Haile-Mariam, Chairman, Provisional Military By

STATEMENT BY COMRADE LT. COL. MENGISTU HAILE-MARIAM, CHAIRMAN, PROVISIONAL MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF ETHIOPIA, TO THE FOURTEENTH ASSEMBLY BY HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY

2-5 July, 1977 Libreville, Gabon

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Libreville, Gabon 2-5 July, 1977

Published by the Ministry of Information and National Guidance Sä HB

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■ _ ' Comrade Lt. Col. Mengistu Haile-Mariam, Chairman of the Provisional Military Administrative Council and Chairman of the Council of Ministers, addressing the Libreville OAU Summit meeting

Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Heads of State and Government. Your Excellencies, Comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a pleasure for me to express at the outset to Your Excellency and through you to the Government and the brotherly people of Gabon my deep and sincere gratitude for the warm welcome and overwhelming hospitality extended so generously to me and my delegation from the moment we set foot on this beautiful land. Your Excellency and Your Government as well as the people of this magnificent city have spared no effort to make our stay comfortable and this important conference a success.

That the 14th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of African Heads of State and Government is held in'Libreville, a city whose very name symbolizes the eternal hope and aspirations of man to be free, augurs well for our efforts at liberating those parts of Africa still under colonial domination.

The current summit has a number of important items before it, and the success of our Conference is bound to influence developments in Africa in decisive ways for decades to come. Under your able and wise guidance, T have no doubt that our endeavours here will be crowned with success.

I would also like to express gratitude and appreciation to the out-going Chairman, H. E. Sir SEEWOOSAGUR RAMGOOLAM, Prime Minister of Mauritius, for his dedicated service in advancing the cause of Africa during his term of office.

Mr. Chairman, Your Excellencies, Comrades,

It is a matter of special gratification for my delegation to wel¬ come the representatives of the sovereign Republic of Djibouti which joins us as the 49th member of our Organization. The peoples of Ethiopia and Djibouti have strong bonds of brotherhood rooted in blood, common history, as well as a mutuality of economic and security interests. It is in recognition of these strong links between our two peoples as well as the principles of our organization and her own international responsibilities that the government of Socialist Ethiopia supported unequivocally the independence of Djibouti on international and bilateral levels.

I take this opportunity to reaffirm once again to the brotherly people of Djibouti, to Africa and to the world at large that Ethiopia will cooperate fully on the basis of equality with the government and the people of the new state to ensure a better future for our peoples. It is our firm belief that the continued independent existence of Djibouti will contribute positively to peace and stability in our region. Ethiopia will do everything in her power to help this factor of peace in the Horn of Africa to develop, prosper and maintain its independent status within its present borders. I would like to convey to the distinguished representatives of Djibouti who are now in our midst and through them to the people of Djibouti the sincere best wishes of the Ethiopian people in their arduous task of nation-building.

Mr. Chairman.

Several events of significant importance to Africa have taken place since our last summit in Mauritius. For the first time in history an Afro-Arab Summit was held in Cairo in March this year bringing together the leaders of Africa and the Arab World. The centuries-old contact between the peoples of these two important regions of the world which was cut off during the era of colonialism has now been revived and are confident that this contact will develop both in degree and equality.

The Declaration and the Programme of Action adopted in Cairo, if implemented in good faith, on the basis of sovereign equality, mutual interest and non-interference in the internal affairs of others, will certainly be of immense benefit to the peoples of both regions.

Africans and Arabs have long realized the complementary nature of the two regions and the identity of aspirations of both peoples. The Cairo declaration provides a solid basis for fruitful and all-round co¬ operation based on the complementarity of our respective resources and the identity of our hopes and aspirations. The time is ripe to exploit the opportunity presented by the Cairo Summit. African and Arab leaders have the responsibility to exercise wisdom and state- manship so that the present opportunity will not be missed. By giving particular attention to the requirements of the most needy and the least developed countries of Africa, the oil-rich Arab countries should demonstrate their sincerity and goodwill to genuinely implement the Cairo declaration and programme of action. The oil-rich Arab coun¬ tries should also redouble their efforts to righten the loopholes in their embargo of oil against the racist regimes of Southern Africa.

The Summit of the Non-Aligned States which met in Colombo, Sri Lanka, in August 1976, is another landmark in the history of the struggle of the Third World countries to consolidate their independence and carry out their socio-economic transformation in the context of a new international economic order and a path of development of their own choice.

The Declaration and Action Programme issued at the end of the Summit is a strategic and tactical master-plan which will provide guide¬ lines to the developing world in its further struggle against colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism. The part dealing with inter-state relations specifically prohibits interference in the internal affairs of others, thus reaffirming the basic and fundamental principle in the conduct of international relations.

Taken together, the Colombo and Cairo Declaration and pro¬ grammes of action provide a coherent framework for political and socio-economic cooperation among Third World countries of which the members of the OAU assembled here form a significant part. It has been a source of great satisfaction for the peoples of free Africa to witness the important international conference in support of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia held in Maputo, a city which stands right on the door-step of the citadel of racism and exploitation. This important session which focused exclusively on the plight of our African brothers and brought together representatives of more than ninety countries has intensified the awareness of the international community about the rightful cause of the liberation struggle to rid our continent of the evils of apartheid, exploitation, racism and oppression.

Mr. Chairman,

Through the concerted efforts of African States, and above all through the relentless struggle and the unflinching determination of our gallant freedom fighters, who embody the noblest tradition of patriotism, in the short span of fourteen years, since the establishment of our organization in May 1963, the number of independent African States has rapidly risen to its present level. While we rejoice at this historic achievement, we must not be overwhelmed by our victories, for the most difficult battles for liberation still await us.

In this connection I would like to outline briefly the views of my government as regards the future role of our Organization. We believe that our Organization should be mature enough to embark upon the challenging task of, first, marshalling African efforts and resources for the ultimate confrontation against the racist minority regimes of Southern Africa; second, promoting the development of a system of Pax Africana with a view to consolidating the independence of member states and establishing durable peace and stability through¬ out the continent; and third, assisting vigorously the socio-economic transformation of Africa. I shall now elaborate each of these aspects.

Liberation of Southern Africa

Whereas Colonialism may well be said to have collapsed in Africa, it is a bitter truth that the hard core citadel of colonialism and racism remains unscathed in Southern Africa. The repeated calls of the International Community for the restoration of legality in Namibia and for the transfer of power to SWAPO remains unheeded by the fascist Vorster regime, largely because of the connivance of imperialist powers which aid and abet that illegal and odious regime through financial investment, military assistance and the use of their veto power in the Security Council of the United Nations.

Similarly the illegal white minority regime of Ian Smith is holding millions of our brethren in bondage. Ian Smith and his imperialist mentors do not wish to see the problem of Zimbabwe settled peace¬ fully on the basis of majority rule. The patriots of Zimbabwe know this fully well and have therefore chosen the path of armed struggle to attain their independence. This is the correct line of action.

Aware of the impending disaster looming over the minority regime, Britain and the United States moved into the arena with the intention of rescuing Ian Smith from the ignominious defeat which is certain to be his lot. The Anglo-American formula for the solution of the problem in Zimbabwe was nothing more than a call to African patriots to capitulate to the Smith regime. The Geneva talks could not produce any acceptable result because of the intransigence of Smith and the thinly veiled partiality of his mentors.

Seriously bludgeoned on the battlefield and utterly defeated at Geneva, Smith has recently embarked upon the most cowardly course by trying to annihilate unarmed villagers and destroy their property in Mozambique, Botswana and Zambia. We are convinced that these pre-meditated mass murders have the blessing of Smith's imperialist allies. The Government of Socialist Ethiopia, loyal to the Charters of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations, and in pursuance of the internationalist commitment of its foreign policy, condemns in the strongest terms the barbarous acts of Smith and his allies. It is an honour for me to declare from this rostrum the complete solidarity and total support of the revolutionary people of Ethiopia to the frontline States and their sacred mission of confronting the fascist-racist regimes of Southern Africa.

The people and the government of Socialist Ethiopia consider it their sacred duty to extend the fullest possible support to the patriots of Zimbabwe and Namibia. Furthermore we fully endorse not only their demand for independence but also its attainment. Distinguished Leaders of Africa,

This Assembly is meeting one year after the mass the slaughter of helpless school-children of Soweto by the South African The police. cry of dying children and the agony of mourning mothers was heard in the four corners of the world. For a while, the world seemed to have awakened to the of realities aparthied in South Africa. But alas! human memory of short is duration and Sowetó was soon far- gotten and what remained of the memory of Soweto was nothing more than an obscure little place somewhere on the globe as far as many non-Africans were concerned. The anger of the international commu¬ nity was also short-lived. Soweto was thus never heard of again in the corridors of power. And South Africa continues to hold our brothers and sisters in bondage exposing them to oppression, exploitation and humiliation, with few parallels in the history of mankind.

America and its NATO allies continue to increase their invest¬ ment and their military cooperation with the apartheid regime with¬ out any consideration to the dignity and pride of free Africa. Their an added inhumanity is weight crushing down on our brothers and sisters in South Africa.

It is and highly unfortunate deeply regrettable that some of those to whom the Charter of the United Nations has entrusted the mainten¬ ance of peace and security in the world should become the causes of unnecessary confrontation and bloodshed, by their blind and persistent support for their racist kith and kin and thereby impede the peaceful transition to majority rule in Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa.

In these circumstances, my government strongly feels that, even while continuing to solicit the support of all decent men and women in the struggle ahead, it will be futile to continue to rely on well-, meaning but ineffective resolutions and recommendations of the inter¬ national community as a magic formula to the door of freedom for our oppressed brothers and sisters. Independent African States must employ the principle of self-reliance as the most efficacious method

— 10 — for the liberation of South Africa. And the Organization of African Unity can and will have to play a vital role in this regard.

Now that all avenues for peaceful solution to the problem of Southern Africa have been exhausted, it is imperative that our organi¬ zation should take further concrete steps towards organizing, training, financing and arming of freedom fighters in that region. In this con¬ nection it must have the support and cooperation of member states to levy a special freedom tax in addition to our present contribution to the Liberation Committee fund. This freedom tax could be assessed on the basis of gross national product or as a percentage of our annual contribution to the OAU budget. A good start as a demonstration of our good faith will be- the payment in full by all member states of their arrears to both the OAU budget and the Liberation Committee fund.

\ It is our view that the liberation war in Southern Africa will be a long and arduous one. It is, therefore, essential that Africans every¬ where must be mobilized for this effort. The Administrative Secretary General of our organization must use every possible means to sensitize the masses of Africa to the noble objective of liberating Southern Africa and to the need for the total participation of Africans every¬ where, in one form or another. It is gratifying to note here that some African States have already taken such steps to involve all of their peoples in this holy crusade. We should all show our appreciation to the peoples and Governments of these committed states by following their noble examples.

Our organization should redouble its efforts to involve, not only Africans, but also the peoples of other Third World and progressive countries in the war against apartheid and racism. For this purpose, it is essential for the OAU to dispatch African Statesman and other eminent persons throughout the world to solicit moral, political and material support.

To co-ordinate military training and operations and to make the best use of manpower and resources thus made available, I propose that our organization set up a small but efficient military task force

— 11 — within the Secretariat. Members of this task force, which should be the best Africa can make available, could be seconded by member states or selected on the basis of merit by the Administrative Secretary General.

Mr. Chairman,

The commitment of Socialist Ethiopia to the liberation of Sou¬ thern Africa is unambiguous and of long-standing. We have contri¬ buted to the liberation effort from time to time to the extent permitted by our limited resources. It is our view, however, that the intensified struggle going on between African patriots and the racist regimes in Southern Africa demands and merits greater sacrifices from indepen¬ dent African States more than ever before. Ethiopia pledges to shoul¬ der her due share of sacrifices in this new phase of the struggle. It is an honour for me, therefore, to inform this august assembly that the government of Socialist Ethiopia is prepared to train, within a short time, an efficient fighting force of 1000 persons for the liberation of Southern Africa and this force could be raised to a total of 5000 persons per year. The fighters who will be selected in consultation with the liberation movements and the liberation committee can start their undue training without delay. We hope that this modest beginning on our part will mark a new era of concrete and intensified assistance to our brothers in Southern Africa fighting for their freedom and inde¬ pendence.

While speaking of the denial of rights, the question of a homeland to the Palestinian people and that of the occupied Arab territories in the Middle East deserves our serious attention. We note with regret that no progress has come about since this Assembly lost considered the issue in Mauritius. We wish to reiterate our position in this regard that for a just and durable peace to reign in the area, Israel must recognize the imperative need for a speedy withdrawal from Arab ter¬ ritories occupied by her since 1967. Furthermore, it is our belief that the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland, having been recog¬ nized by the international community as being an indispensible element to a lasting solution, must be a cornerstone of any plan for peaceful settlement.

Consolidation of Peace and Stability in Africa

Mr. Chairman,

For African States to concentrate on the task of liberating the remaining colonial territories in the continent there must be peace and stability in the independent African States and a reasonable level of harmony among them, The founders of our organization realized the essentiality of these twin conditions and enshrined certain principles in our charter to provide the basis for the conduct of inter-state re¬ lations in Africa. They also complemented the provisions of the Charter with subsequent decisions which they hoped would provide further guidelines for peaceful and harmonious co-existence. I am referring in particular, Mr. Chairman, to the Charter principles relating to the respect for territorial integrity and non-interference in the inter¬ nal affairs of member states, as well as Resolution AHG/16/I of July 1964, which defined what constitutes the territorial boundaries of member states.

Unfortunately, these principles of the Charter and te subsequent decision are violated frequently, specially in Eastern Africa. I shall be quite specific. But before doing so, allow me to refer to the brilliant key-note address delivered by Your Excellency at the opening cere¬ mony of our Assembly yesterday which underscored the need for dialogue and frankness among African leaders whenever difficult issues arise in intra-African relations. My delegation which has come to Libreville to discuss African and international issues with all serious¬ ness and candor fully subscribes to the views expressed by Your Excellency.

Although we realize that the numerous issues facing our continent cannot be dealt with adequately in the short time at our disposal, we believe that it is imperative for African leaders to air among them¬ selves some of the major issues besetting Africa with a view to finding African solutions. The remarks am I about to make in this part of my statement are not intended to generate any acrimony in this august assembly but rather to a initiate constructive dialogue which, we hope, will make positive contributions towards the elimination of existing differences among sister African states. I hope it will be received in the spirit that it is offered.

Mr. Chairman,

The Republic of the Sudan with which my country has shared from time immemorial the water of the "life-giving Nile" and the rich cultural heritage of the Nile Valley has chosen to interfere in Ethiopia's internal affairs, to violate her territorial integrity and to commit aggres¬ sion against her sovereignty.

In order to acquaint the distinguished leaders of Africa with developments leading to the present crises in Ethio-Sudanese relations, I will briefly indicate the sequence of events.

Ethiopia and the Sudan

The present crisis has its genesis in the secessionist movement in the Northern Administrative Region of Ethiopia, commonly known as Eritrea. This secessionist movement was a legacy of the colonial history of that part of Ethiopia, exacerbated by the mal-administration of the oppressive feudal order which existed in Ethiopia before the revolution.

With the onset of the popular Ethiopian Revolution, we thought that new avenues and greater opportunities were opened to us to solve the problems posed by the secessionist movement and also to raise the relations between Ethiopia and the Sudan to a level commensurate with good neighbourliness. To this end, several positive measures were taken on our part. Numerous high level good-will missions were sent to Khartoum with the aim of broadening the channels of Materai consultations on issues of mutual concern and thereby minimize the possibilities of any misunderstanding. We also tried on several occa¬ sions to convince the Sudanese authorities of the desirability of reaoti-

— 14 vating the Ethio-Sudanese Ministerial Consultative Committee and suggested a closer economic cooperation in line with our declared policy for the formation of a confederation of the states in our part of Africa.

Having in mind Ethiopia's positive role in the settlement of the bloody conflict between the African and the Arab peoples of the Sudan, and expecting a better appreciation of the internal difficulties that our Revolution was facing in the Northern Region of Ethiopia, we ap¬ proached and encouraged President Nimeiry to establish contact with the leaders of the secessionist groups residing in Khartoum and other Arab capitals, with a view to opening a dialogue between them and the Government of Socialist Ethiopia. our Throughout endeavours, President Nimeiry gave us assurances of his apparent good-will to Ethiopia, without actually taking up in a praotical manner our various suggestions for improved relations. Our efforts to improve bilateral contacts were not reciprocated by the Sudanese Government.

In fact, the Sudanese Government has made it public that it began to intensify its support for the secessionists soon after the feudal regime in Ethiopia was overthrown and the Ethiopian Revolution began its inexorable march forward. Since that time, the Sudan Go¬ vernment opened, more than ever before, the ports, towns and frontiers of the Sudan for the subversive activities of the secessionist groups against Ethiopia. Arms and all other supplies sent to these groups by imperialists and reactionary Arab regimes were shipped to Port Sudan and from there were transported by land with Sudanese military escort to the Ethio-Sudanese border. Several training and operation bases were set up all along the Sudanese side of our common border. The Sudanese Press and Radio were put at the disposal of the secessionists for their anti-Ethiopian propaganda. In short, the Sudan became the rear base and its military forces the rear guard for the secessionist groups. In addition, the Sudanese government has been providing full assistance to a collection of run-away monarchists, feudal barons, and other reactionaries with a view to subverting the Ethiopian Revolution. To this group, the Sudan Government does not only render material

— 15 —

4 and moral support but also has put at its disposal propaganda faci¬

lities, especially radio Omdurman — Sudan's national radio station. As a result, this reactionary group has established training and opera¬ tion bases in the Sudan and hiring mercenaries with money provided by imperialist and reactionary Arab States, makes daily incursions into the North-Western territory of Ethiopia to attack peaceful and unarmed peasants, to sabotage economic projects and public installations. Re¬ cently they had attempted to capture a few border towns in this area with artillery and tank support provided by the Sudanese army. This unprovoked and unwarranted aggression by the Sudanese armed forces has been promptly communicated to all our African brothers through the OAU.

Despite Ethiopia's patience and good-will, even under these most difficult conditions in the relation between the two countries, the Sudanese Government began levelling a series of charges of interference and aggression against Ethiopia. Notwithstanding our persistent denial of these charges and repeated calls for immediate and direct consulta¬ tions to dispel, what we genuinely thought was a misunderstanding of our good intention, the Government of the Sudan openly embarked upon an anti-Ethiopian campaign.

The real instigators of the Ethio-Sudanese Conflict — imperialism and reactionary Arab regimes — wasted no time in responding to what they wanted the world to believe as Sudan's legitimate need for self- defence in the face of aggression from Ethiopia. Statements of political and moral support started to echo in Arab capitals. Military hardware from imperialist circles and billions of petro-dollars from reactionary Arab quarters began to pour into the Sudan. Realizing that it pays to have bad relations with Ethiopia, the Sudanese government launched feverish diplomatic activity with "the peace and security of the Red Sea" as its banner, but in reality to cut off and Arabize the African coast of the Red Sea which belongs to the only non-Arab State in the area — Ethiopia. To this end, the Sudan signed a joint defence agree¬ ment with Egypt in July 1976 and joined the Syrian-Egyptian Com¬ mand in February 1977. The blessing and the financial backing of the Saudi Monarch was bestowed on these unholy alliances. Thus proceeds

— 16 — to this very day the preparation for the final assault on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ethiopia with several non-Sudanese troops poised at present along the Bthio-Sudanese border.

As of 17 June 1977, the Government of the Sudan has imposed a ban on all aircrafts registered in Ethiopia from flying over Suda¬ nese air-space and from landing at Sudanese aerodromes and air-strips. It has also unilaterally suspended Ethiopian Airlines from making re¬ gular flights to the Sudan. This hostile action of the Sudanese govern¬ ment against Ethiopia is a clear violation of Sudan's International obligations, as stipulated in the International Civil Aviation Agreement known as the Chicago Convention (1944), as well as the bilateral air agreement signed between the two countries on 6 September 1956. This is yet another move in the overall scheme of the imperialists and their allies, to isolate and disrupt the Ethiopian Revolution. Mr. Chairman,

If the OAU were to permit the Sudanese Government to interfere in the internal affairs of Ethiopia and to violate her territorial integrity by committing illegal acts to which I have already referred, with impu¬ nity, it would do a great disservice to its future. The only beneficiaries would be Africa's detractors and their imperialist allies who are certain to gloat over a fratricidal war being forced on neighbouring African countries by reactionary expansionism over -Black Africa.

Mr. Chairman,

The Ethio-Somali boundary dispute has been previously raised at various international forums. It has also been a subject of bilateral discussions between the two countries. So far, nothing positive has emerged, mainly because Somalia refuses to disabuse itself of the notion that it can impose its will and dictate its own conception of law upon us, and force on us conditions that are incompatible with our sovereignty.

The whole world knows, about the anti-colonial and anti- imperialist struggle of the Ethiopian people and their vigorous defence of Ethiopia's territorial integrity, including that of Eastern Ethiopia. My country had to pay an enormous price in blood and tears for five agonizing years repulsing the aggression imposed on us by Fascist Italy. After the Congress of Berlin and during the Scramble for Africa, Ethiopia stood alone against the imperialist powers and her victory at Adwa in 1896 is a glorious chapter in our history.

Even if the Somali claim to more than 1 /5 of Ethiopia is nothing but political and historical fiction, such a claim cannot be viewed in isolation from the challenges it poses in Africa and elsewhere. As a matter of fact, it was only with the merging of the former British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland that the Somali Republic attained statehood and independence in July 1960. Before that date, there was no Somali State or Somali nation in recorded history. I challenge the Somali authorities to trace the historically defined and internationally recognized boundaries of their state, if as they claim, any such state had existed prior to 1960.

The fact of the matter is that to this day more than 70 percent of the population in Somalia is nomadic, for whom there is only one boundary and one frontier — that is, the furthest limits to available pastures. Indeed, as has been recorded by some authorities, nomadic agriculture in the Horn of Africa requires some 18 sq. miles of land annually per cow. Accordingly, if the cattle population in Somalia is over three million, the entire East African region will have to be Somali territory. And so, land wherever a Somali cow grazes, has to be part and parcel of the Somali Republic. No people or Government in our times subscribe to this sort of reasoning.

I must draw the attention of this assembly of African leaders to the fact that the expansionist ambitions of the Somali leaders are not confined to Ethiopia alone. While speaking loudly about their support for the national independence of all territories under colonial rule and their territorial integrity, in the last 17 years, the Somali authorities have consistently sought to annex Djibouti, the Northern Frontier District of Kenya, and of course, Eastern Ethiopia. Kenya is quite capable of speaking for herself. But the fact of the matter is that it was only in 1924 that the Kenyan province of Juba- land was handed over to Italian Somaliland by the U.K. When it should have been Kenya, the victim of British colonialism, that should have complained for this stark injustice, the fact that Somalia should seek to absorb 1/5 of Kenyan territory ito satisfy Somali irredentism and expansionist ambitions is but to add insult to injury. The Somali aggression on Kenya five days ago, on the eve of this historic Summit, is yet another testimony of Somali expansionism.

Mr. Chairman,

The frontiers between Ethiopia and Somalia are regulated by a series of international treaties. If Somalia refuses to recognize these treaties, then Somalia itself, which owes its very existence to a set of international agreements and decisions to which it was not a party must cease to exist.

As regards (the quaint attachment of the Somali leaders to the merits of tribalism, let us consider the following instances.

First, the Baluchis are divided between Iran and Pakistan. Out of 12 million Kurds, there are 2 million in Iraq, more than 5 million in Turkey, 200,000 in the U.S.S.R., 4 million in Iran and 300,000 in Syria. Similarly, the Armenians are divided between Turkey and the U.S.S.R.

The Bakongo people of Africa are to be found in Zaire, Congo and Angola. The EWE are divided between Ghana and Togo, the Youruba between Nigeria and Dahomey, and the Ben Amir nomadic tribe is to be found in both Ethiopia and the Sudan. And the list could be indefinitely continued.

We oannot re-draw the map of the world on ethnic lines to satisfy the whims of the Somali Government. Africa has already come out with a solution to this fundamental question. Res. AHG/16/I of July 1964 of the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government solemnly declares "that all Member States pledge themselves to respect the borders existing on their achievement of national indpendence".

Moreover, the second Conference of the Heads of State of the Non-Aligned countries in its Cairo Summit of October 1964 declared that "the countries participating in the Conference — pledge them¬ selves to respect frontiers as they existed when the States gained inde¬

pendence —

The Somali authorities have refused to reconcile themselves to the reality which has been recognized by the international community as reflected in the decisions of the OAU and the Non-Aligned coun¬ tries. Indeed, in the hope of annexing 1/5 of Ethiopia, they are employing every conceivable tactic and stratagem that they consider would help advance their sinister designs, including the infiltration of terrorists recruited, trained and financed by the Government in Mo- gadisho for sabotage and subversion in Eastern Ethiopia. In the face of all this, Ethiopia has no choice but to defend itself with all the means at her disposal.

Mr. Chairman,

Although lately, the Somali authorities might seem to have grudg¬ ingly accepted the independence of Djibouti, it is regrettable that they are still harbouring annexationist designs. Somali trained and armed terrorists have, for instance, recently sabotaged a number of bridges on the Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway, with the purpose of disrupting Djibouti's economic life whose essential supplies are daily transported from Ethiopia. With such tactics, the Somali authorities wanted to create economic hardship and political confusion which will result in a situation thatt will facilitate to realize their expansionist designs over Djibouti. But let it be clear that Ethiopia is committed to the inde¬ pendence and territorial integrity of Djibouti. Using the security of the Red Sea and the secessionist movement in northern Ethiopia as a pretext, Sudan and Somalia, which are both members of the League of Arab States and the OAU, institutions which uphold the principles of non-interference and territorial integrity, have

_ 20 — intensified their coordinated efforts to realize their divergent, yet converging hostile designs over Ethiopia.

The Sudanese Government, with the assistance and encourage¬ ment of reactionary Arab Governments and imperialist forces, and using the banner of the peace and security of the Red Sea as a cover, are trying to foment instability and subversion in northern and north-west¬ ern Ethiopia, by assisting and supporting secessionist and reactionary groups, who are fighting to sever Eritrea from Ethiopia and to foil the Ethiopian revolution. Profiting from the difficulties Ethiopia is facing along its border with the Sudan, the Somali government, with a view to fulfilling its long-standing expansionist ambitions, has infiltrated into southern and south-eastern Ethiopia large numbers of bandits which it has already recruited, trained and armed for the execution of a campaign of massacre, pillage and destruction of property.

That the Sudanese governement has imposed an illegal ban on all aircraft registered in Ethiopia from flying over its air-space and landing in its airfields, in less than two weeks after acts of sabotage have been perpetrated on the Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway — with the aim of isolating the peoples of Ethiopia mid Djibouti and paralyz¬ ing their interdependent economies — clearly shows that the two incidents are inter-connected and are part and parcel of a coordinated conspiracy against the Ethiopian revolution. In collusion with imperialism and neighbouring reactionary Arab governments, the Somali and Sudanese governments have thus embark¬ ed upon attacking Ethiopia along two fronts to accomplish their different objectives over Ethiopia. However, exercising her legitimate right of self-defence, Ethiopia is ready, more than ever before, to repulse the aggression of Somalia and the Sudan. At this point, I would like to remind them of an Ethiopian adage which could be roughly translated as "Trying to snatch what belongs to others, one may lose what one already possesses".

On the other hand, Ethiopia is acutely aware of the fact that the entire region of the Horn of Africa forms one natural economic unit. In the interest of peace, and in the hope of speeding up the growth and development of the area through cooperation, we proposed a Con¬ federation of the States in the region. We did this with the genuine conviction that cooperation rather than confrontation, would serve the interests of the peoples of the area.

Mr. Chairman,

As I mentioned at the outset, I have outlined the sad state of relations between Ethiopia and the Sudan, and between Ethiopia and Somalia because I believe that such ,a detailed exposé of some of the problems facing our continent would be to the best interest of our organization. Scrupulous adherence to the principles and decisions of the OAU by member states could present the development of such centres of tension, as is not found in North Eastern Africa. The essence of the problem in Ethio-Sudanese relations is the non-observance by the government of the Sudan, of the principles of the territorial inte¬ grity of states and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, which is enshrined in the Charter of our organization.

The deterioration of relations between Ethiopia and Somalia, on the other hand, has its genesis in the flagrant violation of those same charter principles of respect for territorial integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states by the government of Somalia and the complete disregard by the same government of the decisions of the OAU and non-aligned states regarding the boundaries of states.

It is evident therefore, that had there been an enforcement me¬ chanism within our organization such situations which poison inter- African relations from time to time could not have arisen. My delega¬ tion therefore, suggests that

a) there should be established a panel of investigators that would compile data on the observance or non-observance, by member states, of the principles enshrined in the Charter as well as their compliance or non-compliance with our collective decisions.

b) on the basis of the report of this panel which would be presented to the summit every year, our organization should take appropriate decisions to penalize the recalcitrant state.

Distinguished leaders,

We are convinced that unless the principles of the Charter as well as 'the decisions of the Summit are made to be respected by each and every member state, our annual gathering will be little more than a ritual and our beloved continent will be open to all forms of imperialist intrigues and fratricidal proxy wars.

Socio-Economic Transformation

Mr. Chairman,

Up to now, I have dwelt upon the liberation struggle in Africa and the consolidation of peace and stability in independent African States. I have chosen to dwell upon these issues at length because political independence, for which thousands of African patriots have sacrificed their lives, is of prime importance to every African. We in Ethiopia are, however, fully aware that political independence which is unaccompanied by socio-economic independence has neither mean¬ ing nor content.

Most of you know that Ethiopia has been independent for several centuries but the benefit of that independence did not accrue to a great majority of the people. While an infinitesimal fraction of the people — the royal family, the nobility, the landlords and the senior military officers — was enjoying unparalleled luxury and opulence, more than ninety-nine percent of our people were languishing under the most humiliating and exploitativè form of deprivation and injustice. Rural and Urban land property were monopolized by a handful favorites of the monarchy. Illiteracy was widespread. There were no health or social services to speak of. Classified as one of the least developed countries, Ethiopia was considered as the "sick-man" of Africa. Who, with a sense of human dignity and justice, would ever forget the outrageous policy of the former feudal regime in Ethiopia in concealing from the world the death of over two-hundred thousand of our people from starvation, for the simple reason of saving the "imperial prestige" from being tarnished? A timely appeal for national and international relief aid could have saved the lives of those unfortunate men, women and children-victims of a misguided and egocentric feudal policy. The Ethiopian people, embittered by a life of perpetual squalor, deprivation and injustice, rose up in unison in February 1974 and successfully overthrew the feudo-monarchial system. The masses of Ethiopia and the national leadership are resolved to revitalise their society and to bring about a just, equitable and dynamic socio-econo¬ mic transformation, thus restoring and expanding democracy and human dignity. To this end we have taken several significant steps.

In the span of only three years which have elapsed since the close of the feudal era, our Revolution has scored successive victories. Rural lands have been nationalized and distributed to the tillers who are its lawful owners. Urban land and extra houses have also been puit under public ownership thus enabling the government to reduce rents and begin to provide decent housing to urban dwellers. Banks, insur¬ ance companies, financial institutions, major industrial and commercial enterprises, were also nationalized thus cutting the umbilical cord con¬ necting the national compradors class and imperialist centres of exploitation which made major economic decisions detrimental to the lives of our people and the path of our future development.

Soon after the onset of our revolution some 60,000 young men- students, teachers and men-in-uniform, were mobilized under the pro¬ gramme of development through cooperation, and were sent to the provinces to politicise the masses, implement the land reform procla¬ mation, carry out literacy programme and construct schools and health centres. Under this programme our young people have been able to mix with the peasantry, share their knowledge and experience, and advance the cause of our Revolution.

These achievements by the Ethiopian people compared to the tasks that lie ahead are quite modest indeed! It is with this realization in mind that our Revolution adopted on 21 April 1976 the Programme of the National Democratic Revolution with a view to establishing a

— 24 — general framework and a set of guidelines setting out our national objectives and priorities. In accordance with this programme, and fully committed to building a society of truly free people, the Ethiopian masses — peasants, workers, women, youth and other progressive social forces — are organizing themselves and fast developing a capa¬ city to protect and advance their Revolution under the banner of "Revolutionary Motherland or Death".

Mr. Chairman,

Inasmuch as we are now exerting maximum effort to carry out revolutionary socio-economic changes, it is obvious that we need peace and security more than ever before.

The objective of the Ethiopian revolution is to ensure freedom, equality, justice, unity, peace and prosperity to the Ethiopian people and to establish a People's Democratic Republic, where human and democratic rights will be respected unconditionally and self-govern¬ ment exercised at all levels. We are fully convinced that the new political and socio-economic system being established in Ethiopia will further strengthen her relations with other African states.

Our revolution is a force based on the objective conditions in Ethiopia and attempting to attain a higher level of development in the country. We have no intention of imposing our revolution on other peoples or to export it outside our frontiers. We are fully aware that many African States are endeavouring to bring about socio-economic changes in their respective countries consonant with their own parti¬ cular objective conditions. To these states, we give our full support and extend our heartfelt good wishes for the success of their ende¬ avours.

Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Heads of State and Government, and Comrades,

Imperialism, which had been emitting the fire of annihilation and destruction in the South-East Asia until it was humiliated and driven

— 25 —

« out through the heroic struggle and courageous sacrifice of the oppres¬ sed peoples of the region, has now turned its face towards Africa.

We the leaders of Africa, on whom the masses and history have reposed the responsibility for the safeguarding of the independence and democratic rights of the African peoples as well as the realization of their aspirations and development, have to be vigilant and ready to stop and repulse in unison this wave of destruction which is hovering over us all.

Today, there is not anything that imperialism would not do in order to establish its prominence in our continent. Our brother, the late Marien Ngouabi and other revolutionary leaders have been mar¬ tyred while pursuing the noble objectives of freedom and human dignity. The recent attempt to disstabilize Angola and other African States is another case in point. In the face of such threat, Africa should resolve to be evermore vigilant.

Since no power in this world can arrest the inexorable march of history, we have to recognize the fact that it is the broad masses of Africa who, by raising the level of their consciousness and orga¬ nization, will determine itheir cultural, economic and political fate. Mr. Chairman,

Which continent can claim to understand the oppression and exploitation of imperialism, the aggression of colonialism and the humiliation of racism more than Africa?

Even Today, who is the one that takes pleasure in the death and agony of Africans? Indeed, which lare therefore fighting against our organization?

On the other hand who was supporting politically, militarily and diplomatically those who were struggling to liberate themselves from the yokes of colonialism? The representatives of Algeria, Angola, Mozambique, Guinea Bissau and other oppressed people of the world could bear witness. Even today in our struggle against colonialism and racism in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, we are aware

— 26 — from which quarters most of the support for this noble African causes are coming. We also find analogous situation in the field of econo¬ mic and social development in Africa. It is therefore not difficult for Africa to differentiate between her supporters and her exploiters, her friends and enemies.

Mr. Chairman,

Now that our organization is endeavouring to free Africans still under colonial rule, and to make Africa a self-reliant, respected, strong and non-aligned continent, free from colonial and neo-colonial influences; member countries of this organization should not allow themselves to be used as instruments of imperialism. We should not disrupt the anti-racist, anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist struggle of Africans — a democratic struggle for genuine independence, deve¬ lopment and self-reliance.

We should not try to reverse the hands of the clock which is moving ahead towards the rapid attainment of equality, justice, pro¬ gress, peace and democracy.

Such regressive and anti-democratic stance does not represent the aspirations of the African worker, farmer, soldier, freedom-fighter, and the youth of Africa.

Mr. Chairman,

It is imperative that the Organization of African Unity must gear itself to the task of liberating our continent from neo-colonialism and imperialist exploitation, and to this effect facilitate socio-economic re¬ construction in Africa. The continued exploitation of our peoples through the prevailing unjust international economic system cannot be tolerated any longer. The Organization of African Unity assisted by its several commissions which at present are mostly dormant, and in closer cooperation with the Economic Commission for Africa must lender its services to our continent by working towards the creation of expanded intra-African markets, increased joint regional projects among African States, and the promotion of the New International Economic Order.

— 27 — The tasks of liberating the remaining colonial territories in Africa, the designing and implementing of a system of Pax Africana to create durable peace and stability among independent African States, and assisting in the socio-economic transformation of African countries are quite formidable, especially when one realizes the present structure of the Organization and the limited powers of the Administrative Secre¬ tary General. The successful accomplishment of these tasks, however, demands the restructuring of our Organization and the elimination of undue constraints upon the Secretary General in the discharge of his duties. To this end, decision must be taken so that the proposals and recommendations on the restructuring of the OAU which was submitted to the 29th Council of Ministers must be implemented without delay.

Down with Imperialism, Colonialism, Neo-Colonialism and Racism. Long Live the Unity of Africa.

LIBREVILLE, GABON 2-5 JULY, 1977