JapaneseJapaneseSociety Society of Cultural Anthropology

Japanese Review ofCultural Anthropology, vol.3, 2002

"Japanese" The Debate on the Race in Imperial Japan: Displacement or Coexistence?

David AsKEw

Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University

Introduction

Despite the work of Michael Weiner and others, the systematic analysis in English of the

secial construction of racial ideologies in Japan remains relatively rare. In this paper, the

author will attempt to provide an outline of the anthropological debate in pre-war Japan on the

Japanese race, focusing in particular on the work of the Westerners who introduced the

methodologies and language of anthropology and related sciences (such as archaeology) to

Japan,i In a second paper, the author will focus on the development of anthropology in Japan,

examining the works of the earliest Japanese anthropologists.

It has been argued that imperial Japan was dominated by a belief in the ethnic "[t]he homogeneity of the Japanese nation. Weiner, for instance, writes that modality of

nationalism which emerged in the context of post-restoration Japan was one which idealized `racial' cultural and homogeneity as the fbundation ofthe nation-state"(Weiner 1997: 1). This

'irace" paper will attempt to demonstrate that the discourse on or ethnicity in imperial Japan

was in fact much more complicated than this might suggest, and that the dominant view as

advocated first by Westerners and later developed by Japanese anthropologists was the

"mixed narrative which fbcused on heterogeneity-a narrative that came to be known as the

nation theory" (hongO minzokuron),2 It is however true that, especially from the second half of

the Melji period, many of the arguments that emphasized heterogeneity argued that any "racial" `LJapanese" mixture that had occurred had taken place so long ago that the were to all

i For an introductien to the issues dealt with here, see Yhmaguchi et al. (1998). Also see Ikeda C1973, 1982),

Kiyono C1944), Kudb C1979), Oguma (2002), and Y)shioka (1987, 1993). ! For the dominance ofthis theory, see Oguma {2002).

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intents and purposes a single homogeneous race, However, it is also true that many

`tJapanese" were in fact members of minority ethnic groups, and clearly acknowledged as such.

Indeed, the fundamental logic of territorial expansionism and imperialism almost by definition

implies ethnic pluralism or heterogeneity.

As Weiner notes, during the last decades of the nineteenth century in particular,'`attempts

`Japaneseness' to establish the criteria for what eonstituted occupied the energy and resources

of statesmen, bureaucrats and unofficial publicists alike"(Weiner 1997: 4, also see 1994: 15).

`'sel " "self" This discourse ofnecessity fbcused on the Other in defining £ The discourse on was

based, Weiner claims, to a large extent on a racial categorization, an imperial construct that to

a certain extent at least reflected (and responded to changes in) the environment from which it

emerged."

This discourse on national identity was developed in many academic fields, including

anthropology Indeed, early anthropology in Japan was dominated by a discussion about the

eaTliest inhabitants of the Japanese archipelago and the prehistorical culture of Japan, and

was thus deeply interested in the question of the racial origins of the Japanese ([Ilerada 1975:

5). In this paper and a second paper, the author will argue that the anthropological discourse

on the (origins of the) Japanese race and nation in the pre-war Great Japanese Empire can be

divided into three different narratives that focused on the origins of the Japanese. The first

claimed that one nation had replaced another, the second that two (or more) nations had co-

existed and rnixed their blood, while the third fbcused on the role of evolution, The early

Western authors developed the first two narratives, which will be examined here. The second

paper will examine the third narrative together with the complex interplay between these

discourses, and attempt to demonstrate how this interplay influenced both the construction of

a modern Japanese identity and the nature of Japanese colonial rule.

It hardly needs to be said that the pre-war (Melji, Taisho, and early Showa) disceurse

examined here was one in which several assumptions,about race were widely accepted. The

`'race" first was that was a biological concept rather than a social construction, and that

human populations could be divided into groups (races> based on specific biological

characteristics that remained more or less constant across generations. The second was that human pepulations could not only be divided into groups, but also into a hierarchy in which

'`races" some groups were viewed as superior to others, Some were inherently more intelligent

and better adapted for modern life than others (needless to saM this second argument "natural" facilitated a justification of imperialism, which was sometimes seen as a rule of the inferior Other by the superior selC although in the case of Japan, the inferior Other were

frequently depicted as inferior in terms of eulture and politics rather than race),

" Weiner (1994: 6). This general theme is discussed at length in Oguma <2002). Also see Askew {2001). Wbiner's `'self" argument that the discourse on was based en u rucial categorization is to a certain extent true, but the

author believes thaL this discourse was based to a much larger extent on a cultural categerization that included ''self" as members of those who had adopted partieular cultural attributes, notably respect for the Emperor and

the ability te speak Japanese.

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''Japanese'' The Debate on the Race in Irnperial Japan: Displacement or Coexistence? 81

Edo Beginnings

Although the Hitachi-no-kuni Fudoki (The Hitachi-no-kuni Domain: Records of Wind and Earth), a work compiled in approximately 713, contains the first reference to a prehistoric site

(a shell-moUnd) in the Japanese literature, it was not unti] the Edo period, during which the

prehistoric stone toels unearthed in various regions of Japan attraeted much attention, that

systematic, academic theories about the Stone Age inhabitants of the archipelago began to be

developed.` These theories were based on Japanese myths and oral legends,5 According to

Kiyono Keaji in his work on theories of the Japanese race, Nippon Jtnshuron Hensenshi (A

History of the Changes in Theories of the Japanese Race) (1944), a work that crowned the

academic achievement of the various pre-war writings on the topic, there were three main schools about the people responsible for the stone tools (in addition to the notion that they were the gods or giants): the argument that they were the legendary Korobokkuru, the argument that they were the ancestors of the modern Japanese, and finally the theory that had become

dominant by the end of the Edo period, the idea that they were the ancestors of the Ainu.6 As

will be argued below, the Edo period discourse was to influence the later Western discourse

about the origins of the Japanese, and so will be briefly introduced here.

"the Stating that gods are men," Arai Hakuseki (1657-1725) argued that the stone tools that had been viewed as weapons of the gods were not in fact the products of the gods but rather were man-made artifacts, the products of the Shukushin, a Tungus people thought to have lived in the northeastern area of ancient China.7 The events of Japanese prehistory

"Age known as the ofthe Gods" were therefbre really human events. Hakuseki also argued that

"Emishi" the that appeared in ancient texts were the Ainu, and that the Ainu were a northern

race that had once lived in northern Honsha but had subsequently been driven out by the early Heian period General, Sakanoue-no-Tamuramaro (758-811) (Kudb 1979: 7), Kinouchi Sekitei (1724-1808), the author of the most important work in archaeology in Edo period Japan, Uhkonshi (1773-1801), a catalogue of his collection of rocks, fossils and artifacts, also argued

that the stone-tools were man-made, However, noting that the Ainu were still using stone tools,

he stated that the Ainu were responsible for the prehistoric ones as well, suggesting that the

Nnu were the Shukushin.8 In 1781, [[b [ibikan (1732-1797) published his Sho-hnhatsu

Japan) (arguing that the earliest dates had to be brought forward by about 600 years). He

`'unbroken claimed that the line of Emperors" had in faet been broken, and also argued that the

`Bleecl (1986:57-76), Ogurna {2e02:chapteT1),Tlerada (1975:5-6}. For the Hitachi-no-huni Fudohi, see Aoki C1997).S

Kyono (1944) and Ikeda (1973: 5). G Kiyono {1944: 9-26), Also see Ikeda {1973: 5) and KudO {1979: 19-36), J Arai Hakuseki, 1

Hakusekj. See for instanee Saito Tadashi C1985: 5-10). In English, see Joyce Ackroyd (1982: ix-liv>. " Kinouchi Sekitei, cited in KudO C1979: 35-36}. For Kinouehi Sekitei, also see SaitO Q985: 14-20).

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language, names and customs described in Nihon Shoki were similar te those of the continent

and especially the Korean peninsula (this notion wQuld reemerge later as the theery that the

Japanese and Koreans shared a cornmon ancestor, or Nissen Dosoron, and the idea that the

roots of the Imperial Family could be traced back to Korea). [[b [[bikan thus argued that the

"Japanese'' stone tools were artificial and that a race other than the were responsible for the

too}s, He also challenged some aspects of the historical narrative as unfolded in the Kiki myths.9

Pre-Melji Western Theories

A number of Western writers were also active during this period. Earlier authors such as

Joao Rodrigues (1561-1634) looked to China and Korea to explain the origins of the Japanese,

while Pedro Morejon (1562-1634?) in his Historia Relacion de lo sucedido en los Reinos de

cJdpon y China (1621) claimed that while some came from China, Tartars related to the

American Indians came from the north, Although it was sometimes argued that the Chinese,

Japanese and Tartars were descended from the twelve tribes of Israel, Morejon thought that

they had probably intermarried with peoples already in the east.i" In his 7Ihe Histor:y of Jdpan, Engerbert Ktimpfer (1651-1766) argued that there was insuflicient proof that the Japanese were descended from the Chinese, and instead looked to

"the "it ]anguage to provide clues about true origin of" the Japanese nation. Indeed, may be

laid down as a constant rule, that in proportion to the numbers of strangers, who eome to settle

and live in a CountrM words ofthe tongue spoken by them will be brought into the Ianguage of

that Country"ii An examination of the Japanese language demonstrated that Japanese

"so intercourse with neighbouring peoples had been minimal. Japanese was entirely different

"that from" Chinese there is no room left to think that these two Nations gave birth to each

other"(Ktimpfer 1727-28/ 1977: 84), The same could be said of Korea. Moreover, the differences

in religion, customs and national character also demonstrated that Japan had not been settled

by a people from the mainland. If the Japanese did not descend from the Chinese, Ktimpfer "from "to asks, what parts of the world" is it possible trace out their original deseent':? The

answer is a surprising one: the Japanese were directly descended from the people of Babylon. "the Indeed, Japanese language is one of those, which Sacred Writs mention, that the all-wise

Providence hath thought fit, by way of punishment and confusion, to infuse into the minds of

the vain builders of the Babylonian [fower"(Kampfer1727-28/1977]86). Furthermore,

"KudO (1979: 7-14). Japanese koh"gakusha were outraged by [feikan"s position, Motoori Norinaga writing a "the detailed rebuttal, Kbnbyoj'in, in which he sLammed [[leikan's ideas as words of a rnad man." It is interesting

to note that many of the later Western authors were to take a far less critical view ofthe Kiki myths than [[leikan. For Tb Tbikan, see SaitO (1985: 20-26, 1990: 99-115). ]"Cooper(1974: 307), Kudo (1979: 37-39). i' KIimpfer (1727-2811977: 83). I have modernized the romanisation ef Ktimpfer's English here and elsewhere.

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"Japanese'' The Debate on the Race in Imperial Japan: Displacement or Coexistence? 83

"pure" Japanese was so that the Japanese must have fled directly to the archipelago, without

spending much time in the various lands they would have encountered en the way

Kampfer's argument is of interest for a number of reasons. The notion that the Japanese

were descended from the world described in the Bible was to be repeated in ether pre-war discussions of the origins of the Japanese, most notably McLeod and later Takahashi Ybshio,ii

Ktimpfer's emphasis on language was to be taken up with far more sophistication by linguists.

FinallM he carefu11y hedged his bets with regard to the racial rnake-up of the Japanese, On the

one hand, he claimed that the Japanese language had changed so little that the varieus

"must recorded migrations ofpeoples from the Kerean peninsula and Chinese mainland have

been very inconsiderate with regard to the bulk of the Japanese Nation"mor in other words

that the Japanese were effbctively homogeneous (Ktimpfer 1727-28 1 1977: 92). On the other

"unknQwn hand, however, he also acknowledged the existence of a minority people, an nation" L`the within the borders of Japan-the Pygmies of rnost Northern Islands" who lived on Pygmy

Island (Ktimpfer 1727-28 / 1977: 95), Moreover, regional differences in the appearances of the '`that Japanese suggested from time to time, diffbrent and new branches were grafted into the original [[ltree of this Nation" (Kiimpfer 1727-28 / 1977: 95). In other words, the netion of both

homogeneity and heterogeneity coexisted (uncomfortably) in Ktimpfefs work.

Another figure who was to have a long-lasting impact on theories of the racial origins of

the Japanese was Philipp Franz von Siebold (1796-1866). Indeed, it is often said that von

Siebold was the first individual to write in a scientific fashion about the origins of the

Japanese.i3 In his Nippon, von Siebold'who had been provided with access to Sekitei's collectien-argued that the stene tools unearthed in various parts of Japan were the produets

of the Ainu, an Aboriginal people, and that the Ainu were later conquered by a Tartar nation,

As will be discussed below, this argument was later supported by his son, Heinrich (or Henry)

ven Siebold (1852-1908), who traveled to Japan in the early Meiji period and collected a large

number of stone tools.

P von Siebold thus viewed the Ainu as the indigenes of Japan, Using an examination of the physica] characteristics of the Japanese, together with an analysis of the Japanese

language, culture and religion, he argued that the Japanese originated in areas such as Korea,

Saghalien (or Sakhalin) and north China (Manchuria). According to von Siebold, the Japanese

were related te the Tartars, and were also related to the peoples of the new world (Peru and

Columbia). The Japanese language was related to those of the Ainu and Koreans. Thus, in

stark contrast to Ktimpfer, von Siebold looked to Japan's immediate region as the location of

the Japanese. He also advocated the notion of the Ainu as indigenes and a later conquest by

people from outside the archipelago (KudO 1979: 43-48).

"' See Oguma {2002: chapter 10). d3Hanihara (1993/ 85), Yamaguchi et al. {1998: 117). Phj]ipp Franz von Siebold's Nippon: Archiv zur

Beschreibung von Japan und dessen neben-und Sch"txldndern tJlezo rnit den sthdlichen Kuriten, Sachalin, Kbrea

und clen Liuki,u-Inseln is readily available in Japanese translation. Also see Philipp Franz von Siebold (1973).

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The Melji Enlightenment: Westerners on Japanese Origins

Views of the Japanese race as developed during the early Melji period by a variety of Western authors can be summarized as belonging to one of a number of different positions.

First, there was a debate about the indigenous people of Japan, with opposition to Edward

Sylvester Morse's (1838-1925) pre-Ainu theory provided by the Ainu theory as developed by

Heinrich von Siebold and John Milne (1850-1913), Second, there was an early version of the

"mixed nation theory" as proposed by the German, Erwin von Bnlz or Baelz (1849-1913), a

medical doctor who taught medicine at the [Ibkyo School of Medicine, FinallM there was the

`'Caucasian theory" as advocated by authors such as N, McLeod,

Despite the sophistication of the Edo period discourse, it was not until the Melji period

"anthropolegy" that as a modem scientific discipline was established in Japan.i` Morse's paper

on the shell-mounds at Omori, Shell Mounds of Omori (1879) is generally regarded as the first academic paper published in Japan, marking the birth of anthropology and archaeo}ogy in that

countrytfi Although neither an anthropologist nor an archaeologist but a zoologist, Morse was a

highly intelligent man of science, a member of the National Academy of Sciences in his native

USA and vice-head of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, both at the

age of 38 (Ota 1988: 19). He also had some experience in excavating shell-mounds in the USA.

Hoping to collect and study Brachiopoda, he arrived in Ybkohama, Japan on 18 June 1877. His

first days in Japan were a dream run, [Eraveling by train to [[bkyo, he realized that he had

"discovered" a shell-mound the very next daM observing both that the rail track had cut

through a Kjoekkenmoedding and that no-one seemed to be aware of the importance of what

had been exposed. In addition, he was quickly oflered a position as Professor of Zoology at

[Ibkyo Imperial University

Having decided to accept the offbred position, Morse returned to Ornori, where his examination of the shell-mounds led him to conclude that a pre-Ainu people had lived on the

Japanese archipelago, a people with the skills required to make pottery and a taste for human

flesh (Morse 1879). His work was fo11owed by a rush of papers that dealt with anthropological

themes by other highly educated men of letters, including individuals such as Milne, Edmund

Naumann (1854-1927) and H. ven Siebold (the last two may have examined the shell-mounds

at Omori before Morse). These early papers demonstrated an interest in these themes that

might attract the attention of a Victorian gentleman-skin colour, intelligence and race, for '`Japanese instance, and the relative superiority or inferiority of the race" when compared to

other races.i6

i` For the early Melji period, see Kiyono (1944: 27-58). For the writings of various Westerners, see Kiyono (1944: 251-80}.i5 Morse {2539 [1879]). For Morse's work as an anthropologist, see Morse (IS77, 1879, 1892). The literature on "Stephen Morse is huge, See in particular Ybshioka (1987). Sofue (1961: 174), mistakenly gives Morse's narne as Morse."

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"Japanese'' The Debate on the Raee in Imperial Japan: Displaeement or Coexistence? 85

Morse's examination of the history of prehistorical man in the Japanese archipelago unfblded under the influence of Darwinisrn and played a central rele in the introduction of

anthropologM archaeology and ethnology in Japan.

In his SheZl Mounds of Omori (1879), Morse did not mention the issue of race, but did make the controversial claim that a prehistoric people in the archipelago had been cannibals.iT'

'`Ttaces In 1879, he also published his of an Early Race in Japan," where he argued from his findings at Omori that stone age man (1) had possessed the ability to create pottery and (2)

was cannibalistic, both characteristics not seen in the modern Ainu. Assurning that any people which had once learned to make pottery would never subsequently lose that knowledge, he concluded that the pre-Ainu had been a people with these characteristics, and had been

replaced first by the Ainu and then the modern Japanese.'H Merse also used the Kiki myths,

and in particular the story of the Jinmu Emperor, to argue that the Japanese had arrived from the south, and subsequently moved up the archipelago, pushing the Ainu northwards. The Ainu, he thought, originated from the north, and had moved southwards, down the

archipelago, Since Morse believed that the Omoricannibals were not the Ainu, his

understanding of the racial history of Japan can be summarized as fo11ows. First, a pre-Ainu people, the indigenous cannibals, had existed, but had been pushed aside by the Ainu who

came from the north. Second, the Ainu had in turn suffered the fate they had inflicted on the

pre-Ainu: a new people, the modern Japanese, had arrived from the south and pushed the Ainu

back, As will be demonstrated below, the structure of Morse's depiction of prehistoric Japan

shares much in cornmon with the Korobokkuru theory

Of the various individuals involved in the debate on the racial origins of the Japanese, one of the most important was Milne, a geologist and seismologist who, like Morse, played a crucial

role in the early days of anthropologM prehistorM and archaeology in Japan,i9 Milne first arrived in Japan on 8 March 1876 to take up a position at the predecessor of the Faculty of Engineering at [rbkyo Imperial University (the kagakur y6) where he taught geology and mining (his interest in seismology was only triggered after he came to Japan and experienced his first

earthquake). The first anthropological-cum-archaeological surveys of Milne that we can date

are those of the summer of 1878 in Hokkaido and Chishima (in a sign of how much werk was

being done in Japan at the time, it is interesting to note that Morse was also in Holclcaido in

"The i" See, for instanee, St. John (1873 at p. 248}, where he speaks of the Ainu as fbllows. colour of their skin is dark; a eopper colour, with an olive tint, or a dirty copper, (''' ) Their features are regular, good, and decidedly pleasing; entirely distinct from the Mongolian, having neither the high-cheeked bone nor oblique upper eyelid peculiar to that race. Many have intelligent faces.'' 'T "One Morse (2539 [1879]: 17-19). of the most jnteresting discoveries connected with the Omori Mound is the evidence of cannibalism which it afTbrds, this being the first inclication of a race ef anthropophagt in Japan."

Morse (2539 [1879]: 17). iS Morse (1879}. Morse was particularly interested in the pottery that emerged from the shell-mound, calling it "cord marked pottery," a term translated as Jomon. i9 For Milneis work as an anthropelogist, see Milne C1879, 1880, 1881, 1882 and 1893). Fer an introduction to

Milne, see Ybshioka (1993). Also see A. L. Herbert-Gustar and P, A. Nott (1980).

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July-August of 1878 to inspect a number of sites, as was H. von Siebold from August that year).

Milne's work in Chishima (the northem Kuriles) was the first scientific survey of the area: the

first Japanese to do so was [[brii Ryaz6 in 1899 (Ybshioka 1993: 101). Echoing Kampfer en the Pygmies of Pygmy Island, Milne argued that a pygmy people 'known as the Koro-pok-guru or Koropokkuru had existed in Hokkaido (the Koropokkuru were mentioned in Ainu legends) during the Jdmon period, and the Ainu had lived in the main island of Honshn, After the ancestors of the modern Japanese invaded Honshtt, the Ainu were

pushed into Hokkaido, and the Koropokkuru disappeared. Again, one nation emerged

victorious, with the losing nations disappearing from history, This argument was developed in a number of papers.

"Notes In his on Stone Implements," Milne argued that the prehistoric stone imp}ements

"still fbund in Japan were left not by the pre-Ainu but by the Ainu, a people which inhabit

"probably" "were Yezo"and once lived threughout Japan leaving shell-mounds behind, but

driven back towards the north by the Japanese advancing from the south"(Milne 1880: 61).

Milne argued that his research ofarchaeological sites (the pit-dwellings or tateana houses) in Chishima and Nemuro had led him to the conclusion that the peeple responsible for these

were not the Ainu, but another people, the pit-dwellers or Koropoklcuru. Milne viewed these

people as the ancestors of the peoples ofthe northern Kuriles, whom he had observed still lived

in pit-dwellings (Milne 1880: 82). This was the first time that the Koropokkuru-Tsuboi

Shogoro's (1863-1913) Korobokkuru-were mentioned in academic discourse of the Japanese

race, although Matsuura Takeshiro (1819-1888) who traveled to Hokkaido, Chishima and

"natives" Sakhalin, inspected a number of sites, and collected potterM mentioned that the

'`dwar[fts" (dojin) claimed the responsible for pit-dwellings, and ofcourse Kampfer had alluded to them (Kudo 1979i 30). In his"The Stone Age in Japan,'' Milne mentions, among others, Morse, Naumann, H. von Siebold, and Unfeonshi: he was obviously highly aware ef the recent work being done on

Japanese prehistory Using the Japanese Kiki myths, together with place-names, }anguage, and the faces of some of the modern Japanese, he again argued that it was probable that the Ainu had inhabited Japan, and been pushed north by the Japanese (Milne 1881, 1893: 502-3).

Acknowledging that Morse had argued that the Ainu were not pot-makers, and therefore could

not be responsible for the shell-middens, Milne drew on his own research in Hokkaido and the

Kuriles to dismiss this particular objection (he also noted that there was some evidence that the Ainu had been and remained pot-makers [Milne 1880: 82, 1893: 5021>. He was also

`LIn skeptical of the claim of cannibalism. reply to this, all I can say is that, so far, the only

evidences ef cannibalism are those found by Professor Morse at one heap at Omori [Omori]. ''E IVthQugh diligent search has been made by several persons interested in these enquiries not only in the Omori heap, but in many others, not a trace of similar evidence has yet been found"

(Milne 1881: 410). Moreover, he used Japanese sources to undermine Morse's claim that the

"`mild Ainu were too and gentle': a people to have practiced cannibaiism, In the past, they had demonstrated a"ferocious"nature, and so, if cannibalism was eventually proved, Milne

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''Japanese" The Debate on the Race in Irnperial Japan: Displacement or Coexistence? 87

thought it not unlikely that the Ainu may have been responsible.20 The Ainu were therefore the

`'predecessors" of the Japanese. [I]hey were not, however, the indigenes of Hokkaido: Milne `LKurilsky"had suggested that the"Kamschadales or Alutes'i or predated the hinu, were a

different race, and had been fbrced north through the Kuriles and into Kamsehatka as the Ainu

were pushed into Hokkaido by the Japanese advancement up the arehipelago from the south,

This was clearly linked with Darwin's struggle for existence (Milne 1880: 87, 1882: 188, 1893: 503).

Milne also attempted to date the shell-mounds at Omori, Using a series of maps dating back several hundred years, he argued that it was pos$ible to estimate the distance the sea had

retreated, and thus to estimate when the shell-mounds had been on the seaboard. His estimate

`'ih]istory was that this had been 1,500 to 3,OOO years ago, and since tells us that about 2,500 years ago Jinmu [[lznno [Jinmu Emperor] came to Japan and fought against the Ainos'', it was

``very probable that the Omori deposit" had been produced by the Ainu.!i

Another important figure was H. von Siebold (or Siebold the younger, as he is frequently gtven in the Japanese }iterature). His early work on arehaeology; AIbtes on Japanese

Archaeolagy with Especial Reference to the Stone Age (1879), was, as Kiyono Kenji notes, a solid

work based on as much information as could be eollected at the time." As was the case with

many of his contemporaries, Siebold accepted the narrative given in the Kiki myths as based on "The history, He thus argued that tribes of savages with whom Jimmu [[enno [the Jinmu

Emperor] met when he advanced northwards, whom his descendants had to conquer, and who ･･･ were called Ebisu, Kdema Osso or Osso are none e]se than the Ainos"(H. von Siebold 1879: ii).

He advocated the notion of the Japanese as a product ofa huge melting pot of peeples, and that

of regional diffbrences within Japan. Not only, fbr instance, did the people of southern Kyasha "Corea '`History `E' share much in common with the inhabitants of and Loochoo," but proves ･･- that Japan has been in relation with no less than sixteen different peoples, and it cannot be

doubted that these have had much ethct on the race"(H. von Siebold 1879: ii). Based on

``Bay Japanese mythologyl he argued that the Ainu had resided in and around the of Yedo"

until at least 110 AD, and therefore that the shell-mounds unearthed there (including of course

"not that unearthed by Morse) were older than from fifteen hundred to two thousand years"

(H. von Siebold 1879: 13). As was the case with Milne, Siebold cast doubt on Morse's evidenee

that cannibalism had been practieed, but also provided himself with a safe back door: although

`Lcertainly the Ainu of the day were mild and peaceable," this had not always been the case-

they had once been ferocious warriors (H. von Siebold 1879: 14).

Siebold also used the Kiki myths, and in particular the story of the Jinmu Emperor's Eastern Expedition to shed light on the story of prehistoric Japan. According to this storM the

2" Milne (1881: 411). Alse see Milne C1880: 82-83}.

L'iMilne "rather {1881; 420, footnote), Also see Milne (1880: 86), where he states the age than being mere than 2,600 years old, is probably less". '2 "Henry.'' Henry von Sicbold (1879). Kiyono (1944: 262). Heinrich published in English under the name See H. von Siebold (1996) .

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Japanese had moved north, up the archipelago, conquering barbarian tribes known as the

Ebisu and Kumaso. Using ideas developed during the Edo period, Siebold argued that these

barbarian tribes were in fact the Ainu. According to the Kiki myths, Ylimato Takeru had fought

and conquered the Ainu living around the Edo Bay in 110 AD, and so those responsible fbr the

Omori shell-mound must have existed previously te this, "Some The debate was a vigorous one. In his Recent Publications on Japanese

Archaeology," Morse replies to the criticisms advanced by Milne and also introduces the work

by H, von Siebold (Morse 1880). Morse was unconvinced that the Ainu were pot makers. He is "cruel harshly critical of Milne's belief that, since the Ainu once practiced modes of punishments," they rnight therefore have once practiced canniba]ism (Mor$e 1880: 659).

Similar reasoning, Morse noted, might lead one to assume that the Scots had once been

cannibals! Siebold is also criticized (he had copied some of his information from Morse, and

faithfuly reproduced a mistake in the original) (Morse 1880: 661).

Another German active in Melji Japan was Btilz, whese major contribution to the debate

"types" on the Japanese race was his thesis that two distinctive of Japanese existedLthe

upper-class and the lower-class,23 According to Btilz, the Ainu were the original inhabitants of

"closely the archipelago. They were not a Mongolian people, but were related to the Caucasian

race"(this argument was based on their physical appearance) (Btilz 1907: 526). In addition to

the Ainu, the modern Japanese, he claimed, who only had a little Ainu blood in their veins,

"Choshu "Satsuma could be divided into a type" and a type." The Choshu type, which was in

the minority but dominated the ruling class, had long heads, long, thin faces, were tall and of

slender build, had narrow eyes, straight noses, small mouths and single-edged eyelids. The

Satsuma type, on the other hand, consisted of the majoritM the eommon people, had square er

round faces, were short and of stocky build, had short noses, large, round eyes, large noses and

double-edged eyelids. Moreover, the Choshn type (the north or true Mongolian type) resembled

the Chinese and Korean peoples, and had come to the southwest of the archipelago from the

continent and through the Korean peninsula, whereas the Satsuma type (the south Mongolian

or Malayan type) resembled the Malays. Both types had mingled with the aboriginal people of

the archipelago, and the modern Japanese were a product of a mixture between the three,

Balz therefbre argued that the Japanese nation was the product of an ethnic melting pot

and that there had been two waves of migration to Japan, both via the Korean peninsula. This notion of a melting pot (if not Balz' version) was to become the dominant view of imperial Japan.

Balz also claimed that the Japanese language belonged to the Ural-Altaic family of

languages, and therefore in prehistoric times when the Ural-Altaic culture still existed, a tribe

'S For Btilz" Das Leben eines deutschen Anztes irn erwachenden cJdpatt, his autobiographM see Balz (1972) and Schottltinder (1995). Also see Btilz(2001), which contains (in translation) his major papers on raee. The author has also used Btilz (1907). Another author who argued for two types ofJapanese was William Elliot Griffis {1843- 1928), who claimed that there was a Yhmato type (the ruling class) and a northern or Ainu type (the peasants}. See Griffis (1876: chapter 2).

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''Japanese" The Debate an the Race in lmperial Japan: Displacement or Coexistence? 89

belonging to the Akl[ad people meved east to Japan (this view echoes the position advocated by Ktimpfer). Finally, in a reflection of the arguments of others of his generation, he argued that

the Kiki myths could be interpreted to show that the arrival of the Japanese to the arghipelago

was reflected in the form of the Izumo myths and the story of the descent to earth of the

descendants of the Sun-Goddess (the Japanese). Of the authors who argued for a Caucasian link, the most interesting work was the non-

academic Ilpttome of the Ancient Histor:y of cJttpan by McLeod (1875). McLeod manages to bring

together most (not all) of the various theories that had been advanced during the Edo and early

Meiji periQds. Race played a central role in his history of ancient Japan-his work actual}y

"The "a begins: Empire of Japan is peopled by three distinct races," In addition to few" "descendants `'remainder Koreans, of a Negro race," and the of the" Japanese untouchables,

the hisabetsu burakuntin (viewed by McLeod as an alien race, but at least some of whom he

`'little viewed as Korean), the three races were the majority Aino (`'Aa. Inu"), a race, the

"the "Aa. aborigines of the south'', and finally Jewish race"! Of the three raees, the Inu" and `imixed the Jewish-Japanese had intermarried to produce a race,"L'` The Japanese were thus the product of a highly complicated process of interracial marriage, FortunatelM however,

McLeod can help shed light on this situation.

McLeod has an unique view of Japanese history. The [[bkugawa Bakufu was fbunded by

"Aa. descendants of the Inu," whereas those who had opposed the [[bkugawa, the tozama -were daimy6 together with the Imperial family-"people ofJin Mu [rbnno [Jinmu Emperor]''

Jews (McLeod 1875: 1-2).

``Aa. '`the The Inu" had once ruled Japan, including Little Race the descendants of Ham" (McLeod 1875: 5). This Little Race lived in the south of Japan: McLeod had discovered them L`thick among the lower classes in Kyosha and Shikoku. A Malay people, they had lips, fiat

noses, high cheekbones, fu11 faces, large black eyes, low foreheads," dark cemplexions, and

were weaker than the other major races (MeLeod 1875: 5). The Jinmu Emperor and his Jewish warriors arrived in the south ef Japan, In an ancient '`the picture he has purchased, McLeod informs his readers, Princes are clad in the ancient ''- arrnour ofAssyria and Media, and shed like the ancient Princes ofIsrael they wear the taehi

or Persian sword, and seme have the ancient Israelitish [sic] unicorn shaped spears; others

have the spear formerly worn by the aneient Median infantry" (McLeod 1875: 27). These new '`Aa. arrivals and their wonderfu1 weaponry proved to be too powerfu1 for the Inu" to oppose, and they gradually pushed north, conquering the archipelago, Unlike all other accounts of Japan, however, McLeod believes that the conquering neweomers were later vanquished, and it

was not until the Meiji Restoration that they regained control of Japan. He fbresaw a bright "'[t]he future for the Jewish rulers ofJapan: probability is that China, Japan and Corea, will

24 'iAa. McLeod (1875: O. McLeod uses the term Inu" rather than the rnoTe commen Aino er Ainu because he is '`This ''' a linguist. word is derived from the Japanese AA which means centernpt, and Inu a dog, [T]his name was given to them by the Samurai of Jin Mu Tlenno, or the Jewish race, who as shown from other sources contemptuously called all gentiles dogs." McLeod (1875: 4).

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again be united under the power of the Jewish race, with the Emperor ofJapan at their head"

(McLeod 1875: 36).

Although ancient history of Japan was thus a wonderfu1, almost global, forum where the various races of the world struggled fbr dominance-"Truth is stranger than fiction" (McLeod 1875: 129)-McLeod has also some interesting insights into Korea, The indigenous people of "after Korea had originally traveled directly there the dispersion of Babel and are a pure Caucasian race." These indigenes were then conquered by another people, perhaps led by some "divided of Alexander the Great's generals who, after his death, his Empire amongst them, [and] penetrated with their veterans into" Korea (McLeod 1875: 21-22). Thus the notion that a number of different races existed in Japan, that there was racial

intermarriage, that not only wealth and status but also race separated the ruling class and the

working classes, that differences in physical appearanees could be explained by racial

differences, and finally the idea of a connection with Babel all appear in McLeod's account of

ancient Japan.

Displacement

"racial" Several theories of the origins ofthe Japanese emerge from an examination of the

intelleetual history of the concept of the Japanese nation as developed by these early Westem

writers. One of the major schools of thought argued that one people invaded the archipelago, conquering another people who were pushed out-a narrative which would have made sense to

men steeped in the traditions of European imperia]ism and the new ideology of Darwinism

(among his other accomplishments, Morse also introduced Darwinism to Japan). This theery, the interchange of races theory Vinshu kotai setsu), advocated the view that one nation replaced another at least once. There are several versions, the diffbrence being which people it is argued displaced which other people, The von Siebolds, for instance, argued that the Ainu were the indigenous people of the prehistoric archipelago, and that the Ainu were later conquered by a Tartar nation, the modern

Japanese. This argument was based on the idea that two nations or races had competed fbr

ownership of the archipelago, and that ene emerged victorious. Other theorists argued that

there were three nations.

Morse argued that a pre-Ainu people had existed, and that this nation was different from

both the Ainu and majority Japanese. The pre-Ainu had been replaced by the Ainu, who in turn

(fo11owing the ven Siebold view of history) had been displaced by the modern Japanese, Milne

also argued that a third people had existed, the Koropokkuru, After the ancestors of the

modern Japanese invaded Honsha, the Ainu were pushed northwards into Hokkaido, where

they displaced the Koropokkuru. Again, one nation emerged victorious, with the losing nations

either disappearing from history (in the case of the pre-Ainu and Koropokkuru), or finding

themselves facing extinction (as was frequently assumed to be the case with the Ainu).

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"Japanese'' The Debate on the Race in Imperial Japan: Displacement or Coexistence? 9I

Coexistence

The other major school argued not for a zero-sum game where one race displaced another, '`mixed but that two or more nations co-existed in the archipelago. This second blood" theory

(konleetsu setsu) viewed the modern Japanese nation as having emerged from a prehistorical

"mixed melting pot, a mixture between difft]rent races. Oguma calls this theory the nation

theorM" a nemenclature that has been fo11owed here, The version ofthis theory that is perhaps best known argues that an indigenous Jomon people intermarried with migrants from areas

outside Japan, panicularly Korea, who had brought Yliyoi culture to the archipelago.

There are severa] versions of the mixed nation theory One argued that the process ef

racial intermarriage and integration was well and truly finished, so that the present Japanese nation were eflectively homogeneous, The other version, mueh more popular with the early

Western authors, was that this process was still not complete, and thus racial differences eould

be detected. Bljlz and his notion that there were two distinct types of Japanese with different

geographical roots, in addition to the Ainu, falls within the later sehool of thought. The modern

Japanese were a product of a mixture between the Ainu (similar to Europeans), mainland

Asians (Koreans and Chinese), and people from the south (a Malay people). Blilz therefbre

argued that there had been two waves of migration to Japan, both via the Korean peninsu}a,

and that the Japanese nation was the product of an ethnic melting pot.

Within the broader narrative that argued that a mixture had occurred, there was frequently disagreement about the place of origin of the various peop]es who were said to have

inhabited the ancient archipelago. Some argued that one people had come from the north and

conquered and /er then intermarried with another from the south, whereas others argued that el people firom the south had conquered ethers from the north. The discourse on racial origins

that argued that a mixture had taken place also disagreed about what people mixed with

which: whether the Japanese were descended from the Chinese, Koreans, or Malays, Tartars or

Tungus, whether they were Ural-Altaic, Caucasian, er Mongolian, were issues not settled in

the pre-war years, However, the view that the Japanese were the product of a prehistorical

melting pot came to dominate the discourse in Japan.

Conclusion

The debate on the racial origins of the Japanese during the early Melji period was

'`modern" dominated by the highly educated Western sojourners in Japan who had access to

"scientific" Western science, who had established a hegemony in the modern discourse on

Japan, and who were responsible for the first anthropological writings on the origins of the

Japanese. The narrative on prehistorical Japanese quickly became a highly sophisticated one,

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92 David AsKEw

As early as 1911, Munro was able to dismissively write in his Prehistoric cJttpan-a work that "the represented a flowering of the work of those individuals examined here-that Morse was

pioneer of primitive archaeology in Japan" (Munro 1911/1982i 669, footnete). As younger

"modern" generations ofJapanese moved through the new, Westernized and education system of Meiji Japan, however, this hegemony was quiekly overthrown, and Japanese scholars came

to dominate the debate on the origins of the Japanese. Although these Japanese scholars

developed a far more sophistieated disceurse on the origins of the Japanese race than the

earlier amateur Western anthropologists, in many respects the characteristics of the earlier

debate remained constant. First, anthropologists retained their eclectic interests in

anthropology, prehistorM mytholegy (the Kiki myths), ethnologM folklore and linguisties.

Second, the dispute about racial origins remained a major focus of attention.

The challenge to the hegemony of Westerners interested in Japan was symbolized by the

L'Jinruigaku establishment in 1884 of the research group named no [[bmo"(Friends of

Anthropology)-the first anthropological association established in Japan, This was centered

on a student of the Faculty of Science at Tbkyo Imperial UniversitM Tsuboi ShOgorO, and

heralded the birth of a Japanese scientific discourse on anthropo]ogy2S The research group was

renamed the Jinruigaku Kenkytlkai (Anthropology Research Association) and then [[bkyo Jinruigakkai ([[bkyo Anthropological Society) in 1886.26 The first issue of the group's journal, lbkyo Jinruigakkai H6koku, was published in 1886, renarned the 7bdyo Jinruigakhai Zasshi in

1887, the Jinruigaku Zasshi (Journal fbr the Anthropological Society of Nippon in English) in

1911, and finally Anthropological Science from 1992. In its early stages, it was dominated by

the theeries of Western researchers. [[lsuboi himself, for instance, in effect combined the

theories of Morse and Milne, arguing that the pre-Ainu were the Korobokkuru, a nation that

diffbred from both the Ainu and the majority Japanese (Tsuboi 1887), On the other hand,

Koganei Ybshikiyo (1858-1944), a friend of Tsuboi and the father of Japanese physical

anthropologM develeped the von Siebold theory of the Ainu as an indigenous people, arguing

against Tsuboi's theory of the Korobokkuru. Japanese theorists also engaged in a debate

between those who argued for a displacement ijinshu kbtai, or interchange of races) and those

who argued for a coexistence (konketsu, or mixture of blood).

Yet another positien was that there had been no displacement. Rather than agreeing that an indigenous people had lived in the archipelago during the J6mon period and had been

conquered by a second nation that arrived later, this third major school of thought held that the

Japanese nation had always existed in Japan, and that the diffbrences both between the

shapes of the J6mon people and the Yliyoi people and those between modern Japanese from

different regions were the product of changes in life-style and environment, This third theory is

known as the transition theory (iko setsu) or continuity theory (renzoku setsu).

For instanee, Furuhata Tanemoto (1891-1975), a specialist of medical jurisprudence and a

25 Tsuboi ShOgoro (1904), YAmaguchi et al, (1998: 119), "6 It was renamed the Anthropelogical Society of Nippon in 1941.

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"Japanese'' The Debate on the Race in Imperial Japan/ Displacernent or Coexistence? 93

researcher of blood-types, surveyed the blood-types of both the Japanese and peoples of

surrounding areas, and strongly argued that the Japanese showed a blood-type ratio that was

unique. He concluded, therefbre, that there had been no racial intermarriage. Hasebe Kotondo (1882-1969), a professor of medicine at [[bhoku Irnperial UniversitM and Kiyono Kebji (1885- 1955), a professor of medicine at Kyoto Imperial University, argued against the theory of displacement, based on a data analysis of detailed measurements of excavated bones and of the physical state of modern Japanese. Both were to establish themselves as leaders of Japanese anthropology in the immediate post-war years. The complex interplay between these discourses influenced both the construction of a rnodern Japanese identity and the nature of Japanese eolonial rule. A second paper will fbcus

in particular on the three discourses, and examine how they shaped the Japanese narrative on the Japanese colonies and especially the peoples of Japan's colonies, That is, however, a story

for another day.

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