Politics of OBC

• The backward class first appeared in 1870s in Madras Presidency. • British government grouped together shudras and untouchables under the label ‘backward class’ resulted in increase in numbers from 39 to 131 between 1870 to 1920. • Depressed class separated in 1925 from untouchables. • After independence Nehru gave them new name the “Other Backward Classes”, classes other than the untouchables and the tribes. The same arrangement was not made for the Other backward classes as being made for Scheduled in Post independent India. • Congress reluctant towards positive discrimination of OBCs after Independence. • The Constituent Assembly initiated Article 340 which stipulated the President to appoint a commission in charge of identifying the socially and educationally backward classes and suggest measures to improve the condition of OBCs • Under article 340 the first Backward Classes Commission known as Kaka Kalelkar Commission was appointed in 1953. It submitted its report in March 1955. Concluded the four main criteria for social backwardness: 1. a degraded status 2. Lack of education 3. Under representation in the civil service. 4. Under representation in the Secondary and territory sector.

• The report by first Backward Classes Commission was rejected. The chairman declared ‘it went against the objective of creating casteless society’. • The quota system initiated during the British rule in British India and Princely States based on was questioned after independence in Balaji v. State of Mysore in 1963. • Ram Manohar Lohia became the staunchest supporter of Positive discrimination calling it as “unequal opportunities”. He advocated caste not only as pertinent social and political entity but the economic inequality and caste inequality as twin demons in the society. • In 1959 the Socialist Party found by Ram Manohar Lohia passed a resolution in favour of reserving 60% of civil service jobs for the OBC. • Chaudhary Charan Singh also played a crucial role in mobilising of OBCs in western Uttar Pradesh who formed a political party called Bharatiya Lok Dal which primarily drew it support from middle caste peasants and jats. • According to Rudolph and Rudolf the rise of intermediary caste symbolises the ascendancy of Bullock capitalists. • Charan Singh became the representative of Peasant-Proprietors based on Kisan identity. His coalition is popularly known as AJGAR where A stood for “Ahirs”, J for “Jats” ,G for “Gurjar” and R for “Rajput castes”. • The 1967 elections were the landmarks in Indian politics. • The politics of backward caste succeeded in defeating the Congress in eight states. • But Coalition of parties and backward caste could not hold on to power for long. • In 1974 Bharatiya Lok Dal was formed by Ram Manohar Lohia and Chaudhary Charan Singh. • The 1977 elections became an important election for the assertion of lower caste in politic under Janty Party. • Under the influence of socialist and backward caste MPs the Janata party government appointed the Second National Nommission known as Mandal Commission to consider the proposal for extending reservation to the OBCs. • The Commission argued ‘caste is also a class citizens and if the caste as a whole is socially and educationally backward, reservation can be made in favour of such caste’. • The Mandal Commission identified 3743 castes that constituted India’s representing 52% of the countries population. • The commission noted that only 12.5% of civil services posts were occupied by OBCs, so, it recommended reserving 27% seats for them thus keeping all quota below 50% in accordance with a Supreme Court judgement in the Balaji case. • Mandal Commission submitted its report during Indira Gandhi’s Regime. The government did not implement the Mandal recommendations. • In 1989 elections Janta Dal came to power in a coalition arrangement called National Front headed by V.P. Singh • Before elections VP Singh announced that his party would reserve 60% tickets for , backward caste and tribals. He proposed to bring together new combination of castes termed as AJGAR, as against the social coalition of Congress comprising Brahmins, Dalits and Muslims. • In 1990 the VP Singh government announced reservation of 27% jobs in civil services for the backward caste as per the recommendation of the Mandal Commission. • Students belonging to the upper caste reacted violently and took to streets. • The violent reaction of the upper caste brought in huge counter reaction from the students and youths belonging to OBCs. • The supporters argue that since political power resided in India’s administrative system, it was important that OBC be given a share of administrative position. • Supporters of reservation defined the issue as a social justice for those who are victims of the Brahmin- dominated caste system. • Dalt leaders Kashi Ram and Mayawati gave support because the reservation policy as a whole was under threat. • The issue was filed in Supreme Court. In Indra Sawhney and others versus Union of India case the Supreme Court finally allowed the National Front government’s decision to be implemented that is 27% of seats to be reserved for OBC students in the civil services examination with the clause of excluding the “” from the reservation benefits. • Significance of Mandal Affair 1. OBCs no longer remained an administrative category. 2. They organised themselves politically. 3. OBCs transferred themselves to interest groups. 4. They organised outside the vertical clientelistic pattern and started voting for candidates belonging to OBC castes

• Changes in electoral scenario after 1989 elections 1. Decline in the percentage of upper caste MPs in Hindi belt below 40% 2. Increase in the share of OBCs above 20% • From 1990s onwards all party irrespective of ideology started distributing tickets to OBC candidates which resulted in so called ‘Silent Revolution’ by Christoffer Jaffrelot.

Dr. Saima Iqbal Assistant Professor Department of Political Science Shaheed Bhagat Singh College University of Delhi