Manfred Hommel: Industrial Estates in Central Clydeside 193

Literatur Livingstone, J. M. und A. J. M. Sykes: East Kilbride 70: An Economic and Social Survey. O. O. u. J. (East Kil Bale, John R.: Towards a Definition of the Industrial bride 1970). Estate: A Note on a Urban Neglected Aspect of Geog Manners, Gerald, David Keeble, Brian Rodgers und raphy. In: Geography 59. 1974. S. 31-34. Kenneth Warren: in Britain. - Regional Development : Industrial Estate Development and Location in Post London 1972. War Britain. In: Geography 62. 1977. S. 87-92. McCrone, Gavin: Regional Policy in Britain. 4. Aufl. Christopher Some Post-War in the = Carter, J.: Changes London 1973. University of Glasgow Social and Industrial Geography of the Clydeside Conurbation. In: Economic Studies 15. Scottish Geographical Magazine 90. 1974. S. 14-26. Niesing, Hartmut: Die Gewerbeparks ^industrial estates') Corporation of Glasgow, Planning Department: Planning als Mittel der staatlichen regionalen Industrialisierungs Industrial Land. 1973. Policy Report: Glasgow politik, dargestellt am Beispiel Grofibritanniens. Berlin = East Kilbride and Stonehouse Development Corporation: 1970. Schriften zu Regional- und Verkehrsproblemen Industrial Survey. East Kilbride 1974 (unveroff. Mskr.). in Industrie- und Entwicklungslandern 7. Henderson, Robert A.: The Amount and Structure of In Robertson, C. J.: New Industries and New Towns in Scot on dustry the Lyon Industrial Estates in Glasgow. Glas land's Industrial Growth. In: Scottish Geographical Ma gow 1971 (unveroff. Mskr.). gazine 80. 1964. S. 114-123. - : Industrial from 1958-1968. In: Overspill Glasgow: Scottish Industrial Estates Corporation: Opportunity 1975. Urban Studies 11. 1974. S. 61-79. Glasgow o. J. (1975). - Hottes, Karlheinz: Industrial Estate Industrie- und Ge Siedlungsverhand Ruhrkohlenhezirk (Hrsg.): Konzeption einer neuen In: werbepark. Typ Standortgemeinschaft. zur Industrieansiedlung. Ansatze einer Neuorientierung Ruhrkohlenbezirk S. 191-222. Siedlungsverband (1977). in der Wirtschaftsforderung. Essen 1977. Howard, R. S.: The Movement of Manufacturing Industry Trotman-Dickenson, Donata Irena: Development of the in the United 1945-65. London: HMSO 1968. Kingdom Scottish Industrial Estates 1936-1952. Diss. Edinburgh Huttermann, Armin: Zum Begriff ?Industriepark". In: 1956 (unveroff. Mskr.). - Geographisches Taschenbuch 1977/78. Wiesbaden 1977. : The Scottish Industrial Estates. In: Scottish Journal of S. 223-240. Political Economy 8. 1961. S. 45-56. Paul Gunter Jansen, und Klaus Illerhaus: Industrie Welch, Richard V.: Immigrant Manufacturing Industry - und Gewerbeparks in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Established in Scotland between 1945 and 1968: Some Erfahrungen und ihre Obertragbarkeit auf das Ver Structural and Locational Characteristics: In: Scottish bandsgebiet. In: Siedlungsverband Ruhrkohlenbezirk Geographical Magazine 86. 1970. S. 134-148. S. - : (1977). 143-189. Manufacturing Change on Greater Clydeside in the 1950s and 1960s. In: Scottish 90. KdjpPER, Utz Ingo: Regionale Geographie und Wirtschafts Geographical Magazine 1974. S. 168-179. forderung in Grofibritannien und Irland. Wiesbaden = 1970. Kolner zur Forschungen Wirtschafts- und So West Central Scotland Plan. Supplementary Report 1: The 10. zialgeographie Regional Economy. Glasgow 1974.

THE : BIRTH AND DEATH OF A HUMAN LANDSCAPE

With 5 figures and 5 tables

Russell King and Susan Young

Die Aolischen Inseln: Geburt und Tod Zusammenfassung: tischen Riickgang; die Zahlung im Jahre 1971 ergab 12 230 einer Kulturlandschaft. Einwohner. Das Ziel vieler Auswanderer war Australien. Die von Aufeinanderfolge Ausdehnung und Einschrankung Im Hinblick auf Studien konnen kleine In der unter geographische Landnutzung wird besonderer Beriicksichtigung seln als Modelle im verkleinerten Mafistab wer von betrachtet Salina, der zweitgrofiten Insel der Gruppe, beschrieben. den, bei denen das Zusammenwirken von Mensch und Um die war , Hauptinsel, erfolgreicher in der Erhaltung welt beinahe wie in einem Laboratorium werden seiner analysiert Bevolkerung, doch auch hier haben einige Siedlungen kann. In dem Mafie wie die auch Bevolkerung wachst, wird starke Einbuften erlitten. 1971 trat jedoch eine Wende ein, die - wenn Landschaft umgewandelt und Auswanderung nach der die wieder zuzunehmen be - Bevolkerung langsam die abnehmen lafit wieder dem Verfall Der Tourismus Bevolkerung preis gann. und ein Nachlassen der Auswanderung Dieser Kreislauf wird am der gegeben. Beispiel Aolischen sind die Hauptgriinde dafiir. Der Fremdenverkehr stellt Inseln einem von beschrieben, Archipel sieben bewohnten, jedoch ein Paradox dar: Urlauber besuchen die Inseln sowohl vulkanischen Inseln, die im Norden Siziliens liegen. Die ihrer seltsamen vulkanischen Landschaft als der Ruhe und anfangs stetige sich im des Friedens doch allzu Bevolkerungszunnahme beschleunigte wegen; energische Forderung des 19. und erreichte im 1900 das Maximum Jahrhundert Jahre Fremdenverkehrs wird eben diese Anziehungspunkte zer von iiber 20 000 Einwohnern. Seitdem gab es einen drama storen. 194Erdkunde Band 33/1979

Small islands form an attractive focus for geo Principalsettlements ^ S% au u u^/STROMBOLI Quite apart from their undoubted Above1000 inhabitants graphical study. 300-1000inhabitants act as fascination and mystique, they small scale * Below300 inhabitants models where the man-nature interaction can be anal PANAREA/jJ as a sense ysed almost in a laboratory. In their isola are no QjF.UCUO. f tion is absolute; there problems of regional ALICUDI^' ,s? ^SAL|NA | ~~ form 'closed' as to definition; they opposed 'open' 38? 30' LIPARI on systems. The abundant ecological work small is a lands is recognition of these properties. VULCANO^), Two features, isolation and small size, are basic to acute insularity. Smallness implies spatial constraints on islanders' to increase in the attempts production 0 30 face of needs or ^?^ ^ development population pressure Kilometres C\. ^-w/"^V The interaction between a (Gourou 1965). varying _^^~| population and a fixed land resource produces marked 1: so Fig. The Aeolian Islands landscape changes. As population increases the an landscape is transformed, often with intensity unknown on the mainland; as population dwindles so the humanised landscape falls apart. This geo other islands (Vulcano, Stromboli, Panarea, Filicudi, - graphical cyle the creation and decline of the human Alicudi). Salina, the second largest island, is divided - communes: landscape is very characteristic of the Aeolian into three separate , a Islands, Mediterranean archipelago located north and . This unequal administrative division of Sicily. has implications for the availability of demographic Isolation, the second characteristic of insularity, data and other statistics. means that islands generally suffer from the economic Traditionally interest in these islands stemmed from two problems of a marginal location. Islands also tend to characteristics: their unique natural landscape, as numerous be cultural backwaters. They often survive little derived from volcanoes, both active and en ethnographic museums, for here traditions survive extinct; and their archaeological importance. The whereas elsewhere they have been swept away. tire archipelago is of volcanic origin, although only Stromboli now is still persistently active. Generally the of volcanic declines westward The Aeolian Islands intensity activity within the archipelago (Pilcher 1967). Vulcano, for The archipelago takes its name from Aeolus, the example, last erupted in 1888, but still emits thick legendary god of wind which mythology identifies sulphurous gases with fumaroles at and just below sea with these islands (Phillips 1956). There are seven level. Lipari and Salina have hot springs, Alicudi inhabited islands (Table 1) and numerous uninhabited small effusions of cold gas. The volcanic resource of rocky islets. Vulcano, the southernmost island, is 20 obsidian and a strategic position on prehistoric trade km. from Capo Milazzo on the north coast of Sicily routes prescribed great importance for these islands a (Fig. 1). Administratively the archipelago belongs to in early times. The citadel at Lipari, vertical accre the Sicilian province of , but the local munic tion of cultures from theNeolithic to the present, is one most ipal organisation is rather strange. Lipari commune of the important archaeological sites in the includes the main island of Lipari togetherwith five Mediterranean Sea. Ecologically the islands present considerable con straints to economic The two Table 1: The Aeolian Island: Basic Characteristics activity. principal prob blems are steep slopes and shortage of water. Rainfall over mm. the archipelago averages 500-600 annually, Island Area Population Density with annual variations of to 50?/o on this amount. (sq.km.) (1971) (per sq.km.) up The problem of scarce, unreliable rainfall on volcanic Lipari 37.3 8568 232.1 tuff and fissured lava with no impervious substrata Salina 26.4 2193 83.1 an acute inevitably produces shortage of agricultural, Stromboli 12.2 393 32.2 water. industrial and domestic Summer drought and Vulcano 20.9 434 20.8 spasmodic winter precipitation promote gulleying and Panarea 3.4 268 78.8 soil erosion. water is obtained Filicudi 9.5 24525.8 Drinking mostly rainfall collection from flat house and Alicudi 5.1 12925.3 through tops reser Aeolian Islands 114.8 12230 106.5 cisterns, and the Monte Sant' Angelo catchment voirs on Lipari. Additional supplies, especially neces are from Source: Censimento Generate della Popolazione 1971. sary during summer, brought by tanker ships Rome: ISTAT. Sicily. a Russell King and Susan Young: The Aeolian Islands: Birth and death of human landscape 195

Birth of a Landscape and fish to various parts of the Mediterranean sea bord. Although the Aeolian Islands were important in - Neolithic times, threat of volcanic activity in parti The Aeolian Dilemma cular a violent eruption on Lipari in the ninth century - B.C. the Greek colonisation till 580 B.C., delayed Such was the picture until the turn of the century, on two centuries later than mainland Sicily. Settle when the situation started to change. One would have ment continued Roman and Christian throughout thought that improved communications, which devel times, but for long centuries during the Byzantine and oped particularly after Italian Unification in 1861, Arab the islands were drastically depopulated. periods would, by linking the islands to the outside world A repopulation took place under the Spaniards in the and by facilitating exports, have brought benefit to sixteenth and thereafter century population grew rap was not so. crux the Aeolian archipelago. But this The idly from 8,000 in 1400 to 12,000 in 1600 and to of the problem of small island communities is that nearly 17,000 in 1871 (Mikus 1969a, p.22). The contact with outside breaks down their equilibrium demographic apex was reached in the first decade of of self-sufficiency. Agricultural items, produced on the present century when the islands contained just themainland at a larger and more efficient scale than over 20,000 inhabitants census: 20,455; 1911 (1901 minute Aeolian farms, undersold the pro census: laboriously 20,570). duced local crops. The penetration of cheap manufac were no connec Isolation (there regular maritime tured goods destroyed the islands' artisan trades. tions with Sicily or mainland before the mid Emigration too was facilitated as about meant knowledge nineteenth century) self-sufficiency and so this opportunities on the mainland and abroad replaced rapid population growth led to the application of the islanders' formerly restricted space perspective. immense of labour in order to wrest the quantities were reasons too. There other The replacement of wherewithal to survive from the rocky lava soil. Scrub sailing ships by larger steam-powered vessels made was cleared and extinct volcanoes terraced to their trade with the small ill-equipped Aeolian harbours summits. Vines were the main Millions of very crop. difficult. of declined. were Export agricultural produce rough-hewn boulders and pieces of lava thrust The phylloxera epidemic destroyed many vineyards into terrace walls by generations of farmers: their by in the 1890s. When soil exhaustion and crop failure own hands made the There was a they landscape. to a eco ensued, due the over-farming of delicate pattern to this as farmers agricultural expansion system, land was abandoned those who out core areas marginal by moved from closely settled (on Lipari, turned their attentions elsewhere, chiefly overseas. In for example, Lipari town, Canneto, Quattropani and Lipari and most other Aeolian islands the population Pianoconte) to marginal farming land on higher, started to fall from 1911 (Table 2). On Salina, more steeper There was also a movement slopes. colonising linked to the vine trade than the other islands, outwards from to the other islands. the closely Lipari By was decline registered twenty years earlier. 1890s cultivation had reached its maximum areal ex tent. On terraces went Salina flights of continuously to 750 from sea-level m., taming slopes of up to 50?. Emigration Fishing became important too, the harvest of the sea supplementing the protein-deficient diet of the land. Migration has been a continuing phenomenon in A uniquely autarchic island economy, culture and the Aeolian Islands. As early as 1763 83 families landscape was thus built up. comprising 400 persons moved fromLipari to colonise An interesting documentation of the flourishing Ustica, an isolated volcanic island 60 km. north of and oecumene at this time is expanding provided by (Trasselli 1966, p.20). Overseas migration the detailed cartographic and toponomastic surveys of developed strongly in the late nineteenth century, Archduke Ludwig Salvator of Hapsburg who mapped becoming most intense in the years immediately 650 names locality and recorded another 1900 in his preceeding the First World War. Between 1901 and text on eight-volume the islands (Salvator 1893-6). 1914 over 10,000 persons left the Aeolian Islands, He also described at an amount the economic situation the time. equivalent to half the 1911 census popu Small Few agricultural processing industries made wine, lation. returned permanently. In the present olive oil, flour and cheese. Artisan trades such as century population decline has been inexorable: boatbuilding flourished. Pumice-mining developed in 20,570 in 1911, 17,690 in 1931, 14,782 in 1951 and the north-east quadrant of Lipari. Sulphur was mined 12,230 in 1971. Between 1961 and 1971 there was on Vulcano and salt produced from evaporation in a net outmovement of 2,545, 18.5?/o of the 1961 at corner pans the south-east of Salina. Commercial population. Only Lipari and Vulcano have not been services shipping expanded between 1820 and 1880, heavily affected by depopulation: the former because in on a particular Stromboli which had fleet of 70-80 it is the principal island, the administrative centre of 100-200 tons ships trading wine, olive oil, lemons and the target for some migration from the other 196 Erdkunde Band 3311979

Table 2: Population of the Aeolian Islands 1871-1971

1871 19311911 1951 1961 1971 1971 1911 /o

Lipari 7671 10400 10245 9393 9172 82.48568 Salina 4907 43003589 2983 2737 51.02193 Vulcano 188 368 273 413 356 434 159.0 Stromboli 1999 24471173 659 560393 16.1 Panarea 397 641790 359 272 33.9268 Filicudi 1166 15471094 644 447 15.8245 Aliculi 599 580813 331 230 15.9129 Aeolian Islands 16,837 20,570 17,690 14,782 13,774 12,230 59.5

Source: Partly after Mikus (1969a, p. 25).

islands; the latter because of tourism and because its hydrofoil services has greatly facilitated inter-island population is so low anyway. movement. Before World War One the dominant flow was to Much of the movement to Sicily and Italy is the Americas, chiefly to the U.S.A. and Argentina temporary in nature: students studying at university, (Mori 1919, pp. 54-55). Since the Second World War fishermen and tourist employees moving away for roughh; half the migrants have gone to Australia, a part of the year. The socio-economic and cultural movements to pattern very different from the rest of Sicily and implications of these temporary tend to more Southern Italy, most of whose emigrants go France, be far less than for the longer distance, perma a Germany and Switzerland1). nent migrants who leave for period of several In the overall spatial context of migration, several years in the United States or Australia. as a distinct processes can be identified: migration within Emigration, is well-known, has demultiplier as individual islands; migration between islands; migra effect on the whole economy. Services such shops, concerns tion to Sicily and mainland Italy; and emigration artisan activities, agricultural processing abroad. Intra-island migration is limited to Lipari and transport facilities suffer badly through lack of more where there has been a movement from interior up demand2). Denuded of its progressive members, land to coastal lowland areas, and especially to the the society left behind increasingly constitutes an capital, Lipari town, which grew in population from ageing population. Whilst total population drops, that move over 55 increases. 3731 in 1951 to 3886 in 1971. This migratory aged years actually have some ment is paralleled by commuting movements, again Emigration does, however, positive an sense on If the sells his land to only developed in intra-island Lipari aspects. emigre prior departure, where a 25 km. road network and two buses enable it may, if of sufficiently good quality to attract a to labourers, office workers and school students to travel buyer in a depressed market, lead enlarged farm from northern districts like Pianoconte and Quattro size and more efficient farming. More importantly, back into pani to Lipari town each day. emigrant remittances and money brought movement. retired constitute an Analogous processes exist in inter-island the islands by emigrants impor even There is both a net permanent migration from the tant source of funds to keep the economy going, new smaller islands to Lipari (in contrast to the nineteenth to the extent of financing tourist accommodation. century outward colonisation of the minor islands and movements of by Liparotti), daily commuting Death of a Landscape students and other types of workers (although each island has a primary school, only Lipari has specialised Generally, however, the result of this demographic necrosis of a secondary schools). The post-war development of fast haemorrhage is the gradual formerly

whose declined from 1547 in *) The Australian connection is long-established. During 2) Filicudi, population 1900-18 one sixth of Italian settlers in Australia were 1911 to 245 in 1971, provides an example. Early in this Aeolian Island sailors and fishermen with a natural bent century 4,000 hectolitres of wine and 2,000 quintals of were each on the for the sea and long distance travel (Jones 1964, pp. olives produced year average; nowadays to are 300 hi. and 300 Cereals were 256-257). Although this proportion has since fallen totals qu. respectively. own the below one tenth, this is still remarkable concentration once ground to flour in the island's mills; today to or Milazzo nearest Sicilian considering the islands' population constitute only .002% output goes Lipari (the port) and livestock decline more of the Italian total. Recent emigration to Australia shows for milling. Fishing rearing their future is but assured a greater proportion of factory workers and craftsmen, slowly, but anything (Cavalla ro but the link with fishing remains. 1967, pp. 1043-1050). Russell King and Susan Young: The Aeolian Islands: Birth and death of a human landscape 197

once a florid and distinct landscape. Year by year, As general rule, plot sizes increase with distance tended terraces under the natu or fastidiously disappear from the farmhouse village. Fruit and vegetable to ral vegetation, evidence of past activity progressively plots lie close the houses; the larger cereal, vine obliterated by the creeping maquis. The once brightly and caper plots are further away. so at whitewashed rustic farmhouses, distinctively Vineyards represent by far the largest cultivated tractive with their flat roofs, vine-clad loggias and area: 211 ha. according to the 1970 Agricultural cylindrical columns, fade and crumble into the land Census. The method of viticulture is very distinctive, locked for an return that vines a scape, up emigrant may being trained along horizontally-set bamboo never cm. happen. Indicative of depopulation is the fall lattice constructed 70 from the ground surface. ing into disuse of dialect terms for physical features. The vines are grown horizontally in this way to at Many of the place-names mapped and recorded prevent wind damage and increase the strength of the end of the last century have now passed out of the wine. Each family retains its best land for vines. use (Losacco 1973, p.411). On Salina many vineyards are given over to the current use can The pattern of land best be appre commercial production of malvasia, a strong, sweet ciated by examining the aerial photographs published wine for export. Wine production declined from and described by Mikus (1969b)3). Field sizes are 25,000 hi. in 1950 to 10,000 hi. in 1970; half is from small, often in the form of narrow terraces. The Salina. cultivated areas, confined to the lower, flatter parts According to the 1961 and 1970 Agricultural Cen to suses of the islands, consist of discrete districts attached owner-occupancy accounts for 60?/o of farms, the main settlements. The present distribution of but recently there has been an increase in hired labour cultivated land a considerable and represents shrinkage sharecropping, provoked partly by the emigration to the On the flatter areas around of compared past. many landholders. In spite of emigration theoret a no some settlements about quarter of the land is longer ically freeing of the land, little amalgamation used, but this proportion increases rapidly with of holdings takes place. If anything the subdivision altitude. Bamboo has invaded much Strombolian of property is getting worse and the landholding former farmland. Some areas are situation more upland being refor confused. The current situation, with terraces an ested, the old cultivation providing planting emigration producing intricate mosaic of cultivated terraces for the trees. Elsewhere the uncemented walls and abandoned land, obviously demands some policy of abandoned terraces are erosive of being destroyed by land planning; the problem is the unwillingness and the roots of remain as of to agents plants; they only emigrants release their land because it represents monuments to a source crumbling past decades of toil. of security. Farming in theAeolian Islands is carried out in the face of various constraints, against which it appears Rural Decline: theCase of Salina to be inexorably losing out. In the past the combina tion of and was over rugged topography steep slopes Perhaps the best island in which to study rural come extreme on by endeavour the part of generations decline is Salina, the most important of the group of terraces farmers who built virtually from sea-level agriculturally. Unlike the other islands which are all to older farmers can remember mountain-top. Altough lumped together administratively under one commune working the upper terraces fifty years ago, under (Lipari), Salina since 1867 has had three communes current economic conditions and with large-scale emi (S. Marina, Malfa, Leni); extremely detailed statis the most accessible land is utilised. tical gration, only information is therefore available through study the inherent of the soil in of commune census data and some Despite high fertility places, interesting local is low the uncertain variations in the of agricultural productivity kept by regional process landscape decline which water can rainfall is conserved for drinking and be brought out. not used generally for irrigation. Possibilities for In common with other Aeolian Islands, Salina's mechanisation are limited and small settlement a by steep slopes pattern (Fig. 2) is mixture of villages, some farmers plot sizes, although have hand-rotova loose-knit hamlets and scattered dwellings. The three tors. Tenure patterns and the inherent conservatism settlements are the commune major headquarters of of an farm are further constraints. S. ageing population Marina, Malfa and Leni. Smaller villages are the sizes are small size less than 2 Holding (mean ha.) coastal settlements of Rinella and Lingua. Pollara and highly fragmented. The largest farms are gener and Valdichiesa are loose-knit hamlets and there are less than 10 the common zones ally ha.; smallest, especially of dispersed settlement on the north-east coast on the smaller less than V2 at islands, ha. Individual plots Capo and Gramignazzo. and terraces are often measured in metres. in tiny, square Starting the late nineteenth century, a decade or so earlier than on most of the other Aeolian In has severe on 3) this paper the aerial photographs of Filicudi and Islands, depopulation been Salina, pro Stromboli are wrongly labelled: Filicudi should be Strom voked not only by improved communications which boli and vice versa (see Mikus 1969b, broke down the pp. 81, 83). autarchic insular economy, but also 198 Erdkunde Band 33/1979

Pollara ' i ^ 1 " r|jC[.*. ^^>^^-^^\\ V'-"Power x:::-x-::-:-:-^x-:-::xI \ Station ( ^ \\^//.v,;//.\- ^_^ MAL F A ^ J :

- .... .\ \ . Y, M*,Pom .. Santa W V "T-/.: -% ? ?; * Salina ''r^T' ' /--V-rrr^Ot Valdichiesa # . \^ 1Y, ' ' ^ **?:*gy_ =\ L E N I ; ?> ' ^?t^Z ' MF?SSd ^^962m^ ^ ^ -^^^\^^^^^ ^^^^^^ - ' ^ ^ ^^^^^^^ \^ ^ " V Settlement - * V / Lingua + Church ' Land over 500m _ / \ ' # - Tarred road_ \* .yKoy N ^ ? ? ? Commune - boundary 0_Kilometre_^ -^^^^y^'^^z^

Fig. 2: Salina: the settlement pattern

by saturation of the wine market and the phylloxera drawal of young labour, working the land becomes epidemic which destroyed most of the vineyards. increasingly concentrated in the hands of the old who Between 1891 and 1911 emigration caused the popu are concerned to produce just for their own needs lation to fall by 40?/o. After a break spanning the rather than for export. As marketed output thus two world wars, the outflow quickly regained its decreases more rapidly than total produce with this former strength during the early post-war period retreat into self-sufficiency, S. Marina, dependent and has continued to be considerable ever since. upon marketing and processing functions, is hit pro more The census data show interesting regional variations portionately severely than the purely agricul in the pattern of decline within the island (King 1978, tural villages of Malfa and Leni. The other reason pp.17-19). Depopulation has been most marked along for the regional discrepancy is that S. Marina is the east coast: the commune of S. Marina (which backed by less fertile land thanMalfa and Leni, both includes the village of Lingua) lost 54% of its popu of which contain broad, fairly level benches as well lation during 1911-71, whereas Leni (plus Rinella) as sections of the intensively farmed Valdichiesa lost 43% and Malfa (including Pollara) only 35%. saddle. reasons contrasts are Two may explain this differential pattern. Some of these further amplified in not an Firstly, S. Marina is just agricultural settle Table 3 which records the population totals for the ment, it is a funnel formost of the commercial output three communes and their various frazioni (sub of the island. Its trading and processing activities are divisions) for the censuses in which such detailed very dependent upon the prosperity of farming in the settlement data were published The general pattern rest of the island. As farming declines with thewith of rapid decline at S. Marina and less rapid popu a Russell King and Susan Young: The Aeolian Islands: Birth and death of human landscape 199

Table 3: Salina: Population Changes for Various Settlements 1911-1971

1911 1931 1936 1951 1961 1971

Leni commune 1261 936 891 746672 779 918Leni 599 617 538496 416 174Rinella 136 109124 121122 Valdichiesa and case sparse 169 201 137162134129 Malfa commune 1449 1362 1304 1187 762 1072 1125Malfa 1114 1074 724759 625 Pollara154 116 111 9454 98 Capo and case sparse 170 132 119365219 83

S. Marina commune 1590 1291 1346 9197591017 S.Marina1113 903 919 591466 630 457Lingua 388 427 387328 293 Salina island 4300 3598 3541 2983 21932737

Note: Case sparse are scattered dwellings away from the main settlement clusters. It is clear that the definition of case sparse varies from census to census (cf. especially Malfa 1936 and 1951). Source: Censimento Generale della Popolazione 1911, 1931. 1936, 1951, 1961, 1971. Rome: ISTAT.

? Capers ? H / M q ? ? ? ?o? Ol-ves 0 o o o ? .'^i !Garden plots o \ 1^ ftffyy - Tarredroad ?_Kilometre \ J J^Z^^ /^s^^

Fig. 3: Salina: the current pattern of land use (after Lenton 1974, p. 70)

lation loss at Malfa and some other areas is fairly 39%). Recent fieldmapping4) corroborated these find clear. Notable too is the stabilisation of the population ings and added further details. Of 1014 dwellings in the 1930s when emigration was banned. mapped on Salina, 37% were discovered to be va The flight of population naturally provokes aban donment of dwellings. In 1951 23?/o of Salina's were to dwellings empty according the Census. By 4) Carried out by students from the Geography Depart 1961 this had increased to 28% and in 1971 it was ment, University of Leicester. 200 Erdkunde Band 33/1979

cant5). The degree of abandonment exhibits two Table 4: Lipari: Population Changes in Various an Settlements, 1951, 1961, 1971 patterns. First there is inter-village contrast (S. Marina 39?/o, Lingua 33?/o, Leni and Rinella 28%, Malfa 26%) which closely reflects the different rates 1951 1961 1971 of decline noted earlier. there population Secondly district 4620 4767 4442 a contrast between the of abandonment in Lipari degree town 3731 3852 3886 nucleated and that in scattered dwell Lipari villages (30%) Other settlements 889 915 556 ings (50%). (S. Nicola, Monte, S. Margherita, of economic on is The pattern change Salina domi Bagnamare, Serra and case sparse) nated by the contraction of the agricultural sector.At one time vine cultivation extended to 750 m. The Canneto district 2731 2406 2123 Canneto 2203 1814 1906 of cultivation has since descended to around village margin 528 592 - - Other settlements 217 350 m. it is lower 200 m. on the east although (Lame, Pirrera, Pomiciazzo, coast where the land is all the terraces poorer. Nearly Salita M. Pilato, case sparse) above 300 m, and in areas lower down which are Pianoconte district 874 940 850 remote from roads and such as the tracts of villages, Pianoconte 491 580 494 land the south coast east and west of Leni and village along Other settlements 383 360 356 are in abandonment. 15% of Salina Rinella, Only (Cugna, Chiusi, Varesana, is now cultivated. The of cultivated present pattern case sparse) land (Fig. 3) is strongly oriented to the settlements Acquacalda district 410 419 393 and zones of farms along tarred roads Acquacalda village 410 393 419 As Fig. 3 shows, there is some degree of regional of use. olives and specialisation land Vines, capers Quattropani district 758 670 730 occu 475 384 314 are the three main crops. Specialised viticulture, Quattropani village Other settlements 283 416 286 pying 75 ha, 22% of the agricultural and forested case area in 1970, is still the backbone of the rural econ (Chiesa Vecchia, sparse) in the central omy, with particular concentration Lipari Island 9393 9172 8568 more valley. Caper cultivation is widely scattered. to since The area of olive culture is difficult estimate Source: Censimento Generale della Popolazione, 1951, areas exist. only small of specialised olive groves 1961, 1971. Rome: ISTAT. Most olives are grown semi-wild on themiddle slopes are now in the southern part of the island. Some areas and virtually inaccessible because of crumbling paths creased its population, whereas other parts of the trees are overgrown vegetation; the also threatened island have witnessed decline. Table 4 gives details. by fire and culled for fuel.With yields reduced, olives Geologically themost complex of the islands, Lipari no a reliable source of income. longer offer farmers is essentially composed of twelve extinct volcanoes a Cereal culture is also declining and is long way (Fig. 4). The different ages of the volcanics introduce from satisfying local needs. In the early 1960s arable variation into the relief in terms of height, slope and land extened to 70 ha. (Speranza 1966, p. 56), but stability of the surface. The areas of younger pumice the 1970 Agricultural Census recorded only 17 ha. in the north-east, for example, degrade rapidly into thin friable soils and unstable topography. Fieldwork and of settlement Settlement Changes on Lipari analysis mapping abandonment shows some distinct patterns6). Two Many of the processes of decline described on Salina concentrations of abandonment exist: below 100 case operate on other islands of the group. The of metres (average of 41 abandoned houses per 100 ha.) 2 Lipari is, however, somewhat different. Table and above 400 metres (46 per 100 ha.). For the showed population decline on Lipari to have been intermediate zone (100-400 m.) the density of aban much less than on most of the other islands. During donment ismuch lower (22 per 100 ha.). This, it can 1911-71 Lipari's population decreased by 17.6%, be suggested, reflects the distribution of the best compared to 49.0% for Salina and 83.9% for Strom cultivated land, which on Lipari is found on broad boli. It is also clear that there are substantial varia benches at around 200-300 m, especially on the west tions within Lipari island itself. The town has in side of the island, whereas the uplands and the coastal access. slopes are steeper and more difficult of

The 5) The 1971 census enumerated 1001 dwellings. For more details see Young slight decrease in the proportion of abandoned dwellings 6) (1974, pp. 166-185). to a The assistance of students from the is probably linked stabilisation of Salina's population Geography Department, since 1971. University of Durham is acknowledged. Russell King and Susan Young: The Aeolian Islands: Birth and death of a human landscape 201

. Jf^^ (Lf^v^ \/T^PORTICELLO

^^^^

^snssnn^^ ^lipari town

0lder alkal1 I-1 rhyohtes r\^J~ "=^_J Younger quartz andesites X\ - Road - cr^l \ J * Pumice- Tunnel ---- Obsidianflow ': Settlement |^ R / \ f ^ ? 300? and contours Heights Oy^^-p^??\^\ tt / 594a in metres Kilometre ^xL^^xT^/ ,T ? ]

7*7g. 4: Lipari: relief, geology and settlement 202Erdkunde Band 33/1979

an In reality, however, there is overlap between - the processes of contraction on the land, LIPARI marginal . TOWN which furnishedmost of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century migrants, and the contraction of core the areas themselves which have also exported war. migrants since the An additional factor promo ting outmigration has been the mechanisation of the pumice workings. In the smaller pumice settlements of the Canneto area depopulation has been very sudden: in Lame, Pirrera and Pomiciazzo there was a two-thirds decrease between 1951 and 1971. For Lipari town the picture is complicated by the balanc : O : out-movement # \ ing effects of with in-migration from \j ( ^369 ^ elsewhere inLipari and from theminor islands.Hence the urban population of Lipari town remains stable (Table 4). - Physical factors volcanic relief and the inacces - sibility of rugged terrain play a major role in explaining the distribution of settlement and land use Occupied house ? \ abandonment. In the north, an area of intense deser ^/O^S o'f f O Abandoned ? \ ^ tion is visible on the younger pumice to the east of qO house^^_^^-Op? Quattropani. This marginal land was brought under cultivation during the intense population pressure of the nineteenth century, but has suffered contraction Ravine to core ^^^^ during the present century the of Quattropani are now & contours in ,m itself. Active farming and settlement confined Heights metres-L^r'^Z_ rn ? -<^ V , . . to areas of viticulture on the sheltered valley floors where soils are thicker and less to erosion. The subject Fig. 5: Settlement abandonment in southern Lipari to ratio of abandoned occupied houses increases rap idly with height up the slopes of Monte S. Angelo and Monte Chirica. Between 200 and 300 m. agricul tial to both Italy and abroad. As a result, population tural land is mostly in production; there has been decline was continuous until the low point of 12,230 was census some consolidation of holdings and migrant-owned reached in 1971, the year. plots are worked by relatives and neighbours. Between The 1970s have seen the differential between births are narrow are 300 and 400 m, abandoned houses used tempo and deaths progressively until they vir or as store 400 m and to to rarily sheds. Above desertion tually equal. Outmigration Italy continues be are A exists to a delapidation complete. similar pattern quite high but emigration abroad has dwindled in the far south, a peninsular area of older rhyolites. small fraction of the flow of the 1960s. Meanwhile town one Fig. 5 shows how proximity to the road and the immigration, which may suppose largely repre enables continued occupance of many houses on the sents return migration of the islanders who left in north-east side of the peninsula. Many of the empty years past, has steadily grown, both from Italy and houses are not abandoned, merely locked up to be abroad, so that it now exceeds outmigration. used by Lipari town residents at weekends or for a Three reasons lie behind this change. First, oppor few weeks of the year at grape harvest time. tunities for emigrants have diminished, particularly over the past five years of recession. At the same time the extension of the Italian state welfare a system, Recent Populations Changes: Turning-Point including pensions and unemployment benefit, has recent re some to Table 5, compiled from anagraphical enabled potential migrants stay put. Thirdly, an cords, shows that 1971 marked a turning-point. A there has been expansion of non-rural work oppor con century of depopulation, decline and emigration tunities, in tourism, public administration and began to be reversed. Although it is too early to struction. out most know whether the current increase in population Of these that which holds the hope for represents a stable trend or just a temporary inter the future is tourism. Clear water, unique scenery, a are ruption of the long-term pattern, certain features of fine climate and peace and quiet the islands' resources. the table deserve comment. principal touristic Camp sites, hostels and cater In the 1960s births exceeded deaths by around 100 pensions for the humbler, often younger visitor, out per year. This natural increase was, however, whilst on Vulcano there are hotels of the de luxe weighted by a net migratory loss which was substan category. The main nationalities visiting the islands a Russell King and Susan Young: The Aeolian Islands: Birth and death of human landscape 203

Table 5: Annual Population Trends in the Aeolian Islands, 1964-1976

DeathsLive Inmigration from Outmigration to Population birthsItaly Abroad Italy Abroad at end of year

262 1964 154 272 41 308425 12939 259 1965 145 235 22 250274 12786 273 1966 136 248 36 219292 12696 220 1967 152 224 43 150283 12588 246 1968 149 227 68 291307 12382 182 1969 127 275 54 301 11612248 227 1970 139 187 44 4412235 288 211 1971 141 210 88 7112230 302 204 1972 137 243 106 3312298 311 195 1973 145 193 96 5112302 284 157 1974 113 175 68 227 3612325 130 1975 120 230 67 3512344 253 122 1976 116 231 82 231 2812404

Source: Popolazione e Movimento Anagrafico dei Comuni 1964-1977. Rome: ISTAT.

are come a French, German and Swiss. Italian visitors dangerous procedure in rough weather7). Proper mainly from the north. Tourist numbers do, however, quays and jetties, improved water supplies and mod one next fluctuate widely from year to the (Perini ern hotels would all be useful investments for the islands' 1970, pp. 420-428). economy, but any large-scale invasion of The development of tourism and residential villa touristswould undoubtedly spoil the special character construction has implications for the settlement pat of these quiet islands. tern. Whereas to 1971 abandonment In other economic sectors - up population agriculture, fishing and more severe case or - was in the sparse dispersed settle industry development potential is limited. Industrial ments over (cf.Mikus 1969a, pp. 29-30), the taking development is virtually impossible beyond thework a of abandoned houses by outsiders and the building ing of few volcanic mineral resources. Fishing has of new villa settlements (noticeable especially on been boosted recently by the institution of an 80 a boost to this of settlement member on Vulcano) gives category co-operative based Lipari port. Agricul no census. ture most which will doubt be reflected in the 1981 remains the important economic sector, on are Already half the dwellings Stromboli foreign employing 45% of the working population in 1971, new owned. A cycle of landscape transformation, in spite of the fact that half the farmland has been most advanced on Vulcano and the hinterland of deserted during the last fifty years. Some co-operative Lipari town, is about to start, geared to leisure, the reclamation of abandoned land may be possible, but industry of the future. the islanders have a strong owner-farmer tradition which mitigates against collective effort. It is difficult to foresee the future of this enchant Prospects for theFuture ing, if primitive, group of islands. Like many small on a The future of the Aeolian Islands hinges para islands, they have suffered the fate of the twin pro dox: to of cesses declining population leads deterioration of modernisation and peripheralisation. Two but until these services are eco alternative seem services; improved paths open. One involves the partici nomic development is unlikely. Tourism, which repre pation of the islands in Italian development indi sents the economic perhaps only salvation possible, rectly, by exporting labour to the mainland and by is conditional more heavily upon the widespread channelling funds back by means of migrant remit of basic services such as more tances. provision piped water, The archipelago has been following this path efficient sewer drains and better quality hotels. for the past century. Economically there is no reason two Tourism brings principal benefits. First is the why workers should not have to move to new or obvious one of increased incomes and better sources of employment income, but socially the hardship for local people. Secondly the spin-off of improved of split families may be great. The other alternative services for visitors, especially roads and inter-island boat links, benefits the local too. population Many 7) For a detailed account of the effects of winds on of the islands, however, still lack port maritime see adequate communication Cicala's (1961) paper on must be off-loaded from the facilities; passengers ferry Stromboli. Improved harbour facilities would also of course on to to - ships small rowing boats be taken ashore benefit the fishing industry. 204 Erdkunde Band 33/1979

is to develop the local economy by selling the islands' Losacco, U.: Saggi sulla toponomastica delle Isole Eolie. resources. even L'Universo 1973, pp. 381-446. tourist Agriculture, fishing, handicraft 53(2), e trades, could well develop in tow. The danger is that Mikus, W.: Aspetti problemi della geografia della popo lazione nelle isole minori dell' Italia meridionale. Rivista if this second path to the future is pursued too activ Geografica Italiana 1969a, 76(1), pp. 15-52. the very of the Aeolian environ - ely, special qualities : Vulkanische Inseln im Luftbild: ment, both and would be Wirtsehaftsgeographi physical human, adversely sche Obersicht iiber die Aolischen Inseln mit Hilfe von affected. Luftaufnahmen. Erde 1969b, 100(2-4), pp. 71-92. Mori, A.: L'emigrazione dalle Isole Eolie. Rivista Italiana di Sociologia 1919, 23(1-2), pp. 51-63. References Perini, G.: Recenti modificazioni antropogeografkhe nelle Isole Eolie. Rivista Italiana 1970, Cavallaro, C: L'isola di Filicudi. L'Universo 1967, 47(6), Geografica 77{4), pp. 393-430. pp.1015-1056. Phillips, E. D.: The isle of Aeolus. 1956, 30, Cicala, A.: Stromboli: la perla nera del Tirreno. L'Uni Antiquity 203-208. verso 1961, 41(4), pp. 601-626. pp. H.: Neue Erkenntnisse iiber Art und Genese des Gourou, P.: Pressure on island environment, pp. 207-225 Pilcher, Vulkanismus der Aolischen Inseln in Fosberg, F. ed.: Man's Place in the Island Ecosystem. (Sizilien). Geologische Rundschau 167, pp. 102-126. Honolulu 1965, Bishop Museum Press. 57(1), Salvator, L.: Die Inseln. 1893-6, Jones, F. L.: The territorial composition of emigration to Liparischen Prague 8 vols. Australia 1876-1962. International Migration 1964, 2(4), Mercy, e sue pp. 247-265. Speranza, F.: LTsola di Salina le Condizioni Geo Catania 1964, Istituto di della Facolta King, R. L.: The Island of Salina: a Background Study. grafiche. Geografia di Economia e Commercio, Universita di Catania. Leicester 1978, Department of Geography, University of di Ustica nel Leicester (Report for UNESCO MAB Project No. 7: Trasselli, C.: 11 Popolamento dell' Isola Storia Economica di Study of Factors Relating to the Development of Minor Secolo XVIII. Caltanissetta 1966, e Island Ecosystems). Sicilia: Testi Rieerche. A Lenton, C: Salina: an Agricultural Study. Durham 1974, Young, S.E.: Study of Sicilian Migration. Durham of Department of Geography, University of Durham, un 1974, Department of Geography, University Durham, M. A. Thesis. published B. A. Thesis. unpublished

STRUKTURWANDLUNGEN AFGHANISCHER MITTELPUNKTSIEDLUNGEN UNTER DEM EINFLUSS AUSLANDISCHER INFRASTRUKTURPROJEKTE

2 Mit 5 Abbildungen, z. T. als Beilagen V, VI, VII, Tabellen

Dietrich Wiebe

the as an feature of the Summary: Structural changes of Afghan central place entered country accompanying in the the new lines settlements under the influence of foreign infrastructural projects, remain market; production become reduced to a few but remain projects. only firms, insigificant for the of trade as a whole. It remains to be seen This paper investigates the effects of the American Hel pattern town Lash whether a renewed of the cannot mand Project on the trade structure in the of promotion projects produce German devel another "take-off" which will result in turn in kargah and the significance of the integrated phase, und Khost effective opment project for trade in the towns of Gardez long-term phases. in the Paktia Province. These are examined in the context in The of problems of urban development Afghanistan. in three Uber die der Gewerbestruktur im change in the structure of trade takes place phases: Wandlungen new structures stadtischen Raum auslandischer Infrastruk In the initial phase traditional and face aufgrund es each other; the traditional ones are suppressed. In a second turmafinahmen in Entwicklungslandern gibt relativ on the one phase there is stagnation, which is characterised wenige geographische Arbeiten. Vielmehr werden market with an un hand by saturation of the together iiberwiegend die komplexen Phanomene des sozio on the other willingness and inability for innovation, and kulturellen und soziookonomischen Wandels behan hand a rise in activities, like the tidal increase by speculative delt. In den kulturgeographischen Untersuchungen iiber in the construction of dwellings and business premises, which den islamischenOrient gibt es meist nur vereinzelte, leaves behind half-finished ruins. This is followed many by landlichen Raum Ana most sections of fast immer auf den bezogene a regression phase during which the active Art. the of the lysen dieser the population leave for Kabul, capital country, for Iran or the Arabian Gulf States, in order to put their Durch eine Bewertung der Entwicklungswirksamkeit to use. The consumer which had ist es Erkennt acquired skills good goods infrastruktureller Projekte moglich,