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HETTITOLOGIE
HOFFNER, H.A., and H.C. MELCHERT — A Grammar of the Hittite Language. Part 1: Reference Grammar; Part 2: Tutorial. (Languages of the Ancient Near East 1/1 and 1/2). Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, 2008. (26 cm, 1: XXII, 468; 2: VI, 75). ISBN 978-1-57506-119-1; 978-1- 57506-148-1. $ 59.50; $ 22.50. For almost fifty years, the second edition of Friedrich’s Hethitisches Elementarbuch (Heidelberg 1960) has been 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 77
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serving as the standard reference grammar of the Hittite lan- morphosyntax of numerals, which were barely touched in the guage. At the moment of its publication, this was a reliable old grammar but receives very detailed treatment in the new volume written by a leading expert in the field. Yet the ongo- one (Chapter 9). The only feature of Friedrich’s book that has ing progress of Hittitology has rendered it obsolete in sev- no counterpart in the volume by Hoffner and Melchert is the eral aspects and fully justifies the creation of its updated sketch of Luvian grammar, but this omission is fully justified replacement. Within the domain of nominal morphology, it given the recent appearance of a far more detailed survey of is enough to mention the discovery of the ergative form in - the Luvian language in a different volume.1) ant- (§3.21), or the Old Hittite genitive plural ending -an Given the great significance of the work under review for (§3.23). To this one can add significant advances in the the field of Hittitology as a whole, it appears to be particu- understanding of the pronominal system, such as the identi- larly appropriate to address those points that can be easily fication of the clitic =summa/i ‘our’ (§ 6.4, fn. 3) or the dis- improved in its second edition. In what follows, I will con- tal demonstrative pronoun (§ 7.16). As a newly described centrate on the first volume, leaving the detailed discussion verbal category, one should single out the imperfective of the manual to those reviewers who have already had a aspect that can be marked with a number of lexically dis- chance to use it in a classroom setting. A recurrent problem tributed suffixes (§24.4), while e-fientives represent a newly in the reference grammar is the excessive and sometimes discovered verbal derivational class (§10.11-12). Even more counter-productive use of historical and comparative digres- importantly, the technique of dating Hittite texts based on sions. The authors claim to refer to prehistoric factors only their scripts has radically improved our ability to discrimi- in those cases where they feel “that they help elucidate fea- nate between archaisms and innovations on all the levels of tures of attested Hittite or are of broad interest”. There is Hittite grammar. nothing wrong with such an approach as long as the adduced There is no doubt, in my opinion, that the volumes under interpretations are universally accepted and formulated in review will be used as the standard reference source and the non-technical language. By contrast, randomly citing main teaching tool of Hittite in English-speaking countries diachronic hypotheses that remain sub iudice or are opaque for several decades to come. The academic background of to non-specialists can only undermine the readers’ confi- the authors of the new grammar guarantees its authoritative dence toward the synchronic part of the grammar. What fol- and up-to-date character. Harry A. Hoffner Jr. is a founding lows is a selection of comparative and historical remarks editor of the Chicago Hittite Dictionary, whose files have that, in my opinion, can be safely done away with in the been extensively used for the preparation of these volumes. future editions, irrespective of the ultimate truth-value of the He has been contributing to the field of Hittitology since the propositions cited. early sixties and has broad background in Ancient Near §12.21. The statement that uwate- ‘to lead here’, peÌute- Eastern philology. H. Craig Melchert is a professional lin- ‘to lead there’, wete- ‘to build’ and werite- ‘to be afraid’ are guist who has made himself a name as the leading special- all univerbations with the prehistoric root dheh1- ‘to put’ ist in the Indo-European languages of Ancient Anatolia and introduces a controversial historical claim into the synchronic is also known for his contributions to comparative Indo- description of this verbal class. The idea that uwate- contains European linguistics. One can hardly think of a better tan- *dheh1- was formerly rejected by one of the authors of the dem for co-authoring a reference work that is meant to be monograph under review,2) while there are other Indo-Euro- accessible to a diverse array of scholars, linguists, philolo- peanists who reject all four etymologies.3) On the other hand, gists, and historians. the verbs under discussion fall squarely under the broader The new grammar, like its predecessor, focuses on the syn- synchronic category of “vocalic alternating stems ending in chronic treatment of assured data and generally avoids for- e/a” (§12.23) and need not be treated separately. mal linguistic jargon, although the authors occasionally inject §12.48. The claim that Hitt. te- ‘to say’ originally meant historical information or typological parallels into their ‘to put’ does not really help to account for its suppletive par- description. Hoffner and Melchert chose to adopt the basic adigm. On the other hand, the most transparent cognate of structure of Friedrich’s grammar, which is close to the canon- Hitt. te- ‘to say’ is Old Czech diem > dím ‘I say, call’.4) Fur- ical structure of reference grammars in general. The usual thermore, one can compare the Old Church Slavic quotative progression Orthography – Phonology – Morphology – Syn- particle dejesi, etymologically 2sg. pres. ‘thou sayest’. tax is concluded by the discussion of Sumerograms and Whether the Hittite and Slavic stems evolved from the verb Akkadograms occurring in Hittite texts, while Noun – Pro- ‘to put’, either independently or as a result of a common pre- noun – Verb is the basic order in the morphological and syn- historic innovation, may be debated, but this debate is beyond tactic portions of the grammar. The authors strove to make the scope of a synchronic reference grammar. their product pedagogically useful. To this end they created § 28.42. A separate paragraph devoted to the syntax of the a tutorial, which consists of fourteen lessons with exercises Luvian clitic -mi does not appear to be necessary, since the and can be easily adapted both to semester-long and quarter- majority of the readers of the grammar will not be familiar long classes of Introductory Hittite. with the Luvian grammar or transliteration conventions. The A Grammar of the Hittite Language is not only more up use of the reflexive pronouns as linkers in nominal sentences to date, but also more than twice as long as the Hethitisches Elementarbuch. To a large extent, this is due to a more thor- ough documentation of linguistic data, which illustrate not 1) Melchert, Craig. “Language”. The Luwians. Ed. C. Melchert. HdO 1/68. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2003. Pp. 170-210. only the grammatical rules, but also the exceptions from these 2) Melchert, Craig. Anatolian Historical Phonology. Amsterdam: rules. For example, morphological sections grew in size due Rodopi, 1994. P. 136. to a large number of footnotes that document and date the 3) Lehrman, Alexander. Indo-Hittite Redux. Moscow: Paleograph, 1998. occurrences of less common forms listed in the paradigmatic Pp. 131-34. 4) Ivanov, Vyacheslav. Slavianskij, baltijskij i rannebalkanskij glagol: tables. On the other hand, there are certain topics, such as the indojevropejskije istoki. Moscow: Nauka, 1981. P. 109. 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 78
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in later Hittite is indeed likely to be due to Luvian influence, reasoning. To this one must add that the historical dissimila- but a brief mention of this fact in §28.32 would amply suf- tion rules cited above are fully and explicitly arbitrary, while fice. The grammar under review does not and need not the postulated contrast between the historical present stem is- attempt to trace the origins of all the contact-induced phe- pa-an-t° and perfect stem si-pa-an-t° does not correspond to nomena in the history of Hittite. any synchronic semantic distinctions in our corpus. Given §28.81. Given that the authors recognize the lack of con- that Forssman’s reconstruction is untenable, the spelling vari- sensus regarding the historical origin of the particle -kan, the ation between si-pa-an-t° / is-pa-an-t° in Old Hittite has to discussion of select views on this subject appears to be unnec- reflect one stem /spand-/ according to the precise principles essary. The students of Hittite who are not Hellenists or of analysis put forward in the section under discussion. Indologists are unlikely to appreciate the comparison of -kan §§ 1.92-93. The discussion of the Hittite sibilant fricative with the Greek and Sanskrit aspectual particles, which are not is, on the whole, inadequate. The claim that “s indicates a even supplied with translations. voiceless (alveo-)palatal sibilant (like English sh) in Akka- Beyond this, I will dwell on individual grammatical top- dian” represents a gross simplification that does not take into ics the treatment of which in the book under review can be account the development of Semitic historical phonology in improved or extended. In most cases my remarks address the the last thirty years. Most Semiticists now concur in the controversial aspects of modern Hittitology and should not, assumption that the Assyro-Babylonian SA series renders the therefore, be taken as a correction of mistakes. The readers reflex of the Proto-Akkadian */s/ and that it was pronounced of this review are invited to make their own judgement on as /s/ in the Neo-Assyian dialect of Akkadian. If so, the most the problems under discussion. economical solution is to assume that it was also articulated §1.5. “Heterograms” appear to be a more adequate descrip- with /s/ in Old and Middle Assyrian. The articulation of the tive term than “logograms” for words from the Sumerian and same series with /s/ is assured only for Middle and Neo- Akkadian languages that were used for writing Hittite but had Babylonian. no counterpart in spoken Hittite. The internal structure of the The discussion of Tropper’s views on the Ugaritic system term “logogram” renders it more appropriate for Assyriolog- of sibilants likewise does not go to the heart of the matter. ical studies, when it is used for a single Sumerographic sign While Tropper does insist on the phonetic realization of that stands for the whole Akkadian word. It is, however, mis- Ugaritic or , in Egyptian transmission, and the present stem *spend- / sp∞d-. the statistical universal claiming that if a language has frica- Forssman’s account can be directly refuted on philologi- tives, it will most likely have an [s]. cal grounds.6) There is not a single instance of the spelling § 1.94. The phonetic interpretation of the Hittite phoneme si-ip-pa-an-t° in the Old Hittite originals. The spelling si-pa- traditionally transcribed as Ì also needs improvement. Ara- an-t°, if taken at face value, would have reflected the pro- bic khalifah ‘caliph’ and Hebrew lekh lekha ‘get out of here!’ nunciation /siband-/ (§ 1.84-5). There is no way of deriving contain not the velar fricative /x/ but the uvular fricative /x/ /siband-/ from earlier */sippand-/ via the standard rules of (this sound is erroneously called “pharyngeal” in a number lenition, while the sheer number of attestations precludes the of widely used Hebrew grammars). As a matter of fact, the treatment si-pa-an-t° as scriptio defectiva. Therefore, one can phoneme /x/ is generally not typical of Near Eastern lan- accept Forssman’s phonetic interpretation only at the cost of guages, although [x] appears as an allophone of /k/ in Tiber- giving up the traditional etymology of is-pa-an-t° / si-pa-an- ian Hebrew and Aramaic. This increases the likelihood that t°, which would undermine the very rationale of Forssman’s the Hittite phoneme Ì should likewise be interpreted as the voiceless uvular fricative /x/. For the phonemic status of the corresponding labialized sound /xw/, compare Alwin 5) Forssman, Bernhard. “Zu hethitisch sipand- und ispand-”. In hon- orem Holger Pedersen. B. Nielsen and J.E. Rasmussen (eds). Wiesbaden: Kloekhorst, Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Reichert, 1994. Pp. 93-106. Lexicon [Leiden: Brill, 2008], p. 27 (with ref.). 6) Kassian, Alexei and Ilya Yakubovich. “The Reflexes of Indo-Euro- pean Initial Clusters in Hittite”. Anatolian Languages. V. Shevoroshkin and P. Sidwell (eds.). Canberra: Association for the History of Language, 2002. 7) Tropper, Josef. Ugaritische Grammatik. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, Pp. 10-48. 2000. P. 113. 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 79
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§§. 3.8-10. These sections are devoted to the methodologi- This non-trivial phenomenon deserves to be treated in a less cal discussion of split ergativity in Hittite. The Hittite suffix casual fashion in the orthographic part of Chapter One. Unde- -anza (sg.) / -antes (pl.) are regularly attached to the underly- clined forms of toponyms and personal names, frequently ing neuter subjects in transitive constructions, as opposed to accompanied by Akkadographic prepositions (e.g. INA neuter subjects of intransitive verbs and neuter objects. This URUÎattusa ‘in Hattusa’), are likely to represent a vestige of distribution, according to many linguists, points to the erga- the period when Akkadian was the main written language in tive morphosyntax of neuter nouns in Anatolian. The question Hattusa and Anatolian proper nouns were routinely embedded is how to interpret this phenomenon on the morphological in Akkadian texts as stem-forms. The “naming construction” level proper. One group of scholars assumes that Hitt. -anza need not be treated separately in § 16.15, but can rather be contains a derivational suffix on its way to being grammati- taken as a subset of pseudo-Akkadographic spellings. cized, while others maintain that it is a true ergative case end- § 30.19. Clitic reduplication in New Hittite of the type na- ing. The second opinion, which is advocated in the volume an-za-an and na-at-si-at hardly represents a conflation of dif- under review, entails a number of formal difficulties. ferent clitic chains occurring within Hittite, but should rather The most salient problem is the optional agreement be attributed to the imperfect acquisition of Hittite by Luvian between ergative subject nouns and common gender nomi- native speakers and reflects a mismatch between the order of native dependent adjectives (e.g. suppis A-anza ‘pure water’). clitics in Hittite vs. Luvian. This issue is primarily of histor- This construction would set the “ergative case” apart from ical interest, but it might be worthwhile stress the difference all other inflectional forms of the Hittite nouns, which agree in the frequency and acceptability of individual forms. Thus, with their adjectival dependents in gender, number, and case. the variant na-an-za-an becomes a grammatical norm in New Another problem is the agglutinative character of the erga- Hittite, while the corresponding na-at-za-at is extremely rare tive plural form in -antes (§§ 3.21), which can be analyzed (for example, it does not seem to occur at all in historical as the morpheme -ant- and the nominative plural ending -es. texts). na-at-si-(ya)-at is reasonably common, even though The agreement in number between the plural ergative sub- not quite grammaticized, but no instances of **na-at-mu-at jects and verbal predicates further corroborates this interpre- are attested alongside na-at-mu. A detailed statistical study tation, given that neuter plural subjects normally take singu- of this discrepancy remains a desideratum for the future, but lar predicates in Hittite (§ 15.16). At this point it is important for the preliminary assessment of the problem see Ilya to remember that the singular ergative form in -anza can like- Yakubovich, Sociolinguistics of the Luvian Language [Uni- wise be analyzed as /-ant+s/, where /-s/ is the nominative sin- versity of Chicago Ph.D. dissertation, 2008], pp. 452-64. gular ending of the common gender, and this analysis is actu- §31.16. The historical account of the Akkadian morpho- ally supported by the cognate Luvian ergative form /-anti-s/. phonemic change presented as t + s = ss is based on an out- Thus we have sufficient evidence that the addition of the dated version of Akkadian historical phonology. In fact, we -ant- suffix transfers the underlying neuter nouns to the com- are probably dealing with the trivial development /t/+/s/=/ts/, mon gender. The few known instances where the ergative e.g. /qat/+/su/ = /qatsu/ ‘his hand’. The transliteration †QA- nouns are resumed by the neuter anaphoric pronoun =at ‘it’ AS-SÚ, as opposed to QA-AZ-ZU ‘his hand’, represents an in the next clause cannot be adduced as valid arguments Assyriological trick that obfuscates the phonetic interpretation against this analysis, since discourse agreement is more likely of this word-form. By contrast, SAG.DU-SU ‘his head’ stands to be semantically motivated than phrase or clause agreement. for the phonological /res/+/su/=/ressu/, so it is only logical to In this case, anaphora presumably points to the underlying use a different phonetic value for the suffix in this case.9) gender of the “transgender” nouns. On behalf of all the future readers, one should compliment There is no reason to give up the concept of Hittite split the publisher James Eisenbrauns for setting up a reasonable ergativity. The gender shift in underlying neuter nouns has the price for the two-volume set. One should also thank both the same basic syntactic distribution as the ergative case in, say, authors and the publisher for their decision to enclose a search- Hurrian or Basque. Accordingly, the designation of nouns in able CD to its printed edition. These steps assure a wide dis- -anza/-antes as “ergative forms” (by analogy with “numera- semination of the new Hittite grammar. It will be, however, a tive forms” in some other Indo-European languages, like service to the readership if the second edition of the grammar Russian or Sogdian) is fully justified. It is characteristic that under review acquires a proper index. A disadvantage of the Emmanuel Laroche used the term “ergative” in the title of his automatic search is the impossibility to distinguish beforehand paper in which he described for the first time the “transgen- between the definitions and random occurrences of particular der” -ant- suffix.8) But the term “ergative case” appears to be terms. In addition, it is easy to envisage many settings when problematic, since the ergative forms are endowed with nom- potential readers of the grammar will simply have no access inative case endings. Thus, Hittite provides scholars with good to a computer. The indexation of the book under review will arguments for discriminating between morphological and mor- surely increase its educational impact. phosyntactic ergativity, just as other world languages furnished them with reasons for the separate description of ergativity on University of Chicago, Ilya YAKUBOVICH morphosyntactic vs. syntactic levels. April 2009 §3.23. To the list of likely genitive forms in *-s, one should add the genitive of the verbal substantive in /-was/ < *-wans, ** discussed in §§25.7-8. * §16.3 This appears to be the first time the grammar makes allusion to the “Akkadographic” stem forms of Hittite nouns. 9) Cf. Westenholz, Aage. “Do not trust the Assyriologists!” The Akka- dian Language in its Semitic Context: Studies in the Akkadian of the Third 8) Laroche, Emmanuel. “Un “ergatif” en indo-européen d’Asie and Second Millennium BC. G. Deutscher and N.J.C. Kouwenberg (eds.). Mineure”. BSL 57(1): 23-43. Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 2006. P. 253. 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 80
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HAAS, V. — Hethitische Orakel, Vorzeichen und Abwehr- Orakels werden Symbole oder Marken auf ein Spielfeld/-brett strategien. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin & New York, 2008. gelegt und aus der Lage der Spielmarken zueinander liest der (23,5 cm, XIII, 200). ISBN 978-3-11-020542-8. / 58,–. Orakelexperte die Entscheidung der Götter ab. Wasser- schlangenorakel, Losentscheidung (heth. pul-) z.B. durch Volkert Haas hat es in zahlreichen Publikationen immer Würfel oder Orakel aus den Beobachtungen des Vogelflugs wieder geschafft, Themen aus dem Bereich der Kulturge- benötigen ebenfalls die Deutung durch den Experten, sind schichte des Alten Orients sowohl einem allgemeinen Leser- jedoch — für den modernen Leser — manchmal leichter ver- kreis in verständlicher Form nahe zu bringen, dies aber ständlich. Dass Auguren eine wichtige Rolle in der hethiti- zugleich in einer Weise zu tun, die auch für den Fachmann schen Gesellschaft spielten, geht einerseits aus ihrer Organi- immer wieder eine nützliche Synthese des Kenntnisstandes sation in einer Art „Gilde“, aber auch aus einer Reihe von ist. Das so behandelte Themenspektrum spannt sich über 1 Siegeln hervor, die Auguren gehörten. Ferner sind Auguren Magie, Mythen und Götter, sowie Literatur ) zur jüngsten auch als Ritualspezialisten gut bezeugt. Diese „Doppelkom- Arbeit über Orakel und Vorzeichendeutung. Die dem Vf. 2 petenz“ ist durchaus verständlich, da Auguren nicht nur gewidmete Festschrift ) trägt mit dem Titel „Kulturgeschich- durch mantische Praktiken den göttlichen Willen erforschten, ten“ in gelungener Weise diesem Anliegen Rechnung. Daher sondern auch fähig waren, den göttlichen Willen durch nimmt man auch das vorliegende Buch mit Interesse zur Hand Rituale zufrieden zu stellen und negative Folgen der Mis- und wird nicht enttäuscht. Denn dem Vf. gelingt es, die Auf- sachtung des Willens der Götter rituell zu beseitigen (vgl. merksamkeit des Lesers auf einen Bereich hethitischer Texte dazu auch S. 48-55). Da Vogelorakel mit vielen Beispielen zu lenken, deren sprachliche Form und deren Inhalte sich nicht im hethitischen Corpus dokumentiert sind, gibt der Vf. eine selten sperrig darbieten, die jedoch unser Bild der hethitischen gelungene Einführung in die Beobachtungsfelder, behandelt Gesellschaft, Politik und der Bewältigung alltäglicher Erfah- auch verschiedene Vogelnamen und gibt dem Leser Einblick rungen in willkommener Weise bereichern. in die Praxis durch die Übersetzung einiger Orakelprotokolle Der im Buch erörterte Themenkreis kann mit dem Ober- aus Sarissa bzw. Hattusa (vgl. S. 39-45). Den Abschluss der begriff Mantik umschrieben werden, wobei der Vf. festhält, Darstellung der Orakelpraktiken bildet die Beschreibung der dass die Sprachen des Alten Orients — anders als das Latei- Eingeweideschau, die im ganzen Alten Orient verbreitet war; nische, das unsere „westlichen“ Terminologie prägt — einen die ältesten Zeugnisse dafür aus dem Hethiterreich sind mit- terminologischen Unterschied zwischen Orakel und Omen telhethitische hurritische Orakeltexte. macht (S. 2f.). Hethitische Mantik steht dabei teilweise in der Die Bedeutung der Orakel- und Omenpraktiken für die Tradition Mesopotamiens, doch haben sich auch eigene spe- Kultur der Hethiter liegt darin, dass kaum eine Entscheidung zifische hethitische mantische Techniken entwickelt. Eine politischer, militärischer oder kultischer Art ohne die Kon- enge Beziehung besteht zwischen der LAMMA-Gottheit und sultation von Orakeln getroffen wurde (S. 67). Um in der Ent- den Auguren, wobei der Vf. vorschlägt, den Vogel, den die scheidungsfindung — zu Gunsten des Staates oder der LAMMA-Gottheit auf dem so genannten Schimmel-Rhyton Gesellschaft — auf sicherem Boden zu stehen, wurden man- auf dem Arm hält, als Orakelvogel zu deuten und in der che Orakelanfragen zur Kontrolle wiederholt. Das Themen- LAMMA-Gottheit einen Patron der Auguren zu sehen (vgl. spektrum, das der Vf. dabei dokumentiert (S. 68-120), 12f.); Auguren übten die Vogelschau häufig an Seen und umfasst praktisch alle Bereiche des „öffentlichen“ Lebens (künstlichen) Weihern aus, so dass der Vf. vorschlägt — ver- — seien es Fragen über die Erkrankung des Königs Tudha- gleichbar mit dem Quellteich in Sarissa —, in Eflatunpınar liya IV., über Hofintrigen innerhalb der Königsfamilie, über eine Orakelstätte zu sehen (S. 14f.). Feldzüge oder über die Verschiebung oder Veränderung ein- Umfangreich behandelt das dritte Kapitel des Buches ver- zelner Feste. Die Orakelprotokolle zu solchen Anlässen schiedene Orakeltechniken, wobei die hethitischen Quellen ergänzen dabei das manchmal idealisierte Bild, das historio- fünf unterschiedliche Techniken benennen: KIN-Orakel, graphische Darstellungen oder Gebete geben, oder die „ide- Wasserschlangen-Orakel, Vogel-Orakel, Orakel mit „Höhlen- altypische“ Behandlung einer Thematik aufgrund des präs- vögeln“ und Eingeweideschau. Die ersten Zeugnisse für sol- kriptiven Charakters der Ritualtexte. Einblick in das che Praktiken reichen ins frühe 15. Jahrhundert v.Chr., der Alltagsleben der „kleinen Leute“ geben eine Reihe von Ora- überwiegende Teil der Quellen stammt jedoch erst aus dem kelanfragen hinsichtlich kultischer Vergehen, des Aus- 13. Jahrhundert. Die Beschreibung des KIN-Orakels schlusses von Zerlumpten oder Verkrüppelten aus dem Kult erschließt dem Leser diese genuin anatolische — und nicht und zum (Fehl-)Verhalten von Tempeldienern, das als Ver- leicht verständliche — Orakeltechnik, auf die in vielen Ora- letzung der Reinheitsgebote im Tempeldienst gesehen wurde. kelprotokollen Bezug genommen wird (vgl. z.B. die Über- Für die Rekonstruktion „hethitischer“ Religion, wie sie für setzungen bzw. Paraphrasen umfangreicher Textabschnitte S. breitere Bevölkerungsschichten außerhalb des offiziellen Kul- 79, 111-116). Bei einer Form der Durchführung des KIN- tes als sinngebendes System bestanden haben könnte, sind solche aus Orakelanfragen bzw. -berichten stammende Infor-
1 mationen eine wichtige Quelle, die der Vf. in gelungener ) V. Haas: Magie und Mythen im Reich der Hethiter, Hamburg 1977; 3 Ders.: Hethitische Berggötter und hurritische Steindämonen. Riten, Kulte Weise berücksichtigt hat. ) Teilweise geben auch zufällige und Mythen, Mainz 1982; Ders.: Die hethitische Literatur. Texte, Stilistik, Omina und deren Deutung Einblick in den Volksglauben Motive, Berlin 2006. — Die Themen Magie und Religionen sind auch in (z.B. S. 137), allerdings besteht der überwiegende Teil der zwei umfangreichen und mit vollem wissenschaftlichen Apparat dokumen- tierten, somit stärker auf den hethitologischen / altorientalistischen Spezia- listen ausgerichteten, Monographien in kompendienhafter Fülle bearbeitet, siehe V. Haas: Materia Magica et Medica Hethitica. 2 Bde., Berlin 2003; 3) Die jüngste monographische Behandlung anatolischer Religions- Ders.: Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, Leiden 1994. geschichte (P. Taracha: Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia, Wies- 2) Th. Richter / D. Prechel / J. Klinger (Hrsg.): Kulturgeschichten. Alto- baden 2009, 144-149) bleibt in der Behandlung der Omina / Orakel für rientalistische Studien für Volkert Haas zum 65. Geburtstag, Saarbrücken die Erschließung der Religionswelt in dieser Hinsicht hinter den Möglich- 2001. keiten. 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 81
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Omenkompendien in der hethitischen Überlieferung aus Zusammenhang „kann den spröden Quellen nicht entnom- Import- und Übersetzungsliteratur Mesopotamiens, so dass men, wohl aber vermutet werden“ (S. 173). Mit diesem man diese Literatur mehr als Zeugnis der in Hattusa gepfleg- abschließenden Urteil — auch hinsichtlich der „Sprödheit“ ten „internationalen“ Gelehrsamkeit und weniger als Aus- der Quellen — zu mantischen Vorstellungen in Anatolien und druck anatolischer Kultur werten muss. deren Verbindung zur Antike (und damit zur europäischen Ein weiteres kurzes Kapitel behandelt Abwehrstrategien Kulturgeschichte) ist der Endpunkt einer gut lesbaren Dar- gegen unheilvolle Vorzeichen (S. 145-156), wobei nochmals stellung erreicht. Der Altertumswissenschaftler im Allgemei- auf ein Thema bzw. auf Techniken zurückgegriffen wird, das nen gewinnt aus dem Buch einen zuverlässigen Einblick in schon bei den Ritualen der Auguren (S. 48-55) bzw. bei das Orakelwesen der Hethiter und der spezialisierte Hethito- einem Ritual bzgl. negativer Orakelbefunde über einen loge kann dieses Buch als Ausgangspunkt dafür nutzen, in geplanten Feldzug (S. 118f.) angeklungen ist. In diesem Kon- Detailuntersuchung des relevanten Textcorpus noch eine text bespricht der Vf. einige Substitutionsrituale bzw. Ent- Reihe von schwierigen Textpassagen und Fachtermini bzw. sühnungsrituale für den König, was nochmals in Variation Praktiken einem immer besseren Verständnis zuzuführen. die enge Verbindung von Mantik und Politik zeigt. Träume, Traumvisionen und Traumdeutungen (S. 157-169) September 2009 Manfred HUTTER, Bonn bilden schließlich den letzten Themenkreis des Buches; auch bei diesen Mitteln zum Einblick in zukünftiges Geschehens ** ist zu konstatieren, dass der Großteil der Quellen aus dem 13. * Jh. stammt, so dass der Vf. ausführlich auf Träume Hattusi- lis III., Puduhepas und Tudhaliyas IV. eingeht. Träume und TAGGAR-COHEN, A. — Hittite Priesthood. (Texte der Traumvisionen werden jedoch auch in der epischen Literatur Hethiter Heft 26). Universitätsverlag Winter, Heidel- wiedergegeben; bei Berücksichtigung der unterschiedlichen berg, 2006. (21 cm, XIV, 514). ISBN 978-8253-5262-5. literarischen Form, in der diese Träume überliefert sind, sind / 48,-. die „episch“ bezeugten Träume m.E. weniger aussagekräf- tig für die Rekonstruktion kleinasiatischer Kulturgeschichte. Taggar-Cohen’s book stems from her doctoral thesis at the Zur Bedeutung der Träume als Teil der Mantik könnte man Ben Gurion University of the Negev. It has been revised, dabei noch eine Reihe weiterer Beispiele anführen, weshalb reedited and considerably shortened for the sake of publica- auf die monographische Behandlung des Themas durch A. tion (XI). As stated in her introduction, Taggar-Cohen’s aim Mouton verwiesen werden muss;4) offensichtlich ist dieses is to present “a comprehensive picture of the Hittite priest- Buch zu spät erschienen, so dass es der Vf. nicht mehr ver- hood, but by no means is it an exhaustive one. Not all types werten konnte. of priests could be discussed here in detail, and not every- Die Auseinandersetzung mit (negativ interpretierten) Vor- thing that needs to be said about the major types of priests is zeichen oder das menschliche Streben, Einblick in Zusam- said” (1). menhänge zu gewinnen, die einer oberflächlichen Beobach- This study, which targets a scholarly audience, is organized tung zunächst verschlossen sind, sind ein universelles in seven chapters, each of them consisting of small nuggets. menschliches Phänomen, so dass alle Kulturen verständli- First is a brief but clear introduction (1-7); chapter 2 (8-32), cherweise Orakeltechniken kennen. Dennoch ist die Frage on the groups and classes of priests, which essentially nach dem Weiterwirken hethitischer Mantik berechtigt (vgl. expands on (the last part of) the introduction, can be viewed S. 170-174). Während sich in Assyrien im 1. Jahrtausend as a general commentary on the topics discussed thoroughly kaum Spuren eines Einfluss hethitischer Vorzeichenkunde in the subsequent sections of the book. Chapter 3 (33-139) finden, lässt sich bei mantischen Praktiken aus der Überlie- offers a new publication of the Instructions for Temple Per- ferung der klassischen Antike5) immer wieder fragen, ob sie sonnel (CTH 264), which is a good- starting point to a study in einem Zusammenhang mit Kleinasien oder mit dem Alten of the issues concerning the Hittite priesthood, such as cult Orient gesehen werden können. Die weite Verbreitung der personnel (LÚMES É.DINGIRLIM ‘temple-men,’ see below), Divination aus Tiereingeweiden ist dabei ein solcher The- prerogatives, duties, responsibilities, and the social status of menkreis, wobei die berühmte etruskische Bronzeleber von priests. Chapter 4 (“Male Priesthood,” 140-311) deals only Piacenza und die Tonleber von Falerii Veteres zu jenen Bei- with the highest ranking SANGA-priests (140-228) and the spielen gehören, die sicher in einem weiteren Traditionsstrang GUDU12-priests (229-278), while information about other zu den Lebermodellen Mesopotamiens und Kleinasiens (vgl. cult officials (Ìamina-, tazzeli-, ‘Man of the Storm-god,’ etc.), S. 57f.) gehören. Genauso kennt die mediterrane antike Welt who sometimes restricted their activities to particular centres seit Homer bis zu Etruskern und Römern Vogelbeobachtung and the cult of specific deities, is either missing or scattered genauso wie Abwehrituale gegen unheilvolle Vorzeichen. Zur in different chapters, which leads to a rather distracting Einschätzung, ob und in welchem Ausmaße dabei historische search through the entire text, based on references in the Zusammenhänge zwischen Kleinasien und der „Westantike“ indices. This is also true of Chapter 5 (“Female Priesthood,” bestehen, ist dem Urteil des Vf. zuzustimmen: ein definitiver 312-368) which covers two main categories of priestesses: MUNUSSANGA (312-334) and MUNUSAMA.DINGIRLIM (335- 368). An in-depth study of the ERES.DINGIR-priestess (‘Lady of the God’) is part of Chapter 6 (“Royalty in the 4) A. Mouton: Rêves hittites. Contribution à une histoire et une anthro- pologie du rêve en Anatolie ancienne, Leiden 2007 (= CHANE 28). Zu Priesthood,” 369-434) in accordance with Taggar-Cohen’s Gelübden als Reaktion auf Träume und Orakelanfragen bzw. Omina (s. S. assumption that the Hittite Lady of the God, like the 155f.) vgl. auch Johan de Roos: Hittite Votive Texts, Leiden 2007 (= ERES.DINGIR / ENTUM / UGBABTUM-priestesses in Syria PIHANS 109). and Mesopotamia, was a princess of royal blood (6.2. “The 5) Eine Überblick zur griechischen Antike bietet z.B. V. Rosenberger: Griechische Orakel. Eine Kulturgeschichte, Darmstadt 2001. NIN.DINGIR-priestess and princess,” 384-422). In fact, this 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 82
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idea is appealing but hardly borne out by any of the surviv- p. 146 (and p. 213) For a correct transcription (with ing texts. Chapter 7 (“Summary,” 435-446) gives a concise restorations) of KBo 30.164 + KUB 44.13 iv 15-18, see now overview of the issues addressed in the previous chapters and M. Popko, StBoT 50, 59. highlights the main characteristics of the Hittite priesthood. p. 154 n. 363 KUB 51.37 iii 9’. A full bibliography (447-465), a glossary for CTH 264 (466- p. 156 f. (LÚ)DUMU.SANGA, also DUMU LÚSANGA, 497), and indices of cited texts, divine, personal and geo- ‘son of a priest,’ or rather ‘prince the priest;’ cf. P. Taracha, graphic names, and topics complete the book. CHANE 5, 2000, 125, 148. The material gathered by Taggar-Cohen widens our knowl- p. 164 Lelwani was a Hattian god, and Maliya was a edge of specific types of priests among cult personnel, Luwian goddess. although this reviewer has caveats regarding some aspects of p. 174 KUB 30.51+, 7 and KUB 30.50+ v 5’: TUP-PU → the methodology and analysis. For instance, lists of priests ™UP-PU; 7’ mAm-mi-Ìa<-at>-na [; cf. R. Strauß, Reini- and priestesses according to their affiliation with specific gungsrituale, 2006, 279 f. The restoration [LÚSANGA?] in deities and towns can hardly inform us about colleges of line 7’ is uncertain. priests in the more important cult centres such as e.g. Arinna p. 176 R. Strauß, Reinigungsrituale, 245, gives a correct trans- (see now M. Popko, StBoT 50, 2009, 65-74) and their dif- lation of KBo 5.2 iv 64 f.: ‘Wenn ein Mensch (kultisch) rein ferentiation depending on the importance of the deity they (ist) und ihm jemand irgend etwas Unreines/Entweihtes gibt.’ served. As the term LÚMES É.DINGIRLIM ‘temple-men’ refers p. 186 SA MUNUS tu-e-ek-ki-is-si e-es-Ìar (KBo 5.2 i 8 to both sexes, it should not be discussed in Chapter 4 deal- f.) is wrongly translated; cf. R. Strauß, Reinigungsrituale, ing with the male priesthood (4.3, 279-311). Also Taggar- 233: ‘Blut aus dem Körper einer Frau (d.h. Menstruations- Cohen’s assumption that it was “a non-specific title which blut).’ refers to all temple personnel” (311) does not find unam- p. 186 n. 458 KBo 45.222 is not a duplicate of KBo 5.2. biguous support in the Hittite texts. In the texts, all those p. 187 LÚSANGA DU URUNerik (KUB 59.32 iii? 7), not “a employed in the temple (the Ìilammatta-men, with ‘men’ SANGA-priest of the town of Nerik” (correctly in the list of standing for both sexes) are opposed to the temple-men ‘who the SANGA-priests on p. 162). regularly cross the threshold of the gods,’ including cult per- p. 191 KUB 20.45+ 17’-20’ → KUB 20.45+ rev. 17’-20’. sonnel: priests, priestesses, singers and musicians (cf. M. p. 193 KBo 11.50 v 24’ f.: ‘The SANGA-priest steps in Popko, StBoT 50, 65; P. Taracha, DBH 27, 2009, 131). the first courtyard’ (not ‘in front of the courtyard’); cf. M. In conclusion, the book under review represents a signifi- Popko, THeth 21, 167. cant first step, yielding amounts of the source material which p. 209 KBo 22.246 iii 9’ SU-SI → SU-SI; [É][→É[-SU- will certainly allow future additional interpretations. It seems, NU? (D. Groddek, DBH 24, 2008, 235); 10’ EN[TU?-ia → however, that the author has not had enough experience for EN SI[SKUR-ia? (cf. also D. Groddek, a.O., 236 n. 550). the task she set herself. The topic she deals with needs, first The translation must be emended accordingly. of all, expertise at interpreting Hittite ritual texts and Hittite p. 211 n. 542 A house of the SANGA-priest was not a cult religion and cult in general. Sadly, countless inaccuracies and place. mistakes as well as considerable editorial problems, which p. 212 KUB 53.17+ and KUB 60.41+ do not belong to the should have been eliminated mostly in the course of the peer- same tablet; cf. D. Groddek, DBH 20, 2006, 41. review process, are flaws in Taggar-Cohen’s study. The fol- p. 213 KBo 30.155 obv.? i 12’ LÚÌa-me-na<-as>; 13’ LÚta- lowing technical comments may exemplify its shortcomings az-zi-li[-is]; 14’ US-GI-EN-NU → US-KÉ-EN-NU (one could multiply instances): does not mean ‘prostrate’; cf. D. Groddek, DBH 2, 2002, 217. p. 4 The priesthood in the Ancient Near East is excellently p. 222 KUB 40.47 obv. 7’ ku-e-da-ni-pí-ki → ku-e-da-ni described by W. Sallaberger–E. Huber Vulliet, Priester. A.I. pí-di. Mesopotamien, RlA 10, 2005, 617 ff. p. 230 KBo 25.112+ (OS) and KUB 48.12 (NS) do not p. 25 KUB 38.1 obv. i 1’ff.: The divine representations belong to the same tablet. (not ‘the deity-statues’) of the Storm-god of the Camp (not p. 231 KUB 42.100 obv. 8’ → KUB 42.100 obv. i 8’; cf. ‘of the army’) (and) the god Santa (not Marduk) are two wak- J. Hazenbos, CM 21, 2003, 17, 21. sur-vases of silver. p. 235 (and p. 240, 256 n. 701) KUB 58.11+ and IBoT p. 32 with n. 94 Taggar-Cohen refers most likely to M. 3.27 do not belong to the same tablet; cf. J.V. García Tra- Popko, THeth 21, 1994, 72 f. (not 12), but Popko does not bazo–D. Groddek, DBH 18, 2005, 28. LÚ state that “the GUDU12 is missing from the texts of this p. 238 f. Hittite sipant- does not denote ‘consecration’. Anatolian cult-centre (i.e. Ziplanda).” This priest cannot be p. 239 n. 648 KUB 20.10 iv 12’ an-da-a-ru → DDa-a-ru; identified with LÚtazzeli-. 15’ 1 ME-SE-DI → 1 LÚME-SE-DI. LÚ → LÚ p. 33 n. 98 (see also, e.g., p. 175 n. 429, 176 n. 431 etc.) p. 242 KUB 20.46 iv 4’ [ G]UDU4 [ G]UDU12; 6’, Translations by different authors of the Hittite texts published 7’, 8’, 10’ -SU → -SU; lines 4’-6’ are to be translated as fol- in CoS 1 are not listed in the bibliography. lows: ‘Thereupon the GUDU12-priest libates three times in p. 41 CTH 264 §2 i 18: SÈD is omitted in the glossary. front of the pedestal.’ KUB 20.70 i 9’ KAS.GESTIN ‘a sort p. 42 f. CTH 264 §3-4, see D. Groddek, DBH 28, 2008, of wine’ (not ‘beer, wine’). → → 183 n. 431; §4 i 41 EZEN4 Ìé-su-wa-as EZEN4 i-su-wa- p. 244 KUB 20.45+ obv. 13’ US-GI-EN US-KÉ-EN. as. p. 245 IBoT 2.14 obv. 8’ [GAL].LÚMES ME-SE-DI → p. 44 CTH 264 §5 i 53 (B. KBo 50.276a i 4’ [= 24’]): [GA]L LÚ.MESME-SE-DI. [SAG.GÉM]EMES-KU-NU ar-Ì[a → [SAG.GÉME.ARA]D!MES- p. 246 KUB 51.42 v? 9’ [EGIR?-]az → [ta-]az; cf. D. KU-NU a[r-Ìa; cf. D. Groddek, DBH 28, 182. Groddek, DBH 15, 2004, 69. MES → MES p. 93 IBoT 4.5 rev.! 2’: E]N TU7 DING[IR E]N p. 248 The passage quoted is KUB 28.91 (not KUB 58.6) ÚTUL [an]-[; cf. D. Groddek, DBH 23, 2007, 4. vi 1-3. 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 83
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p. 249 KUB 58.33 iv 20-21 LUGAL-us / [QA-TAM da-a]- p. 344 ‘The house of the Queen in Katapa’ (KUB 41.41 i ‘The king [la]ys [(his) hand] (on it).’ Cf. J.V. García Tra- v? 13’) is not “the queen’s palace in the town of Katapa,” bazo–D. Groddek, DBH 18, 86. but the renowned temple of the Queen of Katapa. p. 250 KUB 58.41 → KUB 58.41 obv.? ii 13’. p. 345 KUB 41.41 v? 21’ is-p[ár-r]a-a-i → is-Ì[u-w]a-a- p. 255 KUB 58.41 obv.? ii 8’ an-[da URUN]e-ri-ik → D⎡ i. [URUN]e-ri-ik; cf. J.V. García Trabazo–D. Groddek, DBH 18, p. 346 KUB 20.80 iii? 7’ MUNUSMES Ìa-[az-ga-ra?] → 107. For a totally wrong interpretation of the same passage MUNUS.MESÌa-[az-ga-ra-i]. KUB 58.41 obv.? ii 2’-10’, see p. 267 n. 738. p. 361 VBoT 83 rev. 2’ LÚS[ANG]- → LÚ⎡SANGA]−. p. 258 KUB 20.88 vi? 14’ SAL-MU-TIM (not ‘the cook p. 387 I do not agree with Taggar-Cohen’s statement that woman’). This passage is correctly quoted on p. 379. IsÌara was “the Hurrian goddess who entered the Hittite cult p. 259 KBo 10.20 i 32, 34 É.GAL ‘palace’ (not ‘temple’). toward the end of the Middle Kingdom.” Cf. P. Taracha, p. 262 KUB 60.152 i 6’ 2 i-la → 2-i-la; 9’ US-[GI]-[EN- DBH 27, 123 f. with ref. KUB 20.1 ii 11’ a-da-a-na → a- → MES → L Ú.MES NU US-K[É-EN; 10’ LÚ] GUDU12 ] GUDU12 da-an-na. (cf. D. Groddek, DBH 20, 155); KUB 56.35, 3 GISIDRU → p. 392 KBo 22.196 rev. 4’ (There is no room for the sug- GISGIDRU. gested restoration); 5’, 10’ LÚMES Ìa-a-p[í- → LÚ.MESÌa-a- p. 264 KUB 58.11 obv. 3 LÚDUB.SAR. There is no room p[é- (and passim on the following pages); 11’ dan pedas ‘of for the restoration [of Nerik]. On p. 240 the same passage is the low rank’ (lit. ‘of the second place’), not ‘second in com- quoted without the restoration. mand’ (cf. also p. 402); 17’ ma-aÌ-Ìa[-an → ma-aÌ-Ì[a-an- p. 266 KUB 41.29 iii 1’-6’ (not 6’-11’) refer to the king na-as; cf. D. Groddek, DBH 24, 193. calling him the SANGA-priest of the Sun-goddess of Arinna, p. 392 n. 1011 Houwink ten Cate → Houwink ten Cate but it does not mean that the ritual was “conducted by the (1988: 189 n. 45). king as a SANGA-priest.” p. 394 KUB 58.33, 26’-27’ → KUB 58.33 iii 26’-27’; p. 268 KUB 58.41 rev.? v 3’ (not 1’)-19’. Lines 3’-4’ KBo 17.101 iii 12’ aniyatt- ‘ceremonial clothes.’ → should be translated as follows: ‘The GUDU12-priest takes a p. 412 KUB 59.2 ii 6’-7’ 7’-8’. [tap]isana-vessel, and the Man of the Storm-god takes p. 412 n. 1068 KUB 58.33 obv. 22’-24’ → KUB 58.33 (another) [ta]pisana-vessel.’ L. 13’ LÚ DINGIRLIM!, not obv. iii 22’-24’; KUB 20.88 iii? → KUB 20.80 iii?. LÚ → GUDU12. p. 414 KUB 59.2 iii 8 dummarra? [ta]Ìdumarra, cf. E. p. 270 KUB 42.87 iv (not v) 13’ LÚZABAR.DAB ‘cellar- Rieken, StBoT 44, 366 f. (‘Räucherwerk?’); Zi[tÌariya?] → MES man’ (not ‘the bronze-worker’). Zi-p[ár-waa-a-ma]; 9 [EZE]N4.GAL; 10 [LÚ SUK]UR- p. 272 f. The interpretation of KBo 17.15 obv. (not rev.) ya DLAMMA GISS[UKUR]; 12 [Ìal-ku-es-s]ar; cf. D. Grod- 13’-14’ and 18’ is totally wrong; 15’, 16’ Ìar-na(-a)-i-sar → dek, DBH 14, 2004, 6. The translation must be emended Ìar-na(-a)-iSAR, cf. recently V. Haas, MMMH, 2003, 324. accordingly. p. 286 f. IBoT 2.129 obv. 16, 17 KUS → GÍN; 17 na?-x- p. 424 KUB 58.33 iii 33’ [na-as]-[ta]; 35’ [ ]-u → [LÚMES as → [Ìu]-uÌ[-Ìa]-as; 30 LÚMES pu-ra-ap-si → LÚ.MESpu-ra- D]U; 37’ [LUGAL-us]; 38’ [pé-ra-an?]; cf. J.V. García Tra- ap-[sι]; 33 LÚMES tap-ri-[ti Ù] I[NIM] → LÚ.MESTAP-RI x Ù bazo–D. Groddek, DBH 18, 85. I[NIM]; 33+34=33. p. 462 (Singer, I. 1986) I. Cilt (Turkish ‘first volume’) is p. 293 f. KUB 16.34 obv. i 6 DINGIRMES dam-na-as- not the editor’s name. sa-ru-us → DINGIR.MESDam-na-as-sa-ru-us; 20 MUNUSMES p. 500 KBo 22.189 vi 2’-3’ 420 n. 1108 → 417 n. 1086. tap-ta-ra-as → MUNUS.MEStap-ta-ra-as; LÚMES mu-k[i → p. 502 KUB 20.22 i 1-5 119 n. 272 → 120 n. 272. LÚ.MESMU-D[I-; 21 LÚMES mu-ki-su-nu-ma-wa-za → LÚ.MESMU-DI-SU-NU-ma-wa-za (not ‘the invocation men’). University of Warsaw, September 2009 Piotr TARACHA p. 304 KUB 17.24 iii 17’ zeriyalli- ‘pot-stand,’ not ‘a cult object.’ p. 307 f. KUB 32.133 obv. i 2 AB-BA-YA ‘my progenitor’ (not ‘my father’). p. 316 KBo 24.85 + KBo 39.66 i 8’ (not 4’) is-pí-ni-in ga- tar x-x-x ta → is-pí-ni-in-ga-tar-[ra]−as−ta; cf. E. Rieken, StBoT 44, 1999, 313 n. 1518. p. 323 KBo 25.14 obv. i 7’ GISRU → SÌRRU; ii x+1 2 LÚ.M[ES; 2’ GÍR-an I-[NA] x[; 4’ 2-SU s[u? → a-su-[su] [-us; 6’ luli- ‘pool’ (not ‘spring’); rev. iii 5’ PA-N[I → UGULA L[Ú; 6’ 3 L[Ú → 3 L[Ú.MESSANGA?. The translation must be emended accordingly. p. 324 KBo 34.15+23.91 belongs to CTH 666 (the cult of Arinna), not CTH 627; cf. M. Popko, StBoT 50, 20, 22 f. Rev. iv 6 ‘The AGRIG of [not ‘to’] the queen offers [not ‘bows’] purpura-breads [not ‘purpuru-bread’].’ p. 325 KBo 34.15+23.91 iv 14 ‘The king goes. In the gate of the house of the town Kast[uwara.’ KUB 44.13 obv. iii? → rev. iv. p. 327 KUB 57.95 iii 15’ MU[NUSSANG]A SA dMAÎ → L[ÚSANG]A SA DINGIR.MAÎ. p. 341 KUB 25.1 i 19, 25 SA → SA; 24 BE-EL → BE-EL.