Enciphered Ottoman Telegrams from the First World War Concerning the Yishuv in Palestine

Yuval BEN-BASSAT 279

ENCIPHERED OTTOMAN TELEGRAMS FROM THE FIRST WORLD WAR CONCERNING THE YISHUV IN PALESTINE

INTRODUCTION

E nciphered Ottoman telegrams (şifre) between Istanbul and the Ottoman authorities in Greater Syria during the First World War, which are available today to researchers in the Ottoman archives in Istanbul, shed new light on the history of this gloomy period in the annals of the yishuv, the Jewish population of Ottoman Palestine.1 Such material is a valuable contribution to historical research on this period whose events are still subject to controversy. In this article I present and analyze some fifty enciphered Ottoman telegrams from the War period dealing directly or indirectly with the yishuv, from among several hundred telegrams from this period, located in the archives in Istanbul.2

Yuval Ben-Bassat, University of Haifa, Department of Middle Eastern History, Eshkol Tower, 1507, 199 Aba Khoushy Road, 3498838, Haifa, Israel. [email protected]

1 Yishuv is a general term designating the Jewish community in Ottoman and British- ruled Palestine prior to the establishment of Israel. The yishuvwas made up of individuals from various backgrounds and was divided along several lines, including ethnic back- ground, language, nationality, and religious observance. 2 I would like to thank Butrus Abu-Manneh for his help in deciphering unclear terms; Ami Ayalon who was the first to encourage me to write about this period; and Dotan Halevy for sharing information and useful discussions.

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CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOURCE MATERIAL

Hundreds of coded telegrams between the Ottoman central authorities in Istanbul and the local authorities in the Levant during the First World War are located today in the Başbakanlık archives in Istanbul, and more will possibly be found in the future. These telegrams discuss a very wide range of topics regarding Palestine and its people during this turbulent period which brought the 400 years of Ottoman rule to an end. They ena- ble rare insights into issues that concerned the Ottoman authorities in Istanbul as well as the Levant, such as the future of the region, the fate of the people of Palestine including the Jewish population, public opinion in Europe with regards to its population and particularly the Jews, the appointment of Ottoman officials, spies and spying, population displace- ments, and the like. The telegrams are preserved today in the collections of the Ottoman ministry of the Interior (DahiliyeNezareti), in the Ottoman section of the Prime Minister’s archive (BaşbakanlıkOsmanlıArşivi, BOA). For the most, they are very short and concise and every word considered unnecessary has been omitted, which often makes deciphering them and their context a fairly complicated task. They were written in a number code and decoded when they reached their destination. The enciphered telegraph system was already operational in the decades preceding the War. Yet in wartime Istanbul made a much more extensive use of it. In so doing the telegraph system in fact fulfilled the aim for which it was originally intended when it was first introduced into the Ottoman Empire during the Crimean War in the 1850s: To serve military purposes, control the provinces, and communicate with the various parts of the Empire. Over the course of the 19th century the telegraph system was also an important means of communication for commercial, economic and administrative matters, submission of petitions, the press, and the like.3 Enciphered telegrams were used intensively during the War to prevent the Allies from reading the Ottoman correspondence. During these troubled times most of the Ottoman correspondence was apparently enciphered. Thus, the coded telegrams during this period dealt with both operational issues and delicate political matters such as the issue of the yishuv, as well as with more mundane concerns, which during normal times would have probably been sent through the regular telegraph system.

3 Davison, “The Advent.”

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For the purpose of this article I examined some fifty enciphered Otto- man telegrams that deal directly or indirectly with issues related to the yishuv out of several hundred telegrams found thus far. Some thirty of them are directly cited in the article and form the core of this study. Their analysis sheds new light on the events of the period and serves to explore the divergent views of Istanbul and the Ottoman commanders in the region concerning the Jewish question and the yishuv.

DIVERGENCE OF OPINION BETWEEN ISTANBUL AND THE COMMANDERS IN GREATER SYRIA?

Among the most interesting telegrams from the War period concerning Palestine and the yishuv is the correspondence involving Ahmet Cemal Paşa (1872-1922), one of the leaders of the Committee of Union and Pro- gress (CUP) who concomitantly served as minister of the Navy and commander of the Fourth Army on the Syrian front during the War.4 Cemal Paşa is one of the most controversial figures in the collective memory of the modern Levant. In the Arab historiography his image is somber and he is depicted as al-Saffah, the “blood shedder.”5 He is remembered in particular for the oppression of every glimmer of Arab nationalism during the War, and for the merciless execution of hundreds of people suspected of Arab-nationalist activity. In the annals of the Jewish yishuv Cemal fares no better. His name is associated for the most part with the expulsion of Jewish residents from Jaffa in 1917, the traumatic events surrounding the members of the NILI underground6 who assisted the British against the Ottomans, and the terrible difficulties the yishuv faced during the War, including starvation, deteriorated health conditions and distress, mistreatment, and the expulsion of non-Ottoman subjects abroad.7 Zionist leaders from Palestine who were in contact with Cemal Paşa during the War, documented his erratic,

4 For the memoirs of Cemal Paşa, see Djemal Pasha, Memories; for a discussion of Cemal Paşa’s attitude to Zionism, see a very new study of his stay in Syria: Çicek, War, p. 79-89; see also throughout Dündar, İttihatveTerakkininMüslümanlarıİskânPolitikası. 5 See Zachs, “A Transformation.” 6 NILI: acronym in Hebrew for the biblical expression “The Glory of Israel does not deceive or change” (I Samuel 15:29). 7 For more details, see Efrati, mi-Mashberle-tikva; Bar-El, Greenberg, “Holi ve-kolera;” Alroey, “Exiled?”

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arbitrary behavior and outbursts of rage. At the same time, however, they stressed that he was an educated and knowledgeable person who admired French culture, that he was at times open to negotiation and convincing efforts, and that he appreciated the activities and achievements of the Jewish colonies. The most conspicuous feature of the Ottoman coded correspondence with regard to the fate of the yishuv is the difference of opinion between Cemal Paşa, and the central government, particularly Mehmet Talaat Paşa (1874-1921), who was the minister of the Interior at the time and had also served as grand vizier from 1917 on. These two individuals, along with İsmail Enver Paşa (1881-1922), minister of War, were part of what is often referred to as the “triumvirate,” which until a few years ago was thought to have led the Empire collectively during the War.8 They were also perceived as behind the Armenian tragedy during the War and all three died unnatural deaths: Talaat was murdered by Armenian nationalists in 1921, Cemal was similarly murdered in 1922, and Enver died in 1922 while trying to organize the Turkic opposition to the Bol- sheviks in Central Asia. The telegrams indicate that the Ottoman capital received many inquir- ies from European consuls and others asking about the Jewish situation in Palestine, often presumably in response to complaints by local Jews who witnessed the events themselves. Time and again Istanbul requested, in coded telegram messages, clarifications with regard to the situation of the Jews, enquired about accommodation, food and medical care supplied to those who were expelled, as well as about their fair treatment. It even stressed that Jews should not be treated categorically as collaborators of the enemy and that every effort should be made to preserve their support and to encourage them to embrace the attitude of the general public in Palestine vis-à-vis the Ottoman state. Moreover, Istanbul was very concerned about the public opinion in Europe, America, and the world Jewry with regard to the Jews, and suggested conciliatory measures in response. By contrast, Cemal Paşa, who in practical terms was far more than merely the military commander of Syria, continued stressing the threats

8 Recent research has shown that the leadership of the Empire during this time was in fact broader and included a few dozen people from the ranks of the CUP, the dominant body behind the Young Turk Revolution, which would gradually take over the Empire’s leadership in the coming years. See Zürcher, Turkey, p. 115.

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posed by Zionist activity, proposed a six-point plan to curb it, and voiced growing impatience with regard to the Jewish issue and Istanbul’s inquir- ies. It is unclear what motivated his attitude, in particular whether this was his personal agenda or a policy based on his impressions on the ground while serving as the region’s general governor. Cemal Paşa’s positions, however, did not prevent him (out of necessity) from having close working relationships with adamant Zionists such as Aharon Aaronsohn from the colony of Zikhron Ya‘aqov, a well-known agronomist whom he had chosen as the head of the campaign against the 1915 locust plague in the region. The latter was the head of the Jewish NILI underground, whose aim was to assist the British takeover of Palestine, and utilized his official position and ability to travel freely all over the Levant and even beyond to collect information, establish contacts with the British and deliver information.9 Despite their working relationships, Aaronsohn had a very negative opinion of Cemal Paşa and lamented the fact that his own role basically consisted of dealing as a representative of the yishuvwith a person he considered evil and even termed a sadist.10 From the Ottoman perspective, Aaronsohn’s presence in British-ruled Egypt and his work with British intelligence there made Cemal Paşa furious since he felt that the Zionist had betrayed his trust.11 As discussed below, four topics concerning the yishuv appear throughout Cemal Paşa and other Ottoman officials’ enciphered correspondence with Istanbul and shed light on the differences of opinion and information gaps between them: Zionist activity in Palestine, the expulsion of Jewish residents from Jaffa and Tel Aviv, the European press and public opinion with regards to the Jews, and the NILI underground and other spy networks.

ZIONIST ACTIVITY IN PALESTINE

Cemal Paşa expressed vehement opposition to Zionist activity in Pal- estine and to the Zionist national project, which by then had lasted for

9 For more on A. Aaronsohn’s working contacts with Cemal Paşa, see throughout YomanAharonAaronsohn; on correspondence between Ottoman offices to allow Aaron- sohn to travel to Europe during the War to gather technical information on ways to fight locusts, see BOA. DH. EUM. 5 ŞB., 28/12, 8 Zilkade 1334 [6 Sep. 1916]. 10 YomanAharonAaronsohn, p. 108-109. 11 Dizengoff, ‘AmTel-Aviv, p. 102-103.

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more than three decades despite continuous strong official Ottoman opposition. Since its inception in 1882, the Ottoman government had tried to limit Zionist activity in Palestine. One of the major reasons behind its limited success was that most of the Jews who reached Palestine were foreign subjects who enjoyed European protection, which curtailed the Empire’s ability to deal with them and enforce Ottoman law. In a situation of war with the Entente Powers (Britain, France, Russia before the Revolution of 1917, and the United States as of 1917), the foreign nationality of most of the Jews worried the Ottoman government, particularly given the precedent of Armenian ties with Russia which the Ottomans perceived as a threat to the integrity of the Empire that might repeat itself. Therefore they ascribed great importance to minimizing Jewish nationalist activity in Palestine.12 In one of his telegrams to Istanbul, Cemal Paşa proposed a six-point plan to curb Zionist activity in Palestine which he thought constituted an imminent threat to the Empire’s integrity, and asked for approval. He wrote to Talaat Paşa that he had made arrests in Zionist circles, which he thought were a great danger to the future of Palestine. He mentioned that the Zionists had established an independent court in Jaffa and constantly attempted to increase their independence. He suggested that the Ottoman law should be enforced and further Jewish immigration should be prevented, even if the newcomers were willing to accept Ottoman citizenship. In addition, he worked to impede the expansion of the colonies, stopped foreign Jews from engaging in any activity which had to do with settle- ment in Palestine, expelled anyone who was involved in secret activities, forced those who had already settled in Palestine to become Ottomans and act according to the Ottoman law, prevented Russian Jews from being granted Ottoman citizenship, and abolished special laws that allowed Jews who immigrated to settle in various parts of the Empire easily while benefitting from various concessions.13 Another issue that emerged from the correspondence between Istanbul and the Levant with regards to the yishuv was the arrest of Jewish activists during the War. Among the most famous deportees were: David

12 For instance, see BOA. DH. ŞFR., 51/236, 26 Mart 1331 [8 Apr. 1915] (the ministry of the Interior orders Beirut and Jerusalem to take measures to prevent further Jewish activity in those districts). 13 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 465/19, 3 Mart 1331 [16 Mar. 1915] (from Cemal Paşa to Talaat Paşa, minister of the Interior).

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Ben-Gurion (1886-1973), one of the heads of the second ‘aliya14 party of Po‘ale Zion and later the first prime minister of the state of Israel; Yizhak Ben-Zvi (1864-1963), one of the heads of Po‘ale Zion and later the second president of the state of Israel; Mania Shochat (1880-1961) and her husband Israel Shochat (1886-1961), who were among the best known leaders of the second ‘aliya; Yehoshu‘a Hankin (1864-1945), the most prominent Jewish land dealer in Palestine at the end of the 19th and at the early 20th centuries; Arthur Ruppin (1876-1943), the head of the Zionist Movement’s Office in Palestine, who was expelled despite hold- ing German nationality; Albert Antébi (1869-1919), a key Sephardic Ottoman activist in Palestine who represented the Jewish Colonization Association and Alliance israélite universelle and was not at all a Zionist. Some of the deportees were sent overseas whereas others were displaced to other parts of the Empire or to British-ruled Egypt. The Jewish activists who were sent elsewhere within the Empire repeatedly petitioned Istanbul for pardon and asked to be given permission to go back to Palestine, a move which was opposed by the local Ottoman authorities.15 When contacted about some of the Zionist activists who had been exiled, Jerusalem notified Istanbul that the decision had been made personally by Cemal Paşa who thought it was necessary to remove them from Palestine in light of the threat posed by Zionist activity. One of the explanations put forward was the fact that many of the deportees were Russian subjects. In what could be understood as an indirect subtle criticism of Cemal Paşa’s policies, Jerusalem recommended Istanbul to instruct him to make concessions to the Jews to avoid unnecessary complaints, if this step did not conflict with the military aims of the Empire.16 With regard to Jews suspected of Zionist activity, there are various enciphered telegrams from the War period concerning Jews who were suspected of such activity or whose activity was under surveillance due to the special circumstances prevailing at the time. For instance, the ministry of the Interior asked Jerusalem to examine an enciphered telegram

14 The term is used in Zionist historiography to designate the second wave of Zionist immigration to Palestine during the late Ottoman period (1904-1914), which led to the arrival of young, secular, socialist Jewish youth, mainly from Russia. 15 For instance, see BOA. DH. EUM. 7 ŞB., 3/68, 10 Nisan 1334 [10 Apr. 1918] (a deciphered telegram from the commander of the Fourth Army to the ministry of the Interior concerning the request of several Zionist activists to return to Palestine from exile, a request which the commander opposed due to the threat they posed to the nation). 16 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 463/14, 15 Şubat 1331 [28 Feb. 1916] (the Jewish activists whose names are mentioned in this telegram are Yehoshu‘a Hankin and Mania Shochat).

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sent from Switzerland to the chief rabbi of Jaffa.17 The rabbi’s contact with a foreign element during the War was a cause for concern. Such cases, however, must be examined in the context of the turbulent times: they did not represent any special policy or anti-Jewish agenda.18

EXPULSION OF THE RESIDENTS OF JAFFA-TEL AVIV AND GAZA

One frequent issue in the enciphered correspondence was the expulsion of Jewish and Arab populations from regions close to the front with the British forces in Egypt. When the British forces approached Gaza in the spring of 1917, the Ottoman authorities ordered the city’s —predominantly Muslim— population to evacuate the region, which took place in March 1917. Some of the residents were sent to northern Syria where the Ottoman authorities had difficulty finding them food and shelter.19 The governor of Syria, for instance, asked for funds to provide food for the numerous refugees in the region, including those from Gaza and Jaffa, because no resources remained to assist them.20 In the spring of 1917 Cemal Paşa also decreed that the population of Jaffa should be evacuated in light of the British advances in the south and the Ottoman campaign against them in the region of Gaza. This was justified by the ostensible need to protect the citizens from naval attacks.21 The real reason was apparently the need to let the army operate without distractions such as involvement with the civilian population. In the Jaffa region the evacuation decree was primarily enforced on the Jewish population, whereas there are reports that the Arab population stayed or commuted daily between Jaffa and the Arab villages around it.22

17 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 73/36, 6 Şubat 1332 [19 Feb. 1917]. 18 For more examples, see BOA. DH. ŞFR., 68/60, 19 Sep. 1916 (the ministry of the Interior to Jerusalem about the Zionist activity of the deceased Dr. Moskowitch); DH. ŞFR., 533/62, 14 Eylul 1332 [27 Sep. 1916] (Jerusalem provides Istanbul with information about Dr. Moskowitch in compliance with its request); DH. ŞFR., 75/78, 7 Nisan 1333 [7 Apr. 1917] (the ministry of the Interior asks Jerusalem to examine transfers of money from Deutsche Bank to Max Azigh [?], a Jewish doctor in the colony of Petah Tikva). 19 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 552/33, 22 Apr. 1917 (from the governor of Syria to the ministry of the Interior in Istanbul); DH. ŞFR., 551/68, 15 Nisan 1333 [15 Apr. 1917] (from the governor of Jerusalem to the ministry of the Interior). I would like to thank Dotan Halevy, Tel Aviv University, for bringing these two documents to my attention. 20 See BOA. DH. ŞFR., 553/47, 5 June 1917. 21 Dizengoff, ‘AmTel-Aviv, p. 50-51. 22 Ibid., p. 51.

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Hence, in relative terms, Jaffa’s Arab population suffered less than the inhabitants of Gaza, who were expelled from their almost completely destroyed city.23 The thousands of Jewish residents of Jaffa-Tel Aviv went into exile for a year and a half and experienced starvation, poor sanitary conditions, high mortality, a lack of permanent residence, etc. Some went to stay in the Jewish colonies in the center and the north, and some in Jerusalem, Tiberias and Safed.24 Hundreds if not more died during the expulsion, due to the severe conditions. This evacuation and its aftermath are behind most of the accusations in Zionist historiography against Cemal Paşa and his motivations, which are typically assumed to stem from a desire for revenge and sheer hatred of the Zionist movement and even Jews. This explanation dismisses the fact that the immediate justifications were apparently genuine military needs. Cemal Paşa, for example, wired the ministry of the Interior about the need to refuse the return of people to Jaffa and the need to evacuate several villages near military facilities.25 Regardless, Istanbul constantly asked Cemal Paşa to provide information on the fate of the populations expelled from Jaffa and Gaza and sent to the interior. Istanbul inquired whether they were provided with food, medicine, and accommodation26 and asked for Cemal Paşa’s opinion about the possible return of some of them to their places of residence.27 It also demanded that Jerusalem avoid thrusting the Jewish population into the arms of the enemy. It urged Jerusalem to try to muster support among the Jews that was equivalent to that of the general public or at least make sure that they stayed neutral.28

23 For more on the evacuation of Gaza’s population on the eve of the first Gaza Ottoman- British campaign in the spring of 1917, see Efrati, mi-Mashberle-Tikva, p. 29; Sheffy, BritishMilitaryIntelligence. 24 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 77/121, 16 Haziran 1333 [16 June 1917]; for more details on the expulsion of Jewish populations, see Alroey, “Exiled?” 25 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 557/44, 17 Haziran 1333 [17 June 1917]; see also DH. ŞFR., 558/2, 26 Haziran 1333 [26 June 1917] (from Jerusalem to the ministry of the Interior, regarding the evacuation orders received for villages in Gaza and Jaffa, issued by Cemal Paşa). 26 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 75/118, 12 Nisan 1333 [12 Apr. 1917] (Talaat to the Province of Jerusalem). 27 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 77/121, 16 Haziran 1333 [16 June 1917] (from Talaat to Cemal Paşa). 28 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 81/145, 15 Teşrinisani 1333 [15 Nov. 1917] (from Talaat to the district of Jerusalem).

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Furthermore, Istanbul often asked the local authorities in the Levant about specific cases where Jews were refused Ottoman citizenship despite their apparent willingness to accept it. For instance, in one case the ministry of the Interior wrote to Cemal Paşa with regard to the need to give Jews who were willing to accept Ottoman citizenship ten days to do so.29 In another case, Jerusalem was asked by the ministry of the Interior to explain why 49 Jewish teachers from the Jaffa region were refused Ottoman citizenship and to provide information about their identity.30 In the same vein, Jerusalem asked the ministry of the Interior whether to allow Jewish women and children who were exempted from the orders to leave Palestine, to be granted Ottoman citizenship.31 All this may be an indication that Istanbul was exposed to international pressure by the European consuls, the public opinion in Europe and the world Jewry, particularly in Germany —its major ally— and the USA, and was more sensitive to international geostrategic considerations than Cemal Paşa, who perhaps only saw his immediate local considerations on the ground. He seems to have been less cognizant of Istanbul’s considerations and manifested great hostility toward Jewish and Zionist activity. This may suggest a lack of coordination between Istanbul and the Palestine authorities. It may also suggest that during a time of war, Istanbul had a less-than-total control of the events and ability to dictate its policies. Nonetheless, there are indications that Cemal Paşa, despite his stand vis-à-vis Zionism, valued the achievements of the Zionist colonists in Palestine. In 1915 he visited Rishon le-Zion, one of the largest Jew- ish colonies in Palestine and was greeted with great honor. As said, he appointed the famous agronomist Aharon Aaronson to fight the locust plague. Other Jewish experts assisted the Ottoman war effort in various ways and worked closely with Cemal Paşa: Gdalyahu Vilbushevitch (1865-1943), engineer in charge of construction work in Jaffa and Damascus during the War; Eliyahu Krause (1878-1962), head of the Mikveh-Yisra’el agricultural school, and others. Moreover, Cemal Paşa gave Rishon le-Zion a huge tract of land stretching from the colony to the Mediterranean Sea for purposes of planting trees and stopping the

29 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 48/277, 23 Kanunuevvel 1330 [5 Jan. 1915]. 30 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 53/179, 18 Mayıs 1331 [31 May 1915]. 31 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 478/96, 22 Haziran 1331 [5 July 1915].

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spread of the dunes.32 Moreover, the Ottoman army deployed in Palestine often used the services of the Jewish colonies and located its headquar- ters near them. Zionist sources indicate that a negative shift in Cemal Paşa’s attitude towards Zionism and the Zionist activity can be traced to early 1917, following developments such as the approach of the British forces to the Egyptian front, as well as Jewish criticism of his policy published abroad that made various denigrating allegations. For the latter, he even demanded that prominent Jewish leaders in Palestine issue public denials.33 In light of the telegram Cemal Paşa sent to Istanbul with a plan to halt Zionist activity, and given what Jewish leaders who came in contact with him wrote in their memoirs about his attitudes, it is plausible to assume that he opposed the political facets of Jewish activity in Palestine well before 1917. However, until a direct threat to Ottoman rule in Palestine was posed in early 1917, the advantages of contacts with various Jewish activists who could help the Ottoman war effort may have been more important in his eyes than ideological and political considerations. Interestingly, this was also more or less the time when Cemal Paşa started expelling from Palestine various prominent Jewish leaders who had pre- viously had good working relationships with him, such as Albert Antébi, and others.

THE IMPACT OF THE EUROPEAN PRESS AND PUBLIC OPINION

As said, the Empire was highly sensitive to European and American public opinion, and particularly those of the German and the American Jewry, with regards to the way Palestine’s Jewish population was treated. Its embassies thus closely followed reactions in the European press and

32 See BOA. DH. EUM. 4 ŞB., 7/20, 24 Şaban 1334 [26 June 1916] (Jerusalem to the ministry of the Interior about the way lands west of Rishon le-Zion, which were granted to this colony by Cemal Paşa, were being handled in light of the decision and existing problems and limitations). The land was considered to be mawat and could not be registered under the colonists’ names. The plan was to plant trees to halt the advancing sand dunes. The trees would be protected as forest land. Registration of the land would be based on paragraphs 91 and 92 of the land law. Note that Jews were forbidden from registering land in the tapu under their names (either as individuals or as collectives); see also Dizengoff, ‘AmTel-Aviv, p. 4. 33 Ibid., p. 64-66.

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reported to Istanbul, along with recommendations on how to improve the Empire’s image. Some reports were then transferred to the local Ottoman authorities in the Levant.34 The Ottoman Foreign ministry tried to convince the local authorities in the Levant to cooperate so as to improve the Empire’s image and pacify public opinion in Europe, especially with regard to Jews who “were expelled from Jaffa and Gaza.”35 It suggested for example asking a neutral consul such as the Spanish representative to write a report about the situation on the ground and to distribute it in Europe as a counter- weight to fake anti-Ottoman reports in the European media.36 The For- eign ministry stressed that the explanations provided by the Empire regarding the situation of the Jews were well received in Europe and could gradually lead to a shift in public opinion there. It also asked Cemal Paşa to express his opinion about the possibility of sending a German journalist to write about the situation of Jewish deportees from Jaffa and Gaza.37 The Ottoman ministry of the Interior was also concerned about the Empire’s image in Europe and the USA. It asked Cemal Paşa about ways to deal with the damage to the Empire’s image in the American public opinion caused by telegrams sent by Jewish deportees from Jaffa who were currently in Alexandria and Port-Said, and stressed the need to counter their accusations.38 In another case, a few days later, it asked Jerusalem to report on the arrest of Jews in the region of Jaffa and Jeru- salem, following the same request made the day before. It is likely that the urgency of the matter had to do with the Empire’s representatives being approached by foreign consuls about this matter.39

34 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 80/220, 22 Teşrinievvel 1333 [22 Oct. 1917] (from Talaat, in his capacity as the grand vizier, to Cemal Paşa, “commander of Syria, West Arabia, and minister of the Navy:” summary of reports on the Empire which appeared in the newspaper CorrespondenceBureau, 22 Teşrinievvel). 35 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 78/77, 9 Temmuz 1333 [9 July 1917] (from the ministry of Foreign Affairs to Cemal Paşa). 36 Ibid. 37 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 81/64, 7 Tişrinisani 1333 [7 Nov. 1917]. 38 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 49/216, 24 Kanunusani 1330 [6 Feb. 1915]. 39 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 49/245, 28 Kanunusani 1330 [10 Feb. 1915].

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THE NILI UNDERGROUND AND OTHER SPY NETWORKS

In the annals of the yishuv during the First World War the role of the NILI underground occupies a major traumatic and controversial place. This secret organization, made up of a few dozen Jewish colonists mainly from Zikhron Ya‘aqov, was founded to assist the British in Egypt in tak- ing over Palestine, terminating the 400 years of Ottoman rule, and freeing the yishuvfrom the Ottoman yoke. Some of its members were caught by the Ottomans and executed or committed suicide. Critics of NILI have argued that its irresponsible behavior threatened the entire yishuv whereas supporters —especially among rightwing circles in Israel in the past and even today— view its activity as a symbol of political courage and daring in the name of national aspirations. The NILI affair is also mentioned in the enciphered correspondence between Istanbul and the Levant.40 Most probably, one of the colonists of Zikhron Ya‘aqov who witnessed a brutal search in the colony by the local Ottoman authorities from Haifa, submitted a complaint, perhaps through one of the consuls. Beirut was asked by Istanbul to investigate allegations that several people were badly beaten in this colony during the hunt to eradicate the underground movement and that Sarah Aaron- sohn committed suicide after being caught and tortured.41 The kaymakam of Haifa allegedly threatened the colonists that their fate would be similar to that of the Armenians if they did not hand over Yosef Lishansky (1890-1917), a Jewish NILI activist wanted by the Ottoman authorities.42 In order to better convey his threat, the kaymakam allegedly emphasized his previous role in the Armenian affairs.43 This comparison to the Armenian genocide, which has not received enough attention in the literature despite being familiar, is nevertheless crucial. On the one hand, many in the yishuv were indeed afraid that their fate would be similar to the Armenians and hence opposed NILI’s activity to avoid the inevitable Ottoman revenge. NILI supporters, on the other hand, argued that if the yishuv did not help overthrow the Ottomans and

40 For more on the NILI affair from the Ottoman perspective, see Bek, Modi‘in ve-rigul, chap. 2-5; see also Sheffy,BritishMilitaryIntelligence,chap. 5. 41 On the significance of Sara Aaronsohn’s tragic death, see Melman, “The Legend.” 42 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 81/233, 24 Teşrinisani 1333 [24 Nov. 1917] (Talaat to the district of Beirut). 43 A similar description of these events is provided in the memoirs of Hillel-Yaffe, a Jewish doctor who was in Zikhron Ya‘aqov at the time. Quoted in Auron, ha-Banaliyut shel ha-adishut, p. 87.

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assist one of the European powers (preferably Britain), their destiny might be similar to that of the Armenians in any case. Aharon Aaronsohn, for example, was afraid that the Ottomans (whom he calls Turks in his diary) were planning a massacre of the Jews in Palestine and that the fate of the yishuv might be similar to that of the 800,000 Armenians murdered during the War if its people did not help the British to take the region from the hands of the Ottomans.44 Interestingly, Aaronsohn cited this number of Armenian casualties in his diary as early as 1916. Lishansky himself, who was the target of the Ottoman search in Zikhron Ya‘aqov, travelled for days, wounded and starved, from colony to colony all around Palestine, but was not given shelter out of fear of possible Ottoman revenge if he was caught. He was eventually apprehended by Bedouins in southern Palestine and handed over to the Ottoman authorities when he tried to cross Ottoman lines to British-ruled Egypt. He was later executed in Damascus together with another NILIactivist, Na‘aman Bel- kind (1888-1917).45 There were other cases of Jews aside from the members of NILI who were suspected by the Ottomans of spying or even caught spying.46 The most famous was Alter Levin (1883-1933), who was caught by the Ottomans on the eve of Jerusalem’s conquest by the British.47 The activities of foreign nationals who came from countries that were at war with the Ottomans caused the latter great concern. The Ottomans acted to expel numerous foreigners from Palestine during the War, including tens of thousands of foreign Jews who did not hold Ottoman citizenship.48 The Ottoman authorities also suspected that some local officials were involved in aiding foreign spies and ordered an investigation to elucidate these claims.49 Nevertheless, it does not seem that the Jewish spies or spy networks received special treatment from the Ottomans, who were in fact more concerned with espionage activity among the Arab majority population.

44 See YomanAharonAaronsohn, p. 107-109; Auron, ha-Banaliyut shel ha-adishut, chap. 2. 45 About Lishansky, see Lishansky,Papers. 46 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 55A/40, 20 Ağustos 1331 [2 Sep. 1915] (Talaat to the district of Jerusalem, regarding a Jewish spy named Dunyarin Bagusil [?], American citizen, who was escorted out of the country). 47 See Bek, Modi‘inve-rigul, p. 25-28, p. 128-152. 48 See BOA. DH. ŞFR., 488/123, 21 Temmuz 1331 [3 Aug. 1915] (from Jerusalem to the ministry of the Interior about Cemal Paşa’s order to evacuate foreign Jews from Jaffa by ship to Alexandria and about carrying out the mission). 49 BOA. DH. ŞFR., 81/200, 20 Teşrinisani 1333 [20 Nov. 1917] (Talaat to the Ottoman security apparatuses in Aleppo and in Beirut).

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CONCLUSION

This article discusses the ways in which the issue of the yishuv appears in enciphered Ottoman correspondence from the First World War, source material which is available today to researchers and thus far has rarely been exploited. It provides a new perspective on developments in Pales- tine during the First World War, a period whose historiography remains very controversial. Given that the events of the period are still too often examined through national paradigms and agendas, the enciphered telegrams, while not changing the general picture, nevertheless provide more nuanced and detailed depictions of the events, and the ostensible reasons for them. Further research is needed to fully cover the entire spectrum of enciphered Ottoman telegrams from the War period dealing with Greater Syria and Palestine and to determine the nature of the differences of opinion between the leadership in Istanbul and the commanders in the Levant, above all Cemal Paşa, with regard to the Jewish question in Palestine.

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APPENDIX A: BOA. DH. ŞFR., 81/233, 24 TEŞRİNİSANİ 1333 [24 NOV. 1917] (COURTESY OF ZMANIM)

A coded telegram from Talaat Paşa to the district of Beirut concerning a search in the Jewish colony of Zikhron Ya‘aqov.

Translation To the district of Beirut Enciphered We were informed [in a complaint that reached us] that in the village of Zamarin [Zikhron Ya‘aqov], in the sub-district of Haifa, the kaymakam stated in a speech to the residents that “if you do not hand over the spy [Yosef] Lishansky, your fate will be similar to that of the Armenians, whose deaths I was personally involved in.” The head of this village, Albert, and its residents Nisan Rotman, Fischel Aaronsohn, Hans, and the daughter of Fischel Aaronsohn, Sarah, were badly beaten and tortured. In addition, [the same] woman named Sarah [Aaronsohn] committed suicide due to the heavy beating. A thorough investigation should be conducted quickly about this matter and its conclusions should be reported clearly. Nazir [minister of the Interior], Talaat

Fig. 1.

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APPENDIX B: BOA. DH. ŞFR., 465/19, 3 MART 1331 [16 MAR. 1915] (P. 1 OF 3) (COURTESY OF ZMANIM)

A coded telegram from Cemal Paşa to Talaat Paşa, proposing a six-point plan to restrict Zionist activity in Palestine which he thought posed a real threat to the Empire.

Fig. 2

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Translation Enciphered To the minister of the Interior, Talaat Bey [Concerning telegram] no 5, my arrest procedures of the Zionists are completed. These [Zionists] constitute an enormous catastrophe for Pal- estine. They have set up an independent court in Jaffa and have taken steps to increase their independence. In my humble opinion there is a need to act quickly to enforce the law, as follows: 1. From now on, no Jewish immigrants should be accepted in Pales- tine, even if they are willing to take Ottoman citizenship. 2. Small Jewish settlements should not be allowed to turn into large colonies. The [Jewish colonies] that exist today call themselves colonies. The state should give these places appropriate names of [nearby Arab] villages, and designate them in this manner. 3. Regarding individuals with foreign nationalities and their representatives [who interfere] in the matters of these villages and in the con- duct of the settlements, a [governmental] intervention should be carried out to determine their identity and forbid their activity. 4. Palestine constantly attracts Jewish immigration. Their colonization activity leads to the creation of political, economic, and social societies. To prevent the foreigners among them to settle in Palestine, foreigners who dare establish a secret society must be expelled from the territory of the Empire. 5. Jews who immigrate to the Empire with the purpose of settling and establishing societies that encourage welfare activities [for the Jews], should be told “be Ottomans or [be treated like] foreigners [and find yourself] outside [the Empire]. In Palestine there is no [place for] division or [a separate Jewish] administration. Those who do not accept [Ottoman] sovereignty and act secretly to take the law into their own hands will be expelled from the Empire’s borders. 6. Apart from Palestine, regarding the rest of the Empire, Jews who immigrate to the Empire in order to settle, as individuals or in groups, are treated according to the special law that allows concessions. Therefore a temporary law should be issued that will deal a major blow to Zionism. Of these Zionists, 30-40 Russian Jews requested Ottoman citizenship. In my opinion, their requests must be rejected and they should be expelled. Regarding the remainder of the [foreign] Jews, in my opinion it is necessary to send them all [out of Palestine]. To avoid acting against the decisions of the imperial center, I request your authorization. Commander of the Fourth Army, Cemal [Paşa]

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REFERENCES

Archival sources BOA (only refers to directly cited documents). DH. ŞFR., 48/277, 23 Kanunuevvel 1330 [5 Jan. 1915]. DH. ŞFR., 49/216, 24 Kanunusani 1330 [6 Feb. 1915]. DH. ŞFR., 49/245, 28 Kanunusani 1330 [10 Feb. 1915]. DH. ŞFR., 465/19, 3 Mart 1331 [16 Mar. 1915]. DH. ŞFR., 51/236, 26 Mart 1331 [8 Apr. 1915]. DH. ŞFR., 53/179, 18 Mayıs 1331 [31 May 1915]. DH. ŞFR., 478/96, 22 Haziran 1331 [5 July 1915]. DH. ŞFR., 488/123, 21 Temmuz 1331 [3 Aug. 1915]. DH. ŞFR., 55A/40, 20 Ağustos 1331 [2 Sep. 1915]. DH. ŞFR., 463/14, 15 Şubat 1331 [28 Feb. 1916]. DH. EUM. 5 ŞB., 28/12, 8 Zilkade 1334 [6 Sep. 1916]. DH. EUM. 4 ŞB., 7/20, 24 Şaban 1334 [26 June 1916]. DH. ŞFR., 68/60, 19 Sep. 1916. DH. ŞFR., 533/62, 14 Eylul 1332 [27 Sep. 1916]. DH. ŞFR., 73/36, 6 Şubat 1332 [19 Feb. 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 75/78, 7 Nisan 1333 [7 Apr. 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 75/118, 12 Nisan 1333 [12 Apr. 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 551/68, 15 Nisan 1333 [15 Apr. 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 552/33, 22 Apr. 1917. DH. ŞFR., 553/47, 5 June 1917. DH. ŞFR., 77/121, 16 Haziran 1333 [16 June 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 557/44, 17 Haziran 1333 [17 June 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 558/2, 26 Haziran 1333 [26 June 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 78/77, 9 Temmuz 1333 [9 July 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 80/220, 22 Teşrinievvel 1333 [22 Oct. 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 81/64, 7 Tişrinisani 1333 [7 Nov. 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 81/145, 15 Teşrinisani 1333 [15 Nov. 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 81/200, 20 Teşrinisani 1333 [20 Nov. 1917]. DH. ŞFR., 81/233, 24 Teşrinisani 1333 [24 Nov. 1917]. DH. EUM. 7 ŞB., 3/68, 10 Nisan 1334 [10 Apr. 1918].

Memoirs, diaries, and secondary sources Alroey (Gur), “Exiled in their Own Land? The Expelled from Tel Aviv and Jaffa in Lower Galilee, 1917-1918,” Cathedra 120 (2006), p. 135-160. Auron (Yair), ha-Banaliyutshelha-adishut: yahasha-yishuvveha-tnu‘aha- tsiyonitle-retsahha-‘amha-armeni [the banality of indifference], Tel Aviv, Dvir, 1995. Bar-El (Dan), Greenberg (Zalman), “Holi ve-kolera be-Tverya be-milhemet ha- ‘Olam ha-Rishona”[illness and cholera in Tiberias during the First World War], Cathedra 120 (2006), p. 161-182.

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Bek (‘Aziz), Modi‘inve-rigulbe-Surya,Levanonve-Eretz-Yisra’elbe-milhemet ha-‘Olam [1913-1918] [intelligence and espionage in Lebanon, Syria and Palestine during the World War (1913-1918)], trans. and ed. Eliezer Tauber, Ramat-Gan, Bar-Ilan University Press, 1991. Çicek (M. Talhat), WarandStateFormationinSyria:CemalPasha’sGoverno- rateduringWorldWarI-1917, New York, Routledge (RoutledgeStudies inMiddleEasternHistory), 2014. Davison (Roderic H.), “The Advent of the Electric Telegraph in the Ottoman Empire: How Morse’s Invention was Introduced at the Time of the Crimean War,” in id.,EssaysinOttomanandTurkishHistory,1774-1923: TheImpactoftheWest, London, Saqi Books, 1990, p. 133-165. Dizengoff (Meir), ‘AmTel-Avivba-Golah [the people of Tel Aviv in Exile], Tel Aviv, Dfus Omanut Eretz-Yisra’el, 1921. Djemal Pasha, MemoriesofaTurkishStatesman,1913-1919, New York, Arno Press, 1973 (1st ed.: New York, George H. Doran Company, 1922). Dündar (Fuat), İttihatveTerakki’ninMüslümanlarıİskânPolitikası(1913-1918), Istanbul, İletişim Yayınları, 2011. Efrati (Nathan), mi-Mashberle-Tikva:ha-Yishuvha-yehudibe-Eretz-Yisra’elbe- milhemet ha-‘olam ha-rishona [the Jewish community in Eretz-Israel during World War I (1914-1918)], Jerusalem, Yad Ben-Zvi, 1991. Lishansky (Joseph), PapersandLetters, ed. Joseph Nedava, Tel Aviv, Hadar, 1976. Melman (Billie), “The Legend of Sarah: Gender, Memory and National Identities in Eretz Yisrael/Israel, 1917-1990,” TheJournalofIsraeliHistory 21/1-2 (2000): Women’sTime,NewStudiesfromIsrael, p. 53-90. Sheffy (Yigal), British Military Intelligence in the Palestine Campaign, 1914-1918, Portland OR, F. Cass (CassSeries:StudiesinIntelligence), 1998. YomanAharonAaronsohn(1916-1919) [the diary of Aharon Aaronsohn], ed. Yoram Efrati, Tel Aviv, Karni, 1970. Zachs (Fruma), “A Transformation of a Memory of a Tyranny in Syria: From Jamal Pasha to ‘Id al-Shuhada,’ 1914-2000,” MiddleEasternStudies 48/1 (2012), p. 73-88. Zürcher (Erik J.), Turkey:AModernHistory, London, I.B. Tauris, 2001.

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Yuval Ben-Bassat, Télégrammeschiffrésottomansdelapremièreguerremon- dialeconcernantleyishuvenPalestine.

Accessibles désormais aux chercheurs dans les archives ottomanes d’Istanbul, les échanges télégraphiques chiffrés entre Istanbul et les autorités ottomanes de la Grande Syrie pendant la première guerre mondiale permettent de porter un regard nouveau sur cette période sombre du yishouv en Palestine. Plusieurs dou- zaines de télégrammes chiffrés, concernant directement ou indirectement le yishouv, sont présentés et analysés. Ils ont trait à l’activité sioniste en Palestine, à l’expulsion des habitants juifs de Jaffa et de Tel Aviv, à l’attitude de la presse européenne et de l’opinion publique à l’égard des Juifs, ainsi qu’aux partisans du NILI et d’autres réseaux d’espionnage. Un aspect frappant de la correspon- dance ottomane sur le sort du yishouv est la divergence de vues entre le comman- dant de la région, Ahmet Cemal Paşa (1872-1922), et les dirigeants d’Istanbul, notamment Mehmet Talaat Paşa (1874-1921), alors ministre de l’Intérieur et également grand vizir à partir de 1917.

Yuval Ben-Bassat, EncipheredOttomanTelegramsfromtheFirstWorldWar ConcerningtheYishuvinPalestine.

Enciphered telegraphs between Istanbul and the Ottoman authorities in Greater Syria during the First World War, which are available today to researchers in the Ottoman archives in Istanbul, shed new light on the history of this gloomy period in the annals of the Jewish yishuv in Palestine. This article presents and analyzes dozens of enciphered Ottoman telegrams dealing directly or indirectly with the yishuv. Four topics appear: Zionist activity in Palestine, the expulsion of Jaffa and Tel Aviv’s Jewish residents, the European press and public opinion with regards to the Jews, and the NILI underground and other spying networks. One conspicuous feature of this Ottoman correspondence with regard to the fate of the yishuv is the difference of opinion between the commander of the region, Ahmet Cemal Paşa (1872-1922), and the views expressed by the central government, particularly by Mehmet Talaat Paşa (1874-1921) who was the minister of the Interior at the time and had also served as the grand vizier since 1917.

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