities that enable effective planning, the forces of silent crime, less visible and vio- with analyses of correlations between what lent, which probably impacts other environ- is done, the intended outcome and what is ments of Rio de Janeiro (not just the favela), actually achieved. without attracting so much attention. Today these non-criminal data are still The media’s focus on the UPP is an example invisible to the institution for various rea- of the paradox of nonviolent crime, despite sons, but primarily due to inadequate police being equally predatory, and enabling the structure. An urgent reform of police institu- well-known and feared players of the favela tions is therefore necessary. Otherwise, the to continue. Other important participants, risk of replicating previous models remains including the criminal justice system itself, high. To reduce this risk, ambiguities must be also end up overshadowed, which in the end removed from official discourses, and what requires even more from the UPPs. is institutionally desired from the process of If ‘war’ was socially constructed even pacification must be decided. To do this, it is before it actually existed, nowadays ‘peace’ necessary to first state and understand what is constructed through a sophisticated strat- a UPP actually is. The executive order that egy of media communication. However, it is provided the minimum structure is still pro- about time this so-called “peace” became an visory, addressing specifically the initial war, effective and efficient peace. Otherwise, this which although necessary, cannot be seen as will only be an isolated, if more far-ranging, an end in itself, but rather as a beginning of measure, with more sophisticated media a peace to be consolidated in the medium to appeal and with more political involvement, long term. but still only yet another story of segregation Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification Art. 22, page 13 of 16 among the many we have seen so far. Public ‘urbanization policies’ and the appropria- policies cannot survive on goodwill alone. tion of its space by drug trafficking. 7 General in the Brazilian Army who in Author Information 1981, during the military dictatorship, Robson Rodrigues da Silva is a Senior had already commanded the PMERJ (Mili- Researcher at the Instituto Igarapé, a Colonel tary Police of the State of Rio de Janeiro) in the Military Police, the former General and who from 1995–1998 was Secretary Co-ordinator of the Unidades de Polícia of Public Security during the Marcelo Pacificadora (UPPs) and the former Chief of Alencar administration. Staff of the Military Police of the State of Rio 8 In his return to Brazil, Brizola, who had de Janeiro (PMERJ). He holds a BA in Law from gone into exile after the military coup of the Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro 1964, was the first governor of the state (UERJ) and an MA in Anthropology from the elected by direct vote after the dictator- Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF). ship. His discourse emphasized respect for human rights, especially those in the Notes favelas, which was his political base. 1 Self-built communities of mostly low- 9 It was symptomatic that the ‘Wild West income people. bonus’ was created during the General 2 Other data can be collected and confirmed Cerqueira’s term in office. The General had with the CPP, by e-mail comandoupp. become notorious in the military dictator- [email protected] or through its website ship for having, while still a major in the at: www.coordenadoriaupp.com.br. Army, planned and commanded ‘Operation 3 The Participatory Budget, as analysed by Pajussara’ in 1971 in Bahia which killed the Santos, is an important example of par- former captain and army deserter, Carlos ticipatory democracy, which was begun Lamarca, an active member of the armed in Porto Alegre and then replicated in guerrillas and main leader of the Revo- other cities in Brazil and abroad. It means lutionary Popular Vanguard (VPR). See that civil society itself decides or at least Miranda & Silva Filho (1989). influences the distribution of resources 10 Administrative method for registering in the legislative budgetary process. murders carried out by agents of the state 4 The construction of these different and in the performance of their duties. antagonistic representations regarding 11 According to data from Instituto Bra- the city of Rio de Janeiro. sileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), 5 As Durkheim (1964) has put it, “[T]he available at http://seriesestatisticas.ibge. kingdom of ends and impersonal truths gov.br/series.aspx?vcodigo=MS4 [Last can realize itself only by the co-operation accessed 10 April 2014]. of particular wills, and the reasons for 12 In 1994, when the Army came to support which these participate in it are the same the state’s fight against organized crime as those for which they co-operate. In a and the so-called ‘Operation Rio’ (Coim- word, there is something impersonal in bra 2001), the military police received us because there is something social in on loan for this mission their first Light all of us, and since social life embraces at Automatic Rifle (FAL), which would soon once both representations and practices, become its standard weapon. this impersonality naturally extends to 13 For a historic analysis of this event, see ideas as well as to acts,” (p. 446). ‘Anatomia de um erro’ [Anatomy of an 6 The phenomenon of ‘consolidation of the error], in part I by Buergiman (2011). ‘favela’ is described by Mariana Cavalcanti 14 To understand the insensitivity with (2009), as a result of two social processes: regard to these impacts, including from the change from ‘removal policies’ to the Academy, see Zaluar (2000). Art. 22, page 14 of 16 Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification

15 Some research has confirmed an increase 22 Article 10, State Executive Order 42.787 in these expectations with regard to the charged ISP with the monitoring of activi- UPPs, despite the problems (IBPS 2009; ties at the UPPs on a biannual basis, with Mapear 2010; FGV 2009). A recent study regard to their quantitative and qualita- by the Instituto Data Favela, published in tive aspects, as well as the development the media, showed that despite the prob- of a ‘Pacification Police Program (PPP),’ lems, 75 per cent of the residents of the which should ‘contain, among other top- favelas approve of the UPPs. Available at ics, its objectives, concepts, strategies, http://memoria.ebc.com.br/agenciabra- indicators and evaluation methodology.’ sil/noticia/2013-11-04/quase-30-dos- 23 The criminal data recorded by UPPs can moradores-de-favelas-ja-se-sentiram-dis- be found on the ISP web site. criminados-diz-pesquisa [Last accessed 24 The Pacification Police Coordinator’s 12 April 2014]. Office (CPP) at the time created a data- 16 SESEG is the state executive branch base for the analysis of operational activi- agency responsible for planning and ties of the UPPs. It was called the Perma- developing policy for public security. nence Database, because it contained Under its auspices are two police forces police reports from each unit for collec- that, according to Brazilian legislation, tion online and in real time 24 hours a share the function of preserving pub- day. Preliminary data about police reports lic order in the state. The Military Police and most striking information is included of the State of Rio de Janeiro (PMERJ) is in this database. responsible for patrolling and preventing crimes, while the Civil Police of the State References of Rio de Janeiro (PCERJ), is responsible Aguiar, O A 2008 Juízo de gosto e legitimi- for investigating crimes. dade em Hannah Arendt. Philósophos - 17 State Executive Order no. 42787, from Revista de Filosofia, [S.l.], 8(2). ISSN 1982– January 6, 2011, established the UPPs. 2928. Available at http://www.revistas. 18 This is the Jardim Batam UPP, inaugu- ufg.br/index.php/philosophos/article/ rated in the western zone on 18 February view/3215 [Last accessed 26 January 2009. 2014]. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/ 19 Data available at www.upprj.com/index. phi.v8i2.3215 php/historico. Arendt, H 2007 Entre o passado e o futuro. 20 Community Policing, Proximity Policing 6th ed. São Paulo: Perspectiva, pp. 127– and Problem-Oriented Policing are very 187. similar strategies, philosophies or prin- Borges, D 2012 O medo do crime na cidade do ciples that, in general, bring the police Rio de Janeiro. Uma análise sob a perspec- closer to the community to solve prob- tiva das Crenças de Perigo. Curitiba: Appris lems concerning local safety (Skolnick Bourdieu, P 2005 A economia das trocas and Bailey 2002). simbólicas. 6th ed. São Paulo: Perspectiva. 21 The regulation that legally established Burgierman, D R 2011 O fim da guerra. A the UPP is made up of two executive maconha e a criação de um novo sistema orders, the first is no. 41.650, from 21 para lidar com as drogas. São Paulo: Leya. January 2009, that created it in broad Cano, I 2003 Execuções sumárias no Bra- terms shortly after the occupation of sil. In: Execuções sumárias no Brasil – the favela Santa Marta. The second is 1997/2003. Rio de Janeiro: Justiça no. 42.787, from 6 January 2011, which Global/Núcleo de Estudos Negros. is more detailed, establishing a plan for Cano, I 2012 ‘Os Donos do Morro’: Uma occupation of the territories where the avaliação exploratória do impacto das UPPs will be installed. Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPPs) Rodrigues: The Dilemmas of Pacification Art. 22, page 15 of 16

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How to cite this article: Rodrigues, R 2014 The Dilemmas of Pacification: News of War and Peace in the ‘Marvelous City’. Stability: International Journal of Security & Development, 3(1): 22, pp. 1-16, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/sta.dt

Published: 22 May 2014

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