Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
The New South-South Cooperation in the Brazilian Foreign Policy Raquel de Caria Patrício
Sobre el autor
PhD in International Relations by the University of Brasilia (Brazil); Auxiliar Professor at the High Institute of Social and Political Sciences of the Tecnhical University of Lisbon (Portugal); full researcher of the Oriente Institute of the High Institute of Social and Political Sciences of the Tecnhical University of Lisbon.
Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
The New South-South Cooperation in the Brazilian Foreign Policy Raquel de Caria Patrício
This paper seeks to analyze the place that the South-South cooperation holds in the current Brazilian foreign policy, taking as case studies the relationships that the country has established with China and India. In a comprehensive way, we intend to draw a conclusion about whether Brazil's strategy of reaching out to emerging markets, especially to China and India, has contributed to Brazil, considered an emerging power, reach the largest goal of its foreign policy: to be recognized as a global power, being sure that we want to evaluate to what extent Brazil can pursue this goal, given the unusual allocation of its resources, which gives it very little hard power, but a great capacity to embarrass the other to its choices (soft power).
Therefore, Brazil drives the relations with China and India, but doesn`t lead the South- South cooperation. In this sense, we seek to examine if the partnerships that Brazil have established with China and India are part of a rational-liberal institutional point of view, based on the interdependence of the members and the convergence of interests, or whether, instead, it is subscribed to a more strategic rational and ideological point of view.
The central question in the study of South-South coalitions is to detect the structural bases of the same, namely to verify the existence or not of an international South-South agenda, under which can be fallen the relations between Brazil-China and Brazil- India. If so, we want to evaluate whether it is normative or it is substantially supported by the convergence of interests, although this cooperation isn`t led by Brazil.
Based on these objectives, the empirical analysis of the proposed theme leads us to identify a central hypothesis, which relies on the correlation between Brazil's strategy to boost South-South cooperation in general and the Brazilian`s scope to reach its goal of being recognized as a global power.
From this central hypothesis, some other are identified: i) Brazil`s action in the structuring of these partnerships and of the multilateral South-South coalitions as well is a Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
rational, and not ideological, action ; ii) the interests of the international emerging middle powers of Brazil China and India, though significantly different, are accommodated thanks to the Brazilian impulse, though not leadership, of the South-South cooperation, iii) the dilemmas of collective action of these partnerships are overcome thanks to the equalization of exogenous and defensive elements, especially in international trade.
Given the clear inadequacy of the traditional models/theories to study the South-South cooperation, it should be noted that for this analysis, there are clearly two lines of research being carried out.
One of them, rarely addressed, presents institutionalist arguments, while the other, which already has a larger body of work focuses on the power structure of the international system and the social construction of international identities, even though, from a sociological point of view , cooperation "is understood broadly, as an exchange process involving individuals or social groups - a process that, once successful, can lead to the establishment of institutions for long term" (LEITE, 2010).
Both agree, and here lays the new South-South cooperation, that a high degree of interdependence among states leads to cooperation among them (KEOHANE and NYE, 2001).
The point is that this interdependence produces asymmetrically results. Thus, in a setting of profound asymmetries of power as is the current, emerging countries are more vulnerable, have a greater interest in the strengthening of international rules and institutions than rich countries (OLIVEIRA and ONUKI, 2007).
In fact, in today`s globalized world, some peripheral countries have been gaining importance on the social dynamics of contemporary economic development in a process that led Jim O'Neill, an economist at Goldman Sachs Group, to talk about the BRIC to refer, suggestively, to Brazil, Russia, India and China, based on the argument that the economies of these countries have been developing themselves so fastly that by the year 2050, they will come to eclipse today's richest countries on the globe (O `NEILL, 2001). Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
Brazil, in this sense, because of its weight and geo-economic and demographic growth, the size of its internal market indicators for assessing the economic and political as well as the immensity of the problems and challenges, has been gaining importance as a relevant actor actually actuating in international relations. Marco Aurelio Garcia (ESTADO DE SÃO PAULO, 2009), special adviser to Lula and Vice President of the Workers Party (PT), recalls in this respect, that since 2003 Brazil began attending meetings of the G8 and lead to the highest body of world governance, the G20. Moreover, it should be noted that the realities of the emerging countries have affected the world more and more, starting with the economic sphere, but also the views of social, cultural, and even spiritually (China and India). Understanding these societies becomes therefore crucial to analyze the implications that it will origin for the configuration of international society.
The BRICs account for 40% of world population, 25% of world territory, 40% of total world reserves and its financial economies combined account for about 15.4 billion dollars. The similarities of the geopolitical and geo-economic dimensions referring to the territory, population, GDP and natural resources have been the basis on which has been based the cooperation among these countries, forming even strategic partnerships.
First, they are the countries with the highest economic growth and political influence among the emerging countries, which is what fundamentally distinguishes them. On the other hand, the BRICs are the key to solve major world problems such as environmental protection (with the remark that they have taken different positions at the COP 15), the food problem, energy security and the reform of the United Nations Security Council.
These societies have become subject of growing interest, particularly in terms of the lessons that they may give to other countries, especially the old powers of international society, through its current economic performance and the potential they have to become the main drivers of global growth (VIEIRA and VERÍSSIMO, 2009; 514), which suggests the importance, relevance and timeliness of the study of their privileged form of action: the relation between them.
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The South-South cooperation becomes thus not only a central issue on the agenda of developing countries, particularly the emerging markets, as on the developed countries themselves, be they great powers, or only traditional middle powers. Subject that has importance not only for governments but also for the societies, both of the emerging countries, both of the developed nations.
Moreover, even the traditional North-South cooperation has brought more disadvantages than advantages and even the South-South cooperation carried out in other times did not have the expected effects.
In fact, there are experiences of joint actions of the South countries in historical terms, namely the cooperation within the Group 77.
During the 1970s, a group of countries presented an accelerated industrial growth that led them to seek the leadership in their respective regions and also at the international arena, claiming for new formulations for the organization of the international society (SARAIVA, 2007; 1). It was then that the South-South cooperation entered into the agenda of foreign policy, both by states system affecting, and both by countries already identified as major emerging markets (PATRÍCIO, 2011).
The big issue is that the traditional concepts of cooperation and South-South cooperation are controversial and not well suited to the new international society, especially because of the poor, and equally inappropriate, comparison made between the North and South.
The classical theory that separates North and South from the equator line is very inaccurate because, in fact, both economically and geographically, the Northern Hemisphere also includes developing countries and the Southern Hemisphere also has developed countries (BORJA, 2002). Simply, this classification has gained strength against the disappearance of the two other theories that sought to classify the developed and underdeveloped countries said in reference to their degree of economic development: the countries that comprised the First (capitalist countries), the Second (Socialist countries ) and the Third (developing countries) Worlds in effect during the bipolar era ; and the one Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
which distinguished three worlds, putting the U.S. and the USSR in the First, the industrialized countries of Western Europe, Japan, Australia and Canada in the Second World and the developing countries in the Third. Interestingly, in both theories the Third World was considered equally.
It happens, however, that the distinction between North and South is not only based on technical and economic inequality, as proposed by these three models. This is a much deeper reality, which encompasses the political, military, knowledge, and many others spheres. A reality that has resulted from the expansion, global, of just one civilization in which the mission of Christianization was wedded to the capitalist demand for consumer markets and sources of raw materials, which ended in an Eurocentric conception of knowledge and progress. This would lead to a terminology which today falls into disuse: the dualities civilization / barbarism, development / underdevelopment, domination / dependence, metropolis and periphery (DOVAL, 2010; 39), center / periphery.
Moreover, the countries of the South are much less homogeneous than the ones of the North. If these ones act in a common front, despite their internal differences, congregate in the G7 - the group of the largest economies in the world - and hardly their hegemony is challenged, the Southern countries are very different in the territorial dimension, population, natural resources, degrees of economic development, culture and political systems, all of them being marginalized from the benefits of prosperity and progress (DOVAL, 2010; and 39 BORJA, 2002).
Despite the heterogeneity, it is possible to speak of a social imaginary of the South (TAYLOR, 2004). According to Taylor, a social imaginary is what makes possible that the common practices of a society have a sense, it is the way a group looks at their social existence, the kind of relations that holds among its members and with other groups, the expectations they possess and the normativism behind these expectations. It is also what establishes historical and current patterns among group members (TAYLOR, 2004). The social imaginary of the South is based, first, on the idea that the situation of the countries Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
concerned is not lagging behind that of Northern countries and, secondly, that the socio- cultural character of the South responds effectively to pressure exercised by the North.
To give content to this social imaginary of the South, it appears relevant the Taylor`s proposal to examine the relationships that the Southern countries have with each other and in relation to power, as well as the relationships with other countries (TAYLOR, 2004), in order to conclude about what time and place these countries occupy in the international society.
Therefore, it is necessary to assess the evolution of the concept of the South, which appeared in the Bandung Conference in 1955, and subsequently forming the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in 1961, within which countries of the South, despite their heterogeneity, lined up a third alternative route to Western and Soviet blocs, aiming to uphold the Bandung`s Principles of Peaceful Coexistence - preserving national independence, do not belong to any military bloc, to renounce the establishment in their territory of foreign military bases , defend the right of peoples to self-determination and independence, fight global and complete disarmament. This way, they could come to modify the structures of international society, and in fact, in the 1960s, the Movement of Non-Aligned Movement - in which Brazil has come to occupy a position of mere observer - has succeeded in achieving its political objectives, both by proposing the creation of a New International Economic Order, both due to the decolonization of an important group of African-Asian countries, which allowed the group to obtain diplomatic prestige. Still, it should be recognized that many of these countries were authoritarian regimes, so that issues of human rights and democracy have left much to be desired as to their scope.
Beyond the Movement of Non-Aligned, the social imaginary of the South became also evident in other groups such as the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the Latin American Economic System (SELA), the G77 and different organizations and pressure groups and non-governmental organizations, as well as within the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the product of Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
principles signed in the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order adopted at the UN General Assembly in 1974.
However, the situation in the South has changed little, especially in the economic field, reinforcing, rather, the gap between rich and poor.
With the end of the bipolar era, there was a clear confrontation between a small group of developed countries and the broad group of backward countries dependent on Africa, Asia and Latin America, which inform about 75% of the world population. Reason that led to the formation of other groups such as the G20, the NAMA 11, the anti-globalization movements, social movements, representatives of different spheres of civil society and those who comprise the generic name of Social Fora (DOVAL, 2010; 39 ). These movements, that shape what we may call by the International Social Movement, emerged and strengthened in the 1990s, promote the construction and consolidation of a new model of globalization, which allows to Southern countries, mechanisms of resistance to economic, political and cultural initiatives promoted by the globalization process. With demands from several different national realities, these movements advocate the ecology, the identity of peoples, non-violence against women, non-discrimination against racial minorities, the right of peoples to dispose of their natural resources, the right to work for justice and land, the eradication of poverty and a host of other demands, which, despite different, end all of them to be able to be covered in a generic framework to combat "the globalization of neoliberalism and free trade handled by the centers of power, through financial institutions and international trade "(DOVAL, 2010; 40).
Basically, this International Social Movement is the main expression of resistance to the dominant model of management of inequality that results from the evolutionary processes of welfare state and globalization (ADELANTE, RAMBLA and NOGUEIRA, 2000), creating the South- South cooperation.
Fact is, if the traditional South-South cooperation was during the bipolar era subject to external conditions, particularly economic, which limited its impact on international society, with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of bipolarity, these countries increased their Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
bargaining power in the international sphere (SENN, 1998), looking especially for international cooperation to enable them to counteract the unilateral actions of great powers.
Although Brazil has historically acted in multilateral Third World fora, it was from 1993, with the rise of Itamar Franco to the presidency, that the country began to seek a new type of South-South cooperation in the context of an international order characterized "by actions of the more isolated North-South dimension or volatile alliances organized in defense of specific issues" (SARAIVA, 2007, 2). Brazil is supported by the other emerging markets ; countries that have established among themselves further discussion and coordination economic / political fora, giving the body to a South-South cooperation that influences, increasingly, the international society.
In this sense, the Brazilian foreign policy since 1993, has made of the cooperation of the country with the other emerging middle powers, especially China, India, South Africa and Russia - although this does not belong to the classical concept of the South - a practice, and even one of the priorities of Brazilian diplomacy. After all, it was from 1993, with Itamar Franco, that the Itamaraty`s autonomist current occupied more space in the diplomatic conceptions of Brazil. And according to this view, the country noted that the similar characteristics between it and the other emerging should be capitalized by developing forms of cooperation between it and these extra-regional countries, with the firm objective to reorder the international system.
It is worse to remember that, since 1993, Brazil has sought closer ties with emerging countries through two distinct but complementary models. On the one hand, this cooperation has been conducted through trade negotiations within the Mercosur, searching the country to sign trade agreements between the block and the other emerging, both individually and in groups. On the other hand, Brazilian diplomacy has sought to approach these countries on an individual basis, country by country, both at the level of consensus at the global level - it should be noted the case of negotiations within the WTO - both bilaterally, through the establishment of strategic partnerships (SARAIVA, 2007, 4). Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
Thus, in 1993, relations between Brazil and China have seen a considerable increase, following the visit of President Zemin to Brazil, aiming to establish a strategic partnership between both countries in the sectors of infrastructure and technology. There were signed, too, a protocol of cooperation in space research and an agreement in science and technology. Moreover, the meeting also sought to strengthen the connection of the two countries to India from the action of all in multilateral fora in addressing relevant political and foreign trade issues. While in practice, these efforts have not been translated into a significant increase of relations between Brazil and India at that time, they served to lay the foundations on which these relations based today.
Also in this period, it was witnessed the expansion of relations between Brazil and South Africa in 1994, at the end of apartheid, but the new stage of bilateral relations has not, as in the case of India, produced much practical.
Regarding Russia, it was signed in 1994 a treaty that aimed to establish between them a strategic partnership aiming the beginning of negotiations for the formation of an advisory bilateral body. Trade between both, however, remained very low.
When Fernando Henrique Cardoso succeeded Itamar, in 1995 the pace of the cooperation among developing countries as part of Brazilian foreign policy declined quite urgent, because of the worldwide prevalence of neoliberal concepts. Only trade relations were in some way encouraged, having been signed in 1996, the Pretoria Agreement, between Brazil and South Africa, seeking to start trade negotiations between Mercosur and South Africa and, in 2000, the framework agreement between them in the creation of a free trade area.
Towards China in the early 1990s, this country's market began to occupy the third position as the destination of Brazilian exports, having been presented by Brazilian diplomacy, a preparatory study on the feasibility to establish, between China and Mercosur, a free trade agreement, although they have not been undertaken efforts to establish a strategic partnership between both countries (SARAIVA, 2007, 15). Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
With Russia, trade negotiations have not prospered. Although since 1995, bilateral trade had been growing, the diversification of export products remained low. Even because the greatest advances in bilateral relations were carried out in the political and cooperation levels (SARAIVA, 2007, 8). In 1997, however, following the visit of the former Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Primakov, to Brazil and then in 2000, the visit of the former Brazilian Vice President Marco Maciel, they were signed agreements on cooperation in areas of education, culture science, technology and research into outer space, as well as the Joint Declaration of Establishment of High Level Commission, which began operating in 2000.
At the end of the mandate of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Brazil has formed an alliance with South Africa and India on intellectual property in pharmaceuticals. This happened as a result of a patent litigation that Brazil and South Africa carried out against the U.S. in defending the possibility of both countries to encourage domestic production of HIV drugs at lower costs. It was very important the India's association with these questions, because of the phase transition of the TRIPS Agreement established the WTO, which produced benefits in the production and sale of drugs similar to those of U.S. industries at lower costs. Thus, the alliance Brazil-South Africa managed to rally other African countries and the two might move to buy the anti-HIV cocktail to the Indian government - an experience that served as a successful model of cooperation within the South-South cooperation in the face of a multilateral issue, although it has not produced effects so far.
These initiatives did not prosper, however, because of the lack of continuity that the various governments involved have voted to the projects that just came out in the paper.
Starting an international insertion based on strengthening the Itamaraty´s autonomist current, the Lula government sought to Brazil a model of integration into the international society that calls for "peripheral insertion of developing countries" (OLIVEIRA, 2005; 56) - which has been called, by Amado Cervo, from the School of Brasilia, logistics insertion (HART, 2008, 85 and HART, 2001), an insertion that makes the synthesis of the positive Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
aspects of developmentalism and neoliberalism, a kind of coexistence between Latin American structuralism and West capitalist.
In this sense, Brazil, besides having introduced in its foreign policy agenda the issues of the role of the United Nations, the principles of multilateralism, international law, concerns about the regional and international security, combating terrorism and drug trafficking, search for a more energized and trade without discrimination, environmental protection and formulas to overcome poverty, also sought to give new weight to South-South cooperation (PATRÍCIO, 2011 (2)) in order to strengthen a more favorable multilateralism to these countries as well as replacing the North-South divide in the center of international politics (SARAIVA, 2007, 8).
In fact, Brazilian foreign policy has tried to shape the international order to the political philosophy of equalizing benefits, in the international relations, between rich and emerging countries, in other words, to obtain reciprocity in the international relations, in an attempt to overcome what Fernando Henrique Cardoso, when he became skeptical of the society conformed to the international neo-liberalism, called asymmetrical globalization (PATRÍCIO, 2010, 38).
Lula's diplomacy has sought to contribute to the strengthening of multilateralism, acting in trade negotiations that take place in three sectors of multilateralism: within the World Trade Organization (WTO), as part of building the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and within the framework for establishing a free trade zone between the EU and Mercosur. It also contributed to the strengthening of multilateralism in other areas of politics and geopolitics, in particular demanding a louder voice within the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, willing to pay a higher quota to the IMF in order to expand its power of decision within this international institution, the UN reform and the Brazilian bid for a permanent seat on the Security Council, as well as the more recent efforts to join the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), being considered further, Brazil's participation in the leadership of the UN Stabilization Force in Haiti (with 1 200 men). Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
It has been, however, difficult to obtain real reciprocity between great and medium powers, and between traditional powers and emerging powers, even given the current crisis of multilateralism, which has led Brazil to turn increasingly to other spaces of action, particularly the focus on approaching, bilaterally and multilaterally, to the emerging countries, forming the anti-hegemonic coalitions that have been born under its leadership, since the Cancun meeting in 2003, under the Doha Round of WTO.
In this context, we have the G20, the group of countries made up the largest weight in South America, Africa and Asia, led by Brazil.
Also led by Brazilian diplomacy has emerged, since 2003 the interaction with India and South Africa, joining the three in Brasilia in 2003, to continue the alliance tested in the case of patent litigation. At that meeting, they have established a permanent alliance between the three, the Dialogue Forum, IBSA G3, aiming at strengthening the capacity of the three countries in international negotiations, to fight for UN reform and promoting technical cooperation (SARAIVA, 2007, 9).
It is important to note, also, the signature, in the same year, of the Mercosur-India Agreement and, in 2005, a preferential agreement between both parties, and the link between Brazil and Japan, Germany and India in the G4 aiming to make a common front to negotiate with the U.S. and the European Union a way out of the Doha round of WTO (PATRÍCIO, 2011(2)). Although the Mercosur-South Africa trade is limited, it was also signed in 2005, a preferential agreement between the two regions (LIMA, 2005, 48-49).
In negotiations on the environment, Brazil and India have initiated a dialogue in the sense that they would establish a protocol in favor of developing countries (BARROS- PLATIAU, 2010, interview), although the divergence of interests has become particularly evident in the Copenhagen Summit in December 2009.
The Brazil-China partnership has also enjoyed some advances, with several cooperation agreements in economy and technology being signed in 2004, following the visit to Brazil, of the Chinese vice prime minister. It was established by this time, a Conciliation Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
Committee and Bilateral Cooperation and studies were begun to sign a free trade agreement Mercosur-China - hindered by Paraguay, which maintains diplomatic relations with Taiwan.
These countries seek to develop a multi-faceted nature of international behavior in order to benefit from opportunities offered by the international system in order to reshape it to benefit the South, allowing them to work in their regional contexts, based on a perspective of hegemony (LIMA, 1990; 17).
Through this South-South cooperation, States seek with their own resources, to overcome common problems.
This new South-South cooperation, manipulated in a systematic and continuous way, has proved to be a useful mechanism to reduce the vulnerability of emerging countries, building more powerful alliances to share skills and negotiate more effectively so as to create structures that enable them to participate in multilateral processes to defend their own interests (DOVAL, 2010: 38).
According to Zhou Yiping, the South-South cooperation is no longer just an option but an imperative for developing countries if they want, in fact, to survive the turbulence of globalization (ZHOU, 2002).
According Biato (2007, 17), Brazil traditionally faced multilateralism with other countries in South in a defensive sense, is as a way to avoid the interference of the developed countries and retain a certain autonomy.
With the end of the bipolar era, the design of the Brazilian South-South cooperation has changed, since Brazil has taken its own initiatives in international logistics insertion (HART, 2001) that includes offensive formulations for the South-South cooperation. Put another way, Brazil has sought to act independently and no more to react only to such actions of third countries.
Thus, the new paradigm of South-South cooperation includes, for Brazil, taking initiatives aiming to improve global governance, which has led the country to establish Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
relations with South Africa, China, India and Russia to advocate the reform of the Security Council of the United Nations and the fight in the WTO by the end of agricultural subsidies in developed countries. Being sure that Brazil has been engaged not only in South-South cooperation that seeks to form lasting coalitions among emerging powers, but also in South-South cooperation for development.
In fact, there are two major interpretations of the concept of South-South cooperation. The first is broader and has a more general meaning, while the second is more narrow and technical.
The first interpretation is given to us by Lechin (2009), for whom the South-South cooperation can be defined as an "essentially political cooperation that aims to strengthen bilateral relations and / or the formation of coalitions in multilateral fora in order to obtain greater bargaining power together. It is based on the assumption that it is possible to create a cooperative conciousnes that enables the Southern countries to cope their common problems by strengthening their bargaining with the North and the acquisition of major international room for maneuver ( LECHIN, 2009, 99-100).
According to this interpretation, the South-South cooperation is a response to North- South confrontation, since it arises precisely for those countries to gather strength to face the pressures and processes imposed by the North.
The second interpretation is based on technical and economic dimensions and, therefore, attaches to the most immediate results. It is brought to us by the Ibero-American South- South Cooperation Inform, which considers that technical cooperation among developing countries "refers to any process by which developing countries acquire skills through individual or collective cooperative exchanges in the areas of knowledge, skills, resources and technological know-how "(Ibero-American South-South Cooperation Inform, 2008, 16). On the other hand, economic cooperation "refers primarily to the cooperation that is established in the areas of trade and finance" (Ibero-American South-South Cooperation Inform, 2008, 16). Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
Interestingly, Brazil has come to engage in South-South cooperation, both in the broader concept that is conferred, the exchange among emerging markets with long-term goals, both in the narrow concept that restricts the South- South cooperation for the development of a more solidarity view.
Thirty-two years after the Buenos Aires Conference, where the UN General Assembly endorsed the Plan of Action of Buenos Aires on Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries in 1978, Brazil established itself as one of the protagonists in the initiatives of South-South cooperation in the narrow concept of development cooperation.
Brazil has been engaged in the transfer of technical knowledge and solutions that were positive for their national development and can be applied in other countries with equally advantageous results. Unlike the two largest emerging donors - China and India - Brazil is not guided in this task by political interests and / or short-term economic, for-profit setting conditions, but the attainment of long-term, on the basis the complex interdependence of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, it will yield objective advantages in terms of international prestige and support for the format of a possible lead in the South-South cooperation.
The point is that this leadership has not paid up, because the structural basis of the new South-South cooperation is still weak and there isn`t an international South-South agenda, since these countries don`t have common interests when it seeks to overcome the economic sphere. Brazil leads the institutionalized formulas of the G20, G3-Ibsa and G4, but has not found followers in other subjects on the international agenda, as the climate problem, so the only South-South cooperation is achieved on the basis of frailty. However, when enforced, titinfluences the international society.
The emerging powers, particularly the BRIC countries, have established relationships with each other on economic issues, quite pragmatic, since 2003 and, in 2006, when it took place the first meeting between the leaders of BRIC in New York. The BRIC see, in effect, to establish contacts among themselves at the highest level through summit meetings that are held. Thus occurred in Moscow in May 2008, the first formal meeting between the Four, to create conditions that would allow quadrilateral coordination to get the weight and Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
relevance in international decisions and simultaneously contribute to the development of a democratic and multilateral international system, founded on the right.
In June 2009, leaders of the four met again, in Yekaterinburg, a city in central Russia, where they signed a joint statement clarifying the views of BRIC on international issues, and have also signed an agreement on global food safety (WEI, 2009) and created the logo of the BRIC. At this meeting, they addressed themselves to cooperation in the global economy, energy cooperation, reform of the IMF and the support that these countries are willing to give the poorest countries, namely Brazil. Lula stated that he would contribute with USD 10 million to the IMF, which is something new, since Brazil has traditionally been a beneficiary of the IMF and now offers help. It was also discussed issues of multipolarity, multilateralism, and the G20 process of global exchange reserves.
As part of annual summits that these countries have sought to establish among themselves, Brazil hosted the 2010 Summit, dominated by regional issues and by the global crisis. This summit took place on April 15, the eve of the summit of the G3-Ibsa, trying to continue the negotiations launched in 2009 to formally institutionalize this group of countries.
Despite these meetings, the institutionalization of the BRIC as a group formally existing of South-South cooperation is still tenuous in the near future of international society.
Essentially because the BRIC work very pragmatic having the economy as a key vector around which their foreign policies are guided. Achieving the economic power that allows them to act in international politics, is through it that, also in a pragmatic manner, they manage the frictions in the global international society, an approach that seeks, in cooperation, the best way to leverage this power (PATRÍCIO, 2008 ( 1)). These countries find, in economic transactions, the possibilities of convergence and, in the reform of the international financial system, its most common banner.
Following this pragmatism, the relationships among the BRIC focus eminently in the economic field. It is upon this vector that such relationships occur, and this vector is the Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
understanding that takes place between these actors in international relations, because the intermingling of interests advise close relationship, on behalf of the satisfaction of national interests of each party. At levels that exceed the economic, the agreement is not achieved and therefore the establishment of relations appears difficult (PATRÍCIO, 2008 (a)).
After all, the Four differ in almost every major issue on the multilateral agenda, with different positions in some international organizations, with different power resources and domestic policies also very distinct. Moreover, Russia is not a member of the WTO and its importance in the international arena comes practically from the record prices of the oil and gas as well as the country's nuclear warheads, which create some barriers to forecast what might be the Russia's Medvedev and Putin in 2050. India, for its part, is believed to become a major industrial and technological base of the world, while China will share with the United States the first place among the largest economies in the world in 2050, considered as an industrial, technological and military power basis. In Brazil has got the destiny of becoming the largest supplier of animal and vegetable protein, sugar, ethanol and food.
Also the political systems are different. Thus, while Brazil is a functioning democracy, China is clearly not, despite being a market economy, while Russia, a democracy predicated on constitutional terms, leaves much to be desired at this point with Putin to perpetuate himself in power, where not likely to leave. Moreover, India has internal problems of insurgency, ethnic and religious conflicts, as well as hostile neighbors, while Russia, unlike the other BRIC countries and South Africa does not export more than oil, natural gas and arms (THE ECONOMIST, 2009, 14).
Even in economic terms, it will not be ungracious to note that there are significant differences in economic performance among the BRIC countries plus South Africa, as China and India have received special attention in the recent period because of their exceptional economic growth rates which differ widely when compared with those of Brazil, Russia and South Africa, taking as reference the post-1990s (VIEIRA and VERÍSSIMO, 2009; 514). Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
Moreover, it is true that the economic analysis of variants of these countries points to two common denominators - the investment rate and the inflation rate - which have driven economic growth in these countries, the fact remains that other factors - albeit with a contribution least in relative terms - have boosted the economies of different ways. In Brazil, India and South Africa stand out the real interest rate, while in China and India assumes importance the real effective exchange rate. Since FDI flows are particularly relevant in China and South Africa and population growth in India and Russia (VIEIRA and VERÍSSIMO, 2009; 513).
Moreover, despite the rhetoric and diplomatic mechanisms already established, the international integration of Russia is not compatible with the characteristics of the international insertion of Brazil, India and South Africa, according to four key aspects: i) its military power, ii) its location; iii) the relationship it has with its neighbors; iv) the interaction it has with the U.S. and EU - interaction that is based on much different from that which is implemented by Brazil, by India and South Africa
It is worth remembering that China also has different patterns of international insertion, especially - like Russia - in the area of international security.
The world views are so different, and these countries passed recently by significant changes: in Brazil, democratization, in China the market economy, in Russia, the changes resulting from the collapse of the Berlin Wall.
On the other hand, Brazil, China and Russia are involved in oil trading and India don`t, which means that the first three have to worry about transactions using the dollar and India don`t. While India and China are manufacturing countries and Russia and Brazil are commodity-exporting countries, exporting Russian energy, while China imports almost all the energy it consumes. Brazil and India also have substantially different preferences on the multilateral agenda, primarily when the subject is agriculture, with Brazil to adopt a more offensive position (liberating) and India to reveal a much more defensive position (protectionist). Finally, it is important to consider the geographical position of Russia, which, unlike the other BRIC countries, is located to the north, with close relations with the Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
EU and the U.S., which is not the case with its partners. So it is necessary to evaluate to what extent Russia can be included in the context of southern BRIC.
Given these differences, it is difficult to draw a concept that goes beyond the BRIC economic sphere. But it is true that a purely economic analysis is reductionist, so we must take into account two important aspects. First, that the acronym was created by an economist, taking into account patterns of economic behavior. Second, that even if, for all these reasons, it is difficult to predict institutionalization of the group, the concept carries with it an important rhetorical substrate.
There isn`t an international agenda for South-South cooperation so that emerging powers cooperate on an ad hoc way, having the economic sphere as a fundamental guide. In this sense, it is difficult to assign, to Brazil, the leadership of such cooperation. If anything, Brazil is the major driver of these South-South cooperation point, even within the G20, the G3-Ibsa and G4.
Fact is that it has been over this stance that Brazil has settled its international activism, and we can then say that the Brazilian strategy of moving closer to emerging powers has earned the country the epithet of global power.
Indeed, Brazil is not a great power, according to the near absence of hard power that, according to Joseph Nye, is based in the use of structural power - military and economic - to influence the behavior and / or the interests of other States . If its military force is reduced, Brazil also hasn`t used the transfer of economic aid to win support from other states (NYE, 2002). The ability of Brazil has been to indirectly influence the behavior and / or interests of other states - the emerging powers - through the prestige and institutional formulas available to all without resorting to force or coercion. Though only a fleeting way, Brazil is able to convince these countries - co-opting them or drawing them - to believe that their interests are the same as the Brazilians, so that those end up agreeing that the best way to achieve those objectives is to cooperate with Brazil - soft power (NYE, 2002). Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
Brazil exercises, so, a spot leadership, according to the notion of Andrés Malamud, for whom the leadership is "the capacity to win followers and Influences (...) Refers to the capacity to engage subordinate states so that they adopt the goals of the leading state as their own "(MALAMUD, 2011). Brazil leads the G20, the G3-Ibsa and the G4, but can not lead the emerging partners beyond these institutionalized formulas. Moreover, Brazil has not, as a great power, any kind of hegemony, "the capacity of a powerful state (hegemon) to dicate policies to other states" (MALAMUD, 2011), because they do not accept or follow Brazil. If they also do not adopt a posture of resistance to the impulses Brazilians give to the new South-South cooperation, among them and Brazil exists an equilibrium relationship.
Not being, therefore, a great power, Brazil is establishing itself as a middle power. Not a traditional middle power, but an emerging new power in international society, such as China, India, Russia and South Africa. It is only necessary to think they all have huge challenges ahead, unlike the traditional powers. The path to reach the ideal level is long and tortuous. Political systems must be adjusted, the water supply controlled and overcome the pollution problem by adopting the right policies, notably on infrastructure, tax system and labor system.
Besides, there are the volatility of their markets and the instability of their societies, being right that the vulnerabilities are increased due to the difficulty in transforming economic growth into an effective economic development that encompasses high levels of investment in RTD. Difficulties compounded by excessive bureaucracy and poor infrastructure. Even the current problems related to energy, environment and technology show, with little margin for error, the BRIC have not yet developed all the necessary efforts in these areas. Although much have already been done, for some years now, the truth is that much has still to be done to mitigate against the constant energy crises, for achieving environmentally sustainable development and to achieve effectively the technological level that gives them their independence from the rich countries. Dependence that still have both on technology, the environment, and even energy (because it is not enough to have the energy sources, it is necessary also to have the technology to work with these sources). Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
It is interesting to note that, while it is an emerging power, Brazil is a global power, but not a regional power.
Edward Jordaan believes that middle powers are "states that are Neither great nor small in terms of international power, capacity and Influence, and demonstrate a propensity to promote cohesion and stability in the world system" (JORDAAN, 2003, 165).
For Jordaan, an average (or intermediate) traditionally power refers to a rich state, stable, egalitarian, social democratic and does not influence regional or, in other words, regional leadership. Meanwhile, he believes that the emerging middle power is confined to a relatively poor state, socially unstable, but not radical and reformist-oriented region, where it exerts leadership (JORDAAN, 2003). Jordaan`s concept of an emerging middle power coincides with the concept of regional power that is given by Detlef Nolte, for whom a regional power is a leading middle power with support within the region in which it operates, was also recognized as such beyond the regional space (NOLTE, 2007).
This is a scheme which creates difficulties to the framework of Brazil, which demonstrates that the existing literature on the concept does not fit the new realities that are appearing. After all, Brazil is an emerging middle power, according to the notion of Jordaan, except in the regional item, given that the regional orientation of the country has not led to the leadership of the space where it belongs. In this sense, no one can now generalize the idea that being a regional leader is a basic requirement to be an emerging middle power. Brazil emerges as a state with a large and creased international activism, generally inserted in international society, but its regional leadership, prescribed in law, no one has actually paid up.
From here, we may conclude that Brazil is an emerging middle power which, because of the current features of its international role, is also a global power, but not a regional power, which demonstrates that the traditional account that to be a global player, has to be, first, a regional power, is an outdated belief. Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
Indeed, some experts say the aspiring regional powers like Brazil, to become global players "must be first at the regional level legitimated the they do not possess enough material or capacity or soft power to act autonomously in international politics "(LIMA, 2008; 66). In this sense, the regional leadership is traditionally seen as a precondition for the recognition of such powers as global powers (JORDAAN, 2003; NOLTE, 2007).
The Brazilian case breaks with this traditional notion. The Brazilian strategy for action at the regional level has earned the country a few disappointments. But at the level of global context, the successes have been constant.
When Brazil, the largest and most powerful country in Latin America, began to act more assertivly in international relations, it adopted the strategy of transforming itself into a global power from the regional platform. In other words, to transform the actual regional prominence to regional leadership, from here, embark on a global level, either because Brazilian diplomats or scholars always regarded the regional leadership as the true launching pad for the recognition and global influence of the country (MALAMUD, 2011).
Fact is that this strategy, according to Andrés Malamud interesting study, produced a distinct effect of the one objectified. The regional leadership, although achieved on paper, has not taken place in practice, while the country's international recognition as a global power, by the established world powers, including the G8 and EU, influential in international affairs, has gained increasing importance (MALAMUD, 2011).
Brazil, in this sense, has failed to transform its structural and instrumental resources in an effective regional leadership, which leads only to bring together ad hoc partners depending on the topic to be discussed at the regional level. The most emblematic case is the inability of the Brazilian diplomacy to rally support in achieving consensus for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, not to mention the Brazilian ambition not achieved, to appoint a General Secretary to the WTO and chair the Interamerican Development Bank (IDB). Failures facing the victories of regional partners. Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
There is therefore an incongruity resulting from the interaction among these Brazilian foreign policy failures and successes to be able to do the insertion Brazil in the G8 and leading the G20, the G3-Ibsa and the G4. In other words, "while the strategic goal of becoming a legitimate leader has failed, the ultimate goal of becoming an intermediate world power has fared better" (MALAMUD, 2011). There is, therefore, a "growing mismatch between the regional and the overall performance of Brazil 's foreign policy "(MALAMUD, 2011).
There are several causes that could be identified to explain this. If, on the one hand, there are rival powers in the region, the stakes are also different, registering also overlapping cleavages in South America (MALAMUD, 2011), in addition to the increasingly evident economic gap that the Brazil`s economic growth gives origin, compared to smaller and economically weakear neighbors.
Moreover, there has been a significant change in the perceptions of Brazilian foreign policy makers, whose interests fall in the region, as global opportunities are emerging (MALAMUD, 2011). Brazilian foreign policy for the region becomes increasingly defensive and less offensive. If the South American integration remains an objective of Brazil's foreign policy, the truth is that it is no longer a priority (VIGEVANI et alli, 2008). At the same time that Brazil`s regional strategies, in acordance with its ideas and values are seen by neighbors as hegemonic attempts - and not as a leader based on the pursuit of common interests - Brazil itself is reluctant about the building of common institutions, fearing that they, instead of strengthening regional integration, will tie it to unreliable neighbors (MALAMUD, 2011). The power of Brazilian instrumental resources haven`t thus been used for the reinforcement of regional leadership. Also its structural components - economic and military powers - have been insufficiently used to embarrass the neighbors to its will. Unlike the U.S. and Taiwan, for example, Brazil has never bothered to transfer military and economic aid to win support from still undecided neighbors (MALAMUD, 2011). Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
Leading the region means, now, to Brazil, to maintain its stability, to prevent political instability, economic turmoil and border conflicts (MALAMUD, 2011). Gone are the days that Brazil wanted to review the international order. Today, the goal is to reform it in order to equalize the benefits of globalization among the developed states and developing countries so that they get an audible voice in international society in which Brazil inserts itself globally. Since, because the appearance of numerous actors with global foreign policies, Brazil turns increasingly to the global sphere, decreasing its concerns with South America (CASON and POWER, 2009).
Malamud has demonstrated it in the study cited above, when he declares that "the hardships imposed by an unruly neighborhood and the preferential treatment b confered y world powers and Institutions have led to shift in Brazil` s initial strategy, so that the country `s external focus has become increasingly global" (MALAMUD, 2011).
This is an evolution on the foreign policy set at the beginning of Lula's first administration, when in January 2003, in his speech during transmission from the office of Minister of State and Foreign Relations, Celso Amorim put Mercosur as the hard core of South America, stating that "under the Lula government, South America will be our priority (...) A South America politically stable, socially just and economically prosperous is a goal that must be pursued, not only as a natural sense of solidarity but also for the benefit of our progress and welfare "(AMORIM, 2003).
Today the emphasis is different, and if Brazil doesn`t effective its regional leadership, however, it is a global power. A global power that, leading the G20, the G3-Ibsa and the G4, doesn`t lead the new South-South cooperation in a comprehensive way, since this cooperation, despite being entered in a liberal-institutional rational in the interdependence between Southern countries and the convergence of interest, doesn`t present a real agenda for South-South cooperation. Although in many international affairs China, India, South Africa, and in some cases even Russia, have positions consistent with the Brazilian, Brazil only finds ephemeral partners for the defense of its positions in the international fora (PATRÍCIO, 2011 (3)). Brazil has been the most active country in the broad thrust of the Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África XIII Congreso Internacional de ALADAA La cooperación sur-sur
negotiating teams - giving them the authority to negotiate in international fora (PATRÍCIO, 2011 (3)). Still, even among the emerging powers, the interests differ, which has led Brazil to establish only ad hoc alliances, and we can not therefore speak of a true Brazilian leadership of the South-South cooperation.
Nevertheless, Brazil's strategy of betting that cooperation has led Brazil to reach the priority of its foreign policy: to transform the country into a global power. In other words, the strategy adopted by Brazil, to form alliances with other emerging countries (GRATIUS, 2008) to reach a growing international activism, has led Brazil to its design. While the dilemmas of collective action of these partnerships are only surpassed in specific areas, thanks to the equalization of exogenous and defensive elements, the truth is that the international interests of key countries in the developing world, with significant differences, can be accommodated.
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