MEDIA & TE TIRITI O WAITANGI 2004

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Wooden spears can be seen and dodged Spears of words cannot be avoided They hit their target and wound

Acknowledgements He mihi aroha kia koutou i manaaki, i awhi, i tautoko, i tenei kaupapa.

We thank everyone who assisted and supported the development and writing of this report. Particular appreciation goes to Naida Glavish, our tikanga adviser The Auckland Workers Educational Association, our financial umbrella group, for their generous support Our peer reviewers Carol Archie, Margie Comrie, Donna Cormack, Paul Diamond, Judy McGregor, Tapu Misa, Helen Moewaka Barnes, Carey Robson and Gary Wilson, for their care and suggestions Our proofreader, Heather McPherson. Their feedback greatly strengthened this report.

Funders Treaty of Waitangi Information Unit Cathy Pelly Maungarongo Trust University of Auckland Staff Research Fund

Disclaimer The State Services Commission and the Treaty of Waitangi Information Programme neither endorse the information, content, presentation and accuracy of the information, nor make any warranty, express or implied, regarding future research.

Publisher Kupu Taea: Media and Te Tiriti Project c/- PO Box 78 338 Tamaki Makaurau/Auckland 1002

ISBN 0-473-10403-2 http://www.trc.org.nz/resources/media.htm MEDIA & TE TIRITI O WAITANGI 2004

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Angela Moewaka Barnes Mandi Gregory Tim McCreanor Raymond Nairn Frank Pega Jenny Rankine CONTENTS

5 Summary 25 Case studies 25 Television 7 Introduction 25 CS1: Civil Union Bill march 7 Te kaupapa - Mission 26 CS2: Ani Waaka’s resignation 7 Mai te timatanga - Background 26 CS3: Te Uri o Hau 7 Ko matou enei - About us 27 Newspapers 7 The news-making context 27 CS4: Fisheries 9 What earlier research says 27 CS5: Powhiri 12 Method 28 CS6: Maori and property 29 CS7: The lakes settlements 12 How we gathered our media items 13 Maori stories sample 32 Conclusions 14 How we categorised our items 32 Te Reo Maori 14 Topics 32 Maori perspectives 15 Analysis 33 Sources 33 Themes 15 Newspaper analysis 34 “Good” and “bad” news 16 Television analysis 34 Conflict 16 Limits of our method and analysis 35 Silences 17 Findings 36 Statistics 17 Te reo Maori 36 Aspects of balance 18 Sources 36 Standards 20 Images 37 Training 21 Themes 37 Indicators 21 “Good” and “bad” news 22 Conflict 39 Glossary 23 Silences 40 References 23 Statistical comparisons 23 Consecutive week story development 42 About Kupu Taea: Media 24 Aspects of balance and Te Tiriti group

4 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 SUMMARY

 THIS IS A PILOT STUDY of content and  PAKEHA SOURCES were quoted earlier than meaning in a representative group of Maori on average in newspaper items. newspaper and television news items relating  to Maori and Te Tiriti o Waitangi. We collected RATHER than taking a neutral position, a 353 newspaper and 29 television items from significant minority of newspaper and television 14 pre-selected days in August, September items framed items to support themes which and October 2004, and analysed them using undermine Maori. A number of these themes content and thematic analysis. were identified 16 years ago as part of commonplace Pakeha concepts of relations  WE DISTINGUISHED between items about between the two cultures. One such theme, Maori people and issues, which we called which we have labelled “Privilege”, portrays Maori stories, and items that mentioned Maori as unfairly having benefits denied to Maori only in passing. others.  THE LIMITATIONS of our sample mean  WE identified a number of new themes that that we cannot compare stories about Maori also had the effect of undermining concepts issues with coverage of any other issues. of Maori as worthy citizens. Potential or actual Maori control of significant resources was  WE found low levels of use of te reo framed in some prominent media items as a Maori across almost all the items, with threat to non-Maori, who were implicitly defined roughly half the newspaper items containing as synonymous with “the public”. Another new no Maori words for which there are English theme, “Financial probity”, involved repeated alternatives, and the other half containing depictions of Maori as poor managers, either very few. The 20 television Maori news items corrupt or financially incompetent. Detailed used only seven Maori words for which there depictions of conflict between Maori, in are English alternatives. combination with this theme, worked to critique It was said  STORIES were overwhelmingly framed Maori control of resources. that the Treaty within Pakeha terms of reference. For  WE identified a theme of stories about was to protect the example, Maori concepts about ownership Maori success; however, the impact of the Maoris from foreign of resources, such as kaitiakitanga, were more common negative themes and depictions invasion. But those mentioned in only five stories. of Maori undermined these items. bad nations never  PAKEHA SOURCES outnumbered Maori came to attack us;  CASE STUDIES of print and television stories the blow fell from sources in 260 newspaper stories about provide detailed analyses of the ways in which Maori and more clips of Pakeha than Maori you, the nation who media use of these themes and depictions made that sources were used over the television Maori plays out in specific instances. news stories. Forty-five percent of newspaper same treaty. sources were Pakeha and 37% Maori.  WE found that “bad” news predominated in Renata Tamakihikurangi Pakeha men made up the biggest group television Maori news and made up nearly half 1861 of sources by ethnicity and gender (37%). our newspaper sample of Maori stories; a little [From Maori is my name Stories cited Maori men twice as often (25%) over a third of newspaper items were coded as edited by John Caselberg, as Maori women (12%). “good” news. Items generated by newspapers’ p93] own staff included five times the proportion coded as “good” news compared to those reprinted from NZPA and other outside sources. This provides a benchmark for future analyses of Maori stories. 

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 5 SUMMARY  THE perspective of colonisation as a  WE found examples of what we believe process which disrupted Maori culture, health, are prima facie breaches of voluntary codes education and social fabric was almost and guidelines about journalism in television completely absent from our media items. and newspaper stories, including reliance on There were repeated mentions of the Treaty rumours and unverified assertions. and settlements, but almost no detail of Treaty  clauses, government breaches or settlement THESE FINDINGS echo earlier research processes. This lack of context forms a loop and commentary that identified systematic with poor understanding of Treaty issues negative depictions of Maori in New among the non-Maori public. Zealand media coverage. We believe these inadequacies and imbalances of  ITEMS about health and social statistics in coverage in our items make it impossible our sample repeatedly compared disparities for their audiences to develop an informed in Maori and Pakeha social status without understanding of Treaty issues. context or the history of these disparities. This  repetition had a stigmatising effect. WE have identified some potential areas of coverage which could be developed into  WE identified what we regard as serious indicators of the extent to which stories and aspects of imbalance across our items. coverage depart from neutrality to construct Two Pakeha sources made unchallenged or support negative depictions of Maori. They denigrations and some Pakeha commentators include uses of te reo Maori, sources, key were given space to make insulting comments terms from negative themes, reporting of about Maori. We did not identify any Maori Maori issues, levels of “bad” news, and the voices making insulting generalisations about characteristics of headlines or other proxies Pakeha people or culture. Maori voices were for content. not included in stories about changing the  terms of Treaty settlements. Pakeha voices THE practices that encourage or justify were more common than Maori in items these serious imbalances must change and focusing on Maori-Pakeha relations. we look forward to working with those helping [The Treaty of to make these changes. Waitangi] allows one small group of people who can claim some minute trace of Maori ancestry, an open cheque book to the country’s wealth and assets.

One New Zealand Foundation, 2005

6 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 INTRODUCTION

media, public health and film researchers TE KAUPAPA – associated with Massey University and the MISSION University of Auckland; collectively we have experience in newspaper journalism and video We have written this report for working production, and have published several academic journalists, editorial managers and media papers about media and Treaty issues. consumers. Our aim was to analyse coverage and identify any gaps and weaknesses, as a Our name, Kupu Taea, means the power of the step to improving the standards of reporting on word. We call ourselves the Media and Te Tiriti Maori issues in newspapers and television. We Project because it is the Maori text of the Treaty intend this report to be the first in a series. Our which is recognised in international law, and immediate plan is to gather and analyse another which was signed by more than 500 rangatira. set of media news items next year, and we Several different English texts exist and only 39 would value feedback from people working in rangatira signed an English version. the media and media consumers. The relationship between Maori and non-Maori is based on Te Tiriti, and we use it in our title to MAI TE TIMATANGA - represent what is at stake when we discuss media coverage of Maori. We have chosen to use both BACKGROUND names for the Treaty in the body of this report. The media is the crucial interface between the We came together because we knew of no issues and people it identifies as news, and the ongoing research programme analysing media audience. Most readers and viewers will never constructions of Maori and Te Tiriti o Waitangi, get to have tea with Titewhai Harawira, or and we think there should be one. We believe this discuss Kiwi slang with John Tamihere. They issue is hugely important to social relations and rely on what the media says about these and justice in Aotearoa/New Zealand. other Maori people and issues in the news. We hope that this project will contribute to the Relations between Maori and non-Maori emergence of what is elsewhere known as civic are part of every area of national life – the or public journalism; news media which aim economy, health and wellbeing, resource to engage with their audiences as responsible management, arts and culture, future The citizens in democratic processes that enrich public development, international relations – and if pervasiveness life and the wellbeing of communities. The media the media are not reaching their potential for can be a mighty force for progressive public good. and power of the positive contributions to this domain, then we all need to be concerned about it. news media and This report describes our pilot project, which THE NEWSMAKING its central place aimed to analyse the characteristics of our CONTEXT in the information media items, refine our research process, The socio-political context within which exchange means it stimulate further debate on these issues and newsmaking occurs influences what counts as lay the foundation for more comprehensive warrants systematic news, styles of reporting, journalism ethics and research. We have worked mostly unpaid, and continuous media ownership. Ranginui Walker and James evening and weekends alongside other jobs and Belich have described the historical role of scrutiny. responsibilities. the media in the colonial period, as circulating None of us has worked full-time on the project representations of Maori-Pakeha relations that Judy McGregor and and we rarely had the resources for more than were unfair and discriminatory. The neoliberal Margie Comrie, 1995 one person to analyse any particular set of political developments of the last two decades items. We have used accepted best practices for have seen deregulation of many sections of the this kind of project from international research economy and the privatising of many former state and we are confident that this report presents a functions. valid critique of media practices in Aotearoa/ In this time almost all of the major newspapers, New Zealand. as well as regional and local publications, have been acquired by transnational conglomerates and KO MATOU ENEI - local ownership has all but disappeared. From the early 1990s, television, once a state monopoly, has ABOUT US been corporatised and opened up to commercial We are a group of Maori, Pakeha and Tauiwi competition with impacts on State-owned stations.

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 7 INTRODUCTION This competitive environment has built pressures Television context for ratings that determine advertising revenues. As Bill Rosenberg said in 2003: “Advertisers The impacts of the Television New Zealand are the real customers of a commercial media Charter introduced by the Labour Government organisation, not its readers, viewers or listeners”. are ongoing. In July 2003 the former strongly commercial state-owned enterprise became a As part of these changes, the number of Crown-owned broadcasting company required journalists per paper has reduced as media to return a dividend while implementing Charter Media organisations have become leaner. There is objectives. technology such as the very little continuing education for journalists, or structured newsroom discussion of ethical The Charter requires programming that ‘digital revolution’ may issues. Computer technology has created “informs, entertains and educates”, which appear to offer more paperless newsrooms where, with a mouse click, had not been imperatives for the SOE but had become founding principles of the Broadcast choice and greater journalists send stories to subeditors and from there pages go straight to the presses. Commission (NZ On Air). In particular the horizons, yet the media Charter requires TVNZ to provide: The resultant cuts in printing staff in particular itself is actually have meant a less militant and less unionised  Independent, comprehensive, impartial, and shrinking in workforce with arguably lower resistance to in-depth coverage and analysis of news and current affairs its ownership and managerial imperatives. While the increasing centralisation of media ownership across print,  Feature programming that promotes editorial agenda or radio, television and telecommunications may informed and many-sided debate and stimulates world view. produce efficiencies for the corporations, it does critical thought. little to ensure diversity and citizen engagement It also requires TVNZ to “ensure in its with media. programmes and programme planning the John Pilger, 2001 There is concern in many countries about participation of Maori and the presence of a monopoly control of the media and overseas significant Maori voice”. ownership. Goode and Zuberi summarise the All free-to-air broadcasters have obligations and debate; supporters argue that multinational requirements under the Broadcasting Act 1989 ownership increases consumer options whereas and the 2002 Free-to-Air Television Codes of critics assert that this power can be misused. Broadcasting Practice agreed to by TVNZ, TV3, While mainstream media ownership became TV4, Prime TV and other free-to air services concentrated into fewer hands, Maori-controlled Under the Act every broadcaster is required to media outlets have burgeoned in a similar way ensure that “when controversial issues of public to those in the early colonial period. Ranginui importance are discussed, reasonable efforts are Walker credits iwi radio, totalling 23 networked made, or reasonable opportunities are given, to stations, with a major contribution to current present significant points of view either in the Maori development. same programme or in other programmes within These stations, and Maori print media outlets, the period of current interest”. generally remain small and underfunded. Mana Like all broadcasting practice standards, News, funded by Radio New Zealand, has been balance, accuracy and fairness are loosely a significant Maori-controlled voice on National specified. For example, the guideline Radio. The establishment of Maori Television has accompanying the practice standard for balance finally provided a Maori-led alternative in free-to- states: “Programmes which deal with political air television programming. matters, current affairs, and questions of a Media corporations are moving into ownership controversial nature, must show balance and of emerging internet and cell-phone technologies. impartiality”. As McGregor and Comrie said in The internet offers a greater diversity of voices their 1995 introduction, balance and fairness are than the mainstream media, and content such “at best, ill-defined and contested and, at worst, as web blogs, including those by Maori, is downright fuzzy”. influencing media coverage. The Broadcasting Standards Authority (BSA) Aside from the commercial pressures of the reviews codes of practice and operates a contemporary media environment, the statutory complaints process, and has the regulatory and ethical requirements of journalists are power to require broadcasters to screen its complex and patchy, with no single code covering decisions. For example, TVNZ and the Bay of all workers. Plenty Times published the results of a BSA decision which comprehensively supported a 2003 complaint by the Ngati Pukenga iwi of Tauranga against the Holmes programme.

8 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 INTRODUCTION Profitability is, however, the major imperative framework for debate, and the council, which for broadcasting, leading to aggressive is industry funded, also operates a complaints competition for viewers, ratings and thus procedure. advertising revenue during prime time (6- However, such self-regulation of commercially 9.30pm). News programmes are seen as driven enterprises is notorious in other domains audience leaders during this slot. Atkins argued (such as advertising, marketing and research in 1994 that the focus on ratings has led to funding) for consistently producing outcomes “pacier” items that “tend to displace the more that allow businesses to proceed without undue complex” and less visual subjects for populist impediment. news. Given the scope for interpretation of the NZPC The focus on ratings driven by the imperative principles, where wording is profoundly value- to make a profit clearly impacts on scheduling laden, it is unlikely that any seriously challenging and content, as do the culture, structure and complaint of systematic media inequity in processes of the networks, as discussed reporting Maori news would ever be upheld. If it by Abel in Shaping the News; Waitangi were, there are no penalties or levers for change Day on Television. Abel identified how TV available through this avenue. networks’ needs and the values of individual, predominantly Pakeha, newsmakers influence Jim Tully in a 1989 article outlined ten Guidelines selection and judgements of newsworthiness. for Reporting Race Relations. They include These are based, unconsciously or not, on their avoiding stereotypes; labels; race-typing; attitudes towards Maori and te Tiriti o Waitangi. being careful with statistics, headlines and unrepresentative images; evaluating the authority Researchers have been documenting the effect of sources and always naming them. of ratings pressure for some time. Winter said in 1994 that market pressures prevented any He also warns against use of unverified rumour, equitable balance between TV as a public advises journalists to portray positive aspects service and the industry’s profit. McGregor and of race relations and not to exploit human fears. ..[the Comrie in 1995 noted television’s increasing However, these guidelines have not been adopted media] use of entertainment and populist criteria for by the NZPC or other bodies and remain an news presentation and content. idealistic expression of a professional ethic for offer us particular journalists working in this sensitive area. The audience polling they describe in TVNZ in definitions and the early 90s has intensified recently as Prime interpretations seeks to become a major player and TVNZ and WHAT EARLIER of the world and TV3 revamp their news programmes. McGregor and Comrie found that the reporter spoke RESEARCH SAYS they leave out a directly to the camera in almost one third of In 1973 the Wellington Race Relations Action vast number of Group reported to the Race Relations Council their television news sample, making journalists alternative “part of the story as well as the story-teller”. on coverage of Maori issues in eight Wellington This branding of reporters and presenters as area provincial dailies. They described a lack ones. celebrities, the trustworthy faces we want in our of attention to Maori events and organisations, commenting that the “lack of information allows living rooms each evening, has also intensified Stuart Hall, 1983 with the ratings wars. racial myths to flourish”. A 1982 study by Robyn Leeming at Massey Newspaper context University found inadequate broadcast news Print journalists who are members of the coverage of urban Maori interests, excessive Engineering, Printing and Manufacturing Union reliance on stereotypes of Maori and a are nominally covered by a code of ethics that highlighting of “negative things about the Maori was last updated in 1989. The code is vague and community”, particularly in news reports. unenforceable and the number of members is The Auckland Committee on Racism and not made public. However, it may be as little as Discrimination (ACORD) described a similar 20% of the total workforce. dearth of Maori and Polynesian content on television and National Radio in 1983. Jim Tucker says that some of the large commercial news media companies have The Journalist Training Board published Michael similarly loose ethical requirements of their King’s Kawe Korero – A guide to reporting workers, but these are of dubious efficacy in Maori activities in 1985, relied on ever since by producing or maintaining standards. The New generations of journalists making their first foray Zealand Press Council (NZPC) maintains into Maori environments. a set of 13 voluntary principles (see www. In 1989 and 1993, social scientists like Robert presscouncil.org.nz) that could provide a Miles and Paul Spoonley described how the

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 9 INTRODUCTION word “race” with its modern political meanings which Maori were portrayed as having rights entered our vocabularies. In the late nineteenth or benefits denied most others in a way that is and early twentieth centuries it was widely unfair and racist; and “Rights” in which it was accepted that there were different “races” and that claimed we all are, or should be, entitled to do a person’s race or biological inheritance shaped what we want provided we are not infringing the their personal and social behaviour. Subsequent rights of others. scientific work has discredited these ideas. In 1990, Nairn and McCreanor described In the In 1989, Tim McCreanor clarified major themes two further themes: the “Ignorance” theme in Pakeha talk about Te Tiriti and relations with enabled writers to assert that a Pakeha action Maori world Maori in his chapter in Honouring the Treaty: that offended Maori was not deliberate but due the speaker speaks. An Introduction for Pakeha. He analysed 221 to ignorance; while the “Sensitivity” theme Understanding is the submissions by individual Pakeha about relations portrayed Maori responses to such actions as with Maori, after the Haka Party incident at unreasonable and unduly sensitive. business of the University of Auckland in 1979. We have The themes identified in this research create the listener. outlined these themes because they provide a a “standard story” of Maori-Pakeha relations, context and point of comparison for current media a commonplace understanding that denies or Ruth Ross, cited in constructions of relations between Maori and ignores the colonial process that has determined Michael King, 1985 non-Maori and Treaty issues. our social order. It is difficult to see how any The submitters used sets of common themes to of these themes can do anything but undermine assign blame for the perceived breakdown of Maori interests and strengthen Pakeha control of what they considered to be the excellent relations social institutions. between Maori and non-Maori. These themes Also in 1990, Hirsch and Spoonley’s landmark assumed and naturalised Pakeha domination and book, Between the Lines, provided acute isolated Maori-Pakeha relations from our colonial observation and descriptions of media biases history, social structures and the distribution of against Maori. For instance, on media coverage power. of Maori land claims Ranginui Walker said: Four themes allowed writers to portray Maori “There is little interest in why the case has negatively. The “Maori culture” theme described been brought or the roots of the injustice Maori culture as primitive and inadequate for lying behind the claim. Emphasis is placed modern life, lacking in conceptual and practical on the present conflict, which inevitably knowledge, and dependent on a limited language. puts the responsibility for raising the issue The “Maori violence” theme presumed that Maori on the complainant. The injured party thus were more likely than Pakeha to be violent. becomes the cause of the problem ... in any The “Maori inheritance” theme employed a contest between Maori and Pakeha over land, stockbreeding approach to racial bloodlines resources or cultural space, media coverage that completely denied the importance of self- functions, unwittingly or otherwise, to identification and Maori concepts of whakapapa. maintain Pakeha dominance.” We have an Many submitters used a fourth theme that McGregor and Comrie’s 1995 report, Balance McCreanor called “Good Maori/Bad Maori”; official language, and Fairness in Broadcasting News, described Maori who were seen as ‘fitting in’ to settler a content analysis of 915 radio and television but only a couple of society were good, while Maori who resisted, news stories between 1985 and 1994. They mainstream reporters sought restitution or demanded recognition were found a paucity of Maori stories, dominated by bad. The theme worked most flexibly when the who speak the language. “bad news” for and about Maori on television, writer did not specify who or how many were with an overwhelming reliance on Pakeha How can you cover a hui “bad Maori”; they could then dismiss protesters sources on all programmes apart from Mana when much of it as a minority and estranged from their people. News. is in Maori? Related to those portrayals was the “Stirrers” They also found increases in unsupported theme, which was used to depict anyone assertions and stories about controversy challenging the status quo, whether Maori or and conflict across all news topics. Over the Derek Fox, non-Maori, as troublemakers who mislead others period, total speaking time for sources dropped in Saunders, 1996 for their own ends. Such representations distract in television news, which also exhibited a attention from the substance of the protest by generalised blurring of boundaries between fact highlighting elements of (supposed) disruption and opinion. and aggression. John Saunders concluded in 1996 that issues Central to many of the submissions was the affecting Maori were under-reported and notion that New Zealanders are “One People” misreported by journalists in mainstream media and should all be treated the same. That was the and that most journalists were ill-equipped to foundation of two further themes: “Privilege”, in

10 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 INTRODUCTION report Maori news. partnership credited the Pakeha genetics team with the breakthrough. That coverage depicted Sue Abel’s 1997 book Shaping the News: the whanau, who had initiated the project and Waitangi Day on Television described four managed the screening, mostly as diseased and themes that were ranked hierarchically in the passive objects of Pakeha help. 1990 coverage. TV news treated the dominant “one people” theme as “common sense” while Comrie and Fountaine concluded in 2004 that the “Maori-centred” point of view was scarcely journalists routinely use “Caucasian” sources heard and described as “separatist”. who are in government or who represent an NGO. They also concluded that TVNZ “performs better The coverage also positioned Maori as either than TV3 in the amount of news time given over “wild” or “tame”, masking the breadth of Maori to more serious subject matter”. support for protests about Treaty grievances. News items focussed on protest tactics rather However, to measure the channels’ performances than the underlying injustices. is misleading as there is a “lack of serious alternatives for viewers seeking robust news In 2000, Banerjee and Osuri found that From the content”. Despite the Charter, TVNZ continued massacres of Australian Aboriginal people to be under pressure to return a dividend to the nineteenth century were ignored by newspaper coverage which Government and the researchers found there has to the present consistently referred to the Port Arthur been “little sign of improvement” in news that shootings as the worst massacre in Australian day, the Fourth contained “serious subject matter”. history. Lambertus found in 2003 that the Estate has played a omission of historical context about Canadian consistent role Aboriginal land grievances meant the media consistently depicted them as disruptive and in the way it selects, aggressive. constructs and In 2002, Judy McGregor and Margie Comrie publishes news published What’s News?, a follow up to Whose about Maori. News?, which they edited in 1992 on the media in Aotearoa/New Zealand. The earlier book This one-sided contains a chapter by Derek Fox and the 2002 discourse has book one by Ranginui Walker that critique news resulted in Maori coverage of Maori issues. They conclude that the marginalisation of Maori people and values seceding from the from mainstream media results in the status mainstream media quo, where as Walker puts it, “Maori news is to construct their bad news”. own positive stories The Broadcasting Standards Authority analysed of success and a Holmes programme about registration of a wahi tapu on the Bay of Plenty mountain cultural Kopukairoa in 2003. It upheld the Ngati revival. Pukenga complaint, finding that the coverage was unbalanced, inaccurate and unfair. The Ranginui Walker, 2002 BSA said the programme “framed the item to evoke negative reactions among viewers” by focusing on Pakeha landowners who believed property rights had been taken away from them due to Maori spiritual beliefs. In 2004 a group of Waikato University researchers led by Darrin Hodgetts showed that media coverage of the 2003 Decade of Disparity report supported views that blamed individual Maori and Maori health services for Maori health status. The same coverage challenged structural explanations for health disparities and was also dismissive of Maori models of health. Rankine and McCreanor, also in 2004, showed that media coverage of a stomach cancer gene discovery by a Maori-Pakeha research

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 11 METHOD

 Land rights HOW WE GATHERED  Foreshore and seabed OUR MEDIA ITEMS  Waitangi Tribunal  Maori development, In 1993, USA communication researchers  Constitutional change Riffe, Aust and Lacy recommended that media  Iwi/hapu/whanau researchers use a constructed week; seven  Maori health. individual days chosen randomly from different weeks. This method copes with the systematic We decided to sample only television news variations in the number of news stories across and current affairs programmes in English, the days of the week as well as a randomly because we wanted to study the dominant media chosen calendar week, and is less vulnerable to practices in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Copies of week by week fluctuations in story numbers. Lacy broadcast television news and current affairs and others reviewed newspaper sampling in 2001 items were provided by the Chapman Archive and recommended that when studying a period of at the Political Studies Department of the less than five years, researchers should use two University of Auckland for the same days and constructed weeks from each year to generate an using the same key words. adequate representation of stories. Percentages have been rounded to the nearest Comrie and Fountaine’s study of TVNZ news whole number except in relation to sources. in 2003 used this method. We departed from this recommendation because we wanted to Newspaper items analyse how stories developed over consecutive days. Despite this minor variation, we consider The keyword search yielded a total of 353 the items gathered in our project to be reliably relevant newspaper items, 81 from the representative of stories about Maori-Pakeha consecutive week and 272 from the constructed relations in local, regional and national week. The two weeks were expected to newspapers; also in news programmes from provide different numbers of relevant items TV One, TV3 and Prime in 2004, regardless of but this unexpected imbalance resulted from variations in the number of relevant items from our misunderstanding of clipping service week to week. Time and resource constraints procedures. The bureau clipped items received made it impossible for us to analyse radio news during the week 23 to 29 August, while we had as well. intended to obtain all items produced during that week. To avoid selection bias, international best practice guidelines require item dates to be specified Unfortunately, we lacked the resources to pay before the media items are published or broadcast. for the clipping to be redone retrospectively. We gathered stories from newspapers and However, we systematically compared television news and current affairs programmes, consecutive and constructed week items and There is using two randomly chosen weeks specified more we believe the omitted items did not bias our a proverb ‘he kanohi than six weeks earlier. collection and would not have altered the pattern of our findings. kitea’, meaning a face One was a consecutive week: 23 to 29 August seen is appreciated 2004. The other was a constructed week, drawn The 353 items included 304 news articles, 21 columns, ten editorials, five invited articles, and understood. from the months of September and October, 2004. The days were Monday 20 September, Tuesday six reviews, and seven feature articles from In the Maori world it is 12 October, Wednesday 20 October, Thursday 58 different local, regional, and national rarely sufficient 7 October, Friday 10 September, Saturday 25 newspapers. to make initial contact September and Sunday 3 October. The New Zealand Herald (31 items), the Gisborne Herald (26) and the Otago Daily by We contracted Chong Press Bureau Ltd, which offers a complete print media clipping service, Times (24) ran the most stories identified by the telephone. to provide copies of all newspaper items that keywords. Around ten percent of the total (36 Michael King, 1985 included the following key words and phrases: items) appeared on the front page; the majority appeared on news pages 2 to 5 (53%, 187 items)  Treaty of Waitangi/Te Tiriti o Waitangi or 6 to 10 (16%, 56). The biggest group of items  Maori-Pakeha relations were 11 to 20 sentences long (142 stories) and  Disparities between Maori and non-Maori/ the next biggest were less than 11 sentences mainstream (81).  Sovereignty

12 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 METHOD Sixty-two percent of the items (220) were 11 columns, five invited articles, four reviews, five produced by the newspapers’ own staff, a editorials and five feature articles. Twenty-five of further 125 originated with NZPA and other the news articles were front page stories. papers. Newspapers did not state the origin of Of the remainder, the bulk (150) appeared on a further 17 articles that were very similar to news pages two to five, 42 on news pages six other NZPA stories. to ten, 25 in later news pages and 18 in other sections. Most of the stories (210) were under a Maori stories sample quarter of a page; 38 were between a quarter and a We found that some of the items that contained half, and 12 took up more than half a page. the keywords were peripheral to the Treaty and Sixty percent of the Maori stories (155) were Maori-Pakeha relations. Two team members generated by the newspaper that printed them; 87 sorted the newspaper items into stories about were from NZPA or another paper; and 18 either Maori-Pakeha relations and others. We believe did not state a source or were unclear. Most of these issues are equally relevant to Pakeha the last group were very similar to other NZPA The media New Zealanders; however, for this report we stories. and the are calling them Maori stories. Decisions about any borderline stories were made by the group. We analysed the themes and use of te reo Maori government’s.. Four members of the team sorted the television across all the newspaper items. The analysis of assimilative policies stories. Articles were defined as Maori stories if television news use of Maori was done only for have both played they focused on – the 20 Maori news stories. Our final analysis of  Treaty of Waitangi issues newspaper sources, conflict, “good” and “bad” a part in  Maori control of resources news and images was done only for the Maori marginalising  Legislation and protest about this stories sample. Kai Tahu’s story.  Maori arts, cultural and religious activities including visual displays of Maori culture Television items They have engaged  Maori health and education A total of 29 relevant television items were in generations of  Iwi and other Maori organisational and obtained using the keyword search, 11 from the stereotyping and business activity consecutive week and 18 from the constructed  Maori involvement in political processes minimalising of a week. This low number is consistent with Comrie  The history of Maori occupation and Fountaine’s finding that Maori items are people that have  Historical or current relations between relatively rare in television news. never really been Maori and Pakeha  The socio-economic status of Maori Twenty-one items were news stories, three came understood.  Individual Maori in conjunction with one or from current affairs or feature programmes such more of the above criteria. as Sunday and Frontseat (2), and five from the Hana O’Regan, 2001 interview-based programmes Eye to Eye (3) and A total of 260 items were defined as Maori Marae (2). With limited resources, we decided stories, 59 from the consecutive week and 201 to focus on the 21 news items because they were from the constructed week. comparable with the newspaper items. One of Items were not defined as Maori stories if – the items did not fit the Maori stories criteria and  Statistics about Maori were a minor part of was not analysed, leaving 20 television items for an article about a health, social or education analysis. issue Eleven items were screened on TV One, eight on  Maori political representation was a small TV3 and one on Prime. Sixteen were broadcast part of an article about politics during primetime (6 to 9.30pm). The average  A Maori issue was used merely as a length of news stories was 109 seconds, under comparison for another topic two minutes. They ranged from 16 seconds (the  Maori ownership or claim to a resource TV3 news piece on Ani Waaka’s resignation under discussion was mentioned only in from Maori Television) to 346 seconds (the TV3 passing. news item on the Destiny Church march). Five Ninety-three items were excluded from the contained footage only of the presenter in the sources and other content analysis on this basis. studio. Maori stories came from 47 different publications. The bulk of articles (177) appeared in regional newspapers, 58 in seven publications that described themselves as national, and 25 were in local papers. Only 37 items appeared in non-daily publications. The Maori stories included 230 news articles,

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 13 METHOD vaccinations; a how-to hangi booklet; health HOW WE promotion activities; heart disease; smoking; CATEGORISED OUR obesity; stomach bugs; the cost of healthcare and Primary Health Organisations (PHO). ITEMS The most common story was the release of a Topics Government report about poverty.  Land was next; this topic included articles Once we had all our items, we decided that about bones and artefacts; resource consent they did not fit into pre-set topics identified in issues and sales of land involving Maori; and other research. We worked collectively, sorting Maori land trusts. the newspaper and television items by subject to arrive at a set of 14 topics. All items were  Maori and Pakeha relations included assigned to one topic only. discussions of powhiri and other Maori practices; scientific debate about the arrival of Maori; research partnerships; historical items; There were Table 1: Topics in the total items and vandalism of Maori sites. Trevor Mallard’s injustices, Topics Newspapers TV news comments about powhiri was the most common and the Treaty process Arts 14 story. is an attempt to Business 23 9  Also with 31 items, the education category acknowledge that, included kaupapa Maori education; the Education 31 “singalong” polytechnic course; Maori at and to make a gesture Financial probity 6 5 university; tertiary scholarships; literacy; and at recompense. community courses. Fisheries 15 But it is only that. Foreshore 23 1  Foreshore and seabed items included the Bill It can be no more and seabed hearings; court appeals; the hikoi; political party policies; and local foreshore issues. than that. Health 46  Land 34 Business included the controversy about airspace over Lake Taupo; iwi and Maori small Maori-Pakeha 31 Don Brash, 2004 businesses; and Maori Television. relations  Political 64 2 Fisheries included the distribution of representation fisheries assets and the Aquaculture Reform Bill. Religion 6 4  The arts included items about cultural Sport 1 festivals; books, Maori visual arts and music, television shows and ta moko. Statistics 9  Treaty 50 Statistics largely included Maori in figures on housing, social indicators and injuries. Total 353 21  Financial probity included articles on TVNZ corporate credit card spending and Community Newspaper topics Employment Group grants.  Political representation was the most common  Religion included items about the Destiny topic among our newspaper items (see Table1), Church, the Maori Battalion, a gospel choir and including Maori representation in parliament, a funeral director. political parties and processes; local bodies; iwi organisations; and events such as the Hui  There was only one sport item. Taumata. The most common story (23 items) was the controversy about John Tamihere’s time at the Television topics Waipareira Trust. The most common category was business,  The next biggest newspaper category was followed by financial probity, religion (all the Treaty, which included Treaty settlements; about the Destiny Church march), political the Waitangi Tribunal; issues between claimant representation, and the foreshore and seabed. groups; political party treaty policies; and education meetings about the Treaty. The most common story in this group was the lakes settlement with Te Arawa.  The third largest topic was health, which included articles about poverty; meningococcal

14 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 ANALYSES

E CARRIED OUT thematic analysis benchmark of the balance of “good” and “bad” and analysed use of te reo Maori news in Maori stories. across all the 353 newspaper items. W This is, of course, a value judgement, but to make Our content analyses of newspaper sources, the basis of the judgement clear we defined as conflict, “good” and “bad” news and images “bad news” stories that included one or more of were done only for the 260 Maori stories the following features – sample.  The reporter used belittling language about We performed textual readings, counts of te Maori or Pakeha (eg squabbling) reo Maori and use of sources for the 20 Maori  A source made negative generalisations about television news stories. Maori that went unchallenged by the reporter or were supported by headlines or images (eg that NEWSPAPER Maori practices undermine equality)  The story contained negative statements ANALYSIS about Maori and Maori comments were absent or inadequate Newspaper content  The story focused on a negative issue such as analysis process possible fraud Most of Cited or paraphrased sources in the Maori  Sources insulted each other the  The story framed Maori as a threat stories sample were indicated by the use of race privilege words such as “said” and “told”. Any sentence  The story was framed using themes or phrases including at least one word from a source in identified by research as supporting negative now distorting our quotation marks was counted as a quotation. constructions of Maori. democracy Every sentence of editorials, columns and “Neutral” stories included but were not restricted depends on the invited articles was counted as a quotation by to – fuzzy ‘partnership’ the author unless another source was explicitly  Stories about conflict that included non- quoted. abusive comment from all sides of the controversy - which was Article titles were entered on an Excel  Announcements or descriptions of events invented by a few spreadsheet, with the name of the newspaper “Good news” stories included – judges, from a and topic, the description of the sources used  Feature stories portraying rounded individuals Treaty document in the item, the number, gender and ethnicity of  Success stories that has no hint of cited and paraphrased sources, and the numbers  Stories describing individuals or groups and content of any images used. making progress. partnership Where ethnicity was not available from the Where the original coder was unsure, the whole in it. article or the sources’ public statements, it was research group decided on this value judgement. identified by asking the sources directly, or if Some stories contained a mix of “good” and they were unavailable, their family members or “bad” news. For example, one about a PhD on Stephen Franks, 2004 close workmates. Spokespeople for individual Maori smoking was positive about the author but politicians were assigned the ethnicity of that negative about the proportion of Maori smokers. It politician. We did not attempt to identify the was coded as “bad” news, while a shorter version ethnicity of journalists, columnists or other of the same story that focused only on the author authors of stories. Where this was unknown, it was coded as “good” news. was coded as “not stated”. To analyse newspaper use of te reo Maori, one One team member identified and coded whether team member identified every Maori word for an item included only Pakeha sources, only which there is an alternative in English in all the Maori sources, or a mix; the ordinal position items. For example, Rotorua was not counted, of the sentence in which each source was but Maungawhau (Mt Eden) was. Pipi was not first cited; and whether the item included counted but kai moana was. Names of iwi and controversy. Following on from McGregor other Maori organisations, Maori events, course and Comrie’s broadcasting study and Ranginui and job titles, flora and fauna, and many place Walker’s chapter in What’s News?, stories were names were not counted. We did not count uses also coded as “bad” news, including “bad” news of the word Maori. for or about Maori; “good” news or “neutral”. While many news items emphasise conflict However, iwi names were counted if they were or negative issues, we wanted to provide a provided as part of an iwi affiliation not connected

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 15 ANALYSES to the topic of the story. Variations in spelling From the transcript of the narrative for each were noted. item, we identified the crux as it was presented by the newsreader and examined how that core The total number of different words and their meaning was elaborated, usually by a reporter, repetitions were then counted in the qualitative through the visuals, background sound and the computer research programme N6. Words were use of pictured and reported sources. coded according to where they appeared in the item (for example, headline, intro/first paragraph, In focusing on the spoken elements of the text or body of the item) and whether they were we were guided by researchers such as Butler accompanied by a translation. and Nelson, who have shown that television relies more on the spoken narrative than the Virtually all Newspaper thematic visuals in competing for attention in busy analysis process homes. According to those authors, a viewer’s who now attention may be captured by a story’s images call themselves Maori One team member scanned the articles and but their understanding of the item will be sorted them into Word documents. Headlines, are more Pakeha shaped by the edited relationships between introductions, captions, summaries and drop words and pictures. in their ethnicity.. quotes were identified; the sentence count and Corner says television news constructs any dispassionate review page numbers were included with a description and count of any pictures. These documents compelling eyewitness experiences for viewers; of the Treaty were imported into QSR’s qualitative research Abel says the nature of visuals may determine will conclude programme N6. whether or not an item is screened at all. Atkinson argued in 1994 that an authoritative that it didn’t guarantee a We used thematic analysis to identify ways in presence onscreen or pictorial opportunities full-blooded Maori, which grammar, syntax, phrasing and article were more important for TVNZ news than let alone someone more structure shaped the meanings of newspaper the potential to find or develop new stories or items. That enabled us to describe the patterns angles. In the light of the importance of visuals Pakeha than Maori of content used and the ideological frameworks and the small number of television items, we 164 years later, underpinning particular stories. We based our decided to focus on detailed case studies that a right to preferential analysis on the development of this method by included 13 of the 20 items. Wetherell and Potter in 1988; Nikander in 1995; treatment Wetherell in 1998 and Edley in 2001. LIMITS OF OUR over others. One researcher repeatedly reread all the Michael Bassett, 2004 newspaper items by topic to write a “first cut” METHOD AND description of the construction and content of ANALYSIS themes. The whole research team then worked together to refine and strengthen the analyses of We acknowledge the exploratory nature of this the emerging patterns. The team also selected pilot project. We learned much in the doing and particular topics and coverage to analyse for in- refined our methodology to meet the demands depth case studies, which were each written by of the items we collected and the unforeseen one team member. possibilities that emerged. Inevitably there are things that we will do TELEVISION ANALYSIS better in the next year of the research, such as collection instructions for our media monitoring Twenty of the 21 news items fitted the criteria for contractors and the depth of visuals analysis Maori stories. Four of the researchers worked on in TV items. Our process, in particular the the television analysis, each taking responsibility peer review, included an intensive assessment for several items. Each item was transcribed of ways in which we could improve our and segmented by one team member to identify methodology. changes of shot, speaker, on-screen visuals or ambient sound. Researchers also watched news However, we are satisfied that our analysis, items repeatedly to assess the interplay between combined with rigorous peer review by ten visual images, ambient sound and the narrated journalists, researchers and educators, can be story. relied upon as a valid critique of television news and newspaper constructions of Maori stories in Using the same criteria as the newspaper analysis, Aotearoa/New Zealand. we assessed the use of te reo Maori. One team member collated and categorised sources for The limits of our collection of items and each story, distinguishing between those who analysis mean that this research is unable to were referred to and those appearing in the edited comment on – segments after the presenter’s introduction.  The number of Maori stories compared to other types of television news and newspaper

16 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 stories during our sampling period items, for example Maori economic management  Maori stories as a proportion of the total and financial probity, compare with similar stories number of television news and newspaper about non-Maori. stories during our sampling period The number of television news items we collected  Maori stories in television current affairs was too small for any statistical analysis. Given programmes that this is a pilot project and that the television  Radio, magazines, internet and other sample was small, we view our television figures unsampled media news as indicative only. We also view figures about any  Changes in any features of our analysis over particular newspaper or television channel in the time same light.

 How stories and themes identified in our FINDINGS

TE REO MAORI kaumatua to an open day. The Treaty was referred to by its Maori name In newspapers once. Three stories gave the iwi affiliations of people mentioned. There were some Our keywords meant that we selected articles newly-coined combinations, such as pinga (a about Maori issues or because they contained transliteration of pinger, money), cyberwaka and particular Maori words. They were therefore “Nati Idol”, which reflected the interaction of the more likely to contain words in te reo Maori two languages. We noted two uses of South Island than articles in general. A little more than half forms; runaka and Kai Tahu. of the 353 items included at least one word of te reo Maori for which there was an English To determine each newspaper’s use of Maori, alternative. we had to identify what proportion of stories containing te reo Maori were provided from A total of 151 different words, phrases, external sources. The New Zealand Herald had sentences and proper names, including place the most stories (19) containing at least a word of names and iwi affiliations, were used multiple te reo Maori for which an English alternative was times, totalling more than 825 instances. We available. All but two originated with Herald staff. counted 89 words that were translated at least These articles used a total of 20 different words Woolly once, leaving 62 different words and phrases and phrases and translated five of them. Two of thinking untranslated. those stories used te reo Maori in headlines and politicians are Iwi (188), powhiri (80) and, Pakeha (51) were six in the first paragraph. taking “principles” the most frequent words, followed by marae, The Gisborne Herald had 16 stories that were hangi, hui, hikoi, waiata, tangata whenua, and richer in te reo Maori, using 36 words and phrases that have never kapa haka. Some words commonly used in and translating only four. This newspaper also been defined from New Zealand English, such as whanau, kuia, had a high proportion of original stories (13) a “living” document powhiri, tamariki, kaumatua, kura, hapu, about Maori issues, and Maori words appeared in taonga, runanga and korowai, were each six headlines and nine first paragraphs. that changes translated at least once. according to the The Daily Post in Rotorua (13 stories), the Seven complete sentences in te reo Maori were Dominion Post (11) and the Otago Daily Times political needs of used, one in a headline. The headline “Ko (10) used similar numbers of Maori words (13 to the time! Hikurangi te maunga, ko Waiapu te awa, ko 18) for which English alternatives were available. Ngati Porou te iwi” was used untranslated by The Waikato Times (11 stories), the Wanganui the Gisborne Herald above an article about Chronicle (10), the Press (9) and the Manawatu Winston Peters, 2003 a Ngati Porou festival, which also included a Standard (8) used slightly fewer Maori words (8 further sentence in Maori. Two untranslated to 12). sentences appeared in one Bay of Plenty Times Kapai’s Corner column. All the Dominion Post’s stories containing te reo Maori were written by journalists working on A further sentence, also untranslated, was the the paper, and these stories were often the source final line in an invited Press article by the Chief of NZPA stories used by other papers. Other Judge of the Waitangi Tribunal. A Nelson Mail regional papers generally used few words in te supplement used a whakatauki and translation reo Maori and fewer than half were in stories provided by a Maori business, Communis, originating with the paper. and a tutor of te reo Maori used the language with a translation in the Wairoa Star to invite The Westport News, the Southland Times,

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 17 FINDINGS the Timaru Herald, the Horowhenua Kapiti used 16 times: hapu (four), hikoi (four), haka Chronicle, the Nelson Mail and the Taranaki (three), iwi (two), whanau, wero and marae. Daily News had from five to seven stories, with We did not assess presenters’ pronunciation of five to eight words of te reo Maori each. Maori, but plan to track changes in this over time. The Bay of Plenty Times was an exception; its Our demands six stories used a total of 32 Maori words, 22 of which were used untranslated in one piece SOURCES were so mediocre: by a Maori columnist. The Horowhenua Kapiti ‘Five minutes of Maori Chronicle was the only other paper whose stories Newspaper sources using Maori words were all written by local on television’, One researcher carried out this analysis on the reporters. but you would have Maori stories sample. A total of 719 sources The Press and the Bay of Plenty Times had more were used in the 260 items, an average of 2.7 thought we were of their own stories using te reo Maori than NZPA sources per item. The number of sources used asking for stories; the Waikato Times and the Southland ranged from none to 11. the moon. Times used half each, while the rest of the papers relied on NZPA for a majority of stories that Table 2: Number of newspaper sources Ripeka Evans on Nga included Maori words. Number Number of Percentage of Tamatoa and Te Reo Maori The dailies which made the least use of te reo protests, 1993 of stories stories Maori were the Dannevirke Evening News (three sources stories), and Hawkes Bay Today (2); Greymouth’s West Coast Times, the Wairarapa Times-Age, the 0 12 4.6 Ashburton Guardian and the Greymouth Evening 1 96 36.9 Star, all with one. 2 42 16.1 The Northern Advocate, serving an area with a 3 31 11.9 high Maori population, included te reo Maori 4 30 11.5 in three stories, featuring five Maori words for 5 14 5.4 which there were English alternatives. 6 16 6.1 Spelling and use of te reo Maori was inconsistent. 7 8 3.1 Some spellings, such as wahi tapu and waahi tapu, reflected styles for spoken emphasis taught 8 - 11 11 4.2 at different universities. One word, runanga, 260 99.8 appeared with a macron, a common way of Twelve news stories gave no sources for their indicating a long vowel in written Maori. information. Two of these appeared in the Pakeha was used uncapitalised seven times. The Waikato Times and one in the Christchurch words pa, runaka, taonga, tangata whenua, marae, Press, and the remainder in smaller regional, roopu and kaitiaki were capitalised in the middle suburban or rural papers. of sentences in some articles. Kapa haka was As expected, most columns and invited articles spelt as one word and two. and all editorials gave no sources for their There were some simple errors. In five stories assertions. Four other articles quoted or cited distributed through NZPA, the original anonymous sources; they included Maori misspelling of “wiata” instead of waiata went television or Labour “insiders”, Maori fisheries untouched by sub-editors; runanga was spelt once negotiators and an Auckland school principal. as “runga”, which means top; kaiwhakahaere as Sixteen stories noted that a total of 29 people “kaiwhakaere”, Ngati as Ngatai, and Waipareira had been approached for comment but had as “Waipiera” in a headline; an article about a declined or been unavailable. Twenty-seven of Maori maths (tikanga pangarau) dictionary spelt those were Maori, 21 men and six women. All it once as “Panagarau”. Journalists occasionally were stories about resources or business and combined Maori with English forms to make all but one were contentious and coded as “bad inept combinations such as “whanau’s”, or (in news” stories. four papers) “powhiris”. Six of those were Lake Taupo airspace stories In television news that originated with an item in which one Pakeha and three Maori sources had declined We used the same criteria in counting words of to comment. Two of the Maori people who had te reo Maori for the 20 television items as for the declined appeared in several versions of the newspaper ones. Fourteen items contained no Maori phrases or words. Of the six items that did include te reo Maori, seven Maori words were

18 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 FINDINGS story. Five stories were about the Rotorua lakes Thirty-six percent of stories (94) used both Maori Treaty settlement; the same two Maori sources and Pakeha sources, including five stories that were reported as declining to comment in all quoted a single source who identified as both five, with an additional Maori source declining Maori and Pakeha. Twenty-nine percent of in the original story. stories (76) used Maori sources only, drawing on people from a range of different organisations and Ethnicity and gender of contexts. The highest proportions of stories using newspaper sources Maori sources only were from items categorised as health (83%), arts (75%) and fisheries (54%). Television People who identified as Pakeha were the biggest group of sources by ethnicity for the Twenty-three percent of stories (61) used only goes right into the Maori stories, totalling 45% (321). Thirty-seven Pakeha sources, mostly Parliament or occasionally homes and hearts percent (270) of the sources cited were Maori. local body politicians debating Maori issues. Sixty of Maoridom Ethnicity could not be identified for 15% (107) percent of stories that used Maori sources only of sources. were coded as “good news”; 52% of stories that in a way no other used Pakeha sources only were coded as “bad delivery system This last group was made up of organisations news”. Five of the 26 Maori-Pakeha relations such as political parties and government does.. Its effect items used only Pakeha sources. None of the items agencies; publications; unnamed spokespeople in the Maori-Pakeha relations topic used Maori on us must for named organisations, such as a university; sources only. therefore be writers of editorial and columns, and other looked at in some sources whose ethnicity was not identified. Order of newspaper sources Seventy stories used sources whose ethnicity detail and with was not identified. People who identified as Pakeha men were quoted or cited earliest on great care. both Maori and Pakeha (16) made up two average in stories, at around the fourth sentence. percent of total sources, and five people of Maori women and men were first quoted on Pacific and other ethnicities made up one average at around the seventh sentence. Sources Richard Benton, 1985 percent. whose ethnicity was unidentified were first cited on average after the ninth sentence. Pakeha Eight of the 16 columns and invited articles in women were first cited on average after 12 our Maori stories sample were by Maori, three sentences. by Pakeha and one by a Pacific writer. The ethnicity of writers for four of the columns and the five editorials was not identified. Television sources Reporters quoted or cited three times as many This ethnicity and gender analysis was done men (64%) as women (21%) but the proportion on the 20 Maori news stories. Five featured the varied by ethnicity. Stories cited more than studio presenter only with no edited item to four times as many Pakeha male sources (263, follow. Counting the individual sources for each 37%) as Pakeha women (58, 8%) and double item, 47 sources appeared in 60 clips from studio The the number of Maori male sources (183, 25%) or on location interviews in the 15 edited stories. greatest to Maori female sources (87, 12%). Thirteen sources were derived from on-location speech clips at an event; the other 47 clips were neglect by Pakeha men were used as sources in 136 stories, from on-location or studio interviews with a mainstream and Pakeha women in 47. National leader Don reporter. broadcasting Brash was the most common source, featuring in 27 stories. Prime Minister Helen Clark was Some sources appeared more than once in the over the years same item and several individuals appeared as the most often cited Pakeha female source, has been the appearing in 15 stories. Maori men were used as sources in more than one item. Across the 15 lack of coverage sources in 124 stories and Maori women in 67. edited stories, a total of 36 people appeared as sources. The average number of sources in the given to the role New Zealand First leader Winston Peters was 15 stories appearing in studio or on-location Maori women have the most quoted Maori male source, appearing interview clips was 3.1. in 18 stories and commenting on powhiri, John played.. in almost Source clips ranged from 3 to 20 seconds. The Tamihere, and limits on Treaty claims. Sir all programmes Howard Morrison was the next most common average length of source interview clips was Maori male source, in 11 stories. Maori Party 8.3 seconds, with little difference between the which have been co-leader Tariana Turia was the most cited averages for the two main channels. successful. Maori woman, writing two columns and cited in There were a total of 26 reporters and presenters another 12 stories. for the television items. The majority (14) were Ripeka Evans, 1993 In 23 of the stories, sources were paraphrased Pakeha (six men and eight women), the ethnicity only, while 34 only quoted sources and did not of eight was unidentified, and four were Maori (all paraphrase. women).

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 19 FINDINGS Ethnicity and gender of television respective stories. sources Of the sources in the 60 clips whose ethnicity IMAGES we were able to identify, half were Maori (24, 14 To accede to men and 10 women) and half Pakeha (23, 18 men Newspaper images and 5 women). There was one interview with an Maori demands for The Maori stories ran with a total of 129 Asian woman and 12 sources (six men and six autonomy would indeed images. Sixty percent of the stories did not women) whose ethnicity we could not establish. have a picture. Twenty-eight percent (74) had be proof that the goal Sound clips of Maori women were longer on one image, 13 articles had two images and five average (9 seconds), followed by Maori men and of ‘one people’ has had three or more. Three of the last were large Pakeha women (8 seconds), and Pakeha men (6 not been achieved.. feature stories and two were original news seconds). There was a slight difference between stories. One, in the New Zealand Herald, broke Maori protest, therefore, average clip length for women and men. the Lake Taupo airspace story; the other, in the has been regarded The source clips from on-location or studio Dominion Post, was an original story about as a challenge interviews included slightly more clips of Pakeha Trevor Mallard’s comments on school powhiri. to the nation’s (19, 14 men and 5 women) than Maori (16, 11 men and five women). One Asian woman was special In six images individuals could not be identified, interviewed and we were unable to establish the either because of the number present or the identity. ethnicity of five male and six female interviewees. smallness of the images. These images showed In this small sample of set-up interviews male Claudia Orange, 1987 the first foreshore and seabed hikoi, a school sources (29) outnumbered women (18). powhiri, a group of kindergarten children, a kapa There were differences in the gender and ethnicity haka group, a conservation course and a church of interviewed sources between TV One and TV3 group. When those images were excluded, the but, given the smallness of the sample, we regard pictures included 43 of Pakeha men, 36 of Maori those differences as merely suggestive men, 22 of Maori women, 18 of objects and nine of Pakeha women. Of the 15 edited stories, six featured only non- Maori sources, five used only Maori sources The two people most commonly appearing in and four used both. The two channels had photographs - both in 10 - were National leader similar numbers of stories in each of these three Don Brash (mostly in stories about the Rotorua categories lakes Treaty settlement) and Education Minister Trevor Mallard (in stories about his comments Across the 20 news stories a further 17 source on powhiri). John Tamihere, with four images, persons were referred to, paraphrased, or cited was the most commonly portrayed Maori man. without being shown on screen. More than half Finance Minister Michael Cullen and MP of these were identified as Maori (three men and Clayton Cosgrove were each depicted three six women), five of the remainder were Pakeha times. (three men, two women) and we were unable to specify the ethnicity of the last three. There were two photographs each of ACT leader Rodney Hide, MP Michael Bassett and Te ..New The items also drew on a range of institutional Arawa spokesman Howard Morrison. Only three sources and documents that included Zealand’s intergroup Maori women’s photographs were included “government”, MPs and their staff, iwi and iwi more than once - Tariana Turia, Te Arikinui Te problems [are seen as] organisations, statutory bodies, a church, reports, Ataairangi Kahu and Gisborne principal Lisa natural racial a letter, and two Bills before Parliament. Maniapoto - each on two occasions. differences, whereas .. Two such documents were represented visually: Fifteen percent (18) of the images were of John Tamihere’s letter to the auditors of the the real causes objects; some illustrated articles about the Waipareira Trust and a One News Colmar of current conflicts Navy, Aoraki, tourism, and artefacts. Three Brunton poll. More commonly an institutional illustrated articles about air rights above Lake lie in the economic and source was named: Ports of Auckland, Taupo showed paragliding, and a carved Maori Tuwharetoa Trust Board, Destiny Church, political organisation of gateway with the lake in the background. Waipareira Trust, or media organisations and a New Zealand spokesperson, usually unnamed, was paraphrased society. or cited. Television images In two items the name of the iwi, Ngati Nine items made frequent use of Maori visual Margaret Wetherell and Tuwharetoa and Tainui, were used when the imagery such as haka, the warrior stance, marae Jonathan Potter, 1992 journalist was referring to the trust board. The or men in piupiu. Three items used this imagery Bills, “a legal opinion” (Lake Taupo airspace sparsely, and eight did not use it at all. This story) and “an audit” (Te Uri o Hau story) were imagery is explored in our case studies. merely referred to in creating the context for the

20 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 FINDINGS which we identified as a new theme and called THEMES IN THE “Financial probity”. The bulk of these were COVERAGE about management of Waipareira Trust finances or hapu assets. In this theme Maori were depicted Newspaper themes as having unfair access to diverse funding sources and support for projects that did not deserve it. In this analysis we looked at all the media items Items expressing this theme also constructed to see how they treated the themes identified in Maori as corrupt or economically incompetent. the introduction, and to identify new themes. This theme was expressed in reports about Writers of 24 items used terms “race-based”, Community Employment Group (CEG) funding, “race war” and “race debate”, and sources used and a waiata-based polytechnic Maori language them in 18 other stories, in ways which drew “singalong” course. on and reproduced the “Privilege” and “Maori inheritance” themes. Maori success stories Writers used the terms in quote marks only five While reporting of supposed Maori failure and times; they were used five times in headlines underachievement was common, an emergent (four about powhiri), and 12 times in the theme which we called “Maori success” was first paragraph. One editorial and an article apparent in 21 articles, mainly coded as arts, mentioned Maori tribal or race “privilege” and business and education. two Maori sources raised this theme in the context of uninformed debate; other examples Particular forms of Maori economic development are explored in the case studies. were given very positive coverage in seven percent of the items. Reporting about Maori in Eight stories included the “One people” theme; tourism frequently gave positive descriptions of ..the for example when a local body candidate businesses led by Maori which incorporated Maori European answered only: “We are all Kiwis, New culture into tourist activities. Maori products Zealanders of Aotearoa” to a newspaper poll and business ideas were described as innovative record in the last on representation of Maori. Other stories which and successful, and Maori entrepreneurship was century and a included the “Stirrers”, “Maori violence” and commended. “Good Maori/Bad Maori” themes are also half has shown a explored in the case studies. Marketing a product as “indigenous” and determination to “authentic” Maori culture was encouraged as a We identified three new themes. business strategy leading to success, especially dominate. in overseas markets. Maori were portrayed at the Maori control of resources In many respects cutting edge of arts marketing in one New Zealand New Zealand, in Many of our items dealt with issues of Maori Herald article (10 September) where Maori economic resources. Items grouped into artists are said to have “new ways of showing or spite of the Treaty, Treaty, land, fisheries, business and seabed and presenting the world”. has been merely foreshore topics accounted for more than 40% There are a small number of positive articles on a variation in the of the total. Thirty-five of the items in these Maori education, particularly Maori university categories express a new theme, which we call pattern of colonial postgraduates and research partnerships, a new “Maori resources”. domination of Maori maths dictionary, conservation and te reo This theme enables speakers to be strongly courses and activities. indigenous critical of moves (especially when based on Te races. The gap Tiriti) that potentially could return significant between Maori resources to Maori control. Sources using this “GOOD” AND “BAD” theme implied that Maori have gained enough NEWS and European resources, and been reimbursed generously expectations of by the Government in Treaty settlements and In newspaper items the treaty remains contemporary legislation. We were unable to compare rates of “good” and unbridged. This pattern is likely to have emerged “bad” news with other news categories because in response to claims settlements, and is we looked at Maori news items only. Items coded marshalled against the danger that economic as “bad” news made up 42% (111) of our Maori Claudia Orange, 1987 self-determination for Maori will threaten sample; 31% (80) were coded “good” news items Pakeha control of the social order. Examples of and 26% (69) coded as “neutral”. There was this theme are explored in case studies 4 and 7. a large overlap with items coded as including conflict; all but seven of the 71 stories that were Maori and money about or included conflict were coded as “bad” Thirty-six items included voices that raised news. strong criticism of Maori use of money, Topics that included the highest proportion of

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 21 FINDINGS “good” news items were arts (91%), religion Nineteen items described conflict between (66%) and health (58%). Topics with the non-Maori; for example, disagreements among highest proportion of “bad” news items were scientists, or conflicts between MPs, local body Maori-Pakeha relations (77%), Treaty (69%) and councillors, conservation groups, or within foreshore and seabed (50%). There were only schools. Twenty items, often intensive and three stories in the financial probity topic but detailed, focused on conflict between Maori, all were coded as “bad” news. The topics with over issues such as representation in Treaty the highest proportion of “neutral” items were claims, unresolved disagreements from the land land (57%), political representation (47%) and wars and enterprise management. foreshore and seabed (37%). Much of the coverage coded for conflict drew Eleven of the columns, invited articles and upon images of military struggles. These editorials were categorised as “good” news, four predominated in items about disagreement as neutral and seven as “bad” news. between Maori and non-Maori, mostly in descriptions of debates between MPs and Items generated by the paper in which they were select committee hearings on the Foreshore and published usually included a lower proportion Seabed Bill. of “bad” news stories (33%) than those from NZPA and other outside sources (56%). Overall, The military language included: “machine- ..people who newspapers’ own Maori stories included five gunning”, “clash”, “battle”, “war”, “hijacked”, times the proportion of “good” news (45%) “turned his fire on”. Images of more personal 20 years ago didn’t compared to those from outside sources (9%). combat were also common in items reporting consider themselves disagreements between Maori and non-Maori: Maori are now In television news “attack”, “threat”, “hatchet job”, “hit”, “enemy”, “come out swinging” and “fight”. very Maori. Using the same criteria, 15 television stories were labelled as “bad” news (nine on TV One, five on The words used to describe disagreements And the more TV3 news and one on Prime news). Five were among non-Maori or among Maori were settlements there are neutral (two on TV One and three on 3 News); generally less violent, despite a few boxing the more grieved Maori none were coded as “good” news. Six of the nine images. Mostly the language emphasised business items were coded as “bad” news. differences of opinion – “criticism”, there “challenged”, “dismissed”, “opposed”, will be. CONFLICT “rejected”. Four disparaging terms for disagreement were Jim Peron, 2004 In newspapers used. “Cat-fighting” was a paraphrase and “bickering” and “squabbles” were used in Sixty percent of the Maori stories (155) were quotes from Pakeha and Maori sources. Two about a conflict or disagreement. Excluding sport reporters used disparaging terms to describe (with only one story) the topics that most often disagreements among Maori. The resignation included conflict were Treaty (83%), fisheries of the chair of the Tainui iwi executive, Tuku (81%) and Maori-Pakeha relations (77%). Morgan, was said be due to “wrangling”. Te Categories with the smallest proportions of items Arawa debates about representation on a Treaty that included conflict were arts (8%), health claim negotiation team were described as (25%) and education (28%). “squabbles”. Each story appeared in two papers. Stories generated by the paper in which they were published were almost half as likely to be about Conflict in television or refer to conflict (46%) compared to stories Eleven of the items featured Maori comment in from NZPA and other outside sources (80%). conflict with comment from non-Maori sources. To explore the written imagery used to describe In most of these stories the issue was defined conflict, two team members identified 111 print by non-Maori, and Maori sources were limited items in which at least two individuals or groups to reacting within that frame. An example disagreed and where the reporter used verbs and is coverage of the Auckland hearings of the nouns to describe the difference of opinion or the Foreshore and Seabed Bill select committee. The behaviour of those who disagreed, rather than focus was the event; the reporter characterised merely quoting the different parties. Maori as disruptive, by highlighting protesters’ actions and the possibility of civil war if the Bill Seventy-two items were about conflict between was passed. Seven of the nine business items Maori and non-Maori individuals or groups; this featured such constructions of conflict. included conflict among MPs, between MPs and other parties such as those making submissions to select committees, between parties about land or other resources.

22 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 FINDINGS “Older Maori and Pacific people are more SILENCES likely to be renting than older Pakeha.” We identified what we believe to be gaps “Maori lag behind other ethnic groups – in and silences on particular topics. Tino 2002, 39% of Maori school leavers and 54% rangatiratanga, which Kawharu defines of Pacific students had Sixth Form certificate as “full and unqualified exercise of Maori or higher compared with 68% of European chieftainship”, guaranteed in Te Tiriti students.” o Waitangi, was used twice. The terms “biculturalism” or “bicultural” were used in “..there is a longer ‘tail’.. of underachievers four stories, twice by Maori sources. These two and non-achievers. A disproportionate chunk stories were repeated through NZPA, making of this ‘tail’ is Maori or Polynesian.” a total of 17 mentions. Only three items used “..high rates of heart disease among Maori.” the word “colonisation”, and the adjective “colonial” appeared in a further three. “Rates of vaccination for Maori children lag behind..” For example, an Otago Daily Times article (25 September) reporting on the work of two “[Smoking] experimentation among young ta moko artists acknowledged the impact of Maori was higher.” colonisation on Maori populations: “..some population groups, such as Maori and “In places such as Ruatoki.. where Polynesian people, have a high prevalence of communities had been less affected by the risk factors.” colonisation, it was more common for “Premature death and disease in the Maori people to have customary facial moko.” population remains at unacceptable high There were 132 references to the Treaty in our levels.” newspaper items, and one to te Tiriti o Waitangi. In the only such article where Maori were less Almost all the items assumed that readers knew affected by a health condition than Pakeha, the what the Treaty said and how Treaty settlements writer made it clear that this was an exception: were made. Among this wealth of references, “Unlike many other diseases, it is more common only three items included any detail about what in Europeans”. Maori figures were often grouped the Treaty actually says. When with statistics for Pacific populations. Although A Maori group quoted a Treaty clause in one some health and social status data may be similar people sentence, MP Michael Bassett mentioned a for these populations, such grouping works to are in survival couple of possible breaches in a long article, position Maori as one of a number of ethnic mode, you can’t do and Waitangi Tribunal chair Joe Williams in his groups and undermine their tangata whenua status. response mentioned a Treaty right. health promotion CONSECUTIVE WEEK effectively. STATISTICAL STORY DEVELOPMENT They need a job or a house or food, COMPARISONS The consecutive week sample allowed us to track or their kids are In newspaper items in the health category, the development of news stories and explore the articles on smoking, heart disease and obesity cumulative impact of coverage as stories unfolded sick.. You can’t say dominated and reporting typically took a over time. As we did not receive a complete .. ‘Would you please victim-focussed approach. Maori rates of collection of the consecutive week articles, stop smoking - risky behaviours were presented rather than an this summary of the Foreshore and Seabed Bill attempt being made to place those behaviours in hearing coverage, which broke during the week of it’s bad relation to the social determinants of health. 21 to 28 August, can only be indicative. for you’.. A cluster of newspaper stories about health Seven items from four papers covered the Select Paparangi Reid, 1994 and other disparities mentioned Maori only in Committee’s Auckland hearings of submissions on passing and those items were excluded from the Bill. On 21 August, the Otago Daily Times and the Maori sample. However, we believed one the Gisborne Herald published ACT criticisms aspect of these stories deserved closer study. of the Select Committee process, especially Many of these stories compare Maori health or its decision to hear only about ten percent of social statistics with Pakeha figures, providing proffered oral submissions. little contextual information to assist in the On 25 August the New Zealand Herald, Dominion interpretation of the data. Examples include:: Post and Christchurch Press reported on worries “Maori children appear to be at increased about Select Committee security in the face of risk of injury deaths as motor vehicle rumours of violent protest, although interestingly, passengers.” authoritative sources staunchly denied that violence was likely.

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 23 FINDINGS On 26 August the same papers headlined claims that Professor Margaret Mutu had told the Select ASPECTS OF BALANCE Committee that the legislation if enacted would In news items, Maori were very rarely given result in civil war in her Ngati Kahu district. the opportunity to comment on Maori-Pakeha While committee member Dr Wayne Mapp said relations without dissenting non-Maori voices. that such comments were inflammatory and There were no stories using only Maori sources amounted to treason, the Ngati Kahu submission in this topic, three where Maori and Pakeha avoided the implication that any conflict would sources were saying similar things, five using arise from the Ngati Kahu side, saying instead only Pakeha sources and 15 featuring Maori and that Crown confiscation was the problem. The Pakeha sources in disagreement, for example final story in the Waikato Times, also on 26 about powhiri. August, deflated the tension with a steadfast no Some Pakeha commentators expressing strong comment from Tainui leader Kingi Porima in Those most opinions on the state of Maori-Pakeha relations. response to questions about Professor Mutu’s likely to be offended We found two stories of a type that Michael submissions. are the old King recommended against in Kawe Korero The headlines tracked the rise and fall of the - written to be funny about topics which many and the influential. story. The 21 August items lead with “Act critical Maori would find tapu or serious. The New They .. believe that just of Bill hearings” and “Foreshore legislations Zealand Herald (25 September) allocated space as there are limits being ‘rammed through’ says Act MP”, non- in Greg Dixon’s Weekend column to “self- partisan but signalling through the disquiet of the confessed nationalist Bruce Sheppard”, who to good taste and far right an issue of concern. was quoted encouraging every New Zealander proper behaviour in the to claim Maori ancestry on the electoral roll By 25 August the wording is more direct and to sabotage “Maori privilege”. When asked Pakeha world, active: “MPs to get identity cards for foreshore whether he actually had any “Maori blood”, hearing amid security fears”; “Members put on so those corresponding Sheppard was quoted stating: “The only security alert”. On 26 August, this momentum limits should be learned Maori blood I’m likely to have anywhere near bursts into “‘Bloodshed’ if seabed bill passed” my family was on the sword of my great- and respected and “Maori academic predicts civil war” and grandfather who ran one or two of them through dies with the Waikato Times headline “Silence on by Pakeha in in the Maori Wars.’ the Maori ‘war’ claim”. In a Sunday Star-Times column (3 October) The cumulative effect of these headlines and context. headlined “Traditions of tomfoolery deserve articles was to create a dramatic sense of threat. to die a fast death”, Frank Haden commented That threat bore little relation to the reality Michael King, 1985 on the public use of land that was a traditional of a tense but orderly process where Maori Maori burial ground. He suggested that Maori watched and argued against what they saw ancestors “might be delighted to be dug up and as a major stripping of their rights. While the made to feel useful as part of a bypass. I know latter perspective received some coverage in I would be, if I were a buried skeleton. It would these items, it was largely submerged by the make a change from boredom at the bottom of deployment of the old themes about “Good the swamp.” Maori/Bad Maori”, “Stirrers” and “Maori violence”. No Maori voices that insulted Pakeha ideology, people or culture were identified in any article.

24 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004

C ASE STUDIES ASE

E CHOSE items for detailed analysis march. TV One’s link was structured around the because they illustrate ways in Prime Minister’s previous reference to the hikoi Wwhich newspapers and television participants as “haters and wreckers” and her news reproduce existing Pakeha themes about comment that Destiny Church marchers were relations with Maori that we identified in our entitled to their opinions. introduction, as well as new themes. The accompanying visuals of the hikoi included shots of the Tino Rangatiratanga flag, police, and TELEVISION CASE Tama Iti casting hupe (mucus) to the ground. This act is often described as “spitting” and is generally STUDIES associated with offensive behaviour, although that is not necessarily how Maori interpret it. The Case study 1: chosen visuals presented a strong image of Maori Civil Union Bill March as “protesters” or “activists”. 23 August: One News; Tonight, 3 News, Later that week 3 News also reported similarities Prime News between the two events, identifying that “they TV One news programmes (One News, [Destiny and hikoi participants] were all from Tonight), 3 News and Prime News covered various tribes, iwi and whanau and they all had two Wellington marches to Parliament, one a universal thought about a piece of legislation.” supporting and one opposing the Civil Union The marches were described as being “slightly Bill, on 23 August. The coverage largely different” because “this [Destiny] is a church, or focussed on the opposing Destiny Church a cult”. march rather than the Bill itself, although Prime 3 News, in its coverage of a multi-ethnic rally the News gave more airtime to the Bill than the following day that “spoke out about hate crimes other two channels. Because Prime’s coverage like the recent desecration of Jewish graves”, of the marches contained no live footage, this repeated visuals of Destiny Church members case study focuses on the interaction between that reinforced the male Maori warrior image. the narratives and dramatic visuals on TV One Although 3 News had previously linked the hikoi Those and 3 News during that week. and the Destiny Church march, the new story who included a clear distinction: Although the narratives on the two channels regard ancient did not explicitly identify Destiny Church “It’s [anti-hate crimes rally] also in stark documents as members as Maori, this was done by visuals that contrast with yesterday’s [Destiny] rally.” repeatedly selected displays of Maori culture. irrelevant today Holmes at 7pm on TV One used similar visuals Images were dominated by Destiny Church should reflect on men, and repeated shots of the haka, taiaha, of Destiny Church members, leading in to an pukana and men in piupiu leading the march. interview with Brian Tamaki and Georgina Beyer. the large number Those visual symbols had been organised by In contrast, Marae on 29 August did not use any of New Zealanders visuals from the march in its coverage of the Civil Destiny Church but, in editing the stories, the who still cite Magna channels emphasised images of Maori culture Union Bill. Carta to reinforce that linked to the “Maori violence” theme. The majority of television news items used alleged arguments From the outset both news items highlighted repeated visuals that were clearly identifiable as the large number of anti-Bill protesters and Maori, reinforcing the Maori warrior stereotype about identified the haka as a key visual element of and in this context the implied threat of violence rights. the march. The narrative, and repeated visuals and disruption reinforced by visual and audio of Destiny Church members depicting outward techniques. Simon Upton, 2003 displays of Maori culture, reinforced the potential for challenge and conflict, as did the use of continuous live sound, predominantly the haka, chanting and singing. Camera pans across the protesters, and shots of the marchers advancing towards the camera, and thus the viewer, filled the frame and dominated the screen, adding to the dramatic visual impact. TV One and 3 News linked the earlier Foreshore and Seabed hikoi with the Destiny Church

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 25 CASE STUDIES Case study 2: reasons” for her resignation unchallenged. Ani Waaka’s resignation With the possible exception of the Marae 27 August: One News; 3 News; Tonight; coverage, which we did not analyse in detail, the Marae underlying themes of these stories were unstable [The Treaty of leadership and ongoing organisational conflict at Waitangi One News began with the sentence: Maori Television. Act 1975] initiated “There’s more drama at Maori Television Service following the sudden announcement Case study 3: the era of exploitation that its third chief executive in less than two Te Uri o Hau and plunder wherein and a half years is quitting.” 25 September: One News, Tini Molyneux European and other The opening graphics included a haka and a This item reported on a controversy within a non-Maori ethnicities.. longshot of a koru drawn in beach sand being hapu over the deployment of Treaty settlement became, increasingly, washed away by a wave. Those images and the money by a management committee that words “more drama”, “sudden” and “quitting” second class citizens, included Sir Graham Latimer. Wayne Smith, constructed Waaka’s resignation as part of a hapu member, had challenged the trust’s obliged to pay massive ongoing instability in Maori television. direction, which led to the engagement of lawyer reparations for, References to previous changes in CEO Mai Chen to resolve the dispute. mostly, imagined and reinforced that framing and introduced the idea The opening visual showed piles of hundred of continuing leadership problems. This item was manufactured dollar notes against a Maori motif. This piece cut short due to technical problems. belongs to the theme of “Financial probity”, grievances or The Tonight story used unsourced “rumours” to presenting images of corporate, non-Maori ‘customary rights’ support its case: competence on a background of Maori space and social practices. interpretations, based “Her unexpected resignation comes amid solely rumours of a fallout between management and Kaipara hapu Te Uri o Hau were presented as upon ‘race’. some board members.” feuding over money or resources, or protesting their innocence, or attempting to blame lawyers Those rumours remained unsubstantiated but their for any misdemeanours. The only agency they Ross Baker, 2005 inclusion promoted the impression that Waaka’s were allowed was in having “called in” a new was leaving due to disharmony within the legal expert, Mai Chen, to resolve their situation, channel, in contrast to the explanation of family with the implication that they were not capable and personal reasons that she offered. Waaka’s of doing that themselves. explanations were consequently positioned to allow a sceptical reading. The allocation of verbal content reinforced the subordinate role of Maori. Chen had almost That treatment contrasted with the Marae item twice as much speaking time on camera as where it was stated that Waaka’s appointment as the two Maori sources combined. Only two Maori Television CEO was always intended to Maori got to speak on camera, and their voices be interim. Marae also mentioned differences were seeking information or clarification from between board members, but said they were about lawyers. Trustee Russell Kemp’s main broadcast the station’s content of te reo Maori. contribution came across as defensive and Tonight did not include part of Waaka’s on camera simplistic: interview that was used on One News and Marae, “There’s nothing to hide. Like I said where she disputed Tonight’s construction of - we started with nothing, now we have disharmony: something.” “People have said all kinds of uninformed Dissenting trustee Wayne Smith’s views were things about Maori Television, so who knows given by the reporter and the anonymous hapu what people might say. What I can say is that member’s blaming of the lawyers seemed Maori television is going very, very well.” similarly peripheral. Mai Chen was the key actor The item concluded by highlighting past trouble, in the piece, as the journalist says in voice-over: emphasising with visuals the departure of “Mai Chen was determined to get results Waaka’s predecessor, Derek Fox, and in the final when she strode onto the marae at Otamatea sentence the departure of Canadian “fraudster” today”. John Davy. That juxtaposition undermined Waaka’s statement and, in linking her resignation Her arrival was not portrayed as involving any to her predecessors, framed her as another formal Maori welcome. Several shots showed questionable leader. In contrast, the 3 News item her mixing comfortably with the people of the was brief (16 seconds) and, although it alluded to marae, reinforcing the impression that she had the changes in CEO, presented Waaka’s “personal established her expertise at all levels and there

26 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 CASE STUDIES was little dissent to her authority. Her quote: stated near the end that the Bill’s purpose was to “..one season has finished and another season give effect to the Crown’s obligations to iwi. has started” suggested a simple changing of the The fifth paragraph started: “Already there is a guard. Proper, that is non-Maori, process for rift in Maoridom” constructing Maori as pulling economic development was being brought in, to in different directions over control of fisheries replace flawed Maori process that Chen named and therefore inappropriate proprietors for this as “tribal development”. valuable national resource. Mai Chen stated that the incumbent trust The author then paraphrased “some Maori authorities were competent at the latter but negotiators” who would have settled for less implied that they were not up to commercial and were surprised about the allocations. They projects. She directed them to “stick to their reportedly believed the government’s “generosity” knitting”, the metaphor trivialising and (also mentioned in the caption) was the result of marginalising Maori approaches to development “mounting pressure on the government” which and differentiating it from the real business of was at the same time legislating away Maori economics. rights in the Foreshore and Seabed Bill. The hapu was represented as incompetent, and The author then constructed Maori as a threat to demonstrably supplicant to an external expert. A resources owned by non-Maori, when he stated sub-plot about the ability of Treaty settlements that the proposed Bill “at least gives marine to work for beneficiaries, when in this case it farmers the certainty they can run their business was claimed it had not, completed the negative without the threat of Maori claims”. The first representation of this hapu. positive aspect of the changes presented by the article was that Maori will have no further right NEWSPAPER CASE of redress. The item had already said that Maori make up the majority of marine farmers and was STUDIES thus clearly advocating and writing for minority, Case study 4: non-Maori interests. Fisheries The last part of the article gave more detailed and contextualised information on allocation process 25 August: The Independent: “Maori and the Bill’s impact on other legislation. The strike gold in marine farms, by Tim language used was factual and the author avoided Donoghue, front page lead, carried onto further comment. This more neutral approach Maori page 2. Picture of a fishing boat captioned was reserved for page two after page one had people “Retrospective government generosity”. systematically painted Maori as unjustly lucky at hold to the tradition This fisheries article was published in a weekly the expense of other groups. national newspaper with a circulation of 10,000 that the karanga is and deals with the allocation of resources to Case Study 5: sacred and makes Maori through the Aquaculture Reform Bill. Powhiri a very special The headline and first three paragraphs 25 September: 16 newspaper stories contribution established the idea that Maori had got lucky Education Minister Trevor Mallard’s criticisms and “emerged as the big winners” through the to the marae.. of school powhiri from a speech to new State passage of the Bill. The use of metaphors from Without the primary school principals led to 17 stories in 16 lotteries and gold mining portrayed legislative newspapers. A group of six print stories reported karanga processes as chancy and random, and implied Mallard’s speech - original articles in the Press equal odds for all participants. there can be and the Dominion Post were repeated through no powhiri. The marine farm allocations for Maori were NZPA in four provincial newspapers. presented as unreasonable and disproportionate. These stories also cited six other Parliamentary This claim is substantiated through the Hiwi and Pat Tauroa, 1986 sources; John Tamihere, Metiria Turei, Gerry information that Maori will receive 20% of both Brownlee, Winston Peters (in four items), Tariana retrospective and future marine farms licenses. Turia (four items) and Bill English (three items). The fact that “they already control about 60% Another group of 11 stories summarised Mallard’s of the nation’s 1,200 marine farms” raised criticisms and presented responses. The New tensions which peaked in the claim that “Maori Zealand Herald and a second Dominion Post interest […] will effectively be handed the article were original, and a Gisborne Herald equivalent sea space for 240 new marine farms article included some original material with – for nothing”. This strongly suggested that an the NZPA story. One city and seven provincial injustice was being perpetrated against public, newspapers repeated versions of the NZPA story. that is non-Maori, rights, although the article

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 27 CASE STUDIES Responses were cited from seven primary and male orators had nothing left to say. secondary school principals: Lisa Maniapoto Although the debate was about customs, 10 (in eight items), John Naera (seven), Henare stories including four headlines described it Manawatu (seven), Brent Lewis, Robin Staples, as an issue of race relations, when race carries Keriana Tawhiwhirangi and an anonymous connotations of biology and skin colour rather principal. Responses were also cited from than differences in cultural practice. Emeritus Professor Ranginui Walker (nine items), Maori council member Titewhai Harawira, Women Tariana Turia (eight), Dover Samuels (eight), Case Study 6: weren’t Parekura Horomia and a 16-year-old student. Maori and property doing exactly what Male sources dominated the responses, despite 26 August: New Zealand Herald, page 3, the men did, therefore the focus on the role of women in powhiri. Of 34 sentences: “‘Bloodshed’ if seabed bill a total of 19 sources cited 67 times, only five passed”; Press, page 3: “Maori academic what they were doing were Maori women. Thirteen were men, seven predicts civil war” didn’t count, in its own of whom were Maori, and one source spoke 25 September: Bay of Plenty Times, page right.. Karanga, waiata, anonymously. Six of the men responding were 6, 32 sentences: Kapai’s Corner column by cited more than once compared to two of the tangi, whaikorero Tommy Wilson, “Listening to candidates women. part of the fun” [all count as ‘speaking’]. The stories reported Mallard as saying girls were Protagonists in this 12 October: New Zealand Herald, page 18, relegated to a supporting role in school powhiri, 41 sentences: half-page feature article debate have recognised criticising powhiri that went on for too long and by Renee Kiriona, “Spirituality or special only whaikorero as the exclusion of some principals from classes in treatment?” te reo. His comments about powhiri focused only ‘speaking’. on the oratory and not on any other part of the 12 October: Taupo Times, page 3, 8 ceremony. sentences: “Tuwharetoa clarifies position” There were 42 newspaper items discussing Kathie Irwin on powhiri, Mallard said that Maori traditions should not Maori property ownership, more than 10% of 1992 operate at the expense of the “traditions of New Zealand and its commitment to equality for all”. the total. Almost all (39) focused on the issues This implied that Maori traditions undermine of airspace over Lake Taupo and the Crown equality for girls, while Pakeha traditions support settlement with Te Arawa (see below). These it. Neither of the two reporters who interviewed items used only Western, capitalist concepts Mr Mallard outside the conference questioned such as the division between public property and these assumptions. private, where the owner is sovereign. Maori concepts about land were included in only five Instead, reporters’ summaries of Mallard’s items, two by Maori writers. comments supported and strengthened his argument, describing powhiri as “time-wasting Two Maori submitters to a Foreshore and and sexist” (New Zealand Herald); discriminating Seabed Bill hearing said that Maori rights to against girls (Dominion Post); and Maori culture land were passed down from the gods. Professor as dominant at some State schools (Press). Margaret Mutu was paraphrased as saying that the manawhenua status of her iwi “encompassed Mallard’s notion that schools can have either the concepts of ownership, regulation, Maori culture or equality but not both was management, control and a spiritual dimension echoed in 10 stories, with extremely dismissive best but inadequately described in English as first sentences such as: “Ensuring equality of all ‘dominion’”. students is more important than sticking to Maori traditions.” Te Arawa voices were present in only two of 30 articles on their settlement and they did Nine stories included alternative descriptions of not speak of land as possession or property in powhiri. Two Maori principals were cited eight the European sense. Rather they emphasised times saying that women were the first voices the concept of kaitiakitanga. Marsden defined heard in the karanga, and that “it can’t happen kaitiakitanga by saying that “the resources without them”. Ranginui Walker’s description of the earth did not belong to man but rather of powhiri as the “closing of the distance and the man belonged to earth”. This indicates the removal of tapu” so groups could mingle was incompatibility of Maori understandings of land available in the last sentences of eight stories. with European concepts of property ownership. One Maori principal quoted only by the Gisborne The New Zealand Herald feature explored Herald described women’s as the first and last kaitiakitanga in an interview with Te Arawa powhiri voices, being in the powerful position of Trust Board chair Anaru Rangiheuea, who being able to start the final song if they thought linked ownership to the Treaty of Waitangi.

28 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 CASE STUDIES Highlighting “taniwha”, “kaitiaki (guardians)” Seven items summarised Sir Howard Morrison’s and “wairua (ghosts)”, Rangiheuea talked about response to Brash from a television programme the spiritual connection of Te Arawa with the the night before and also cited Clark. Don Brash’s lakes. Finally he stated that “our relationship quote that Maori control of the Rotorua Lakes with the lakes goes back several hundred years. “opens the way to all kinds of blackmail and We’re married to the lakes and I long for the extortion” was repeated in 10 newspapers. This day when we are reunited with them.” Getting was not questioned by the reporter, and no source legal claim is presented as a means to secure commented on it. Te Arawa’s ongoing ancestral relationship None of these articles questioned politicians’ with the lakes and enact their role as kaitiaki. statements that settlements with iwi needed to Rangiheuea does not discuss exploiting these be “tight”. This repeated emphasis implied that resources. Maori would take advantage of any “loose” Tommy Wilson in his Bay of Plenty Times wording. Articles also shared the assumption column explored Maori concepts of ownership that “the public” was synonymous with non- in a fictional satirical anecdote. A non-Maori Maori New Zealanders, a pairing that recurred in politician visits a Bay of Plenty marae foreshore and seabed items. campaigning for the tangata whenua vote by Four articles drew on another front page lead promising environmental action. When he I will not from the Daily Post, which explored the reactions assures them “a good feed of flounder whenever of Rotorua politicians to Brash’s comments. agree to your whanau is hungry”, the audience breaks These items included reactions critical of Brash, the mana of into thundering approval. welcoming the settlement and celebrating the a strange people A kaumatua, however, challenges the good relationship between Te Arawa and Rotorua, politician’s ability to act as kaitiaki by pointing although no Te Arawa representatives were being placed to the damage done to the Te Arawa lakes. quoted. over this land.. Kaitiakitanga, aimed at sustainability and Two articles in the New Zealand Herald (12 I will consent to preservation of natural resources, especially October) reported favourably on the settlement food, for future generations, is again presented neither your acts with Te Arawa. Renee Kiriona used reactions from as a central Maori concern. nor your goods. tangata whenua to introduce her two articles; one The Taupo Times article, with a circulation page three item was headlined “National stance As for these of less than 16,000, is the only one out of 10 brings tears to Maori eyes”. blankets, stories on the Lake Taupo airspace issue to The sub-editor’s headline of her half-page feature burn them. quote Tuwharetoa iwi authorities. It is also article: “Spirituality or special treatment?” the only article to state that for the iwi to introduced the associations of unfair advantage Te Heuheu Tukino, 1840 exercise its property right is merely to act as from the “Privilege” theme outlined above. Maori is my name the Crown, local councils and private property [From This article was the only one published on that owners commonly do. The article describes the edited by John Caselberg, day to quote Te Arawa Trust Board chair Anaru “historical actions” of Tuwharetoa “as Kaitiaki p 50] Rangiheuea and was written from a Maori (stewards)” of Lake Taupo. perspective. Case study 7: The board’s refusal to comment publicly was The lakes settlements explained by the chair’s statement that the issue is “not up for debate unless you are a descendant Rotorua lakes of Te Arawa or in Government”. His descriptions of the history of the dispute and the spiritual 24 items: 12 and 20 October relationship between the iwi and the lakes helped Six articles reported Don Brash’s criticism of the reader to empathise with the struggle of Te the Crown settlement with Te Arawa following Arawa by providing context about the Treaty the Waitangi Tribunal report on the iwi claim. breaches. Based on the same text from the Dominion Post The headline was backed up by quotes from a (12 October), they depicted Brash’s speech as member of the Rotorua Lakes Protection Society a political move and discussed National Party who described the settlement offer as “special politics on the Seabed and Foreshore Bill. treatment” for the iwi. Three articles reported Helen Clark’s counter to A Daily Post opinion piece (12 October) Brash’s speech, in which she assured the public questioned the ability of Te Arawa to manage the that the settlement was fair and that they would lakes appropriately, under the headline: “Health not be negatively affected. She was quoted as is the real lake issue”. The writer emphasised the acknowledging that Te Arawa played a vital role issue of public access to the lakes and complained in the Rotorua tourism industry. about the silence from the Te Arawa Trust Board.

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 29 CASE STUDIES She dismissed the issue of ownership and claimed to a “dangerous divisive drift”. Only three that Rotorua residents agree with the headline. newspapers (Greymouth Evening Star, Gisborne Herald and the Nelson Mail), and none of the A further three articles on 20 October reported television news items focused on the upcoming that as part of the Te Arawa settlement, the negotiations as the main angle, although their original Maori names for the Rotorua lake region headlines still asserted that the tribe intended to would be accepted as official alternatives to the charge for the use of airspace. It goes back names given by Pakeha. The Rotorua Daily Post to the Treaty article was headlined “Alterations to Rotorua The story originated with the New Zealand Lake names welcomed”. The reporter called them Herald; other reports with identical lead all the time. the “new” Maori names and wrote from a Pakeha sentences sourced the story to NZPA, and You’ve got a big house, perspective: “Most of us know it as Lake Rotorua. quoted the Herald as the source of the claim. plenty of room, and But to many local Maori it is Te Rotorua nui a With no source or evidence, the original article Kahumatamomoe.” asserted that Ngati Tuwharetoa “believe” or you want a flatmate.. “say” they are entitled, and presumably because The article included nine sentences from a Te But 153 years later, they can, now want to “charge for use of Arawa Trust Board member explaining what it airspace above Lake Taupo”. we’ve got the kennel meant for tangata whenua to have the history of outside, they’ve got the areas acknowledged through the acceptance No source within Ngati Tuwharetoa was the house and they’re of the original names. The third article challenged mentioned, although the article reported that Pakeha to embrace the Maori names and asked two members of the iwi declined to comment. charging us rent. why we should not salute our history through Newspaper reports all mentioned that the And they forgot names of significance like other nations. Tuwharetoa Trust Board had been seeking clarification of property rights created by the they had a lease The articles use a total of 11 photographs; six 1992 settlement with the Crown and One News are mugshots of Brash, one of Clark and one agreement asserted that the legal opinion that confirmed of Morrison. Another of Morrison is a larger with us. ownership of the lakebed had suggested “that, smiling publicity shot. The front page Daily Post should the Trust Board wish to, it could charge reactions story includes a quarter-page picture Paparangi Reid, 1994 commercial operators to use the airspace”. of a sunlit Brash in closeup, with the lake out of focus behind him. Headlines and leads about charging for airspace used generic labels that implicated Maori people The slightly smaller picture of Anaru Rangiheuea as a whole. In headlines “tribe” (unspecified) has the same elements but conveys quite a was used four times and Maori twice. Six lead different atmosphere. He is hunched in the sentences began “Maori want to charge…” and bottom right corner, harshly lit against a backdrop 3 News began, “A bid by Maori to charge”. of the lake. The impression is one of imbalance and unease. The media audience could interpret the lack of any Ngati Tuwharetoa source as meaning that Lake Taupo airspace the iwi was being very open about their plans. 7 October: Eight newspaper and five For example, when Midday reported “The television news items Tuwharetoa Trust Board says it is in discussion with the regional council” and One News, These items reported on upcoming negotiations having discussed the possibility, reported that between Ngati Tuwharetoa, represented by the iwi “say they have no plans to charge anyone the Tuwharetoa Trust Board, and the Crown, flying above its tribal estate”. represented by the Department of Conservation. Alternatively, the audience could interpret the The writers of leads and headlines (see Table 3w) absence of an attributed source to mean that the shaped the stories in ways that portrayed Maori or iwi was hiding something; for example, when “the tribe” as threatening New Zealanders’ ability 3 News reported that the board spokesperson to enjoy recreational activities centred on Lake “would not appear on camera” and “His only Taupo. comment was that the matter had been blown A reader who quickly scanned the headlines and out of proportion”; akin to statements often lead sentences could reasonably conclude that heard from errant Ministers or CEOs. some Maori people had demanded payment for Newspaper stories, following the New use of the air over Lake Taupo. The Gisborne Zealand Herald’s lead, detailed the upcoming Herald published comments from National leader negotiations, relying entirely on Government Don Brash, who spoke as if he believed that Ngati (Crown) sources. References to or comments Tuwharetoa had indeed made this demand. from a Pakeha member of the Taupo Regional He interpreted the alleged demand as evidence Council, Shamus Howard, provided detail about of a “treaty industry” and the “thin edge of the the operation of the 1992 settlement. That wedge”, “PC nonsense” which he saw as leading included a breakdown of the fees ($1.6M for

30 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 CASE STUDIES fishing licences, $0.4M for jetties and other The original New Zealand Herald article ran three structures) divided fifty-fifty between Ngati pictures with its coverage; the Waikato Times Tuwharetoa and the Crown. and Gisborne Herald ran one each. One Herald picture was of the view of the lake through the Television coverage on Prime News, One News, carved archway on the lakefront. 3 News and Tonight used the reported reactions of politicians to substantiate the programmes’ The other four pictures were of recreational claims that the iwi was close to imposing activities – bungy jumping, paragliding and such a fee. MPs’ statements that charges were hole-in-one golf - that the headlines and captions unacceptable presumed that such charges were implied were under threat. The Waikato Times imminent. The longer programmes, One News caption read: “Paragliding is one of the activities and 3 News, included vox pop comments that tourists should pay for, says Ngati Tuwharetoa”. challenged the notion of an airspace property No writer included any information about the right, and sceptical comments by commercial legal status of property rights to airspace. Since operators about the possible charge. that was a crux of the story, the reporters did their However, the operators were mostly confident audience a disservice by failing to provide such that, if the Tuwharetoa Trust Board was taking information. As published, the reports denigrated that step, operators would be part of the Ngati Tuwharetoa and Maori more generally. negotiations.

Table 3: Headlines and lead sentences of Lake Taupo airspace stories Newspapers Headline First paragraph Bay of Plenty Tribe wants cash for Maori want to charge for use of airspace above Lake Times (p 4) use of airspace Taupo.. Greymouth Tribe wants payment The Government is to enter negotiations with central Evening Star for air rights North Island tribe Tuwharetoa over property rights.. (p 3) I represent Gisborne Tribe wants to The Government is to enter negotiations with central Herald (p 6) charge fee for Lake North Island tribe Tuwharetoa over property rights.. the tribes Taupo airspace stretching from Daily Post (p 1) Maori to charge for Maori want to charge for use of airspace above Lake Taupo down Taupo airspace? Taupo.. to Wanganui. Hawkes Bay Maori want fee for Maori want to charge for use of airspace above Lake Today (p 1) Lake Taupo airspace Taupo.. During most of Nelson Mail Airspace fees bid The Government is to enter negotiations with central the war we (p 2) North Island tribe Tuwharetoa over property rights… remained neutral, New Zealand Tribe: Pay us for air Maori want to charge for use of airspace above Lake but at times aided Herald (p 1) rights Taupo in a move that would cover floatplane landings, the government.. bungy jumping and bridges over rivers. yet, together with Waikato Times ‘How much is the air Maori want charges levied for use of air space.. (p 3) up there?’ other tribes Television Channel Lead sentence we are suffering Midday TV One Taupo tribe, Ngati Tuwharetoa, have revealed they are wrongs from the now looking to charge for use of airspace above Lake New Zealand Taupo. government, and Prime News Prime Maori want to charge for use of airspace above Lake Taupo in a move that would cover floatplane landings, I support the bungy jumping and bridges over rivers. petition now 3 News TV 3 A bid by Maori to charge for air rights over Lake Taupo presented. has led to a quick political reaction.. One News TV One Suggestions a central North Island tribe could charge for Major Topia airspace over Lake Taupo are being downplayed tonight Turoa, 1884, in England to by the tribe itself. petition Queen Victoria Tonight TV One A central North Island tribe which claims it may legally be allowed to charge for airspace over Lake Taupo says it will be some time before that actually happens.

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 31

ONCLUSIONSC

half the newspaper items included no Maori TE REO MAORI words that could be avoided; it is probable that The Maori Language Act 1987 made te reo the rest of these papers also contained very little. Maori an official language. It also enabled Michael King’s Kawe Korero recommended any witness, lawyer or party to speak Maori in 20 years ago that journalists avoid some of the courts, commissions of inquiry and tribunals, and sloppy use of te reo Maori that we found in our established Te Taura Whiri i te Reo Maori, the sample. This includes capitals in the middle of Maori Language Commission. sentences for common Maori words and lower Current Government Maori language objectives case for “Pakeha”, which we believe would include increasing the number of Maori speakers, be unlikely to get past subeditors in English. building proficiency in all language domains and Readers would complain about the use of sheeps; enhancing its development for contemporary it’s time we stopped seeing powhiris. use. The plan is to increase the range of settings While iwi was the most common untranslated in which te reo Maori is used and foster interest Maori word, the writers of 34 items preferred to and commitment to the language in the whole use “tribe”. Although “tribe” is often used by population. Maori who see it as a neutral term, it can have There remains much to be done. MacAlister’s different associations in an English language recent studies of the general population’s use of context. In the “Maori culture” theme mentioned Maori, published in the New Zealand Journal in the introduction, the word is an integral part of of English, show levels running at about six Pakeha depictions of Maori culture as primitive, words per thousand in speech and text and eight limited and irrelevant to the modern world. per thousand in newspapers. However, this is According to the Oxford Reference Dictionary, overwhelmingly made up of proper nouns, which tribe carries an implication that Maori are a were excluded from our analysis when there was primitive people. Tribe has more concrete, land- no English alternative. based and threatening connotations, whereas Maori Language Week occurred as we were iwi is also identity-based. With this in mind, we finalising this report and, as 3 News showed would encourage journalists to use “iwi”. during that time, television news could make A Dominion Post editorial in Maori in the 1970s significantly greater use of Maori. For those showed that newspapers have been prepared to seven days, newsreaders and reporters all make much more use of the language than we employed Maori greetings and made much found in our items. How can I greater use of te reo Maori in place of English possibly have had alternatives, while still, in our view, producing They could publish regular items about te reo a fair go if stories that were easy for people who did not Maori; for example, Maori whakatauki and speak Maori to understand. related English proverbs; explanations about the my mother tongue meanings, relationships and derivations of topical A further positive aspect of the 3 News bulletins has been ripped out and interesting Maori words; or items helping that week were brief aids to speaking te reo Maori readers learn Maori, including the words of of my built around reporter Mereana Hond’s bilingual waiata set to well-known tunes. We noticed none skills. The Friday broadcast at the end of the throat? of these, and believe these kinds of items would week introduced viewers to a Pakeha family find an audience among word and music-lovers. Ngahuia Te Awekotuku, where all the children had attended kura kaupapa 1994 Maori and the family speaks Maori over dinner. This was an example of how television can MAORI PERSPECTIVES inform, entertain and educate effectively. Some English words such as guardians and However, this easy use of Maori words was not sovereignty translate only part of the complex the general rule. More than half the 20 television meanings of terms such as kaitiakitanga, news items analysed lacked any at all and only rangatiratanga and mana. When the media uses seven words without English alternatives were te reo Maori terms like these, it acknowledges used in the rest. Given our selection of items the existence of these Maori ways of seeing the on topics that lend themselves to words in te reo world. The items we studied seldom did this. Maori, this shows poor support for one of our two Only five of the 353 newspaper articles, two by official languages over the other 51 weeks of the Maori writers, mention or explore these Maori year. concepts as they apply to ownership of resources. Newspapers were similarly parsimonious. Almost When Maori who used these concepts talked

32 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 CONCLUSIONS about ownership, it was as a legal means to in building trusted relationships with iwi, and secure kaitiakitanga and ongoing ancestral Maori experience of past negative coverage. ..the connection. These stories contrast with the When this is the case, a responsible journalist has monochrome viewpoint of the vast bulk of to think outside the square to get an understanding Treaty stories. of the issue and to balance such stories. has become Media discussion about powhiri was also Some journalists may also point to technical a pretext for framed by Pakeha complaints; Maori sources problems, such as the unavailability of a film crew preferential who responded had to summarise the complex when a source has agreed to go on camera. While Maori concepts involved in a few sentences or in a particular instance there may be technical, treatment for Maori seconds. institutional or personal constraints that produce across the board.. items without appropriate Maori comment, the in the draft free pattern across all the items is too clear to be SOURCES explained in this way. trade agreement McGregor and Comrie found that Maori sources It is disturbing that Maori women were cited half with Singapore.. made up almost 13% of those used in their as often as Maori men and one-third as often as proposals for 10-year broadcasting sample. Our research Pakeha men in Maori stories. Even in a debate found that, in stories that are about Maori, separate Maori about the role of Maori women, journalists cited newspapers used 37%, almost three times as almost four times the number of men and quoted seats on local many Maori sources, and television news used men more often. bodies.. the half, although our television sample was small. Our newspaper sample included only a marginally allocation of Health Pakeha men, on average, were given greater higher proportion of female sources (21%) than prominence than Maori sources in newspaper Funding Authority McGregor and Comrie found in their broadcasting stories. We believe that this reflects at least two (i.e. taxpayer) items ten years ago (18%). Almost four out of causes – the small proportion of Maori-initiated ten sources in our small television sample were money to witch stories in our sample and the preponderance women, including dissenting voices such as the of Pakeha male MPs in Parliament who are so doctors.. Harawira whanau and Margaret Mutu. often used as sources Our newspaper items relied heavily on well- Almost half the Maori television news items Lindsay Perigo, 1990 known Maori voices, supporting Whaanga’s that featured sources used non-Maori sources conclusions from radio in 1990 that journalists only. The inclusion of only two Maori sources rely on high profile Maori who are known to non- in the nine business items implied that Maori Maori audiences, as opposed to Maori who are were unable to make meaningful contributions. well-known largely in Maori communities. It is extremely unlikely that any broadcaster As well as MPs and celebrities like Sir Howard would be allowed to present a similar number Morrison, the Harawira whanau were sourced ..there were of items about “mainstream New Zealand” in two television items with no background, so that had no Pakeha sources. Yet this under- two partners to the journalists obviously believed the television representation of Maori goes unquestioned. It is audience would know who they were. Three Treaty of Waitangi the norm to have only Pakeha talking in almost Harawira whanau members were also cited in ten and only one one in five stories about a Maori issue. newspaper items. We plan in future research to partner directly For some of our Maori stories sample, iwi analyse the range of sources used in Maori stories representatives could not comment because they in more detail. benefited.. were bound by Treaty negotiation agreements Until the Maori side not to say anything publicly about proposed of the partnership settlements. THEMES benefits to the While this is an explanation for the lack of Existing themes balance, we believe this situation was exploited same extent, we’re by many journalists in our items because they Our items included prominent television and dealing from an newspaper stories that drew upon and reproduced could indicate they had tried for balancing asymmetrical, comment and failed. However, none of those persistent negative themes about Maori from stories mentioned that Maori spokespeople were everyday Pakeha talk, first described 16 years ago. unjust and unable to comment because of the terms of the The most commonly reproduced themes were completely negotiation. “Privilege” and “Maori inheritance”. They were evoked by phrases such as “race debate”, which disadvantaged For other Maori stories, working journalists hark back to discredited ideas that the qualities position. may point to a reluctance or a refusal by Maori of different “races” arose from their different to speak to reporters at all. Derek Fox in 1992 biology. These terms give an implicitly biological Ngahuia and more recent commentators see two reasons framing to political disagreements, differences Te Awekotuku, 1994 for this – the difficulty for transient journalists in cultural practice or the allocation of resources.

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 33 CONCLUSIONS None of the items where these terms were used organisations as poor managers, implying either were about discrimination on the basis of skin corruption or financial incompetence. colour. Maori success When writers left these concepts unchallenged, or used them in headlines, leads or analysis, they The “Maori success” theme included stories supported these themes and abandoned neutrality. presenting Maori artists, business people When these terms are used to frame media and tertiary students and staff as successful, The call for coverage of Treaty issues, there is little room for progressive and innovative. The businesses Maori control over alternative understandings. were largely individual or small businesses, rather than iwi or urban Maori initiatives. One Maori image is one When the Treaty was signed, it was a contract of the television news items about a strike which challenges between two sovereign nations. In Maori eyes, showed some overseas visitors being presented this contract remains the basis of the relationship the existing power with a wero. This was a positive representation between tangata whenua and non-Maori cultures. of Maori practices as an inclusive and non- dynamics and which However, we did not find the term “Treaty-based” threatening part of a New Zealand cultural asserts a need in any of our media items. While terms such identity. for structural change as “race relations” are still in common use, we strongly encourage journalists to avoid terms such We acknowledge and applaud these positive within image as “race debate”, and instead use phrases such as depictions. At the same time, we want to make industries. “Treaty debate” or “culture clash”. it clear that we don’t expect and wouldn’t wish Maori news items to be an incessant parade of Emerging themes positivity. Not that there is much danger of this. Leonie Pihama, 1996 Maori resources “GOOD” AND “BAD” The Taupo airspace items as a group drew heavily NEWS on the “Maori resources” theme to present an unsubstantiated and decidedly unbalanced Our analysis classified 46% of the newspaper story that positioned the iwi as threatening New and all but one of the television Maori stories Zealanders’ access to activities on and around as “bad news”. We recognise that “bad news” the lake. The absence of iwi comment allowed stories about conflict, disagreements and official opposing sources to make extravagant claims mudslinging are a significant and legitimate about Crown Law Office advice that may affect part of all news coverage. However, Ranginui future business decisions. Walker and others point to “bad news” as a higher proportion of Maori news stories. The story is also written in a way that implicates Our analysis provides a baseline for future Maori as a whole, an important aspect of comparisons of Maori stories. the Pakeha themes that undermine Maori, as identified in the introduction. Were the story McGregor and Comrie coded over half the about a large corporation, written in a way which television stories in their item as “bad news”, a implicates all large corporations, those failings third “good news” and a smaller number neutral. would be seen immediately as unacceptable. This As they did not state their criteria, we cannot construction of Maori control as a threat was a compare these value judgements. Ten years on, core part of the 2003 Ngati Pukenga complaint to however, the comparison with our small, almost the Broadcasting Standards Authority. all “bad news” television sample does not bode well. These stories about threat contrast with a few items that referred matter-of-factly to Maori control of resources returned in Treaty CONFLICT settlements. One item was neutral about the right Descriptions of conflicts between Maori in of Ngai Tahu to consultation about management the items were often intensive and detailed, of Aoraki/Mt Cook National Park; one reported portraying Maori as factional. These items, the “ecstatic” reaction of some Kapiti-area iwi at in combination with items expressing the the passing of the Maori Fisheries Act; and three “Financial probity” theme repetitively framed others were positive about name changes around Maori as unworthy recipients of Treaty the Rotorua lakes. settlements, unable to manage their own affairs effectively and honourably. This worked to Financial probity undermine the value of returning power and The “Financial probity” theme was expressed resources to Maori. mainly in stories about supposed mismanagement Articles about conflict between Maori of urban Maori, hapu and iwi assets, not about rarely provided the reader with background Maori in small business. They portray large Maori

34 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 CONCLUSIONS information on any Government role in setting A 2004 poll found that New Zealanders over- the terms for conflict, or any iwi history or estimated their knowledge about the Treaty. politics. Depictions of Maori as divided are UMR’s Treaty of Waitangi Awareness Research congruent with the “Good Maori/Bad Maori” found that over half of respondents believed theme outlined in our introduction. We found they had a good knowledge of the Treaty and very few depictions of support and co-operation settlement processes, yet less than half could within and between Maori organisations. name the Waitangi Tribunal, only a third could give the date the Treaty was signed and less than The coverage of the Foreshore and Seabed a third could name Hobson as the Crown’s chief Bill, which many Maori argued was another ‘Maori negotiator. land grab by the Crown, focused not on the have merits of this argument but on the potential Studies of the attitudes of New Zealanders to the the longest contract for disruption. Fiske said in 1987: “The state Treaty suggest misunderstanding and mistrust of equilibrium is not itself newsworthy, and of its place in our society. The UMR research with the Crown is never described except implicitly in its project Human Rights and the Treaty of Waitangi in this country’s opposition to the state of disequilibrium, which, found that most respondents struggled to relate history. Make sure typically, is described in detail.” the Treaty to a human rights frame and that they were jaded with its prominence in public affairs. you get put into In the Foreshore and Seabed Bill stories, In 2004, Hammerton and Fowler reported the scuffles at the hearing and predictions of your contract, same general findings, adding that there was civil war were constructed as disrupting the not performance little understanding of how the Treaty related to equilibrium of peaceful committee hearings. everyday life. indicators for you, Iwi with significant coastal land which they have been managing for centuries might define The public’s understanding and the patterns of but performance the equilibrium differently. coverage in our items form a very tight loop. The indicators for them, media includes very little context but frequently In the Lake Taupo story, the concept of the Crown.’ Everyone frames Treaty settlements as threats. The public Ngati Tuwharetoa charging for the use of its knows little and is tired of it all. thought it was very rightful property is constructed as disrupting funny but it’s deadly equilibrium. Such an action on the part of any We are not advocating that journalists throw large corporation would usually be portrayed as words such as “colonisation” into articles at every serious because good business practice. The decision about what opportunity. Without the space or time to make the government can is identified as disequilibrium is an ideological those mentions meaningful, this would soon move the one and resides with those who hold power. create the same kind of “deafness” that can greet mentions of the Treaty. People turn off because goalposts. they don’t know enough about the issue to SILENCES understand the point being made. Paparangi Reid, to the Sir Hugh Kawharu defines tino rangatiratanga, Public Health Association, However, it seems clear that journalists should not from article II of Te Tiriti o Waitangi, as 1994 assume an understanding of Treaty clauses and the “full and unqualified exercise of Maori history among their audiences. We believe that the chieftainship”. When Maori step outside constricted and superficial description of Treaty their accepted cultural role of welcoming issues in our sample, when consumed repeatedly visitors and singing waiata and assert their by media audiences, has a political impact in that tino rangatiratanga, it threatens existing power it supports existing power relations. structures. One of the silences in our items was about Stories we would have Pakeha colonisation of Aotearoa; analyses or liked to see acknowledgement of colonisation as a process that disrupted Maori culture, health, education, We acknowledge that many possible Maori stories legislation and social fabric are virtually may not arise during a two-week sampling period. absent. Despite more than 100 references to the There were several positive stories about tertiary Treaty in our items, there were only a handful education in our sample but few stories about kura which mentioned what it says. Very few items kaupapa Maori successes, for example. The media that mentioned the Treaty had any detail of covered a major Government-initiated hui but systematic breaches by the Crown and later very few other hui called by Maori were reported. the New Zealand government, and tangata There were no items related to the ferment of whenua rights to redress. More space was given urban Maori creativity expressed in climbing sales to items that implied or quoted sources who for Maori music, arts and performance. said that Maori have gained enough resources Of course, anyone can construct a list like this. already and been reimbursed generously by the There are always more stories out there than pages Government in Treaty settlements. or time to fit them, and some of these stories could have appeared the week following our sample.

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 35 CONCLUSIONS These gaps may become more or less obvious as Hodgetts found that Maori sources using our research is repeated over time. However, as structural explanations were matched by well as focusing on what is reported, we need a opposing sources, while non-Maori sources way to identify stories which are newsworthy for blaming lack of personal responsibility stood Maori but do not make it into mainstream news alone. Evidence that Maori exercised more than media. Pakeha and ate less fast food was ignored, as Maori and were Maori models of health. Pakeha are both STATISTICS Public health services are moving towards indigenous people comparing current Maori health data with We found passing references to Maori in articles to New Zealand now. earlier figures as well as with Pakeha figures. on social and health issues, which implicitly We would encourage journalists to use these I regard myself assumed a level playing field. In these stories, comparisons between Maori data when they Maori were repeatedly described as lagging as an indigenous are available, rather than continue to choose behind Pakeha on most social indicators, with New Zealander - comparisons with Pakeha figures, so that their little or no context about why that may be so. stories don’t perpetuate this stigmatisation. I come from This had a cumulative stigmatising effect and Wainuiomata. reinforced explanations that blame Maori for poverty and poor health. ASPECTS OF BALANCE Trevor Mallard, 2004 We acknowledge that journalists who are asked to As well as the emphasis on negative themes summarise large reports in under 100 words or a identified above, we found other elements in our few minutes for these kinds of stories face major media items which we consider contribute to an difficulties in outlining the greater needs of some imbalance across the sample. Maori without adding to this negative picture. Many Maori see any changes in Treaty Some of the source publications being described processes as requiring negotiation between the in our items took pains to report Maori data two parties to the contract. However, when an in context. They either compared current and MP from one political party talked about setting historical Maori data to show trends, emphasised a time limit for Treaty claims, the media went contextual variables such as location and only to leaders of other major political parties socio-economic status, or explored the roles of for comment and included no iwi spokespeople colonisation and marginalisation in creating and in these stories. This is an example of the media maintaining disparities. Examples that took this ignoring one Treaty partner’s views on the approach included – contract.  The 2003 MSD Social Report Journalists in our sample published opposing  The Ministry of Health’s 2003 report Decades comment when two MPs made serious ..the government of Disparity denigratory comments about Maori or Maori  The Centre for Housing Research Aotearoa cultural practices. However, the comments did said it would ensure New Zealand’s Accommodation Options for not deal with this denigration and journalists did that Maori have Older People, released in 2004 not question the MPs about it. If Maori sources  the opportunity to enjoy The Public Health Advisory Committee’s said that Pakeha processes undermined equality 2004 report The Health of People and for girls or that Pakeha control of a resource at least the same Communities. would open the way for blackmail, we believe it would be unlikely to stand unchallenged in this level of heatlh These publications all reported Maori data way. as non-Maori. It wasn’t separately. Some provided comparisons with a Crown guarantee. Pakeha figures while others left the reader to Much of the coverage in our items reports make comparisons between groups. from within a Pakeha cultural paradigm. It is They only guaranteed a considerable escalation, however, to give A 2004 analysis of media coverage of Decades we’d have the opportunity space to deliberately provocative opinion cast of Disparity by Hodgetts and others shows that in terms calculated to offend. Without critical to have equity. most of the news releases from report contributors commentary, such material can strengthen stressed the need to understand the data within They moved those existing prejudices and cause pain in ways that a Maori frame rather than the default setting of goalposts undermine respect and reconciliation. implicit comparison with Pakeha. again! Hodgetts’ team found a tension in initial Paparangi Reid, 1994 coverage, which included 12 of our items, STANDARDS between competing structural and lifestyle Independent media guidelines usually require explanations for health disparities. Later the attribution of all sources; for example, Jim commentary, not within our sampling period, Tully’s 1989 Guidelines for Reporting Race blamed lifestyle choices and the ineffectiveness of Relations stated: “Don’t publish unverified Maori health services. rumour.”

36 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 CONCLUSIONS Yet two of the major stories in our sample training by groups such as the Journalism Training used unverified assertions and rumours as Organisation on reporting Maori news, statistics, key elements. The New Zealand Herald’s use of te reo Maori, and other issues raised in this Lake Taupo story was based on an unverified report. assertion that Ngati Tuwharetoa intended to Given the greater number of Maori concepts and charge for air rights, and the Tonight item used terms used by Maori journalists, another major unsourced “rumours” in opposition to Ani issue is the need for more Maori journalists in Waaka’s statement that she was resigning from mainstream media. Little progress seems to have MTV for personal reasons. been made in recruiting, training and retaining It is interesting that the similar unverified adequate numbers of Maori journalists in and sensationalised story that McGregor and mainstream media organisations. Comrie found in their survey also focused on Pakeha response to a Maori land claim and carried no Maori comment. INDICATORS Our research has suggested possible indicators Given the scope for interpretation of the various that could be used to assess the extent to which principles and guidelines, where wording is coverage of a particular story departed from the profoundly value-laden, it is unlikely that any ideals of balance and fairness to promote negative complaint about systematic negative media depictions of Maori. We plan to develop such depictions of Maori would be upheld. There is indicators into research-based workable systems little in the way of penalties or levers for change that can quickly and reliably assess the balance available through this avenue. and fairness of specific examples of Maori news We believe that the New Zealand Press coverage. To enable possible indicators derived Council’s Principle 1, about “accuracy, fairness from one set of stories to be tested on another, we and balance” could be invoked in relation will need to collect at least three media samples. to our research results. In addition Principle Six elements might be developed as indicators: 8, advising publications to avoid gratuitous use of te reo Maori; use of sources; use of key emphasis on race, is also relevant. However, terms from themes that undermine Maori; we prefer to work with journalists about these responsiveness to issues in Maori communities; issues rather than make complaints. “bad” news; and the relation between the body of Pakeha The Charter requirement that TVNZ provide in- the story and headlines, teasers or other proxies perceptions depth coverage of news promoting many-sided for content that are used to attract audiences. of Maori will not debate was not evidenced in the TVNZ news Te reo Maori indicators could include the use of items analysed. This is especially disturbing change unless words expressing core Maori concepts in stories given that the majority of items analysed were there is a radical where Maori perspectives differ from Pakeha screened during prime time. However, we ones, a preference for English words and phrases change in the acknowledge that we did not analyse television where accessible Maori alternatives exist, and the current affairs programmes broadcast during culture of the general level of use of te reo Maori. our sampling period. We plan to do this with mainstream our next sample. The dominance of Pakeha men in images and as media. sources and their primacy in the items suggest that it might be possible to develop a sources indicator. TRAINING This would include the use of inadequate or no Ranginui Walker, 2002 Many of the items in our sample point to a need Maori sources and an analysis of images. for ongoing in-service training for journalists, Some stories from our sample used terms like and more rigorous discussion among journalists, “special treatment” to apply to Maori who receive and between the media and its audiences about settlements after Treaty breaches. Another similar coverage of Maori issues. Many journalists term is “race-based” applied to resources resulting may have little understanding of te reo Maori or from Article 3 of the Treaty, which guarantees of appropriate behaviour on the marae, which Maori equal rights of citizenship. These and makes it difficult to operate in Maori contexts. similar terms, when supported by the construction Many Maori issues have long, complicated of stories, could be developed into indicators. histories which are not common knowledge. The gross discrepancies between the headlines Adequate and balanced coverage requires and leads for the Lake Taupo airspace items and journalists to learn these protocols and read the actual reports encourage us to explore ways about the background to these stories to convey to develop such misleading features into another this context. indicator. We look forward to the revision of Kawe Korero, and support enhanced in-service

MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 37 CONCLUSIONS We believe that tracking Maori stories during our sampling periods through Maori news systems and community networks could be used to develop an indicator of responsiveness to issues in Maori communities. Finally, it is clear that rates of “bad news” items in our samples over time will track some aspects of the way in which reporting of Maori issues is managed. We look forward to collaborating with journalists, editors, news producers and journalism educators on the development of these indicators and other issues raised in this report. It is consistent with the principles of the Treaty that the language and matters of Maori interest should have a secure place in broadcasting.

Mason Durie, 1998

38 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 GLOSSARY

Awa: River Rangatiratanga: Chieftainship Haka: Physical demonstration of a challenge Ropu/Roopu: Group accompanied by chanting Runaka/Runanga: Council, assembly Hangi: Earth oven and the food inside it Taiaha: Long club Hapu: Sub-tribe Tamariki: Child, children Hikoi: Walk, march Tangata whenua: Indigenous people of the land Hui: Meeting i.e. Maori Hupe: Discharge of mucus from the nose to the Taniwha: Water monster earth Taonga: Treasured item Iwi: A nation of people with a shared identify Tauiwi: Non-Maori and genealogy; tribe Te reo Maori: Maori language Kai moana: Sea food Te Tiriti o Waitangi: The Maori text of the Kaitiaki: Guardian, minder Treaty, recognised in international law. Kaitiakitanga: Guardianship Tikanga: Custom, rule Kapa haka: Specialists in poi and hand dance; Whakapapa: Genealogy Maori cultural performance group Whakatauki: Maori proverb, prophecy Kaiwhakahaere: Organiser, worker Whanau: Family that extends beyond the concept Karanga: Call of welcome of the nuclear or biological family. The epic Kaupapa: Topic, rule, plan Waiata: Song seagoing journeys Kaumatua: Male or female elder, a repository Wairua: Spirituality of knowledge of our tipuna Wahi/Waahi tapu: Restricted or sacred place or Korowai: Cloak are amongst the site most dramatic Koru: Fern frond symbol Wero: Challenge in the repertoire Kuia: Elderly woman, often used to mean female elder, a repository of knowledge of all human achievement. Kura: School These tipuna had Mana: Power, influence all the building Manawhenua: Customary authority over an area blocks of a powerful future: confidence in Marae: Place of Maori practice, often including a carved meeting house, marae atea (sacred themselves, space in front of the meeting house), dining their way of life, room and ablution facilities. their dream and Maunga: Mountain their right Moko: Tattoo to fulfil it. Pa: Fortified village, fortification Irihapeti Ramsden, 1994 Pakeha: White people, European Pipi: Cockle Piupiu: Flax skirt Powhiri: Maori process of welcoming Pukana: Wide-eyed stare Rangatira: Chief

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MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 41 ABOUT KUPU TAEA KUPU ABOUT

Kupu Taea: Angela Moewaka Barnes, left, Raymond Nairn, Mandi Gregory, Frank Pega, Tim McCreanor and Jenny Rankine.

Angela Moewaka Barnes Dr Raymond Nairn (Ngapuhi) Consultant, Media Meanings, Kingsland, Angela has practical experience in film and Auckland. Raymond has studied and published video production. She completed her MA in film, on race discourse and media analyses for more television and media studies at the University than 13 years, and more recently has extensively of Auckland in 2004. Her thesis analysed Maori analysed media depictions of mental illness in documentaries screened on mainstream television Aotearoa/New Zealand. during prime time. She is enrolled in a PhD focusing on Maori short and feature films. Frank Pega Frank gained expertise in qualitative research, Mandi Gregory especially discourse analysis, through tertiary Mandy has gained expertise in qualitative study and work as a researcher for Auckland research, especially discourse analysis, at Te and Massey Universities. He investigated rural Ropu Whariki, a Massey University social non-Maori GP discourses on Maori health in research group. his honours dissertation and has since worked on a number of studies in mental, public and Dr Tim McCreanor indigenous health. He is a public health policy Tim carried out a major analysis of submissions analyst for Waikato DHB. to the Human Rights Commission on the 1979 Haka Party, which identified enduring Pakeha Jenny Rankine patterns of ideas about relations with Maori. He Jenny is a freelance researcher, editor, writer is involved in research projects on the health and graphic designer with more than 20 years’ of Maori men and alcohol marketing to young experience in print media and public relations. people, and is supervising several PhD projects. He is based at Te Ropu Whariki, Massey University, and is also an honorary Research Fellow at the University of Auckland Department of Psychology.

42 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004