TITLE: Visualising Gentrification in Ancoats, : A Multi Method Approach to Mapping Change.

Keywords: Gentrification, Visual Methods, Visual Sociology, Photography, Entrepreneurial Urbanism

Author Bio: Gary Bratchford is a senior lecturer in photography and President of the International Sociological Association’s Visual Sociology Research Committee (RC57). Gary is co-founder of Critical Lens, a contemporary platform for critical debate in arts and the academy and Book Review Editor for Visual Studies.

This chapter explores how we can come to see global gentrification through a variety of visual processes, including visual ethnography, social and spatial semiotics, and image analysis of developer hoardings, which in turn, can be read through a series of communicative ‘scenes’ (Silver et al., 2011). Focusing on two areas of Manchester (), Ancoats and the neighboring district, , the chapter begins by setting the conceptual framework and aims of the study. Thereafter, the chapter unpacks the history of East Manchester’s industrial decline and subsequent ‘regeneration’, having been awarded host status of the 2002 Commonwealth Games. The chapter explores the ‘partnership mode of governance’ with specific attention paid to the public and private sector developments which promised ‘seamless tenure’ that ‘celebrated variety and identity’.1 Through researcher-produced imagery and fieldwork, the chapters unpicks how Ancoats has been, and Miles Platting is, subject to a process of middle class restructuring through production (Smith & Williams, 1985) and consumption (Ley, 1996; Massey, 2015, Milestone 2008) based gentrification. In particular, this chapter looks at including the Ancoats Marina and Cutting Room Square, all of which exist in a 0.5 mile radius, close to the North Eastern edge of Manchester. In part, this chapter is also about the optics of visibility, the battle over perceptibility and the ways in which gentrified space can be interrupted (Jordan & Linder, 2016), specifically through socially engaged visual practices and the ‘deglamorizing effect’ that blogs and social media can have upon a development project when looked in upon by outsiders. By foregrounding researcher-produced imagery to narrate the physical and cultural change of the landscape in addition to the analysis of visual works produced by others, professional or otherwise, the essays final aim is to continue to normalize the use of visual imagery as a valid and relevant type of data for sociological research (Nathansohn and Zuev, 2013).

Walking Ancoats

The contemporary visual analysis of urban space reveals a great deal, specifically when the process is repeated over time. Longitudinal studies carried out in particular sites or with specific communities for example, help to better frame our understanding of an environment.

1 These statements have been drawn from the New Islington Manchester Millennium Community Masterplan distributed to community members and stakeholders.

These long-term investments enable researchers to collect data, which might not be immediately noticed. This process allows for connections in spatial, social and cultural practices to be drawn out, becoming visible over weeks, months or years depending on the scale of the project.

Since 2014 I have been walking, observing and periodically documenting a cycle of ‘urban regeneration’ and gentrification of Miles Platting and Ancoats, a rapidly (re)emerging ‘fringe’2 district of Manchester, North West of (UK). Located on the North Eastern edge of Manchester, just 0.5 miles from the city boundary both, Ancoats and Miles Platting are blends of old, deindustrialized spaces, long established social housing and newly developed ‘urban villages’ that offer incoming, affluent residents, the opportunity to experience new, complete communities (Ward, 2003). It is the latter component of this triangulated relationship, the urban village, and the residents it attracts, and by virtue, those it omits, that is focus of this study. The photographic images presented in this essay represent just one aspect of a more extensive photographic survey (Krase & Shortell, 2011) of the areas in question. The survey (of which there are more than 1,000 images to date) presents a visual record of the physical and social streetscapes within a 1.5 mile radius and a maximum 0.8 mile distance from the city centre boundary; extending into the neighboring districts of Bradford to the East and to the North. Yet for the purpose of this chapter, my focus is more refined to Ancoats and the increasingly blurred Miles Platting boundary.3 In refining the scope of my survey to Ancoats and Miles Platting I locate the space in question through ethnographic approaches including repeat photography and image analysis to unpack the practice of gentrification through the application of a visually engaged sociological lens.

Firstly, I focus on the regeneration of the Rochdale ship canal as a re-envigored post-industrial asset. Key to the gentrification of the Ancoats Marina and the development of ‘New Islington’, the ship canal and the surrounding land is a threshold space, once an industrial highway for cotton traders (rapid disinvestment from the 1950s-70s brought about dilapidation) these wastelands are now prime development spots. One of seven national ‘millennium community programmes’, the redevelopment of the canal as an exclusive space of leisure, consumption and domesticity extends the city boundary, acting as a catalyst for change in and of the neighbouring post-industrial spaces of Ancoats. While Ancoats is rebuilt, others, like New Islington are reborn and rebranded. Once the name of a road close to Ancoats, New Islington

2 In a March 2015 in a Neighbourhood development Framework produced by Deloitte on behalf of SimpsonHague and Partners entitled New Cross, an area neighbouring Ancoats to the south, the wider area of Ancoats and New Cross, both of which sit outside the Inner ring road of Manchester are defined as ‘strategically located within the North Easter Fringe of the City Centre’ (pg4).The sematic nature of calling these areas ‘fringes’ implies its potential for conversion and their easy consumption into the wider cosmopolitan city space. 3 Miles Platting is a neighbouring district of Ancoats, and is, at the time of writing (summer of 2018), subject to the next phase of gentrification. One such example is the Lovell Home project with 1000 homes to be built in phases under the overarching and rebranding title of Platting Village. In 2016 a new, 4 bed home in phase one was priced at200,000. Prior to this, the existing housing stock was social housing with a maximin capacity of 3 bedrooms. As of the summer of 2018, newly built 4-room housing released onto the marking for phase four are selling for 275,000.

was also the site of the ‘cardroom’ estate, a residential area blighted by unemployment, social deprivation and inadequate housing (Ward, 2003). Such spaces are now sites of strategic private/public initiatives including the Manchester Life Development Company who are spearheading the ‘Ancoats and New Islington Neighbourhood Development Framework’ (Manchester Life 2017). I then turn my attention to Cutting Room Square. An ex-industrial site next to Ancoats Marina, reinstated as a European style piazza, framed by independent, upmarket bars, eateries and luxury apartments, the site is a heuristic snapshot of a broader ‘institutional future vision’ of the city by some of the city’s key stakeholders (Pieri ,2017). Imagining cities of the future engenders lively debate about function, urban scalability and cosmopolitanism across a range of platforms and forums, Elisa Pieri notes, ‘visual and discursive practices are far from straightforward’ (2017: 131). As strategic advertising, visualisations and promotional material through developer hoardings and websites reach a wider constituency, these visual artefacts and latterly, spatial design is always open to interpretation. Such interpretations are often anchored in subjective semiotic readings, based on our cultural and social understanding of what we see and who participates in them. Taking a less institutional perspective, I explore how spaces, like Cutting Room Square, which reflect the city’s institutional vision to become… ‘a major European regional capital, a centre for investment and growth, [that is] competing internationally’ (Pieri, 2017: 132), can be read, vernacularly. In doing so, I suggest that the effect of entrepreneurial governance and private investment in previously deindustrialised spaces not only effects the physicality of the space but how we can see ways in which the new, economically dominant class appropriate, dominate and perform in these spaces, in turn, excluding longer established residents.

Based upon the use and analysis of ‘researcher-produced images’ (Pauwels, 2015) I document the development of these spaces by employing a spatial semiotic analysis of the area. Through my own photographic practice, this chapter reflects on the ways in which the once run down, de-industrialised spaces of Ancoats and Miles Platting have been altered to meet the needs of its new residents and, in turn, the way these residents operate in these newly developed spaces. By virtue of this, the space and the amenities around it, come to service the needs of the new communities and in doing so exclude longstanding residents based on social habits and income. A revitalised inner-city housing market accompanied by flourishing business quarters, booming retail, and cafés, bars and restaurants echo a new demographic that have disposable incomes and a desire for an experience-based consumption (Chapman, et al., 2017) While middle classes move in, working class communities and local residents are screened out. With upscale men’s barbers, craft breweries or locally roasted coffee shops moving into Ancoats and the neighbouring areas on a weekly basis,4 in addition to urban exercise clubs using (and being invited to use) the topology of newly designed space, the chapter points to the way users both reflect and shape the micro economy of the locality.

4 See the Manchester Evening News. Ancoats, Manchester’s Coolest Place to Live. Accessible from:https://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/greater-manchester-news/ancoats-manchester- coolest-place-live-15380590 [accessed July 10 2018].

Moreover, these users and the community of new independent shop owners also, I argue, help outsiders to read the visual and performative vernacular of the area, in turn, replacing and displacing local narratives and local autonomy. To the unknowing eye, these newly installed spaces and the users/inhabitants they draw in, are simply ‘part of the landscape’. Underpinned by strategic place-making schemes that work to ground the new inhabitants in the physical and cultural geography of the past though public realm art works, renovated cotton mills, Ancoats, has become a space of rapidly engineered gentrification for a new, young middle class who buy into a new form of experiential living that echoes the regeneration project, south of the city, almost two decades prior (Degan, 2003).

In the second half of the essay, I will shift my attention to the way Ancoats, and Miles Platting, has been imaged and presented both on and offline through users of a popular online forum dedicated to the discussion and analysis of urban development as well as how artists interrupt the space through visual interventions. Focusing on the work of community photographer, Len Grant, and specifically his project Voices Up (2015-16).

Working on behalf of an organisation, commissions often act as a ‘semi-visible frame that defines funding, timescale, agenda and expectations’ (Hope 2017: 204). These fames, can, over time, be ignored, taken for granted, pushed against or tested. Community Art and Socially Engaged Practice has, at times, been criticised for its need to evidence ‘deliverable’ outcomes, losing sight of its original ethos. Community Art and Socially Engaged Practice has, at times, been criticised for its need to evidence ‘deliverable’ outcomes, losing sight of its original ethos. Writing in 1973, Harold Baldry, the then chair of the Community Arts Working Panel for the Arts Council UK, noted that,

The primary concern [of community artists] is their impact on a community and their relationship with it: by assisting those with whom they make contact to become more aware of their situation and of their own creative powers, and by providing them with facilities they need to make use of their abilities, they hope to widen and deepen the sensibilities of the community in which they work and so to enrich its existence. (Arts Council of Britain 1974:3 cited in Jeffiers & Moriarty, 2017:14)

As the practice became professionalised, some have argued that the ethos of Community Art projects described by Baldry in the 70s fell afoul of ‘grant addicted middle class’ and ‘top down’ funding agendas that enabled artists to sell their services for a fee. During the New Labour years (1997-2010) the tenet of Community Arts was revived through a political and cultural shift that foreground participatory democracy and social inclusion agendas (See Hope 2017:203-204 in Jeffers et al. 2017) in ways that chimed with the era of entrepreneurial urbanism and community regeneration projects, particularly in Manchester. Another boom industry throughout the 2000s, it was not uncommon to have artists working with peripheral or dis-engaged communities in order to give them voice or visibility. Having been commissioned to work with residents in the area of Ancoats and Miles Platting by community

organisations as well as the developers, Grants work documents an important epoch of time and can be explored in a number of ways, however, it is Voices Up which I choose to focus. While we cannot ignore that these are commissions, Grants work, and specifically Voices Up disrupt, albeit momentarily, the gentrification process unfolding in Ancoats. Placing existing residents next to new as a site-specific installation creates a space for intersubjective encounter where often disconnected voices and ideas can meet.

Gentrification is never a smooth process. At times it causes tension or friction between communities old and new. These frictions come to the fore around notions of ownership related to spaces, places and resources. Friction, as defined by the Oxford English Dictionary is, ‘the action of one surface or object rubbing against another’. In this chapter I hope to identify an example of the ways in which the friction that gentrification often produces can be obfuscated or made to appear seamless, how new users assimilate into spaces while others choose to constructively unsee. It is nonetheless only an example. As anthropologists Lars Højer and Andreas Bandak (2015) contend, examples are important prisms through which both literal and perceptual analysis, such as ethnography and anthropology, are thought and, equally importantly, reconfigured. More specifically, exemplification multiplies and draws in connections which, when gathered in such ways, can become evidence. It is my hope that this example helps to continue to build a more complete picture of an everchanging landscape.

From Boom to Bust, to Coffee Shop and Everything in Between:

Marketed as a city of ‘firsts’, Manchester has developed a global identity on the three I’s: industrialism, innovation and individualism. The first industrial city in the nineteenth century, Manchester can also claim ‘socialism, the co-operative movement and female emancipation as other notable ‘firsts’ in addition to parks, libraries, sewers, railway stations, the computer and more recently the discovery of a new carbon super-structure, graphene in 2004’ (Lewis & Symons, 2017: 5). In addition to the global reach of the cities two soccer teams, Manchester United and Manchester City, Manchester can claim notable and innovative contributions to global arts and culture movements.

Dubbed Cottonopolis during the the city gained an international reputation for its export of cotton products. In 1853 it had over one hundred operational mills (McNeil & Nevell 2000: 176). With further industrial growth, Manchester gained new status as an engineering hub and sustained its position as a financial centre of the region. In 1907, five out of twenty of the largest manufacturing companies in Britain had their headquarters in Manchester with a number of foundries and engineering firms established in the outlying areas, east of the city (Lewis, 2017). As Britain moved away from industrial production,

including fabrics, metal work and large scale engineering, Ancoats and the neighbouring districts including Miles Platting, Beswick and suffered dramatic economic decline between the 1960s and 1980s. Camila Lewis notes, global competition and trading between nations intensified, from the late 1980s through to the 1990s, advanced capitalist economies like Britain moved away from industrial production to the creation of ‘service economies’ (Lewis 2017: 174-76). As a consequence, the industrial areas of East Manchester fell into rapid decline. The heavy industrial plants closed or moved out and the landscape of East Manchester was said to have ‘shrunk’ and become ‘perforated’ (Lewis 2017:174). The physical landscape of Ancoats and Miles Platting became a ruin. Deindustrialised spaces and socio-economic downturn created a social and cultural vacuum.

The result was colossal depopulation. With a combined population of 100,000 in 1940, Ancoats and Miles Platting were a hive of activity and had a multicultural mix of residents. By the 1990s, those figures dropped to 7,000 residents,5 with Ancoats accounting for less than a 1,000 of those. By the late 1990s when Urban Splash, the main developers for the Millennium Community Masterplan, arrived for resident consultations, only 100 remained; half of which were over 70.6 In the 1960s the original Victorian back to back terraces were cleared. Deemed unfit for habitation, the space between the Rochdale and was redeveloped with low density housing. The new estate was called the Cardroom and took its first tenants in 1978. Named after part of a , the Cardroom was built for function rather than design. With its two-story houses, the Cardroom was built with community in mind. A quick solution to a housing need, during the same period of development, one third of the manufacturing in the area had already gone. With economic decline, the design of the estate brought about problems that are often associated with urban dense high rise living. Pedestrianised streets, ginnels and alleyways, cul-de-sac designed housing, originally built to foster a sense of community and landscaped greens, the area became difficult to police. The estate became a ‘no-go’ area for taxi services, delivery drivers, public services and rife with anti-social behaviour. As residents moved out the Cardroom became a sink estate. Joyriders, drug dealers and thieves took over. Local amenities shut, including the local school due to a lack of numbers.

During the early 2000s houses in Ancoats and Miles Platting sold for as little as £5,000, while at the same time, and only a few kilometres away, New York-style loft apartments sold for over £250,000 (Ward 2003: 117). The area fell into worryingly low census-data territory. A survey of data by Ward in 2003, harvested from East Manchester Ltd, one of only three urban regeneration companies in the country at the time, prior to the population shift painted a bleak landscape,

5 See New Islington Manchester Millennium Community Masterplan distributed by Urban Splash and Partners to local residents and stakeholders. 6 See The Guardian, The Estate We’re In, published 24 February, 2017. Accessible at: https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2007/feb/24/architecture [accessed Jan 7 2018].

Unemployment rate of 8.2 per cent is twice that of the rest of Manchester, which is itself considerably higher than the national average. Those in paid work tend to be stuck in poorly paid and precarious forms of employment. One in ten of unemployed residents have never been in formal paid employment, while a further 38 per cent have had to get by outside of the formal labour market for over two years. Quite simply, East Manchester’s residents do the dirty work that supports and services the city’s expanding ‘new’ consumption economy; and there is more: mortality rates are 50 per cent higher than the national average; the under 5’s suffer disproportionately high incidences of dental disease and other illnesses and so on. Hence, in all kinds of ways, the residents of East Manchester experience multiple forms of deprivation on a daily basis.

Drawing upon the city’s recent political (and entrepreneurial) trajectory and building from the 1995 decision to award Manchester the 2002 Commonwealth Games, the urban regeneration company, New East Manchester Ltd with others, including English Partnerships, began to re- image Ancoats. With the support of lad developers, Urban Splash, they began to redesign the form and function of the area, selling the deindustrialised and socially deprived space as a new lifestyle and experience.

Figure 1: Advertisement hoarding for Ancoats Marina on the edge of the Ashton Ship Canal, 2003. Behind the hoardings to the top right of the frame is the ‘Chips Building’, one of Urban Splash’s first developments on the site. Source unknown.

As with all urban redevelopments, the focus is on selling the city in terms of new life styles and experiences. Key to this is place promotion. Digital visualisations and advertising hoardings employ various visual strategies to sell locations and developments like any other commodity, packaged as aesthetic objects of desire. As Urban Splash were both the first and main site developers their hoardings sought to show the entire space, not just one building. Laden with aesthetically charged moments (Thrift, 2008) that centred around the yet to be instated marina that linked the parallel ship canals either side of the Cardroom estate, the digital visualisation served to ‘stage, costume and intensify particular, sensorialy seductive, atmospheric visions of urban life, in order to sell them’ (Rose, 107: 2016). In the image above, the visualisation places great emphasis on the Marina as a site of leisure and consumption. Women joggers flank the water while in the right-hand corner our attention is grabbed by a red convertible sports car and businessmen in suits. The residents of the estate, whom the developers spent much time consulting were omitted.

Visualising Entrepreneurial Urbanism

Historically, Manchester and more specifically the East of the city, which includes Ancoats and Miles Platting, have gone through a boom-bust-boom trajectory that has been shaped by the rise and fall of its heavy industry (Peck & Tickell, 2002; Peck & Ward, 2002; Lewis & Symons, 2017) and the re-imagining of these deindustrialised areas as sites of entrepreneurial urbanism (Ward, 2003) and ultimately, gentrification. A now commonplace orthodoxy in local economic development across the globe, entrepreneurial urbanism (and the need for cities to be seen to perform it) can, David Harvey notes, now be examined at a ‘variety of spatial scales’ (Harvey, 1989 in Ward, 2003). These spatial scales operate and can be seen across a range of levels. For Harvey, these scales include local neighbourhoods and community, central city and suburb, metropolitan, region and nation state. How they become ‘seen’ is a matter of perceptibility. If we apply visual discourse to the argument, Harvey’s ‘scales’ must be complimented by visual registers, or to adopt the language of power, ‘visual regimes’ (Bratchford, 2018, 2019; Brighenti, 2007). These regimes, are, I argue, relevant to the ways in which entrepreneurial urbanism is managed and implemented. Strategically, there is a need to discursively ‘make’ a location appealing, firstly for partnership and investment, secondly, to developers, thirdly, to prospective businesses and potential residents, then finally to ‘outsiders’, such as ‘tourists place-mobile capitalists—than by local citizens’ (McLeod, 2002 in Scott et al, 2018: 2). As deindustrialisation swept across North American and European cities in the 1970s and 1980s dramatically reshaping the physical and economic landscape, local authorities and regional government looked to the private sector as a way to shape urban governance. With a rise of public–private partnerships—often in parallel or as a replacement to traditional local government structures, business lead investment, rather than state driven interventions in previously vibrant industrial areas focused on enabling economic enterprise rather than a concern with welfare or wealth redistribution (See Harvey, 1989). In turn, these

processes, underpinned by discursive practices like advertising and place making and efforts to foreground an authentic and locale-specific experience work to market areas through place promotion (Ward, 2003). This notion of place-based promotion is often, as is the case with Ancoats, centred around themes of ‘urban creativity’, and twinned with what Scott et al. stress as, marketable ‘authenticity and place identity arising from a backcloth of tangible heritage assets [that] become subsumed into a wider place-branding and promotion’ (2018: 16). Consequently, Ancoats is re-imagined, narrated and more presently, represented as a space that blends consumption and leisure for the new, young urban elite, crouched in a sense of distinctiveness that borrows from its industrial legacy, and to some extent, those which the space excludes. Thanks to the enormous potential of the visual language of sociology, observing and selecting, dealing creatively with reality, the social facts, or utilizing action research, we can document the world we encounter and give meaning to such sites as spaces of rapid economic and social change (Manzo, 2013). We can trace and track the symbolic semiotic activity of gentrification through repeat photography, observing over time how the ‘public faces of neighbourhoods’ (Krase, 2014: 189) and store fronts can provide particular information about the change in status of consumption. In this regard, we are not looking for the ‘decisive moment’ but producing an everyday photographic narrative that can stand in for a bigger narrative, one that must move beyond the specificity of its moment of making, and in doing so, point to the larger significance of that moment recorded (Bratchford, 2019). In this respect, we must learn to see a multitude of processes which are often far removed from the physical spaces we point our camera. As John Berger notes, “the true content of a photograph is invisible” (2013, 19). In spaces like Ancoats, we record threshold moments effected by decisions made in the past and actions that are yet to unfold. We must read the landscape for more nuanced signs of upheaval and change.

During the New Labour period (1997-2010) cities were placed at the heart of the plans, designed to foster a more inclusive, mutually supportive society (See Lewis & Symons 2017). Under the neoliberal policies of Prime Minister Tony Blair, Manchester, a notoriously staunch Labour stronghold began to leverage public-private partnerships to rebuild a ‘post-industrial city’ (Peck & Ward, 2010). Working to strengthen their relationship with the private sector, began to foreground a property-led strategy of urban regeneration in the city. Deemed as a ‘panacea for urban problems’ (Lewis, 2017: 179) in localities coming to terms with service deindustrialisation and the loss of manufacturing employment, programmes of ‘regeneration’ were initiated. Promises of mixed housing and green spaces and community resources were twinned with overtly neoclassical rhetoric advocating for the implementation of ‘a poncey wine bar and 3-star Michelin restaurants’ as noted in the promotional material for New Islington; one of seven National Millennium Community spearheaded programmes, centrally administrated by English Partnerships, a non- departmental government body funded through the Department for Communities and Local Government, set up in 1997.7 National Millennium Communities were one of a number of

7 The seven areas allocated millilumen community funding after a tender process were, …

political strategies introduced to encourage private developers to invest in run-down and derelict urban areas that also included the 1998 New Deal for Communities scheme that also saw other areas of East Manchester (Beswick and ) receive funding for rapid regeneration, again overseen by Department for Communities and Local Government under Tony Blair’s tenure. In particular, this model of private-public gentrification was rapidly accelerated at scale across the East in the build-up to the 2002 Commonwealth Games. The local government promised it would, guarantee economic, social and environmental sustainability; achieve highest standards of physical redevelopment; retain its existing population; and improve its social and economic prospects (Lewis & Symons 2017). A range of companies and schemes were established under the New Labour Government to build environments through partnerships with existing agencies, including the New East Manchester (NEM) and later, Manchester Life, a residential development company owned by Manchester City Council and the Abu Dhabi United Group. As of 2018 the Manchester Life property portfolio includes six industrial mill conversions and new developments including Sawmill Court, Cotton Field Wharf, Flint Glass Works, Smiths Yard. Manchester became a model for consumption-based, property led forms of economic regeneration. With a population of almost three and half million the greater city region, Manchester has an urban population of nearly 542,000.8 An increase of 26,900 from the 2011 National Census in 2011 to the mid-term report in 2016.9 Although smaller than London geographically and in population, the population of Manchester grew by 17% between 2004 and 201410 and is expected to rise by a further 39,000 before 2024.11 Having already increased by nearly 18% (+77,700) between 2003 and 2013, a rate that is more than double the UK average over the same period and surpassing both Greater London (14%) and Inner / Central London (17%) during the same period.12 Looking ahead, groups like Manchester Life are proposing redevelopments of urban fringe spaces… with an additional 60,000 new homes city-centre expected to be required by 2027 to meet the rapid growth of the city.

Cited as a case of ‘entrepreneurial urbanism’ – a ‘new urban politics’ where the city is viewed by government and private companies as a business in its own right (Peak and Ward, 2002), Manchester City Council has been recognised as having worked with ‘a number of national and regional Government agencies; and in partnership with private and community sectors to stabilise and reverse the economic and physical decline’ (Deloitte Real Estate 2015). In the 2014 Autumn Statement, the Coalition Government re-iterated a commitment made earlier that year to help lay the foundations of a Northern Powerhouse to rival the economic strength of London. With international partnerships, a directly elected Mayor in 2017, and a devolved and consolidated budget in transport, health and social care, along with key strategic planning

8 According to the Office of National Statistics Official (ONS) Census 2011 Manchester Population is 514,400. 9 See Manchester City Council mid-term report accessible at www.manchester.gov.uk/info/20088/statistics_and_intelligance/438/population [accessed October 11 2018] 10 See page 2 of the Manchester Life ‘New Little Mill’ 2017 Strategic Development framework document 11 See page 4 of the Deloitte Real Estate strategic planning document. 12 See page 12 of the Deloitte Real Estate strategic planning document.

powers, Manchester’s progressive public/private initiatives strengthened Manchester’s position as an exemplar of entrepreneurial urbanism and a ‘Northern Powerhouse’. The same 2015 Deloitte Neighbourhood Development Framework (NDF) publication produced by Deloitte, a global financial advisory and risk management service, alluded to number of factors that resonate with process based and consumption-based gentrification practices, specifically in the area of Ancoats and Miles Platting including,

Compulsory Purchase Orders in both the Ancoats and New Islington Neighbourhoods saw land assembled for redevelopment, with historic buildings conserved and brought back into employment and residential use, and significant investment targeted at core neighbourhood infrastructure; including a new public square at Cutting Room Square, a new waterpark and Marina linking the Rochdale and Ashton Canals, and the provision of key community facilities, including a health centre and medical practice along with a planned two form entry primary school (pg31).

With an emphasis on residential rehabilitation through intervention, Manchester City Council’s work has paved the way for profound economic, social and spatial restructuring that fits with Slater’s (2011) model of gentrification. Defined as a lucrative process of business and policy driven investment that profits at the expense of residents in disinvested urban locations, affected by work instability, a loss of manufacturing employment, and stigmatization (Slater, 2011: 572). Combined with an upsurge in a professional middle class with a disposition for central city living, Salter’s conceptualisation of gentrification mirrors how the physical, social and economic landscape of East of Manchester has altered, specifically since 2014 and the start of my visual ethnography.

Visually Mapping Ancoats: Placing Making and Contemporary History

Visual methods, and a varied approach to seeing and reading space can, Prosser notes, provide researchers with a different order of data, and, more importantly, an alternative to the way we have perceived data in the past’ (Prosser, 1998: 1). Images and fieldwork can enhance the understanding of a location. Visual methods can reduce temporalities whilst expanding our understanding of the way in which social organisations and space are constructed. When applied to fieldwork, the adoption of visual methods, such as visual ethnographies, walking methodologies with a camera, especially when repeated over time, enables one to experience and see the taken-for-grantedness of the everyday or the embodied dispositions placed beyond the grasp of consciousness (Bourdieu, 2000: 94). This approach can also be seen as performative-based research (Brake & Aitken, 2012), where thinking in the space of action can elicit discursive knowledge embodied in the physical act of walking and observing. In cities like Manchester and areas like Ancoats perception becomes a matter of habit. Images from the past obscure the eye but also provide reassuring prisms through which to look. In Manchester we see its history and recognise its future. Red industrial brick sits alongside glass and steal. Cottonopolis and the buildings that grew from

its industrial revolution act as vessels for new spaces of habitation and leisure, long standing vacant brownfield sites and deindustrialised landscapes are rapidly developed into luxury homes that promise ‘contemporary history’. In instances like this, we can think about spaces of gentrification as ‘scenes’ of analysis. The urban, gentrified scenes set the mood that define the character of the individual act but are also ‘more than’ what is happening within the boundaries (however defined) of any given time or place. In this regard, the urban scene, to borrow from Danial Silver (2017: 412), ‘is also defined by its past and future, its near and far, or to reference Michael Foucault, of simultaneity: the near and far, the side-by-side [and of] the dispersed (1986: 22). These urban, gentrified scenes also require a certain visual and cultural literacy. One must be able to read the signs of vernacular urban space (Shortell & Krase, 2013) for indicators, specifically in multiple ways through which people assert agency and perform identity in social spaces.

Figure 2: ‘Warehaus’ Ancoats, located on the junction between Radium Street & George Leigh Street, Ancoats, Manchester photographed in 2018. Image credit Gary Bratchford 2018

Take figure 2 for example. A 32 property factory conversion mixing town houses, loft conversions and apartments from £200,000 to £330,000, Warehaus invites prospective buyers to live in ‘the first truly urban district to be revitalised into a new residential community… where independence flourishes’. The site of a former toy manufacturer, the

development claims to blend ‘heritage and entrepreneurial spirit’.13 Located on the corner of Radium Street and George Leigh street, named after a prominent local businessman, with patchwork tarmac and broken yellow lines indicators of the streets disinvested past. Within the frame of the photograph we see a complex range of everyday banalities and several strands of local particularity brought sharply into focus with the sleek understated indictor of globalised gentrification. The imposing, minimalist hoarding doesn’t have to do much other than to detail who to contact and through which social media channels. Built opposite one of the last remaining industrial units – a series of ground floor red brick warehouses used to store flooring materials, carpets and a mechanics, the advertising can afford to be minimal as the location and the neighbouring development do the work of the often otherwise widely used digital visualisation. This junction, where Radium Street meets George Leigh Street is a threshold space, which, at the time of writing, is where the last remaining sign of working- class industrialism can be found. Beyond Radium Street you can find a smattering of similar units, empty sites, cleared for development and recently instated private carparks servicing the scores of construction workers tasked with restoring and rebuilding Ancoats. Warehaus, and other developments in the immediate vicinity, including the Manchester Life developments, become more than designated homages to the past. To borrow from Doreen Massey (1994), they became articulated moments in a network of social relations and understandings. Using the logic of place-making to ground future residents into the physical, cultural and historical geography of Ancoats and borrows from the less visible discourse of entrepreneurial urbanism that frames the wider context of the Ancoats development boom. Building on the heritage of the past, prospective residents invited (expected) to be part of the area’s innovative future – ‘an inspiring neighbourhood…home to designers, musicians, artists, mechanics and wig-makers…’ (website). These understandings are based upon experiences and understandings constructed on a scale far larger than we might initially comprehend (Massey, 1994: 154). From bohemian to decadent, the aesthetic and experiential essence of sites like this are central to the way entrepreneurial governance seek to re-image local economies, selling the city in terms of new lifestyles and experiences through place promotion (Ward, 2003).

Gentrification is a universally homogenising process and low-status neighbourhoods, like those earmarked in East Manchester, borrow from the blueprints of hundreds of cities before them, promising pre-fabricated complete communities. The rhythm of these sites follows a familiar, global trend; industrial workspace, post-industry dilapidation, demolition, edge of city-centre parking lot, residential development site for the ever-increasing city boundaries. Waterfronts, whatever their size have a similar story. Specific tropes, such as the spatial, economic and transformative redevelopment of urban waterfronts for recreational and other functions, the decline of remaining inner-city manufacturing facilities, as well as the emergence of modern “trendy” retail and restaurant districts (Smith & Williams, 1986: 3) can

13 See the Development website, accessible at: https://www.warehausancoats.co.uk [accessed on May 22 2018]

be seen in many cities across the globe. In 1998 Ancoats was considered ‘off the map’, with only 500 residents, it once was proudly known as Manchester’s Little Italy, housing 4,000 plus a large Irish community.14 Architecturally distinct, with pockets of historically significant social housing, over three quarters of the Georgian, Victorian and Edwardian warehouses in Ancoats stood empty. The area was a prime development for an ‘array of government and private organisations’ that intended to transform Ancoats into a ‘veritable urban village’ (The Independent, 1998). The centre of this new village is Cutting Room Square. Enclosed by mixed usage developments, Cutting Room Square is a blend of luxury apartments occupying reinstated industrial mills, warehouses and factories with bars, independent pizzerias, craft breweries, bars and coffee shops that offer authentic artisan experiences within functionally aesthetic spaces creating a self-contained urban village. With capital investment, deindustrialized Ancoats has been rebuilt to accommodate an emergent young middle class that reflect a shift in occupational structures that began during the New Labour era of mid-late 1990s politics. Their rejection is suburbia and a disposition towards city centre living mirrors Manchester’s newest growth cycle. From boom-to-bust-to-boom once again, it is estimated that between 2014 and 2024, Manchester will have 43,000 net new jobs (a much higher rate of growth than elsewhere in the UK) and will contribute £67 billion to the values of goods and services (GVA) locally; with key growth sectors including ICT, professional services, scientific and technical activities, accommodation and food, arts employment, creative and digital industries and real estate activities (Deloitte NDF 2015) Manchester’s, and specifically Ancoats and neighbouring districts (including Miles Platting), governance ‘no longer the provision of services to city residents, but a concern with the prosperity of the city and its ability to attract jobs and investment’ (Hubbard: 1996: 1441).

Cutting Room Square positions Ancoats as a revitalized space of leisure and consumption, yet one block behind, derelict spaces, ruination and signs of social engineering are testimony that ‘variety and identity’ are code for manufactured acts of displacement repackaged through historicized placing-making strategies. These strategies are both rhetorical and visual. Firstly, in its naming, Cutting Room Square is a homage the textile industry that once thrived in the area. This is reinforced by a public realm art entitled Ancoats Peeps. A 5-piece installation by artist, Dan Dubowitz (figure 3), each pillar displays an image taken by Dubowitz of the area prior to redevelopment. In this context, historic environments are not merely appreciated for their quality and contribution to a ‘sense of place’ or place distinctiveness but aligned explicitly with place-marketing and branding and often the privatisation of public space (Scott et al., 2018).

14 See The Independent, Property Hot Spot Ancoats Manchester Urban Village published 12 September, 1998. Accessible at: https://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/property-hot-spot-ancoats-manchester-urban-village- people-are-mad-for-it-1197555.html [accessed 15 March 2018]

Figure 3: Cutting Room Square (2018). The 5-piece installation by Dan Dubowitz, entitled ‘Ancoats Peeps’ dominate a third of the square. To the left of the frame, a new development is underway. Behind the Peeps are a new block of flats, instated in 2017. The square acts as a public space, enclosed by private and highly desirable private apartments. As a consequence, the public space essentially becomes private. Image credit Gary Bratchford 2018

Using photography to examine the vernacular landscape allows researchers to read how spaces like Cutting Room Square can act as a setting for a range of performative and symbolic acts to define the characteristic of the space, reinforcing the logic of gentrification noted above. Photography can also attest to more micro gestures of displacement by residents in terms of how they perform in the square and by virtue of this, communicate to others how it should be used and by whom. One such example is the regular ‘urban’ training sessions. Both in the morning and in the evening, every other day of the week, Cutting Room Square is transformed into a private/public workout space. Those taking part in the urban fitness activities are mostly young, typically male and conform to the logic of performance-based clothing and high fashion branding as indictors of class, status and cultural belonging (figure 3). To those not familiar with the norms of the space, the square can be read as exclusive to specific users. To borrow from Harvey (1989: 265), ‘different classes construct their sense of territory and community in radically different ways’. Through appropriation and domination, the powerful differentiate public space. As Harvey (1989: 226) explains, ‘successful control presumes a power to exclude unwanted elements.’

Figure 4: an exercise session in the ‘public space’. Most, if not all the participants are new, local residents. An example of the performative privatization of public space. Image credit Gary Bratchford 2018

In part, the use of space for semi-exclusive activities can be understood as one stratifying regime of visibility management on behalf of the gentrifying residents. Through my repeated visits to the site, the gentrifying class were more visible. Sitting outside bars, exercising in the public space or working on their laptops, their visibility enhanced the invisibility of the local and established residents. The politics of visibility plays an important role in how we come to un/see space and social actors within urban space. We can think about it as a co-constitution of the visible. It adds ‘to’ the visible as a quality that is essential to its understanding. Moreover, we can learn to become aware of its presence. Although ‘invisibility’ cannot be seen, it can, at times be recognised – we can learn to understand who or what is missing and the reason why.

By contrast, a more visible act of displacement and disenfranchisement is only a block away. The Shamrock pub on Bengal and George Leigh Street (figure 5) dates back over 200 years,

closed in June 2018. Established in 1808, it was reported that the lease would not be renewed, having been managed by the same family for 27 years.15

Figure 5: Shamrock Pub, as seen from mid-way down Georgie Leigh Street. Behind pub, is the newly built Warehous. The façade of the pub is boarded up with all windows now covered by metal shutters. . Image credit: Gary Bratchford 2018

Behind the Shamrock pub to the right of the frame in the distance stands Warehaus, the luxury warehouse conversion (figure 2). A photograph from the front door of the Shamrock pub, looking left down Bengal Street shows a succession of newly built redbrick townhouses and apartments (figure 6). Focusing on deindustrialization and older generations in Manchester, Camila Lewis (2017: 172) identifies how personal and working lives of older generations still living in the deindustrialised district of East Manchester, remain deeply connected to the history of a locality, specifically in the physical geography and built environment. Yet, with traditional social and community spaces closing or being boarded up,

15 See Manchester Evening News article, entitled, Ancoats Pub The Shamrock Closes After More Than 200 Years, published June 13 2018. Accessible here: https://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/greater- manchester-news/ancoats-pub-shamrock-close-after-14775618 [accessed June 13 2018].

in anticipation of a land sale, these local landmarks become poignant reminders of the past and symbols of significant economic and social change.

Figure 6: Looking down Bengal Street from the Shamrock entrance to the cross section with Georgie Leah Street, Ancoats. Gentrification of the area is reflected in the new and densely build apartments in a series of blocks which stretch down the street. Image credit: Gary Bratchford 2018

As cities grow and change, and sometimes die. For some commentators, these processes of growth and change and death are linked: urban development breves us even as it delivers something new. A brand new building towers where an older one once stood and mixed in with thrill of transformation and renewal is the uneasy feeling that part of the city has been lost. With the industrial landscape that once serviced The Shamrock with local workers already gone, new residents look to the stylish open plan eateries and craft breweries of Cutting Room Square to socialise and work. As a matter of comparison, the use of photography can be deployed to address contrasted streetscapes as symbolic spatial examples of Bourdieu’s (1977) tastes of necessity and luxury (also see Krase 2012 & 2014; Butler & Robinson, 2003). Reading vernacular landscape for spatial expressions of social and economic capital, Ancoats can be understood as a space that exhibits qualities for spatial and social trajectories that best ‘fit’ with aspects of aspirational living. This includes consumption- based factors such as artisan bakeries, independent eateries, breweries and boutique hairdressers where value is placed as much on the experience as the good received. For outsiders, Ancoats is a complete community. Desirable housing mixed with local heritage, a

new school and leisure facilities based around the newly restored canal network and marina matches the lifestyle expectations of those moving in, at the expense, socially and economically of those already present. Following Bourdieu and scholarship which builds upon his notion of habitus (Butler & Robinson, 2003) Ancoats is in a dynamic process of growth, generated and maintained by the dominant, new class; the gentrifiers. Those coming into Ancoats seek what Feldman (1990) defines as a ‘continuity of residential experience’ (1990: 186) and as such, look for commonality, however that might be viewed, at the expense of existing residents and social spaces like The Shamrock.

Interrupting Ancoats

The battle for perceptibility is also one of power. The pre-gentrification residents of Ancoats, specifically those from the demolished Cardroom Estate and Miles Platting, are caught in a threshold, simultaneously in and out of view. What I have argued thus far is that the residents of Ancoats have been omitted and excluded at a number of levels. I refer to these levels as regimes. Strata or layers that shift according to who is controlling the mode of perception and also for whom such perceptions are being made available to. Additionally, I have pointed to how Manchester’s approach to urban entrepreneurialism also works to the expense of local residents, specifically in Ancoats and Miles Platting. Focusing on urban ethnography and symbolic semiotic analysis of sites, performances and artefacts, I have sought to provide insight into how a city comes into being and the role which different actors play in that process. In particular, such visual methods detail how people attempt to realise (to make real) imagined versions of the city that make up the essence of the place, each act has an affective outcome and it is in the combination that the characteristics of the city emerge (Pauwels, 2012).

In this final section I want to address the notion of interruptions as a potentially disruptive visibility making strategy. Interruptions can be understood as the ‘breaking in upon an action, bringing about a temporal rupture, creating an interval that draws attention to itself precisely as deliberately ‘counter’’ (Jordan & Lindner, 2016: 2). Intervention can be temporal or as I will account, potentially permanent, specifically when they exist online. They can be brought about by a vast array of agents in formal and discursive ways. Within the context of global gentrification, an interruption might be economic, like the financial crash of 2008 which brought the redevelopment of Ancoats to a halt for a period of time. Interruptions can be managed or accidental. They can be grandiose like a global protest or more micro, local acts of intervention and resistance. One such example is the illustrative work of artist, Len Grant. As part of a community arts commission, Len Grant, a social documentarian writer and sketcher worked with Ancoats residents, old and new, to elicit responses and feelings about where they lived. Printed out and displayed on a main thoroughfare between Cutting Room Square and the marina, the installation, entitled Voice Up (2015-16) gave ‘voice’ to the local

residents and enabled, if only briefly, the wider consistency to hear and see members of the community who otherwise felt left out or ignored (Figure 8 & 9).

Figure 7&8: Shots of Len Grant’s street installation, Voice Up (2015-16) installed on Jersey Street, Ancoats. A prime location for intersubjective encounters as the road is a thoroughfare between old, existing Ancoats residents and the newer residents and property, closer to the city centre fringe. Image Credit: Len Grant.

The project interrupted the ‘new Ancoats’ by introducing faces and voices otherwise excluded, whilst also inviting passers-by to slow down and look. Putting names and faces to

residents, each placard offered up a snapshot of emotions. In an effort to provide balance, the messages varied from positive and excited to indifferent, however, what became obvious was that those who had clearly lived in Ancoats prior to the redevelopment felt ostracised. In what seemed like a direct response to Urban Splash’s pre-development promise of ‘seamless tenure’ that ‘celebrated variety and identity’, one participant named Lillian said,

Fifteen years ago, they said they’d be rich people and poor people living side-by-side. It’d be like salt and pepper they said. But we don’t mix. We rarely see our neighbors on that side. Nobody stops for a conversation.

The narrative of isolation and separation continued with Kate,

Our block is just over the main road on the edge of Ancoats. I sometimes feel like a trespasser. As if I shouldn’t be here…

In the context of commissioned Community Art and more recently coined, Socially Engaged Practice, projects like this act as site of intersubjective encounter. A constructed space where people and ideas meet, these encounters can be multiple and varied, depending on the reach of the work. Ideas can echo out from the core of the activity and ripple across a number of audiences, places and people, potentially feeding back into the core element in a cycle of positive exchange, but only if they are repeated and maintained (Bratchford, 2019). Perhaps a shortcoming of community projects, is that they are often poorly funded and short term, Voices Up if only momentarily, interrupts the regimes of visibility that are largely at play in gentrified space.

The notion of separation, both physical and emotional are not limited to Voices Up. In an article for The Academy of Urbanism (December 2016) lifelong resident of Ancoats and formally of the Cardroom, Janet, is recorded as saying she feels ‘strongly disconnected from what is happening over the road’ and continues, ‘They’ve taken the community out of it here’… ‘We’ve been the ones who have had to sit through the dust and noise for houses we’re never going to be able to afford, and live next to people in flats who we are never going to meet’ (Sykes, 2016). With the social housing and ex-Cardroom residents re-homed on the edge of the development, at the opposite end of the amenities and social space, they are, as one resident put it, ‘on the outside looking in’ (Guardian, 2007).

Interruptions can also deglamorize by making visible that which is always omitted; the building process, diminishing the affective allure of the advertising hoardings that present prospective purchasers with utopian spaces. Less direct and tactical than the work of Len Grant, the user-generated imagery posted onto forums dedicated to global acts of gentrification are no less worthy of discussion. Knowing that visual images are never innocent, but are always constructed through various practices, technologies and knowledge (Rose, 2012: 17) forums like Skyscrapercity.com, the ‘world’s biggest community on skyscrpaers and everything in between’ (Skyscrapercity.com). Clearly situated in a heuristic understanding of

the area and the city more widely, the forum users build a virtual and imagined online community that often precede the completion of a new housing project or redevelopment in question.

Focusing specifically on the Ancoats and Miles Platting forums, what becomes evident is how the forum users map the progression of the areas through their own informal ethnographic approach, in turn, building a wonderfully rich source of material, insight and reflection that can be traced back long before my own fieldwork began. In addition, the material on the website stands in contrast to the slick visualizations and promotional photography disseminated through more official channels and site-specific locations including advertising hoardings. While an unofficial, informal archive will undoubtedly have value in the future as an intimate, process-based snapshot of an area’s physical transformation and gentrification, so too does it invite us to see ‘backstage’ (Goffman, 1959). This thus diminishes the glamour of the finished project or the ‘aesthetically charged’ (Thrift, 2008) advertising methods and place branding used to attract elite consumers that focus on enhancing the marketable urban experience (Biddulph, 2011).

Knowing that the internet is a rich resource of material, user generated imagery is a key component of how we now come to understand space, place and community. Social network platforms like Facebook and Instagram as well as more traditional forums can be seen as neatly curated archives for contemporary everyday life. In the case of web forums that foreground user generated visual material as a catalyst for discussion, such platforms offer an additional dimension to the ways space are understood and rendered visible because of the reliance on text to maintain conversation and build narratives. Something which social media platforms place less emphasis on. The specificity of the forum theme, the intentionality of the user to upload the images on a specific thread, often supported by text describing their images or responding to specific questions from other forum users, lessen much of the uncertainty often surrounding the use of found imagery, such as historical and cultural contexts of production and consumption.

Conclusion Gentrification is a global phenomenon. The title of the book and the collection of essays in which this text sits testify to this claim. It can unfold slowly like the morning dawn, appearing before you without warning or it can be rapidly accelerated, enhanced or engineered by circumstance. In this regard, it is also about vision (seeing or failing to see) and visuality (the distribution of power determining what and how we see). This is an active binary, between the local and global that is always in flux. We must learn to see, to look with intention and avoid passivity. In this chapter, I have demonstrated different ways of seeing gentrification as a multi-dimensional, process-based action that becomes more evident when one adopts an active form of looking. The re-imagining of Ancoats can be understood through a number of visual regimes that, when unpacked, allude to just some of the decision and actions that are

shaping the social and cultural design of Ancoats, today and for its future. A process that is still being engineered, Ancoats is more than a generalised middle-class restructuring of place, encompassing the entire transformation of low-status deindustrialised neighbourhoods to upper-middle-class playgrounds. Ancoats stands in for an exemplar of urban entrepreneurialism. Referend to as the Manchester Model, Manchester Council’s aim to become a major European regional capital, a centre for investment, growth and to compete internationally, is reflected in the development of Ancoats and neighbouring districts to the north and east of the city.

By exploring the vernacular landscape, we can become accustom to seeing the communicative act of place-making by a range of actors and the performative responses to these spaces by individuals and groups who are coached to unsee local residents.

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