Women's Employment in Oman

WOMEN‘S EMPLOYMENT IN OMAN

Maryam Hamed Hamood Al Hasani Bachelor in Education, Master Degree in Educational Administration.

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2015 Business School

Abstract It has been noted that women‘s participation in the global labour market has significantly increased over the past two centuries. However, the gap between male and female participation rates remains and women continue to face difficulties in fully participating in paid work. Such challenges include social, cultural and economic factors that permeate the inclusion and acceptance process. Simultaneously, their male peers continue to enjoy a warm reception in the labour market and are more actively recruited to most sectors of industry. Numerous solutions have been considered in regions where women‘s involvement in the labour market is regarded as less than optimal. Oman‘s government, for example, has made efforts to increase the participation of Omani women in the total labour force to levels that will ensure progressive growth of the Omani labour market. Although the number of women in the Omani workforce is increasing significantly compared to previous years, many challenges still hinder Omani women‘s participation in the labour market. To address this issue, it is also critical to look into cultural and institutional frameworks, which have been viewed as deleterious towards women when compared to men. This dissertation attempts to discern the cultural and institutional factors influencing women's work/care regime in The Sultanate of Oman. The thesis consists of two qualitative studies and one quantitative study. Interviews were conducted to gather qualitative data on women‘s attitudes to labour market participation and the barriers they face. Survey data was collected to better understand Omani women‘s career aspirations. This dissertation finds that increasing the level of women‘s education is among the best solutions for increasing their involvement in the Omani labour market. The research finds illiteracy or being only semi-literate, has been a contributing factor to their employment in low paying jobs with poor working conditions. It is notable however that with increased education and an increased number of Omani graduates, a decline in employment opportunities in the public sector, privatisation of public sector authorities, a rapid increase in opportunities and the reforming of work conditions in the private sector, more Omani women are expected to join the private sector in the future. Private sector employment is not an area that has been favoured by Omani women in the past. In addition, there have been developments in government policies—such as the labour law and policies under the Public Authority for Social Insurance—that aim to ensure that private sector employers provide a better workplace environment for women. Further, the dissertation finds that the changes and developments in Oman‘s cultural and institutional framework should provide Omani women a greater opportunity to seek higher levels of education and employment at quality jobs. However, some important elements of Omani culture—such as women‘s household roles— may continue to be considered barriers to Omani women‘s workplace participation.

The dissertation also found that, in case of Oman, variations in values, beliefs and assumptions exist even within a relatively homogenous cultural context. These variations within the national culture have a considerable impact on women‘s share of the labour force. Family, as an institution, affects women‘s participation in the labour market in two ways: as a force for women‘s economic activity in society—for many decades women worldwide were involved in the labour force primarily due to economic needs—and as obligations and commitments that discourage women‘s labour market participation. Therefore, there is a need to address the issue of family as an institution in order to promote women‘s participation in the labour market. The final study demonstrates a positive relationship between career aspirations of Omani women and the propensity to maximise these aspirations. This relationship is influenced by gender, age, sector, social expectation, educational pursuits, religion, work regulation, occupational commitment, family commitment, individualism and collectivism. The thesis concludes with a set of policy recommendations.

Declaration by author

This thesis is composed of my original work, and contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference has been made in the text. I have clearly stated the contribution by others to jointly-authored works that I have included in my thesis.

I have clearly stated the contribution of others to my thesis as a whole, including statistical assistance, survey design, data analysis, significant technical procedures, professional editorial advice, and any other original research work used or reported in my thesis. The content of my thesis is the result of work I have carried out since the commencement of my research higher degree candidature and does not include a substantial part of work that has been submitted to qualify for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution. I have clearly stated which parts of my thesis, if any, have been submitted to qualify for another award.

I acknowledge that an electronic copy of my thesis must be lodged with the University Library and, subject to the policy and procedures of The University of Queensland, the thesis be made available for research and study in accordance with the Copyright Act 1968 unless a period of embargo has been approved by the Dean of the Graduate School.

I acknowledge that copyright of all material contained in my thesis resides with the copyright holder(s) of that material. Where appropriate I have obtained copyright permission from the copyright holder to reproduce material in this thesis.

Publications during candidature

Al Hasani M., Roan A., Pekerti A. (2011), Work and care in Oman: developing an analytical framework (2011), Equality Diversity and Inclusion Conference, Available Online: http://www.edi- conference.org/streams.php?past_conf_id=4

Publications included in this thesis No publications included

Contributions by others to the thesis No contributions by others

Statement of parts of the thesis submitted to qualify for the award of another degree None

Acknowledgements I am grateful to the God for the good health and wellbeing that were necessary to complete this thesis. I wish to express my sincere thanks to Ministry of Higher Education - Oman, The Research Council – Oman, and University of Queensland – Australia, for providing me with all the necessary facilities and guidance for the research. I would like to express my special appreciation and thanks to my advisors Dr. Amanda Roan and Dr. Andre Pekerti. They have been great mentors to me. I would like to thank them for encouraging my research and for being with me through my research journey. Their advice on both research and my career has been priceless. All of them have been there to support me during the hardships of writing and collecting data for my Ph.D. thesis. I would like to express the deepest gratitude to my committee chair Professor Charmine Härtel, who has shown the attitude and the substance of a genuine support. Without her constant help this dissertation would not have been possible. I would like to thank my reader committee members, Dr. Stephen Jones and Dr. Remi Ayoko, for their aspiring guidance, invaluably constructive criticism and friendly advice during thesis milestones. I would like to extend my thanks to all of the department faculty members for their encouragement, attention, help and support. I thank my colleagues Dr. Khalid Al Saadi and Mr. Zaher Al Zakwani from Sultan Qaboos University - Oman who provided insight and expertise that greatly assisted the research, in particular in collecting and analysing data. A special thanks to my family. Words cannot express how grateful I am to all and every one of them for all of the sacrifices they have made on my behalf. Their prayers for me were what sustained me thus far. I would also like to thank all of my friends who supported me in writing, and empower me to strive towards my goal. At the end I would like express appreciation to my beloved husband who spent sleepless nights with and was always my support in the moments when there was no one to answer my queries. I also place on record, my sense of gratitude to one and all, who directly or indirectly, have supported me in this thesis.

Keywords women's employments, work/care regime, Omani women, Oman labor market, Oman cultural frame work, Oman institutional frame work, middle east, Oman.

Australian and New Zealand Standard Research Classifications (ANZSRC) ANZSRC code: 150305, Human Resources Management, 60% ANZSRC code: 150310, Organisation and Management Theory, 20% ANZSRC code: 200205, Culture, Gender, Sexuality, 20%

Fields of Research (FoR) Classification ANZSRC code: 1503, Business and Management, 80% ANZSRC code: 2002, Cultural Studies, 20%

Table of Contents

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 12

1.1 BACKGROUND ...... 12 1.1.1 Introduction ...... 12 1.1.2 Oman’s Development Plans (Ministry of National Economy-Oman, 2008) ...... 13 1.1.2.1 Oman’s Economic Vision 2020...... 15 1.1.3 The Omani labour market ...... 17 1.1.3.1 Involvement of Omani women in the country’s development process ...... 19 1.1.3.2 Women’s current participation in the Oman labour market ...... 20 1.1.4 Islam and women’s role ...... 25 1.1.4.1 Omani culture ...... 28 1.1.5 Summary ...... 29 1.2 RESEARCH PROBLEM AND CENTRAL RESEARCH QUESTION ...... 29 1.3 THESIS STRUCTURE ...... 30 1.4 CONTRIBUTION OF THE THESIS ...... 31 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 33

2.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 33 2.2 WORK/CARE REGIME...... 34 2.2.1 Culture ...... 35 2.2.1.1 Gender roles ...... 35 2.2.1.2 Social expectations ...... 36 2.2.1.3 National culture ...... 37 2.2.2 Institutions ...... 37 2.2.2.1 Family ...... 39 2.2.2.2 Workplaces ...... 39 2.2.2.3 Legislative system ...... 40 2.2.2.4 Economic needs ...... 41 2.2.2.5 Standard of living choices ...... 42 2.2.2.6 Changing identity ...... 42 2.2.2.7 The pursuit of intrinsic reward ...... 43 2.2.2.7.1 Self-esteem ...... 43 2.2.2.7.2 Job satisfaction ...... 44 2.3 CONCEPTUAL MODEL ...... 45 2.3.1 Analytical framework developing the work/care regime ...... 46 2.4 CONCLUSION ...... 49 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGICAL DESIGN ...... 52

3.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 52 3.2 RESEARCH PROBLEM AND QUESTIONS ...... 52 3.3 RESEARCH DESIGN ...... 52 3.3.1 Exploratory studies: Study One and Study Two...... 53 3.3.1.1 Study One: Culture...... 53 3.3.1.2 Study Two: Institutional factors ...... 55 3.3.2 Study Three: Maximising career aspiration...... 57 3.4 POPULATION AND SAMPLE ...... 58 3.5 RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY ...... 59 3.6 CONCLUSION ...... 59 CHAPTER 4: STUDY ONE: CULTURE ...... 61

4.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 61 4.2 ARAB CULTURE ...... 62

4.3 ISLAMIC CULTURE ...... 64 4.3.1 Gender roles in Islam ...... 68 4.3.2 Social expectations ...... 70 4.4 METHODOLOGY ...... 72 4.4.1 Introduction ...... 72 4.4.2 Overall research design and methodology...... 73 4.4.3 Methodology limitations ...... 76 4.5 VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY ...... 76 4.6 DATA ANALYSIS ...... 77 4.6.1 Limitations for data analysis ...... 79 4.6.2 Findings and discussion ...... 80 4.6.2.1 Findings ...... 80 4.6.2.2 Discussion ...... 83 CHAPTER 5: STUDY TWO: INSTITUTIONS ...... 86

5.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 86 5.2 INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE SULTANATE OF OMAN ...... 86 5.2.1 Family ...... 87 5.2.1.1 Changing attitudes (marriage, children, work and social network) ...... 87 5.2.1.2 Dual-earner family ...... 89 5.2.1.3 Nuclear family ...... 89 5.2.2 Legislative system ...... 91 5.2.2.1 Development of regulations in Oman ...... 92 5.2.2.2 Women in Omani law ...... 93 5.2.3 Workplaces ...... 95 5.2.3.1 Changing workplaces ...... 95 5.2.3.2 Internationalism ...... 96 5.2.3.3 Work culture ...... 97 5.3 METHODOLOGY ...... 97 5.4 FINDINGS ...... 98 5.4.1 Family ...... 98 5.4.1.1 Career demands...... 98 5.4.1.2 Work/family conflict ...... 100 5.4.1.3 Family culture adaptation ...... 101 5.4.1.4 Family size reduction ...... 103 5.4.2 Workplace ...... 103 5.4.2.1 Organisation culture/national culture conflict ...... 104 5.4.2.2 Low career expectations ...... 105 5.4.2.3 Work preferences (work hours and wages) ...... 106 5.4.3 Legislative system ...... 107 5.4.4 Discussion ...... 108 5.4.4.1 Family ...... 109 5.4.4.2 Workplace ...... 111 5.4.4.3 Legislative system ...... 112 5.5 CONCLUSION ...... 113 CHAPTER 6: OMANI WOMEN’S CAREERS ...... 115

6.1 OMANI WOMEN’S CAREER COURSE ...... 115 6.1.1 Labour Market ...... 116 6.1.2 Workplace ...... 118 6.1.3 Jobs ...... 119 6.1.4 Legislative System ...... 119 6.2 OMANI WOMEN’S CAREER DECISION MAKING ...... 120 6.2.1 Entering the labour market ...... 121

6.2.2 Workplace preferences ...... 121 6.2.3 Working life ...... 122 6.3 CONCLUSION ...... 122 CHAPTER 7 : MAXIMISING CAREER ASPIRATION ...... 124

7.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 124 7.2 CAREER ASPIRATIONS ...... 124 7.3 PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE ...... 125 7.4 FAMILY AND GENDER ROLE ...... 126 7.5 INDIVIDUALISM AND COLLECTIVISM ...... 127 7.6 LEGISLATIVE SYSTEM ...... 128 7.7 MEASURES: ...... 129 7.8 DATA PRESENTATION ...... 130 7.8.1 PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHICS ...... 130 7.8.1 EMPLOYMENT STATUS AMONG PARTICIPANTS...... 130 7.8.2 NUMBER OF DEPENDENTS IN PARTICIPANT’S HOUSEHOLDS ...... 131 7.8.3.1 Literacy levels among participants’ households...... 131 7.8.4 PARTICIPANTS AND PARTICIPANT’S HOUSEHOLD INCOME LEVELS ...... 132 7.8.4.1 Participants’ spouses’ annual income range ...... 132 7.8.4.2 PARTICIPANT’S FATHERS’ INCOME RANGE...... 132 7.8.4.3 Participants’ mothers’ annual income ...... 133 7.8.4.4 Combined annual household income ...... 133 7.8.5 PROFESSIONAL CAREER ASPIRATIONS ...... 133 7.8.6 RELIABILITY ANALYSIS ...... 135 7.8.7 EXPLORATORY FACTOR ANALYSIS ...... 135 7.8.8 FACTOR EXTRACTION ...... 136 7.8.9 FACTOR ANALYSIS ...... 137 7.8.10 HYPOTHESIS TESTING ...... 140 7.9 DISCUSSION ...... 153 7.9.1 INFLUENCE OF PROFESSIONAL CAREER ASPIRATION ON PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE ...... 153

7.9.2 EFFECT OF GENDER, AGE AND SOCIAL EXPECTATIONS ON THE PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE AND ON PROFESSIONAL CAREER ASPIRATIONS ...... 154 7.9.3 EFFECT OF EDUCATION, RELIGION, INCOME, WORK REGULATIONS, OCCUPATIONAL COMMITMENT, FAMILY COMMITMENT, INDIVIDUALISM AND COLLECTIVISM ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE AND PROFESSIONAL CAREER ASPIRATIONS ...... 156 7.9.4 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE AND EMPLOYMENT SECTOR ...... 158 7.9.5 MODERATING EFFECT OF FAMILY INFLUENCE ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE AND PROFESSIONAL CAREER ASPIRATIONS ...... 159 7.9.6 INFLUENCE OF INDIVIDUAL VARIABLES ON THE PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE AND CAREER ASPIRATIONS ...... 161 7.9.7 INFLUENCE OF HIGHER INCOME ON THE PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE AND ON CAREER ASPIRATIONS ...... 161 7.9.8 AWARENESS OF LABOUR LAWS HAS A POSITIVE EFFECT ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE AND PROFESSIONAL CAREER ASPIRATIONS ...... 162 7.9.10 THE POSITIVE MEDIATION EFFECT OF HIGHER INDIVIDUALISM ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE AND PROFESSIONAL CAREER ASPIRATIONS ...... 163 7.9.11 THE EFFECT OF HIGHER OCCUPATIONAL COMMITMENT ON THE PROPENSITY TO MAXIMISE ...... 163 7.10 CONCLUSION ...... 164 CHAPTER 7: ...... 165 CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS...... 166

8.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 166 8.2 RESEARCH FINDINGS ...... 166

8.3 RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 169 8.4 LIMITATIONS OF THE RESEARCH ...... 172

Table of Figures

Figure 1. Numbers of male and female workers in the Omani labour force...... 21 Figure 2. Insured Omani female employees‘ salaries as of April 2009...... 22 Figure 3. Insured Omani female employees‘ salaries as of End 2013...... 23 Figure 4. Employment and turnover of Omani women in the private sector...... 24 Figure 5. Gender orders and work/care regime...... 34 Figure 6. Work/care regime conceptual framework ...... 46 Figure 7. Work/care regime framework ...... 48 Figure 8: Maximising career aspiration ...... 58 Figure 9. Gender orders and work/care regime ...... 62 Figure 10. The Arabian Peninsula before Islam (from Time Maps Ltd., 2007) ...... 63 Figure 11. Categories generated from the data...... 79 Figure 12. The merging of themes on the influence of culture and institutions on Omani women‘s careers ...... 116 Figure 13. Decision making filters and process ...... 120 Figure 14. Scree plot for the extracted factors of professional career aspirations ...... 137 Figure 15. Scree plot for Family commitment ...... 138 Figure 16. Scree plot for participants‘ individualism ...... 139 Figure 17 . Scree plot of gender ideology ...... 139 Figure 18. Scree plot of family influence on career propensity ...... 140

Table of Tables

Table 1‎ -1: Salary and Number of Women Employees in the Omani Hotel Industry According to their Occupations ...... 22 Table 1‎ -2 : Employment and turnover of Omani women in the private sector 2013 ...... 24 Table 4‎ -1 Sample characteristics ...... 73 Table 7‎ -1 : The Effects of Education Values on Maximising and Aspirations ...... 143 Table 7‎ -2: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Aspirations and Income ...... 144 Table 7‎ -3: Correlations between Maximising, Aspirations and Income ...... 144 Table 7‎ -4: Correlations between Maximising, Aspirations and Individualism ...... 146 Table 7‎ -5: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Aspirations and Individualism ...... 146 Table 7‎ -6: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Aspirations and Occupational Commitment...... 147 Table 7‎ -7: Correlations between Maximising, Aspirations and Occupational Commitment ...... 147 Table 7‎ -8: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Aspirations and Family Commitment ...... 148 Table 7‎ -9: Correlations between Maximising, Aspirations and Family Commitment ...... 148 Table 7‎ -10: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Aspirations and Collectivism ...... 149 Table 7‎ -11: Correlations between Maximising, Aspirations and Collectivism ...... 149

Table 7‎ -12: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Dependents, Occupational Commitment and Gender ...... 150 Table 7‎ -13: Correlations between Maximising, Dependents, Occupational Commitment and Gender ...... 150 Table 7‎ -14: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Dependents, Family Commitment and Organisational Role...... 151 Table 7‎ -15: Correlations between Maximising, Dependents, Family Commitment and Organisational Role...... 152 Table 7‎ -16: Public/Private Variances about Aspirations and Maximising ...... 153

Table of Appendixes

Appendix 1: Example of Data Extracted, with Codes Applied ...... 188 Appendix 2: Codes and Possible Themes ...... 191 Appendix 3: Reviewing Themes ...... 194 Appendix 4: Study 3 Data Collection instrument ...... 195 Appendix 5: Ethical Clearance University of Queensland for Study1 & 2 ...... 209 Appendix 6: Ethical Clearance University of Queensland for Study1 & 2 ...... 210 Appendix 7: Ethical Clearance from Ministry of Higher education, Oman ...... 211 Appendix 8: Ethical Clearance from The Research Council, Oman ...... 212 Appendix 9: Demographic of the respondents in study 3 (N=322) ...... 213 Appendix 10: Unrotated Factor Matrix ...... 221 Appendix 11: Unrotated Factor Matrix ...... 222 Appendix 12: Unrotated Factor Matrix ...... 223 Appendix 13: Unrotated Factor Matrix ...... 224 Appendix 14: Unrotated Factor Matrix ...... 225 Appendix 15: Regression results...... 226 Appendix 16: Analysis for moderation (N=322), Dependent Variable: Aspirations ...... 228

Chapter 1: Introduction

The aim of this study is to gain a better theoretical understanding of women‘s participation in the labour market, to contribute to a better understanding of the Middle Eastern and Omani labour markets and workplace practices and to assist with designing policies that will enable Omani women to participate in education and employment. Overall, the project aims to contribute to building a more inclusive culture in future generations. To reach these goals, the study investigates Omani women‘s employment actions, preferences and behaviours in the Omani labour market through a conceptual model of work/care regime.

1.1 Background

1.1.1 Introduction

To develop a basis for the research, this section provides background information on the Sultanate of Oman—including what is currently known regarding women‘s involvement in the private and public sectors in the country—and helps to identify the knowledge gaps in this field of study.

The Sultanate of Oman is considered to be a developing country that has paid due attention to the importance of women in the society, and women are considered to be a basic pillar of the social framework (Chatty, 2000). In the wake of the renaissance that took place in 1970, Omani women have started to enjoy a more prominent place in society with increased participation in education and employment (Ministry of Information-Oman, 2002a).

Oman‘s economy is reliant on oil—a non-renewable, dwindling resource, subject to a high degree of price instability. Acknowledging this challenge, the government has established a structural adjustment process aimed at establishing a firm foundation for a diversified economic base. To this end, the government has enacted laws and regulations, such as the Foreign Investment Law, Labour Law, Commercial Law, Agency Law, Copyright Law and Corporate Income Tax Law, which are becoming part of the national legislation. These are the constructive steps through which Oman is realising its future vision, and they outline the major policies and mechanisms through which the country aims to achieve sustainable development in an export-oriented economy led by the private sector, with diversified resources of national income (Ministry of National Economy- Oman, 2008).

1.1.2 Oman’s Development Plans (Ministry of National Economy-Oman, 2008)

This section presents a discussion of Oman‘s development plans, Oman‘s economic Vision 2020, the Omani labour market, women‘s current participation in that market, and Islam and the role of women. Oman has set up a series of five-year development plans that have achieved notable progress in both economic and social aspects. Following a socio-economic strategy initiated in 1975, the Development Council was formed and implemented the first four five-year development plans. The first three plans (1976–1980, 1981–1985 and 1986–1990) were aimed at establishing the country‘s infrastructure of government buildings, power stations and communication centres, and increasing and maintaining the country‘s standard of living and financial and economic stability. In addition, these plans aimed at increasing the absorptive capacity of the economy and laying down the foundation for a competitive economy led by the private sector (Ministry of National Economy- Oman, 2008).

The fourth five-year plan (1991–1995) focused primarily on opening investments to productive projects, broadening and diversifying the production base of the economy, and developing the private sector. Special attention was given to the regional and sectoral dimensions; 60% of funds were allocated to projects outside the capital compared to 34% in the previous plan. The plan also targeted the development of human resources and the expansion of Omani participation in the development process. At the end of the fourth plan in 1995, the Omani individuals represented 36% of the Sultanate‘s total labour force.

The fifth five-year plan (1996–2000) was regarded as the beginning of a new era in development planning for the Sultanate. This plan differed from the previous plans in that it entailed wider public and private sector participation, the use of computerised macroeconomic modelling techniques, and the planning of Oman‘s development process within a regional and global context. The fifth plan was the first to embody the policies and measures of Vision 2020, which will be discussed later in this study. It aimed to create a stable macroeconomic framework, develop human resources, enhance the skills of Omani labour, encourage the establishment of an effective and competitive private sector, provide the appropriate conditions for the realisation of economic diversification, and improve the standard of living for the Omani people. The overall performance of the fifth five-year plan was more than satisfactory, particularly in view of the adverse and unfavourable international economic environment resulting from the economic recession and the South East Asian financial market crisis. The gross domestic product (GDP) increased by an average of 7.5% per annum, and per capita GDP by an average annual rate of about 5% during the

plan period (Ministry of National Economy-Oman, 2008).

The sixth five-year plan (2001–2005) focused on private sector development and privatisation. This plan considered the second stage of the long-running development strategy for the period 1996 to 2020. It adopted the following four basic dimensions:

1. Economic balance and sustainable growth. Maintaining macroeconomic stability is a major policy issue of the sixth plan. This is regarded as a fundamental requirement for any vibrant sustainable economy. Oman‘s approach has been to follow a set of practical and sustainable economic policies to maintain the stability of the national economy. With this objective in view, Oman has been focusing on:  working towards maintaining the real average income per capita at its current level by targeting an annual GDP growth rate of no less than 3%;  adopting sustainable fiscal policies through rationalisation of government spending, increasing government revenue (particularly non-oil revenue), closely monitoring and steadily reducing budget deficits while building and enhancing government financial reserves (particularly in years of high oil prices), and maintaining the public debt ceiling within safe and internationally recognised secure limits;  maintaining the current low levels of inflation (less than 1% since 1992);  liberalising the interest rate and maintaining the official dollar-pegged exchange rate of the (Omani Rials) OMR (unchanged since 1986) with free convertibility and no restrictions or controls on repatriation of capital and profits; and  realising comparable levels of development in the different regions of the Sultanate (Ministry of National Economy-Oman, 2008). 2. Human resources development. Developing human resources and upgrading the skills of Omani nationals, in order to keep up with technological changes and meet the demands of a knowledge-based economy as well as increasing globalisation, is a policy area of highest importance in Oman‘s developmental planning (Ministry of National Economy-Oman, 2008). In the resounding words of His Majesty Sultan Qaboos, ―we have always affirmed … that the human being is the ultimate goal of the development process and its instrument and means at the same time‖ (Ministry of Information-Oman, 2002). The highest priorities of the sixth five-year plan were expanding university education, increasing the enrolment ratio in higher education and professional institutions, and upgrading and increasing basic education and youth programs. The

major objectives of the plan in this area are:  raising the enrolment ratio in higher education institutions and upgrading and increasing basic education, which was given priority in the plan;  supporting the programs that aim to enhance the activities of the youth sector, because this is considered to be the foundation for building the society;  giving special attention to culture and heritage, because these represent two fundamental dimensions that integrate with social and economic development; and  providing appropriate employment opportunities for Omani citizens through the implementation of economically viable and labour-intensive production projects (Ministry of National Economy-Oman, 2008). 3. Economic Diversification. Diversification of the production base to reduce the economy‘s excessive dependence on one finite, non-renewable resource – oil, represents one of the main dimensions of Vision 2020 and is considered a basic pillar for the sustainability of development. While diversification has been a consistent policy for some years and the share of oil in GDP decreased from about 70% to 40% by the end of the 1990s, efforts in this direction have taken a quantum leap in the Vision 2020 period. The sixth plan seeks to pursue the goal of economic diversification by:  accelerating the diversification activity growth rate as well as raising its share in the GDP;  developing non-oil exports in goods and services, through increasing their share, quality standard and structure;  developing natural gas-based industries; and  upgrading tourism because this is one of the basic supports of comprehensive development.

1.1.2.1 Oman’s Economic Vision 2020.

The Vision Conference (Ministry of National Economy, Oman, 2007) examined past achievements, identified challenges facing future development, and formulated policies and measures to move the Omani economy onto a higher level of growth and prosperity. The main policy areas of the vision can be outlined as follows:

 developing human resources and upgrading Omanis‘ skills and competences to keep abreast of technological progress and managing the dynamics of this progress in a highly efficient manner to face ever-changing domestic and global conditions;

 creating a stable macroeconomic framework aimed at developing a private sector capable of optimising the human and natural resources of the Sultanate in an efficient and ecologically sound manner;  encouraging the establishment of an effective and competitive private sector and consolidating the mechanisms and institutions that foster shared visions, strategies and policies between the private sector and the government;  providing the appropriate conditions for the realisation of economic diversification and striving toward the optimal use of the natural resources and geostrategic location of the Sultanate;  enhancing the standard of living of the Omani people, reducing inequality across regions and across various income groups and ensuring that the fruits of development are shared by all citizens;  consolidating, safeguarding and enhancing the achievements of the past 25 years, along with the completion of some of the necessary basic services.

Realising the vision of Oman 2020 will entail significant structural transformation of the economy, which can be summarised as follows:

 The economy will no longer be an oil-reliant economy in 2020. It is envisaged to be a diversified economy with higher levels of savings and investment.  Sources of national income will be diversified, with the non-oil sector assuming the primary role.

The structural changes envisaged by 2020 can be briefly outlined as follows:

 The share of the GDP comprised by the crude oil sector is expected to drop to around 9% in 2020, compared with about 37.2% in 1995 and 44.3% in 2006. The share will increase due to the rise in world oil prices.  The gas sector is expected to contribute around 10% to GDP in 2020, compared with 0.9% in 1995 and 3.6% in 2006.  The industry sector is where the main shift is expected. The non-oil industry sector‘s contribution to the GDP is expected to rise from 8.4% in 1995 and 14.2% in 2006 up to 29% in 2020.  The services sectors are expected to contribute around 47% to the GDP in 2020, compared with 52.3% in 1995 and 44.7% in 2006. The share will decrease because of the rise in the oil percentage share.

 Gross domestic investment will contribute to this structural shift by an increase of its share of the GDP to 34% in 2020, compared with 15.0% in 1995 and 18.5% in 2006.

1.1.3 The Omani labour market

At the beginning of its modernisation, the Sultanate of Oman relied on expatriate workers from other Arab countries and Asia because most Omanis were illiterate and had few skills or qualifications. After three decades of intensive development efforts, the demographic statistics show that Oman still faces a shortage of professional and skilled workers (Ministry of National Economy-Oman, 2009).

At the beginning of the 1980s, the government started an Omanisation1 program to replace expatriates with trained Omani personnel that achieved a high rate of success in the following 35 years. By the end of 2006, Omanis represented 85.8% of public sector and 18.29% private sector employees, not including National Security or the Ministry of Defence personnel, entrepreneurs or employees of small businesses (Ministry of National Economy, Oman, 2009).

Omanisation has achieved a higher rate of success in the public sector than in the private sector because the private lacks many of the benefits that makes the public sector attractive, such as lifelong employment, higher wages, better working conditions, shorter working hours, further educational opportunities, generous retirement benefits and better job security. However, employment opportunities in the public sector have been declining due to the large number of graduates from higher education who are seeking work and the low turnover rate of public sector employees (Al-Lamki, 1998). In addition, the government has initiated an extensive privatisation program in the last four five-year plans to encourage private sector development (Ministry of Legal Affairs, Oman, 2004). Accordingly, many public sector organisations in industries such as electricity, telecommunications, postal services, aviation, ports, water and wastewater, and hazardous waste are currently classified as private sector organisations. However, the government is focusing on the commercialisation of these activities, introducing legislative support, planning the enactment of sector laws, and establishing independent regulatory authorities in the state sector, while still dealing with privatisation of the state organisations to ensure a smooth transition (Ministry of National Economy, Oman, 2008). Hence, these organisations have retained many of the benefits held by the public sector that other private sector organisations—originally established as such—lack.

1 Omanisation: The processes of replacing the expatriate labour force with local labour.

Al-Hamadi, Budhwar, and Shipton (2007) and Al-Lamki (2005) have argued that commercial company laws and foreign capital investment laws have been amended to attract foreign direct investment (FDI). Furthermore, reforms have been initiated in the income tax regime. Foreign investors are now allowed to own up to 65% of the equity in public infrastructure projects, which can be increased to 100% in certain circumstances.

Although this has created new job opportunities for Omanis, it has also erected another obstacle for women by placing them in competition with international labour. Omani women lack suitable skills, particularly in jobs requiring high level capabilities and professional abilities (Al- Hamadi et al., 2007; Al-Lamki, 2005). Additionally, Al-Hamadi et al. (2007) have found that Omani employees give high priority to religion and the socialisation process, as promoted through employers‘ human resource management policies and practices. Thus, they believe that adopting Western models with Western-based values in Oman, without any deliberation or adjustments to the local culture, is inappropriate. The major differences between Western culture and Omani culture, in terms of Hofstede‘s dimensions of culture, is that most Western cultures are individualistic with a low degree of power distance and weak uncertainty avoidance, while Omani culture is collectivistic with a high degree of power distance and strong uncertainty avoidance (Hofstede, 1984a).

Furthermore, most Western cultures on which the bulk of research into women‘s participation in the labour market has been carried out are liberal democracies. Although Western democracies are not homogenous, labour market regulation is based on secular laws whereas Islam is the source of most of Oman‘s regulations. Omani culture embodies Islam, not only in its regulatory system, but also in the daily life of each Omani Muslim citizen. Prevailing interpretation of the Holy Quran holds that Muslims are obligated to avoid actions, preferences and behaviours that could interfere with Islamic instructions in their jobs and places of work (Eliasii and Ali, 1996).

Despite extensive participation of Omani women in the labour market, the gap between male and female participation rates remains remarkably high (see Appendices 1 and 2). The Omani government aims to increase the rate of participation of women in the labour force to about 12% by 2020, up from about 6% in 1995 (Ministry of National Economy, Oman, 2007). However, by 2008, Omani women had already exceeded this benchmark and represented 26.67% of the total labour force. Like their male peers, the highest participation of Omani women in the labour market is in the public sector (38.4%); only 18% of the total private sector labour force is female. Furthermore, 86.6% of the women who work in the private sector earn less than 300 OMR per month (about

US$780) (Ministry of National Economy, Oman, 2009).2 Moreover, the majority of employers in Oman consider ―full-time employment‖ to mean working up to eight hours per day, six days per week. According to the Omani Labour Law, Article 68, the maximum working hours in the private sector is 48 hours per week, not including eating and resting time (Ministry of Legal Affairs, Oman, 2003).

In sum, all of these indicators show that women‘s participation in the Omani labour market has increased rapidly since 1970. However, as with the overall labour market trend in Oman, the rate of employment of women in the public sector has been higher than in the private sector because of cultural factors and differences in working conditions between public and private sector jobs. Nevertheless, because of the increase in the number of Omani graduates, the decline in employment opportunities in the public sector, increased privatisation, a rapid increase in opportunities and reformed working conditions in the private sector, it is expected that more Omani women will join the private sector in the future. In addition, developments in government policy—such as the Labour Law and policies under the Public Authority for Social Insurance—aim to ensure that employers in the private sector provide a better workplace environment for women (Al-Lamki, 1998, 2000, 2005). For all of these reasons, it is important to understand what motivates women to work in the private sector and the conditions required to increase such participation.

1.1.3.1 Involvement of Omani women in the country’s development process

Women have long been considered an untapped resource with the potential to make an immense contribution to the labour force and, with the development and establishment of the free economy, women have begun to participate in the labour force on a comprehensive scale (Broschak, Davis-Blake & Block, 2008). This motivating factor has provided women across the globe with major opportunities. Austen (2000) argues that globalisation has presented major challenges across the world‘s economies and Oman has benefited from increased participation of women in the labour force by supporting women‘s education. Women are reported to have secured leading positions in almost all sectors of the economy; though primarily in urban regions. Broschak, Davis-Blake and Block (2008) are of the opinion that rural areas are still challenged and that participation of women in the labour force in rural areas is rather low.

In terms of women‘s participation in the labour force, Austen (2000) notes that females make up 31% of the labour force working in the public sector. Further examination reveals that over three quarters of this percentage were recruited into lower job categories, such as administration or

2 Private sector statistics include only Omanis working in the private sector and registered with the Public Authority for Social Insurance. Also not included are entrepreneurs and women who work in small businesses.

in clerical positions. From the same study, the private sector showed women participants at 17.9%, with the majority being nurses and teachers. This does not paint a positive picture of women‘s participation in the labour force. In fact, César and Alberto (2009) note that the nursing and teaching professions are highly feminised and account for the most female professionals. Another study by Al-Hamadi et al. (2007) shows that women still do not have many opportunities to secure decision-making positions and that very few women are employed in information and communication technology jobs, which indicates that they are under-represented in higher paying jobs.

The employment experience of Omani women is by no means an exception to global trends; Omani women can be found participating in diverse economic activities within the country. They have been deemed to be influential and to be making a great contribution to society, in contrast to the negative view of women in the workforce that is rooted in traditional social perceptions. Austen (2000) argues that women‘s modest participation is the result of the challenges presented by their immediate culture. Socio-cultural norms have been identified as a major reason for women being constrained in their efforts to participate in the labour market.

Al-Hamadi et al. (2007) note that Oman‘s economy has become progressive. However, even with such progress, women have few opportunities in free trade businesses. As outlined above, Oman‘s long‐term development strategy initiated a potential solution for encouraging women into the labour market presented as Vision 2020—a government scheme to encourage start‐up businesses by women in private enterprise. The country has realised that the participation of women in the handicraft and traditional industry sectors is significant but that there are still very few in the emerging private sector jobs where women are not adequately represented in higher ranked jobs, such as in the technological and information industries (Chatty, 2000; McElwee & Al-Riyami, 2003).

1.1.3.2 Women’s current participation in the Oman labour market

Given that women‘s role within the household and important elements of Omani culture should not prohibit participation in the workplace, this thesis argues that further explanations within Oman‘s modernising framework need to be pursued to understand the representation of women in the workplace. According to the Ministry of National Economy (2009), women accounted for 51.8% (3,558) of new Omani appointees in the public sector and 22.6% (6,652) in the private sector in 2008. Meanwhile, 7,603 Omani women resigned from the private sector in 2008, compared to 331 from the public sector. 2014 statistics show less promising figures for the private sector where

Omani women represent only 2.3% of the workforce compared to 35.1% of the public sector workforce (National centre for statistics and information, 2014).

Statistical data show that women have increasingly been participating in both education and the labour market. In fact, the ratio of women participating in the labour market exceeds the government‘s expectations laid out in the Vision 2020 plan. Vision 2020 expected women‘s participation in the labour market to reach 12% by 2020, but by 2014, women already made up about 32% of the total Omani labour force (see Figure 1)—far outstripping expectations.

Figure 1. Numbers of male and female workers in the Omani labour force.

The changes and developments in Oman‘s cultural and institutional framework should provide Omani women with greater opportunities to seek high levels of education and employment. However, there are two distinctive features of women‘s participation in the labour market that need to be mentioned. First, despite the fact that women are economically supported by their families and the welfare system—and have economic rights protected by law—a large percentage of employed Omani women currently perform low quality jobs in the private sector that would otherwise be carried out by foreign workers. The hotel industry is a prime example of this (see Table 1). Most Omani women workers in the hotel industry are employed in service jobs such as cleaning, cooking or serving food and drink. Moreover, as shown in Figure 2, the majority of Omani women employed in the private sector and insured under the Public Authority for Social Insurance of April 2009 earned 120 OMR per month (1 OMR ≈ 3.2 Australian dollars), which is the minimum wage for private sector Omani workers. There is no clear evidence of why women choose to be involved in such jobs when there is no compulsion or economic imperative to do so; instead they could

choose to stay at home as caregivers or participate in the Omani Women‘s Association (OWA), which provides meaningful education, training and opportunities for community work.

Table ‎1-1: Salary and Number of Women Employees in the Omani Hotel Industry According to their Occupations

Salary Total Occupations Expatriate Omani (OMR/Month)

Manager 69 13 451

Technician 79 144 313

Sales 8 89 258

Food manufacturing and processing 4 26 198

Specialists 97 11 191

Clerical jobs 3 342 163

Service 977 908 151

Note. From the Ministry of Manpower, Oman.

Figure 2. Insured Omani female employees‘ salaries as of April 2009.

Note. From the Public Authority for Social Insurance, Oman.

In April 2013 the Omani government increased the minimum basic wage to 325 R.O. from 120 R.O. by the end of same year statistics show that women are heavily represented at the low end of the pay scale, similar to 2009 results. The majority of Omani women working in the private sector earn less than 300 R.O. per month (Figure 3).

30,000

25,000

20,000

15,000

10,000

Numberofwomen 5,000

0 225 to More More More More More More More More More 300 than 300 than 400 than 500 than 600 than 700 than 800 than 900 than than to 400 to 500 to 600 to 700 to 800 to 900 to 1000 1000 to 2000 2000 Basic Wages ( R.O)

Figure 3. Insured Omani female employees‘ salaries as of End 2013.

Note. From the Public Authority for Social Insurance, Oman.

Since 2004, the annual turnover of women workers in the private sector has equalled or exceeded the number of women hired in those years. The period from 2004 to 2008 should reflect the results of the private sector reforms implemented by fifth, sixth and seventh five-year development plans to attract more Omanis to the workforce and encourage Omanis to continue working in the private sector. In 2008 (the middle of the seventh development plan), 6,652 Omani women joined the private sector, while 7,603 left the private sector for other pursuits; during the same period, 3,558 Omani women joined and 258 left the public sector. According to The Public Authority for Social Insurance, Oman, around 25% of insured Omani women quit private sector work in 2013. Around 94% left because of resignation or termination, 90% were earning less than 500 R.O and 76% were less than 30 years old.

Figure 4. Employment and turnover of Omani women in the private sector.

Note. From the Public Authority for Social Insurance, Oman.

Table ‎1-2 : Employment and turnover of Omani women in the private sector 2013 From the Public Authority for Social Insurance, Oman

Turnover in minimum wage jobs is expected because of poor working conditions and low compensation and in jobs with a corporate culture that contradicts the values of Omani culture. However, women continue to apply for these jobs despite employment contracts that describe the unfavourable conditions. Moreover, Omani women have been given opportunities to improve their

employment status by increasing their qualifications and upgrading their skills through diverse higher education institutions. The degree to which Omani women are responding to government policy is unknown.

These figures suggest that private sector jobs do not represent an appropriate work environment for Omani women. This could be due to institutional or cultural factors. First, the lack of appropriate working conditions in the private sector, in comparison to the conditions of Omani public sector, represents a major institutional motive for leaving the private sector. Public sector workers enjoy benefits that include lifelong employment, good wages, reasonable working hours, further educational opportunities, good retirement benefits and better job security (Al-Lamki, 1998). Second, in 2014 foreign labour comprised 89.1% of the private sector labour force, compared to 14.2% of the public sector. Females with expertise represent 10% of the private sector workforce compared to 4.7% for the public sector. The number of foreign workers—especially professionals at high management levels—may present a cultural challenge for Omani workers. Al-Hamadi et al. (2007) found that Omani employees give high priority to religion, national culture (values, norms, customs and rituals) and the socialisation process with regard to human resource management (HRM) policies and practices. They found that these factors dictated Omani employee action and shaped the behaviour of individuals and their integration within a group. In addition, they pointed out that Omani HRM policies and practices in both public and private sectors are influenced by expatriates occupying consultancy and higher management positions. Public sector policies and practices are generally formed by foreign expatriate consultants from Egypt and other Arab countries while Western approaches dominate the private sector. Therefore, there is a higher potential for cultural conflict in the private sector due to a higher number of foreign workers and the influence of Western human resource management policies and practices. Western international managers are less likely than those from Arab and Islamic backgrounds to know which aspects within the national culture and institutional framework may influence preferences for HRM policies and practices.

1.1.4 Islam and women’s role

Although the approaches and regime appear to be different, all are based on the distribution of paid work and unpaid work hours within the household. Nevertheless, the definition of paid and unpaid work can vary from one culture to another. The economic system and literature that developed in the West was based on the assumption that domestic work is more suited to women‘s biological make-up and, as such, they do not need to be paid for it. Thus, domestic work and caring roles are classified as unpaid work if carried out within the family (see Warren et al., 2010). This is

rather ironic, considering the amount of money paid in these countries for childcare centres, babysitting, restaurants, cleaning companies and laundries. There is often confusion regarding the terms ―domestic work‖ and ―caring role‖ in the literature and the terms are often used interchangeably.

However, there is a distinction between the two concepts in Islamic culture. A caring role involves the type of work that is directly related to household members, such as the personal relationships of partnership and parenting and includes the biologically related roles of pregnancy and breastfeeding. Domestic work, on the other hand, is viewed as maintenance of the household and includes cleaning, laundry, washing dishes, gardening, shopping and other such activities. This type of work generally requires physical effort in addition to management and organisation skills. Neither the Holy Quran nor the Mohammed legacy- Sunnah- oblige women to perform domestic work. The only incident recorded in the Mohammed legacy that involves domestic work is when his daughter came to him to complain about the hardship of the housework and requested the help of a servant. Mohammed did not deny the request, but offered her the choice between servants and of being taught some worship practices that would help ease the difficulty of her tasks.

Another issue needing classification is the distinction between paid and unpaid work. While some Western cultures consider domestic work to be unpaid work (see Warren et al., 2010), Omani culture and Islamic culture regard it as paid work.

In Islam, the dowry is a condition of a marriage contract between a woman and a man, and without it the contract is not valid. The dowry can be a sum of money (ranging from one cent to millions of dollars), a material object (such as a ring or a book), or an action, such as learning or teaching something. However, it is the women who decide what it is and how it should be spent or done: ―And give the women (on marriage) their dower as a free gift; but if they, of their own good pleasure, remit any part of it to you, take it and enjoy it with right good cheer‖ (Quran 4:4) (Ali, 2005).

As indicated in the verse cited below, men are prohibited from claiming back their dowry in the case of a divorce. In addition, the verse states the sanctity of the marriage agreement:

But if ye decide to take one wife in place of another, even if ye had given the latter a whole treasure for dower, take not the least bit of it back: Would ye take it by slander and manifest wrong? And how could ye take it when ye have gone in unto each other, and they have taken from you a solemn covenant? (Quran 4:20–21) (Ali, 2005).

At another point it is stated, ―Men are the protectors and maintainers of women, because God has given the one more (strength) than the other, and because they support them from their means‖ (Quran 4:34) (Ali, 2005). These verses suggest the recognition of women‘s right to economic support by the men in the family and declares the gender order in the Islamic community: the man is the head and the leader of the family as well as the breadwinner. Nonetheless, his role is not just that of breadwinner but also a carer who stands firm in the family, protects its interests and looks after its affairs.

The Personal Status Law in Oman (Ministry of Legal Affairs, Oman, 1996) states that the duties of the wife are to take care of the husband,3 breastfeed the children and supervise and organise the day-to-day affairs of the house.4 The first duty of the husband is to provide alimony for his wife before his children, his parents and his loans. Additionally, he cannot harm his wife physically or emotionally. Caring for children is shared between the husband and wife. In Oman, women do not feel obliged to do the housework; in 2008, over 98,000 expatriate workers were employed to do domestic work in the country (Ministry of National Economy, Oman, 2009). Consequently, at present, the distribution of working hours of paid work and unpaid work cannot be a major factor in the current gender distribution of employment.

In summary, most of the literature on gender regime was developed in countries where women hold the main caregiving role and domestic work is considered unpaid work. However, with respect to the gender regime in Oman, the main principles of the culture are that men and women are partners in the caregiving role, the wife‘s main roles are as a wife and a mother, and domestic work is paid work.

3 This refers to cohabitation, love and pleasure. 4 This does not include doing the housework. The couple decides who does it: both the wife and the husband or a hired worker. Usually, in poorer families, the wife does the housework if she is not employed, or they share the work if she is employed.

1.1.4.1 Omani culture

To understand Oman‘s work/care regime and to provide the context for this study, it is necessary to clarify some of the fundamentals of Omani culture. Omani culture is founded on Islamic culture, with Arab culture also having a profound influence and, to a lesser extent, Indian and African cultures. Some of the fundamentals of Islamic culture that influence attitudes to work and family are the following:  Tribes, races, nations and genders are labels by which we may know certain differing characteristics. The real differentiation between people comes from their piety and righteousness. O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a female, and made you into nations and tribes, that ye may know each other (not that ye may despise each other). Verily the most honoured of you in the sight of God is (he who is) the most righteous of you. (Quran 49:13) (Ali, 2005)  Each person as an individual is responsible and held to account for his/her material and spiritual deeds based on his/her individual abilities: ―On no soul doth God place a burden greater than it can bear. It gets every good that it earns, and it suffers every ill that it earns‖ (Quran 2:286) (Ali, 2005). In essence, each person can be held responsible for his/her individual actions. For example, if medical records prove that a woman‘s miscarriage was due to overwork, the case is treated as murder.  Family is the key institution of society, which determines the strength and survival of the community. Therefore, the family plays an important part in Islamic regulations. Contrary to most non-Muslims‘ perceptions of the Muslim community, women in Oman are not isolated from men. Islamic culture imposes rules for managing sexual relations between men and women, but there is no index of full separation in the Holy Quran or the Mohammed legacy. Indeed, women in Mohammed‘s era went to the mosques for prayers, to teaching sessions, to markets, and even to war with men. Furthermore, there were women who participated in protecting Mohammed himself in the war whom he never stopped or sent home. Saudi Arabia is the only Islamic country in which the practice of isolating men from women is followed very strictly; this may be because Saudi culture interprets Islam based on Arab culture – especially the gender ideology (Bjerke and Al-Meer, 1993; Doumato, 1992).

Therefore, although the Omani way of life before 1970 can be considered traditional, simple and ancient, women had extensive freedom and were granted many rights, including education and work. As stated above, women studied in traditional Islamic schools, worked in family businesses

(such as in trade, farming and fishery), and a few pursued independent work—such as owning a business or working for non-family members. As a result, in terms of women‘s participation in the labour markets in Oman, traditional Omani culture itself does not represent a barrier.

1.1.5 Summary

This section has presented a discussion on Oman‘s development plans, Oman‘s economic Vision 2020, the Omani labour market, women‘s current participation in the labour market of Oman, and Islam and the role of women. Oman has embarked on development plans with the aim of modernising and diversifying its economy. The country has launched a series of five-year development plans that have achieved notable progress in both economic and social structures. The plans detail the development of the Oman council, establishing the country‘s infrastructure, opening investments to productive developmental projects and broadening and diversifying the production base of the economy and private sector development. Lastly, they establish a base for the beginning of a new era in development planning in the Sultanate.

Oman‘s economic Vision 2020 includes the development of human resources, creation of a stable macroeconomic framework, and encouragement to establish an effective and competitive private sector. It also entails the provision of appropriate conditions for the realisation of economic diversification, enhancement of the standard of living of the Omani people, and preservation of the achievements of the past 25 years.

Because the Omani labour market still faces a shortage of professional and skilled labour, the government has started an Omanisation program aimed at replacing expatriates with trained Omani personnel. Omanisation has been more successful in the public sector than in the private sector because of the extended benefits the public sector provides. Nevertheless, despite the comprehensive participation of women in the labour market, the gap between male and female participation rates remains very high. Women‘s current participation in the labour market of Oman is also presented in this section, and it is emphasised that further explanations need to be pursued in order to understand women‘s workplace representation. However, the changes and developments in Oman‘s cultural and institutional framework should provide Omani women with greater opportunities to seek higher levels of education, and employment in quality jobs. Finally, this section has discussed the role of Islam and points of difference within Omani culture to understand how Islam and Omani culture promotes or hinders women‘s participation in the labour market.

1.2 Research Problem and Central Research Question

As previously stated, the aim of this study is to gain a better theoretical understanding of their participation in the labour market by comprehensively reviewing women‘s employment in in Oman. To understand women‘s participation in the Oman labour market it is essential to understand the nature of the work/care regime. Therefore, the general research question and specific research questions are presented below.

The general research question is: What is the nature of the work/care regime in Oman? The more specific questions are:

1. What motivates women to participate in the labour market? 2. What are the factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market? a. What are the cultural factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market? b. What are the institutional factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market? 3. Do Omani women maximise their professional career aspirations?

1.3 Thesis Structure

The thesis includes three studies that investigate women‘s participation in the labour market in Oman; the eight chapters are arranged as follows:

1. Introduction: This chapter includes background information about the Sultanate of Oman, the development of the country, the Omani labour market and Omani women‘s participation in the labour market. 3. Literature Review: This chapter discusses the theoretical background and literature related to women‘s participation in the labour market and the work/care regime, based on Pocock‘s (2005) work on the work/care regime. Pocock‘s conceptual framework of a work/care regime has been used as a guide to organise the literature review and to develop an analytical work/care regime framework that identifies different pressure points. These pressure points are drawn from the Omani context. 4. The Methodology: This chapter focuses on the development of the research questions, research design and data collection methods. It explains how the study was carried out to completion.  Study One: This chapter investigates the culture that to some extent advocates that females should serve females when possible and thus allows Omani women to work only in

specific fields. Omani women‘s employment in society is influenced by characteristic features of Omani national culture and gender roles, both of which are main themes of this study.  Study Two: This chapter studies institutional growth and the planners‘ policy recommendation to actively incorporate Omani women in the labour force as a means of partially solving the national labour shortage.  Study Three: This chapter explores Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in the labour market.  Result and Discussion: This section presents the findings of the study and includes a discussion of these findings based on the available evidence and reviews of previous literature by other scholars. It presents an analysis of the statistical data from the study on the issue of women‘s representation in the private and public sector in Oman.  Findings and Conclusions: This chapter reviews the main findings of the thesis in relation to the research questions. The chapter includes a discussion of the validity of these findings based on generalisations presented in related studies. It presents some of the assertions of the dissertation resulting from a thorough review of the findings relating to the study.

1.4 Contribution of the Thesis

This dissertation provides new knowledge on women‘s involvement in the labour market in Oman. The findings of the study are of great relevance to the Omani government, especially the Ministry of Labour, and their understanding of the situation on the ground. The detailed information on hiring and involvement practices within the labour market will help establish what needs to be done to increase women‘s involvement. It reveals the strengths and weaknesses of the approaches established by the stakeholders in the labour market in relation to women‘s involvement practices. The dissertation also identifies the changes that are needed in various institutions that have an impact on women‘s involvement in the private sector in Oman and explains some of the challenges that women face when seeking to participate in the private sector. Some solutions for these challenges are outlined and are aimed at aiding the Sultanate of Oman in achieving its vision of involving women fully in the economy to maximise productivity.

The thesis aims to fill the gap in women employment literature in general, and Middle East literature in particular. Specifically the thesis tries to refine Pocock‘s (2005) work/care regime conceptual model for an Omani context. Pocock's model will be the departure to understand cultural and institutional factors that produce work/care regime in any context. Later in the thesis the

researcher will uncover how these factors influence propensity to maximise career and career aspiration and how the factors generate a work/care regime that may vary by context. This thesis is an attempt to fill the gaps in the literature regarding cultural and institutional framework, propensity to maximise, career aspiration and career preferences and how work/care regime are formed by these factors.

Chapter 2: Literature Review

2.1 Introduction

This chapter discusses the literature relating to women employed in the private sector in Oman and covers a variety of scholarly works to develop a better understanding of the topic and general conclusions based on previous, relevant research. The chapter covers major topics that include the work/care regime, culture, gender roles, social expectations, the national culture, institutions (family and workplaces), the legislative system, actions, preferences and behaviours, economic needs, changing identity, and the pursuit of intrinsic reward and self-esteem. All of these areas of study are captured in the literature review, as they are related to the issue of women‘s employment of Oman. This chapter also develops a conceptual model, outlining an analytical framework that guides the research. These parts cover the major issues of women‘s involvement in a broader context of work and society that, in Oman‘s case, can be applied to develop a better understanding of women‘s participation in the labour market. The literature review complements the primary study, conducted among 24 participants, in ascertaining that appropriate, reliable and valid findings are derived from the case analysis and the survey research.

There is a broad range of literature on women‘s employment and the labour market; the work/care regime (Pocock, 2005) and preference theory (Hakim 1995a, 2002, 2003a, 2006) guide this research. The work/care regime derived from Pocock‘s (2005) framework is a starting point for this research. Pocock proposes that culture, institutions and individuals‘ actions, preferences and behaviours shape work/care regime and outcomes in any given society. Since Pocock‘s (2005) framework is a conceptual framework and is not empirically testable, it was primarily used as a guiding framework. Furthermore, rather than examining the outcomes of the work/care regime in a society, this study explores how a society‘s culture and institutions influence women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours toward work.

Hakim (1995a, 2002, 2003a, 2006) proposes that, in modern developed societies, the differentiated choices women make between their positions in the labour market and in the family are not greatly constrained socially or structurally, but rather reflect their own preferences. The preference theory is a controversial view and has stimulated much academic debate that can be broadly divided into two camps: those who emphasise that personal preferences guide women‘s decisions and those who state that social and economic constraints guide women‘s decisions (Kan, 2007). However, the preference theory is only applicable when work/care alternatives are available. Women‘s choices between their positions in the labour market and in the family can only be considered preferences in a community that provides sufficient work/care alternatives—such as

welfare benefits—and cultural and social tolerance of both work and care roles. The next section explores these roles in more detail.

2.2 Work/Care Regime

Although women‘s participation in the labour market has increased around the world, women are still the main caregivers in families and many women juggling caregiving and paid work responsibilities difficult. Scholars such as Villegas (1990), Gray and Tudball (2002), Doherty (2004), Grönlund (2007), Wood and Newton (2006), Karatepe and Magaji (2008) and Emslie and Hunt (2009) point out that women need social support to manage work/family conflicts. Pocock (2005) and Adler and Brayfield (2006) present a conceptual framework of a work/care regime made up of the interactions between three factors that influence any labour market: institutions (families, organisations, governments, schools and laws), cultures and actions, and preferences and behaviours. Pocock (2005, p. 39) suggests that the model in Figure 4 conceptualises a gender order constructed by social and historical power relations. This order, in turn, embodies the particular institutions, cultures and actions (including behaviours, preferences and negotiations) that are specific to certain times and places.

Figure 5. Gender orders and work/care regime.

Pocock‘s (2005) study was focused on Australia, where culture—as presented in this framework—represents what people think (social norms) and dominant values, such as the archetypal ―proper mother,‖ ―proper father,‖ and ―proper worker.‖ Institutions signify how, where and when we do things and includes specific institutions, such as government bodies, schools, universities, industrial law, the labour market, childcare centres, workplaces, leave arrangements,

work time, welfare arrangements, government payments and family structures. Actions, behaviour and preferences embody what we do and want at a point in time, such as participation in paid work, allocation of unpaid work and how people care for dependents. The balance of forces between employers and employees is shaped by regulatory institutions, such as relatively high union membership, a high level of social and political acceptance of industrial arbitration machinery, and the fixed wages and conditions in Australia (Pocock, 2005, pp. 38-39). Furthermore, culture, institutions, actions, preferences and behaviours form not only the work/care regime, but also women‘s motivation to participate in the labour market. These issues are discussed in the following sections.

2.2.1 Culture

Hofstede and Hofstede (2005, p 6) state, ―Every person carries within himself or herself patterns of thinking, feeling, and potential acting that were learned throughout their lifetime.‖ These patterns manifest as culture and are an integral part of labour market development. Austen (2000) argues that culture largely determines the value and significance that individuals attach to alternative labour market actions and outcomes. Particular aspects of culture, such as social norms, also help to define individuals‘ boundaries regarding their culturally defined objectives in the labour market. Cultural perspectives are relevant to a range of important labour market issues including the participation of women in the paid workforce, occupational choices, aspects of the wage structure and levels of effort and motivation. This cultural perspective has been recognised as a fundamental component in understanding how labour markets work, especially the dynamic aspects of the growth and survival of labour market institutions (Austen, 2000). Women‘s participation in the labour market, and consequently the work/care regime, has been associated with three main cultural aspects: gender roles, national culture and social expectations (Bolak, 1997; Clark, Ramsey & Adler, 1991; Cunningham, 2008b; Grimshaw, Murphy & Probert, 2005). This section explores these three aspects.

2.2.1.1 Gender roles

In many developing and developed countries, the female caregiver/male breadwinner family model remains the most common model. However, according to Mackey and Immerman (2002), over time cultural changes affect such roles and the structure of society. Additionally, they have found that cultures whose change social strategies and schemes and allow women to take new roles do not divert women away from their biological roles as mothers, as compared to cultures that assume any alternative course.

Recent social changes in many countries have meant that women are no longer just family- centric and it is expected that they should participate in the labour force along with men. Moreover, men‘s participation in routine housework has facilitated the opportunity for women to work outside of the home. Thus, shifting social and economic roles have shaped the context in which women make decisions about paid employment (Cramer & Westwegren, 1999; Cunningham, 2008b). However, Sullivan and Mainiero (2007) suggest that both women and men seek career-pattern solutions to the problems of the work/family balance and some women may follow a career-driven lifestyle, while some men may wish to become more family-centric. Black (2001) finds that low masculine culture countries, as defined in Hofstede‘s (1984c) typology, are associated with more flexible labour markets. Therefore, these countries are linked with a higher share of part-time employment, higher female labour force activity rates and an expanding share of females available to the labour pool.

2.2.1.2 Social expectations

Today, most societies are much more receptive to the idea of women combining a career and a family than in the past. Furthermore, societies send a plethora of messages to women about their careers and their work rights to encourage them to participate in the labour market (see Whitmarsh, Brown, Cooper, Hawkins-Rodgers, and Wentworth, 2007). As a result, the difference in status and power between males and females in the labour market has declined, which motivates more women to take on top leadership positions. Weyer (2007) states that many scholars put pressure on women to pursue equality in the labour market. By studying and pointing out the gap between women and men with respect to earnings, position and career development, they are indicating that women need to put more effort into bridging the gap; by pursuing additional education, training and work experience, for example.

As noted earlier, changes in the structures of communities caused by changes in gender roles, culture and family structures have modified social expectations. In recent times and many societies, a woman‘s economic independence has become one of the key indicators of her status and, defines the degree of her individual freedom in public and private life (Balabanova, 2007). In addition, recent research shows that attitudes toward the male breadwinner/female homemaker family model have changed; women‘s involvement in the paid labour market is associated with a change in attitudes toward gender roles and women‘s work. These changing attitudes influence women‘s prospective employment histories, education and the new economic structure to produce new opportunities for women (Brooks & Bolzendahl, 2004; Cunningham, 2008a). Investigating these changes as they affect women in Oman is one of the aims of this study.

2.2.1.3 National culture

National culture refers to the shared norms and values of a particular region, as found in all cultures, for example Arab culture, Australian culture or American culture. Variations in values, beliefs and assumptions exist even within a relatively homogenous cultural context. These variations within a national culture can have considerable impact on the representation of women in the labour force. For example, Clark et al. (1991) find that women in Islamic and Latin American nations are substantially less likely to contribute to the labour forces of their countries than those in Marxist or African nations. Additionally, culture affects not only the rate of participation, but also the division of the labour market and types of work in which women engage. Most statistics indicate that women in developing countries tend to participate in agriculture and social services, such as education and health services. Even in male-dominated fields, women tend to occupy jobs perceived to require less masculine attributes, such as secretarial, general relationship and information technology positions (International Labour Office, 2009).

However, Kottak (1990) finds that the failure of many foreign model projects in developing countries has arisen from insufficient attention to the local culture and the project‘s lack of fit with existing cultural conditions. Aycan et al. (2007), discuss that, in many ways, Western cultures place a high value on individualism in contrast to Middle Eastern cultures, which place a high value on collectivism, status hierarchy and quality of life. This means that the adoption of Western theories, systems, policies and practices in Middle Eastern countries may be responsible for changing values, attitudes and norms in the host culture.

Based on the previous discussion regarding Oman, the effect of culture on the labour market in general—and women‘s participation in it in particular—presents a potential conflict between private sector organisational policies and practices and the local culture, especially in multinational firms. As a result, women‘s participation in the labour force is being affected either by the ingress of policies and practices of firms whose intent is to adapt to the local culture, or of Omani women adapting to the policies and practices of the multinational firms.

2.2.2 Institutions

For the purpose of this discussion, there are two types of institutions that shape the labour market: functional institutions and administrative institutions. Functional institutions provide jobs and career development opportunities and include, for instance, workplaces, companies, schools and universities. In terms of their ownership and workforce, functional institutions in Oman can be divided into five types: (1) national ownership and labour force, (2) international ownership and

labour force, (3) national ownership and multinational labour force, (4) multinational ownership and national labour force and (5) mixed ownership and labour force. Administrative institutions plan and manage the labour market. Examples of administrative institutions in Oman are the ministries of labour, economy and social affairs, and employment offices. Omani administrative institutions are national institutions staffed by local experts.

In this study, an ―institution‖ is defined as ―a system of rules, beliefs, norms, and organizations that together generate a regularity of social behaviour,‖ (Greif, 2006, p. 30). Pocock (2005) includes the family as a social institution that exerts extensive influence over the work/care regime in her framework. However, it is important to bear in mind that the concept of family also varies among societies. In the Western context, family refers to the nuclear family, which consists of a married couple and their children. In the Middle Eastern context, the concept of family extends to include grandparents, grandchildren, uncles, aunts and cousins. Decisions about work in Western countries are more likely to be made by individuals or between partners, while many persons, including the extended family, collectively make decisions about work in Middle Eastern families. Pocock (2005) includes all types of institutions, including family without distinguishing between categories; however, Omanis‘ extended family arrangements potentially impact Oman‘s work/care regime.

In general, the institutional context is an important determinant of women‘s position in the labour market. Considering Greif‘s definition (2006, p. 30), the labour market can be viewed in two ways. First, as an institution in itself; whether national or multinational, the labour market is formed by a system of rules, beliefs and norms that represent employment and unemployment trends, work policies and workplace environments. In addition, there are organisations that manage the labour market, which include employers, employment agents, ministries, labour unions and multinational labour organisations. The labour market is an institution constructed by men and it follows the masculine dimensions of the culture; such as full-time employment, long working hours, mobility and high commitment to work (Doherty, 2004). Introducing women to a masculine institution without preparing both women and the institution for the change can create conflicts; now known in the literature as ―work/care conflict‖ or ―work/family conflict.‖ Many scholars indicate that the source of this conflict is that women must work as full-time employees for two institutions: the family and the labour market (see Doherty, 2004; Karatepe & Magaji, 2008). Therefore, it would be beneficial to women if labour markets were adapted to include the feminine dimension of the social culture. Second, the labour market can be viewed as an entity that is constructed by institutions; international and national institutional structures link directly to the construction of the labour market. For example, international and national institutional structures affect the demographics of

employment, wages and equality (César &Alberto, 2009; Bertola, Blau & Kahn, 2007). The present study focuses on the family, the workplace and the legislative system as fundamental institutions that affect the labour market and influence women‘s participation in that market. The focus of the literature in each of these categories is outlined below.

2.2.2.1 Family

The family institution affects women‘s participation in the labour market in two ways. First, family drives women‘s economic activity in society. For much of history, men have had more economic independence than women. Although feminist movements around the world have aimed to achieve economic independence for women, many women worldwide are involved in the labour force because of economic need rather than for economic independence (Arun, Arun & Borooah, 2004; Eggebeen & Hawkins, 1990). Global economic changes have resulted in increased living expenses (e.g. health care, education, food, and utilities). As a result, in many countries the economic motive for women‘s work has changed from providing basic necessities for the family to covering the increased expectations of a higher standard-of-living Therefore, economic pressures on dual-earner families may continue to increase the rate of women‘s participation in the labour market (Arun et al., 2004; Eggebeen & Hawkins, 1990). Second, family often supports women‘s participation in the labour market. In many countries that have experienced declining birth rates or the movement of populations, the absence of the extended family negatively influences women‘s participation in the labour market. The extended family generally provides social support for women. For example, women may need less maternity and sick leave when an extended family member such as a grandmother, can provide childcare. In the nuclear family, working mothers tend to use childcare centres, more maternity leave and more sick leave so they can simultaneously manage work and family (Sullivan & Hodson, 2002).

2.2.2.2 Workplaces

Workplaces have changed dramatically in the last few decades as advances in technology and economic growth around the world have changed job types and work requirements (Sullivan & Hodson, 2002). In many countries, changing organisational structures have meant that the workplaces of the future appear destined to have only a small core of full-time permanent employees working from a conventional office, with most skills brought in on a contract basis from people either working from home or hired for specific projects. Thus, a high degree of flexibility in the organisation‘s policies and culture will be required (Powell, 1999).

In addition, family-friendly organisations, flexible working hours and home-based work are arrangements that have become associated with the needs of working women. Working arrangements that facilitate the reconciliation of work with family life are an important component of balancing work and family commitments. Such arrangements are often referred to as ―family- friendly‖ work practices (Gray & Tudball, 2002; Villegas, 1990). These practices include control over starting and finishing times (flexible working hours), access to a telephone for family reasons, availability of permanent part-time employment and child care leave or time off for dependants. In addition, home-based work is attractive to women because it allows them to combine work with family responsibilities (Gray & Tudball, 2002; Villegas, 1990).

Flexible work arrangements are alternative work arrangements that differ from the standard on-site, eight to five, five-day-a-week schedules (Sharpe, Hermsen & Billings, 2002, p. 80). These alternative work arrangements have been introduced to the labour market for many reasons, but many employers have implemented them to help harried workers meet conflicting work and family demands (Sharpe et al., 2002). Research shows that women are more likely than men to use alternative work arrangements to help alleviate pressures resulting from incompatible work and family responsibilities (Sharpe et al., 2002).

However, flexible work arrangements can also benefit employers. Employers can smooth out staffing levels during seasonal fluctuations or other changes in market demand, gain financial flexibility (e.g. by reducing benefits and expenses associated with layoffs or termination) by using workers who are on the payroll of a third-party employer and gain functional flexibility by accessing specialised skills as needed rather than making long-term commitments for skills that may become technologically obsolete or that are required only for short-term projects (Broschak et al., 2008).

2.2.2.3 Legislative system

Women‘s employment decisions—particularly mothers—are influenced by the policy context (Pettit & Hook, 2005). Two levels of legislation should be considered in terms of women‘s employment: international legislation and local legislation. After the United Nations (UN) was founded in 1945, women‘s participation in the labour market received attention from international organisations. One of the most important organisations affecting the labour market is the International Labour Organization (ILO), which became a member of the UN system in 1946, after which various agreements were issued to guarantee the rights of women in the labour market. Some of these agreements are international conventions that aim to end all kinds of discrimination against women. These include the International Labour Convention No. 100, passed in 1951, regarding the

principle of equal remuneration for male and female workers for work of equal value; Agreement No. 111 (1958), regarding discrimination (employment and occupation); and Agreement No. 156 (1981), concerning equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women workers with family responsibilities.

Many countries responded to the international agreements and policies regarding women‘s employment, thereby transforming local labour market policies. According to Huber, Stephens, Bradley, Moller, and Nielsen (2009), the international differences in women‘s employment can be directly linked to the different sets of labour markets and social policies pursued by individual countries. Furthermore, the welfare state, labour market and caregiving policies have shaped employment opportunities and the accessibility of the labour market to women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours (Huber et al 2009).

2.2.2.4 Economic needs

In most societies, basic economic needs are a fundamental motive for paid work. However, work motivation and choices of employment for individuals are governed by a complex set of factors. Later in this thesis it will be shown that, in the case of many Omani women, working in paid employment is regarded as a choice. Thus it is necessary to understand women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours and the factors that influence those actions, preferences and behaviours.

The preferences in this study are not the same as Hakim‘s Preference Theory (Hakim, 1995b, 2002, 2003b, 2006) that explains women‘s choices between market work and family work on the basis of their preferences, rather than by social, economic and institutional factors. Kan (2007) disagrees with the Preference Theory, arguing that women‘s employment choices are not influenced only by prior and stable preferences, as many aspects affecting these choices—including gender-role preferences—may be largely determined by culture. According to Kangas and Rostgaard (2007), women do not make work/family choices in isolation from the social and family context. Even so, individuals‘ orientations for specific types of work are usually a result of their own actions, preferences and behaviours.

Actions, preferences and behaviours embody an intrinsic motivation for work that includes factors such as identity, self-esteem and job satisfaction. These intrinsic work factors are abstract; people manifest them in the form of actions, preferences and behaviours. For example, in the Omani context, a woman‘s Islamic identity is reflected as an action when she wears a veil or as a preference when she refuses to work in places that are not permitted by Islam, such as nightclubs or shops selling alcohol. In addition, workplace preferences might include places where certain

behaviours are permitted, such as praying. After reviewing the matter of economic need, this section will explain more about identity, self-esteem and job satisfaction as a source of human action, preferences and behaviours that influence our work decisions. Furthermore, it will discuss why these specific factors were chosen for this study.

2.2.2.5 Standard of living choices

In many countries men remain the main breadwinners, but recent changes in social roles and structures have led to women sharing responsibility for the family‘s finances. In many Arab countries, such as the Arabian Gulf countries, the welfare system offers money to a woman— regardless of age—if no male breadwinner is responsible for her—regardless of whether she has children. Nevertheless, some women choose to work low paid jobs, possibly because economic needs vary among people. While some people need money to move above the poverty line, others‘ economic needs may be centred on improving their standard of living (Eggebeen & Hawkins, 1990).

2.2.2.6 Changing identity

In recent years, scholars working in a broad range of social science and humanities disciplines have taken an interest in issues of identity. The types of identities investigated of interest to businesses and organisational studies are individual, brand and organisational (He & Balmer, 2007). Fadjukoff, Pulkkinen, and Kokko (2005) argue that each person‘s identity process bears unique features and that identity is not always stable due to life changes, though gender differences remained significant through all age levels. In addition, Peltola, Milkie, and Presser (2004) propose that, as individuals pass from one life stage to another, micro-level experiences and self-attitudes are influenced by the macro-level historical context, meaning that environmental and cultural influences affect one‘s sense of identity.

The term ―identity‖ has been defined in many different ways. Korte (2007) defines identity as a cognitive construct of the self—fundamentally relational and self-referential—that answers the question ―Who am I?‖ The typical psychological concept of the self as a collection of personality traits focuses primarily on the individual. However, this study adopts the definition of Graham, Sorell, and Montgomery (2004), in which the term ―identity‖ refers to the ―conscious awareness of knowing who one is‖ (p. 253). ―This process of self-definition involves simultaneously maintaining the continuity of one‘s own character and some degree of ideological and behavioural congruence with the ideals of the social group in which one lives‖ (Graham, Sorell & Montgomery, 2004, p. 253).

Over the past few decades, women‘s identity development has come to be recognised as a process that differs from identity stage models, developed from earlier studies, in which only men participated. Hoffman (2006) has identified many different models of women‘s identity development. However, each of these models is socially constructed. Graham et al. 2004; Miller, 2007; and Raskin, 2006 all argue that personal identity is constructed and maintained against a backdrop of gender, race, education, religion and culture. They also point out that employed women, particularly married women who are unable to stay home full-time for financial reasons or who prefer to be employed outside their homes, must integrate their employment-related roles into their personal identities. These encompass the societal expectations of women as family managers, as well as their and society‘s evaluations of their employment and family role performance. Although the work identities of women have been shifting, expectations surrounding the role of motherhood have remained relatively constant.

2.2.2.7 The pursuit of intrinsic reward

A social role affects a person‘s wellbeing. Individuals‘ wellbeing increases according to the importance of their perceived role in the community. Moreover, the stress and rewards experienced in a social role change the personal valuation of one‘s role (see Norton et al., 2005; Norton et al., 2002). As a result, the search for highly rewarding jobs is mostly based on intrinsic considerations (Mannheim & Schiffrin, 1984). In addition, Shehan (1984) states that employed women are more likely to achieve life satisfaction from their job than from housework and that employed women are also more likely to get a more comprehensive satisfaction out of life than women confined to the role of housewife. Therefore, many women combine housework with a job for the sake of greater life satisfaction and wellbeing.

2.2.2.7.1 Self-esteem

Self-esteem is defined as an individual‘s feeling of general self-worth or adequacy or generalised feelings of self-acceptance, goodness and self-respect (Sonja, Chris & DiMatteo, 2006, p 366). It is also defined as the evaluation an individual makes and customarily maintains of him/herself (Duffy, Shaw & Stark, 2000, p 773). In this study, global self-esteem has been adopted in terms of self-worth. Self-esteem sources can be categorised as: (a) the implicit signals sent by the environmental structures to which one is exposed; (b) messages sent from important people in one‘s social environment; and (c) the individual‘s feelings of efficacy and competence derived from his/her direct and personal experiences (Pierce & Gardner, 2004).

Many studies point out that self-esteem development is influenced by social context. In addition to identity, self-esteem is influenced by gender roles, culture and education. As a result, the level and orientation of individuals‘ self-esteem differs and these differences in self-esteem lead to variation in people‘s life choices. For example, dissimilarities in job preferences between men and women serve their needs for esteem (Burnett, Anderson & Heppner, 1995; Duffy et al., 2000; Josephs, Markus & Tafarodi, 1992; Levy & Baumgardner, 1991).

Cross and Madson (1997) suggest that individuals‘ sources of self-esteem and the strategies and processes used to enhance self-esteem or self-evaluation may differ. The concept of self-system is utilised in this research to interpret gender differences in personality, development and behaviour and to understand the interactions between individuals and their social world. According to Burnett et al. (1995), cultural context also affects women‘s self-esteem. They found masculinity to be significantly correlated with self-esteem for both women and men but that femininity was not significantly related to self-esteem for either sex. Their study shows that women achieving high self-esteem were more likely to be non-traditional, married and older. Employment provides women with an alternative identity, social support, external validation for work well done, greater economic security and a break from child rearing (Elliott, 1996; Kleinplatz, McCarrey & Kateb, 1992). As a consequence, women‘s traditional role as caregivers may reduce their self-esteem because of an economic dependence on men or welfare. Thus, many women find that paid work is an alternative source of increased self-esteem. In general, employment enriches women‘s self-esteem by providing them with an alternative identity, social support, external validation and economic security (Elliott, 1996; Kleinplatz et al., 1992).

2.2.2.7.2 Job satisfaction

Decades of research into work and employment have identified job satisfaction as an important element of decisions on whether to continue employment. Researchers have viewed job satisfaction as a function of workers‘ reward levels and expectations. There are many dimensions of workplace-perceived job satisfaction, such as wages, job security, job content, work environment, personal development, communication, and human relations (Kwangho and Hahm, 2007). Additionally, characteristics such as gender, race, age and education have an important effect on job satisfaction. Numerous studies suggest that women are more satisfied with their jobs than are men (Wharton, Rotolo & Bird, 2000). This is because men and women bring different values and expectations to the workplace due to differences in gender roles and socialisation. For example, women are more relationship oriented and men more achievement oriented (Al-Ajmi, 2006) and partly explains the differences between job satisfaction determinants for men and women (Hodson,

1989; Lambert, 1991; Long, 2005). In general, the traditional social life experiences as housewife or mother lacks intrinsic rewards and thus women are more fulfilled by the social nature of intrinsic rewards at work than by the economic rewards (Lambert, 1991).

2.3 Conceptual Model

The above discussion outlined the complexities of women‘s participation in the workforce in Oman. A conceptual model, based on Pocock‘s (2005) model, has been developed for this thesis to gain a better understanding of women‘s participation in paid employment by examining the work/care regime in Oman. Institutions, culture, actions, preferences and behaviours do not just create the work/care regime, they also shape work arrangements. The institutions considered in this study are government, employers, labour market regulations and systems, social reproduction of social roles and industrial frameworks. These institutions have a high impact on employment for women in Oman. For example, the government encourages private sector organisations to employ Omanis and provides education and training opportunities. As a result, the work/care regime in Oman has changed from a male worker/female caregiver structure to a full-time male worker/female worker-caregiver structure and has led to many recent changes in Omani culture. The community has become more accepting of women working outside the home and women are working alongside men in many positions and industries. It has become common in Omani society for women to be present in a significant number of jobs. Women now work in schools, hospitals, shopping centres, hotels and travel agencies though Islamic culture still places some limits on workplace environments, working hours and the type of work in which women should engage. As previously explained, many believe that these limits protect women. For example, Islam rejects any work for women that involve the carrying of heavy materials and any work conditions that could lead to sexual harassment—such as wearing clothes that show parts of the body or using cosmetics—are not considered appropriate.

Nevertheless, women‘s work preferences have extended from education and health care jobs to involvement in business, tourism, journalism, information technology and entrepreneurial enterprises. These transformations in Omani society have led to changes in the labour market that require a balance between employers‘ and employees‘ needs. As an outcome of the mismatch of institutions, culture, actions, preferences and behaviour, the work/care regime is in a state of flux. This instability is a potential source of change for the labour market and in work arrangements. Therefore, this study investigates the cultural, institutional and individual factors that create and affect the work/care regime in Oman to better understand it. In addition, a dynamic analysis considering how these factors interact and function is necessary in order to propose suitable work

arrangements to balance employees‘ needs and employers‘ goals. A work/care regime that shapes work arrangements in the labour market requires focusing beyond traditional institutional analysis to consider culture, action, preferences and behaviour. This regime is embodied in specific work arrangements with particular institutions, cultures, actions, behaviours and preferences that are time and place specific. At any point in time or place, work arrangements are the consequence of the work/care regime, as set out in Figure 6.

Balance of forces between employee and employer

Work/care regime

Work arrangements Culture Institutions

 Gender role  Family  National culture  Workplaces  Social expectations  Legislative system

Action, preferences and behaviour

Economic needs Identity The pursuit of intrinsic reward

Figure 6. Work/care regime conceptual framework

2.3.1 Analytical framework developing the work/care regime

The work/care regime is a system of norms and roles agreed on by individuals, institutions or states to manage behaviours in specific contexts (Rittberger & Mayer, 1993). The variation of

regime is reflected in the variation of the context, employers and countries that have associated regime. Pocock (2005) presents a conceptual framework of a work/care regime made up by interactions among three factors that influence the labour market: (1) institutions (families, organisations, governments, schools and laws); (2) cultures and actions; and (3) preferences and behaviours (see Figure 4). Pocock (2005) suggests that gender order is constructed by social, historical and political relations. Gender order, in turn, embodies the particular institutions, cultures and actions (including behaviours, preferences and negotiations) that are time and place specific.

Pocock‘s (2005) conceptual framework was developed in the Australian context. Culture, as presented in this framework, represents people‘s perspectives of social norms and dominant values, such as the typical ―proper mother‖, ―proper father‖ and ―proper worker‖. The institutions refer to how, where and when we do things and include government bodies, schools, universities, industrial law, the labour market, childcare centres, workplaces, work arrangements, welfare arrangements and family structures. Actions, behaviours and preferences embody the actions one takes and what one wants at a particular point in time; including participation in paid work, allocation of unpaid work and how people care for dependents. The balance of forces between employers and employees is shaped by regulatory institutions, such as union membership, a social and political acceptance of industrial arbitration machinery, and the fixed wages and conditions in Australia (Pocock, 2005). Although it is based on the Australian experience, Pocock‘s work/care regime framework is potentially applicable to any labour market.

In examining countries such as Oman, conceptual frameworks such as Pocock‘s (2005) must be modified to accommodate different pressure points. Pocock‘s (2005) framework focused on work/care outcomes that she believed to be the consequences of the gender order. In Oman, the labour market is still forming and transforming; thus, an understanding of the formation of the work/care regime is required.. Although Pocock does not suggest that her framework is static, the author contends that to understand the work/care regime in Oman, the relationships between elements must be seen as highly fluid. The framework illustrated in Figure 7 proposes that institutions, culture and individuals‘ behaviours and preferences influence the type of work/care regime. In addition, the suggested work/care regime framework considers the interface between individuals‘ behaviours and preferences, institutions and culture as the labour market, economic system and social structure continue to develop.

Gender Order

Culture Work/care Institutions Regime

Individual's behaviours and preferences

Figure 7. Work/care regime framework

To recap, in this framework culture represents the national culture, which primarily reflects Islamic culture but has also been influenced by other Arab and African nations as well as India and is currently exposed to some Western norms and values. Culture in this context embodies the nation‘s values, norms and traditions and is divided into two groups: those considered as fundamental to Omani identity and those of minor influence. Values that are considered minor by Omanis are generally negotiable and changeable while changes to fundamental values are generally resisted. For example, wearing a head veil in Oman as a woman is a fundamental rule, while wearing a face veil is a minor rule. Although most of Oman‘s population is Muslim, the origins of Omani nationals (e.g., Arab, African, Indian or other) play significant roles in each group in classifying fundamental and minor rules. This thesis proposes that some factors of national culture are easily influence in terms of employees‘ actions, preferences and behaviours, while some are highly resistant.

Institutions represent Oman‘s functional and administrative institutions. Oman has a transitional agrarian labour market developed through the explosive growth of a centralised institutional public sector between 1970 and 1990. As Oman commenced its modernisation with almost no industrialised labour force, it relied on foreign labour from North Africa and Asia. At the time, the culture within these institutions did not represent a challenge for Omanis or for the guest workers because most guest workers came from similar cultural backgrounds of neighbouring

Islamic countries of Egypt, Jordan, India, Bangladesh and Pakistan. After 1990, Oman was liberalised and opened its market to foreign direct investment, which attracted Western firms. This brought more professional expatriates to Oman from Western countries such as the United Kingdom and United States. Al-Hamadi et al. (2007) point out that these cultural differences created a cultural conflict, mostly in the Omani private sector. As discussed in the previous section, the Omani private sector is dominated by foreign professional expatriates, while the public sector and administrative institutions are controlled by national experts. Thus some institutions in Oman embody the national culture while others are influenced by a mix of cultures. This thesis argues that Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours are shaped more by the nature of their workplace cultures and less influenced by laws and regulations than women in Western countries.

Omanis‘ behaviours and preferences towards work have changed dramatically since 1970 due to the educational revolution and exposure to international influences such as technology, human rights movements, women‘s movements and the growth in information technology. In addition, the number and variety of employment opportunities available to Omanis has expanded dramatically. In the public sector, these include work in administrative services, schools and hospitals. In the private sector, Omanis are employed in Omani-owned and multi-national organisations and engaged in entrepreneurship and international assignments. The influence of these factors is evident in the current labour market, particularly with respect to the employment transfer between public sector, private sector and overseas labour markets. Current workforce statistics suggest that low paid, unskilled and semi-skilled workers are leaving the private sector for the public sector while professionals, such as CEOs, doctors and university lecturers, are leaving the public sector for the private sector or are going overseas due to higher wage offers (see chapter 1). The government has increased the wages in the public sector twice (Royal Decrees 31/2007 and 56/2008) to counter this labour flow.

2.4 Conclusion

This chapter has outlined the literature relevant to the research questions and includes a discussion of the work/care regime, culture, gender roles, social expectations, national culture, institutions (family and workplaces), legislative systems, actions, preferences and behaviours influenced by factors such as economic needs, changing identity, the pursuit of intrinsic reward and self-esteem. All these areas of study relate to the issue of women‘s involvement in private sector employment in Oman. This section also develops a conceptual model that outlines an analytical framework explaining what has been covered in the literature review.

A broad range of literature exists regarding women‘s employment and the labour market. The two theoretical frameworks guiding this research are the work/care regime and preference theory. This study uses the work/care regime based on Pocock‘s (2005) framework as a starting point. It notes that the differentiated choices women make between their positions in the labour market and in the family are decreasingly constrained socially or structurally in modern developed societies and reflect women‘s own preferences. Although women‘s participation in the labour market has increased around the world, women are still the primary caregivers in families and many women find juggling caregiving and paid work responsibilities difficult.

The value and significance that individuals attach to alternative labour market actions and outcomes are, to a large extent, determined by culture. Particular aspects of culture, such as social norms, help define individuals‘ boundaries regarding their culturally defined objectives in the labour market. In many developing and developed countries, the female caregiver/male breadwinner family model remains the most common. Recently, social change has meant that women are not just family-centric but also expected to participate in the labour force to the same extent as men. In addition, today‘s society is much more receptive to the idea of women combining a career and a family than in the past. Furthermore, society sends a plethora of messages to women about their careers and work rights to encourage labour market participation.

Both the national culture and institutions have a considerable impact on women‘s share of the labour force. The effects on women‘s participation in the labour market appear in two ways: first, forcing women to be involved in labour provision and to earn a living due to economic, self or institutional needs; and second, as a barrier to women participating in the labour market because of cultural or institutional constraints.

Workplaces have also changed dramatically in the last few decades. Advances in technology and economic growth around the world have changed job types and work requirements. In many countries, changing organisational structures have meant that the workplaces of the future appear to be destined to have only a small core of full-time permanent employees working from a conventional office, with most skills brought in on a contract basis with people either working from home or hired for specific projects. Thus, organisational policies and culture will require a high degree of flexibility. From another perspective, studies have shown that the employment decisions of women—particularly mothers—are influenced by the policy context. Therefore, many countries have had to respond to international agreements and policies regarding women‘s employment, which has transformed many local labour market policies.

Among other major motivators for women to look for employment and integrate into the labour market are preferences, changing identities and self-esteem. Although these factors are challenged by the immediate culture, women react like men. Their search for highly rewarding jobs is based primarily on intrinsic considerations. However, women achieving high self-esteem are more likely to be non-traditional, married and older.

Chapter 3: Methodological Design

3.1 Introduction

This chapter outlines the methodological approaches used to meet the research aims and is separated into several sections. The first section restates the research questions and the problem, a rationale and contribution subsection explains the reasons for the overall research design and the methods used in each study are outlined.

3.2 Research Problem and Questions

As outlined in chapter 2, understanding the nature of the work/care regime is essential to understanding women‘s participation in the labour market in Oman. Therefore, the general research question and specific research questions of this study are presented below.

The guiding research question is: What is the nature of the work/care regime in Oman? To answer this question the following sub-questions have been formulated:

1. What motivates Omani women to participate in the labour market?

2. What are the factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

a. What are the cultural factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

b. What are the institutional factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market? 3. Do Omani women maximise their professional career aspirations?

3.3 Research Design

The study largely makes use of exploratory research to gain insight into women‘s employment in Oman and gain a better theoretical understanding of their participation in the labour market, as most explanations to date have been based on Western theories. As discussed in Chapter 2, the work/care regime is shaped by national culture and individual preferences. Western theories evolve from non-Islamic cultures—mainly Christian—that tended towards to secularism after the Second World War. This research was conducted to explore a work/care regime emerge in a community where both institutional framework and individual preferences are associated with Islamic culture.

Exploratory research is used when a problem does not have a clear definition. In this dissertation, the problem is defined, but in a broad context that has not previously been researched. Creswell (2003) considers exploratory research to be helpful in determining the best research design, selection of subjects, and data collection method. With this type of research, it has been possible to draw definitive conclusions that are clearly in concert with the research topic. Exploratory research type was applied in this dissertation because it often works well in concluding whether the perceived problem actually exists (Creswell, 2003). Although exploratory research is common in studies using secondary data, it has also been successful in studies using primary research—as is the case in this dissertation. This dissertation uses a qualitative approach for the exploratory component to refine the research questions that were later tested in a quantitative study. The research design is outlined below.

3.3.1 Exploratory studies: Study One and Study Two.

Studies One and Two are designed to work in concert. These studies answer the first two research questions:

1. What motivates women to participate in the labour market?

2. What are the factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

a. What are the cultural factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

b. What are the institutional factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

3.3.1.1 Study One: Culture.

Islam has played a significant role in shaping Omani culture. Omani Islamic culture embodies the Ibadhi (Ibadism or Ibadyyah) sect, which is a distinct sect of Islam that is neither Sunni nor Shia and exists mainly in Oman, East Africa, the Mzab valley of Algeria, the Nafus mountains of Libya and the island of Jerba in Tunisia. Unlike other Islamic sects, which consider belief to be one of the major pillars of faith, Ibadhi ideology holds that faith is built on three unavoidable pillars: belief, affirmation and action. The Ibadhi adopt a method of allegorical interpretation of anthropomorphist expressions in the Quran while the Sunnites apply a literal translation to the Quran and the prophetic traditions (Muammar, 2007). Ibadhi are the least

fundamentalist and sectarian of all Muslims, openly associate with people of all faiths, and pray together with other Muslims (Muammar, 2007). Throughout Ibadhi history, Ibadhi women participated in society side by side with men, for example seeking education, during war, and in work. On the other hand Ibadhi men did not hesitate to seek education from educated women, for example the founder of the sect Jaber Bin Zaid learned Islamic knowledge from the Prophet Mohammed's wives.

The principles of Ibadhi hold individuals responsible for their actions and behaviours; the government (or ruler) is expected to apply the punishments declared clearly in the Quran or prophet‘s biography for unlawful actions and behaviour. Women‘s dress code illustrates the impact of these principles on the Ibadhi community. The Quran and the prophet‘s biography outline a few preferable characteristics of women‘s attire, but give no punishment for not meeting these expectations. Thus, there is no law in Oman compelling women to wear veils, and no punishment for women who wear T-shirts or jeans. Also, while Islamic traditions require women to obey their guardians (father or husband), in Ibadhi Islamism, a woman is required to obey her guardian only as long as that guardian fulfils his role; otherwise, the woman‘s guardianship is transferred to other kin or to the government. In the Ibadhi sect, guardianship is meant to be an institution of protection for women—not a source of control over them. Therefore, adult Omani women usually do not need their guardians‘ permission in most circumstances and can leave the country and apply for jobs in accordance with their own judgment.

In addition, Oman‘s attitudes towards gender roles and the expectations of women‘s roles in society have changed from 1970s. Although women in Oman were economically active before 1970, most of their work was centred on family businesses—such as farms and shops—or on traditionally female domains such as teaching and caregiving. However, in the 21st century women are expected to participate in new and different forms of work, including tourism, hospitality and engineering. In addition, Omani women now occupy many more high-level jobs, such as ministers, deputy ministers and managers. The specific Islamic culture of Oman, along with shifting gender roles and social expectations, influence Omani culture to not only tolerate women‘s participation in the workforce, but also makes participation possible. Another cultural aspect is that, before 1970, many migrant groups settled in Oman. The origins of these groups are various, including regions in Arabia, Africa, India, Iran and Pakistan. The author was unable to uncover statistics for these groups in this time period

After 1970, when Sultan Qaboos began ruling Oman, the Omani community became one entity. These groups merged into tribes and clans acknowledged and identified by the government. For example, three people from the same tribe could come from different origins. In general, each tribe may contain members from four or more ethic origins. These ethnic backgrounds may give rise to cultural differences related to gender and women‘s employment choices.

Therefore, the first study explores the cultural factors that motivate Omani women to participate in the Omani labour market. More specifically, this study partially investigates the following question: What motivates women to participate in the labour market? The study addresses the second part of the second thesis question:

1. What are the factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market? a. What are the cultural factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

This qualitative study utilises textual analysis to understand the gender roles, social expectations and aspects of Islamic culture that might influence Omani women‘s employment decisions. The secondary data includes text from the Holy Quran, the Prophet Mohammed‘s biography and Omani literature selected from the royal speeches of his majesty Sultan Qaboos—the Sultan of Oman—and Omani studies.

Study One is an exploratory study to identify cultural aspects that are used to build the instrument for Study Three, which works to capture more information about how culture motivates Omani women to enter the labour market.

3.3.1.2 Study Two: Institutional factors

Many institutional changes have occurred in Oman over the last 39 years, including improvements in education, health and welfare. Most of these changes have improved the status of Omani women and empowered them to participate in public life. This study only investigates the institutional changes associated with women‘s employment that have potentially motivated women to participate in the labour market.

The institutional structure of the Omani labour market has undergone many changes. The first institutional development influencing the Omani labour market was the establishment of its three main bodies: the Diwan of the Royal Court, the Ministry of Civil Service and the Ministry of Manpower. While the first two bodies manage and organise employment in the public sector, the

third manages and organises employment in the private sector. Although employees under the Diwan of the Royal Court and the Ministry of Civil Service are all classified as public sector workers, the regulations and employment systems under which they work differ. This has produced three different working environments in the Omani labour market. Establishing the Omanisation program, which supports employment of Omanis through a number of schemes and incentives, was another influential step. The purpose of the Omanisation program is to replace the large expatriate workforce in Oman with local labour and ensure that a qualified and skilled Omani workforce actively participates in the country‘s economic development and prosperity. Under the Omanisation program, the Omani government has given some advantages to organisations that achieve a high ratio of Omanisation. One such advantage is the issue of a ―Green Card‖ to acknowledge these organisations; another is the selection of the five best factories in the country for an annual contest to win His Majesty‘s (HM) Cup (Al-Lamki, 2000). These two developments in the labour market have motivated and assisted many Omanis who otherwise would have been excluded from participation in the labour market.

This study aims to answer the following questions:

1. What motivates women to participate in the labour market?

2. What are the factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences, and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

b. What are the institutional factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

This study makes use of a textual analysis of the Omani Official Gazette to investigate the governmental legislative system and define the differences and similarities between the public and private sectors in Oman. These particularly relate to regulations that determine wages, working hours, leave provisions, pensions, benefits, promotions, training and other working conditions. The Omani Official Gazette includes information about royal decrees of the High Commissioner of the legislative and administrative branches, decisions that are brought to the Royal Majesty Sultan and decisions issued by the ministries and departments of governmental organisations that are to be published under any law or that require general interest publication. It also contains declarations, statements and official communications that must be published under the law or in the public interest and any other data necessary for the development of Omani society.

Additionally, this study investigates and compares workplace policies and practices in the private sector and public sector with respect to training, incentives, employee welfare, job security,

leaves of absence and flexible work schemes. The comparison between the sectors reveals the nature and effectiveness of Oman‘s private sector development initiatives in the last three five-year plans caused by implementing privatisation and Omanisation. Finally, using secondary data from the Ministry of Manpower, Ministry of civil service, Ministry of Law Affairs and Ministry of National Economy in Oman, this study determines changes in Omani family structures since 1970, such as the average number of adults and children who reside in a single household, the household‘s work mobility and the number and gender of breadwinners per household. 3.3.1.3 Studies One and Two primary data collection.

In addition to secondary data, 21 interviews were conducted to collect primary data for Studies One and Two and to capture more information about how culture and institutions motivate Omani women to enter the labour market. The data collection is discussed in greater depth in each chapter dealing with the specific studies in this thesis.

3.3.2 Study Three: Maximising career aspiration.

As discussed in chapter 1, turnover trends in Oman‘s private sector indicate that many Omani women who are unsatisfied with their work choose to leave the private sector, but this does not mean that those who choose to remain in private or public sector jobs are satisfied.

The quantitative study undertaken in Study Three investigates Omanis‘ propensity to maximise their career aspiration. This study investigates the third research question: Do Omani women maximise their professional career aspirations?

The study method is a questionnaire (Appendix 4) that was developed from the findings of Studies One and Two. Figure 8 shows the variables measured by the questionnaire.

Organisational commitment Gender role

Family commitment Number of Dependents

Income

Education Qualification

Propensity to maximise Professional career aspiration

Gender Social expectations

Age

Work regulations

Religion

Individualism Ethnic group

Collectivism Figure 8: Maximising career aspiration

Demographic questions—such as age, educational background, workplace experience, occupation and marital status—were included in the survey data and used as control variables.

3.4 Population and Sample

To meet the objectives of this study, the research required certain distinctive types of participants. The participants in Studies One and Two were Omani females working in the public and private sectors in Oman. The sample included participants from a range of industries, regions, organisation ownerships (national and international), marital statuses (single, married, divorced and widowed), work experiences, ages and educational backgrounds. The sample included 21 Omani female members of the Omani Women‘s Association in the Muscat region of Oman. More details are provided in Chapters 4 and 5.

The sample in Study Three was broader and larger than that of Study One or Two; it included a higher number of Omani females from a range of industries, regions, company ownerships (national and international), marital statuses (single, married, divorced and widowed), work experiences, ages and educational backgrounds. The questionnaire was distributed online to include as many Omani women as possible. The population and sampling methods are discussed in depth in the chapter dealing with the specific study.

Ethical clearance was approved by Ethical Review Committee at University Of Queensland, Australia (Appendix 5 & 6) and gatekeeper letter approved from The Research Council and Ministry of Higher Education, Oman (Appendix 7 & 8).

3.5 Reliability and Validity

Because this is a mixed methods thesis, the reliability and validity for each approach is discussed in depth in each chapter dealing with the specific studies conducted for this thesis. However, general issues on reliability and validity for the entire study are identified in this section. Data verification involved examining issues of validity and reliability. To assess whether the diverse groups of respondents considered the basic dimensions with sufficient depth and rigour in formulating their perceptions, a key component analysis of the social norms and beliefs relevant to women‘s involvement in the labour market was conducted. This is a powerful data reduction technique and helps in establishing the reliability of data. To assess whether participants of were relevant to this study, a cross-sectional analysis was conducted and group variables were examined to ensure that participants would provide relevant data for the research.

The responses obtained from the participants were deemed reliable because the respondents were briefed on the literature review and study requirements; confidentiality was assured and, therefore, enough valid data was provided for analysis. The data collection through interviews and questionnaires was superior as it contained a brief of the research. The questions used in the research were pre-tested and revised to suit the study. The questions asked related to women‘s perceptions of their involvement in the labour market, in both the private and public sectors. The questions were structured according to the research objectives, making them valid and reliable in answering the topic under discussion. Generally, the analysis and interpretation of the data was also reliable because it concentrated on the research objectives and thereby increased the reliability of the research at hand. Reliability and validity for most measures used in the quantitative study have been tested in various contexts and were tested for each of these studies.

3.6 Conclusion

This chapter has outlined the research questions and provided the rationale of the studies undertaken to address these questions. The methods used have been outlined briefly, including issues about reliability and the next steps forward. More detail of the methods used in each chapter will be provided in the relevant studies. The next chapter presents an analysis of Omani culture in relation to women‘s participation in the workforce.

Chapter 4: Study One: Culture

4.1 Introduction

As noted earlier, three stages of research are required to achieve the aims of this. The first stage involves the element of culture and its impact on women‘s involvement in the labour market. Two factors that influence Omani women‘s participation in the labour force are traditional culture and institutional growth. Traditional culture, which to some extent advocates that when possible, females should serve females, allows Omani women to work, but only in specific fields. Omani women‘s employment is influenced by the characteristic features of the Omani family and the traditional roles of women—both of which are the main themes of this chapter. Institutional growth, and the recommendation of policy planners to actively incorporate Omani women into the labour force as a means of partially solving the shortage of national labour, leads to increased opportunities for women‘s employment and will be further discussed in the next study. Individualistic factors— such as economic or psychological need—also push Omani women into the workforce. The increasing economic needs of the Omani family in the ever-expanding modern consumer-oriented cash economy and the psychological needs of educated Omani women for self-fulfilment and active participation in their country‘s welfare are catalysts for women‘s workforce participation that will be investigated in Study Three.

In terms of women‘s participation in the labour market, Smith (1979) points to a number of factors that make the situation of Muslim women generally difficult to describe and assess. First, separating what is peculiarly Islamic from what is simply part of Arab culture can be extremely difficult. Western influences coming to bear on Islamic culture make the task more complex. In addition, assessing the situation of women in Arabia before the emergence of Islam is difficult due to of a lack of sources.

Figure 9. Gender orders and work/care regime

The framework shown in Figure 9 of the work/care regime proposed by Pocock (2005, p. 39) conceptualises a gender order constructed by social and historical power relations. This order, in turn, embodies the particular institutions, cultures and actions—including behaviours, preferences and negotiations—that are time and place specific. The interaction between these three aspects should also be considered, as any change in one aspect could lead to changes in the other two. By exploring the Islamic experience in the Middle East, this study shows how cultural change leads to institutional change in the community.

The first part of this chapter includes a historical background of cultural change in the Middle East from Arab culture and the pre-Islamic era through Islamic culture and ends with the recent changes in the area. The second part is a qualitative study examining whether Islamic culture encourages and maintains gendered divisions within the labour force in Oman and whether—in the opinion of Omani women—Islam drives women‘s interests. It is proposed that female development is not contradictory to the dictates of Islam, but that it is countered and challenged by a patriarchal Arab heritage.

4.2 Arab Culture

Studying the cultures in Arab countries is important to understanding what influences Arab women‘s participation in the labour market.

Currently, the word ‗Arab‘ designates people whose native language is Arabic. This includes inhabitants of 22 countries extending from Oman in the East to Morocco and Mauritania in the West. As a result, many regard the dominant culture of the area to be Arab or Islamic. However,

as Golley (2004) states, ―Western misrepresentation of Arab women is one manifestation of the way Islam, usually taken to refer to Arabic culture at large, has been misconstrued‖ (Golley, 2004, p. 522). The phrase ‗Arab woman‘ is used as a synonym for the phrase ‗Muslim woman.‘ Golley (2004) has argued that, for most Westerners, the phrase ‗Arab woman‘ represents heavily veiled, secluded women whose lives consist of little more than their homes, their children and other females in the immediate kinship circle. It is hard to distinguish between Arab and Islamic cultures when each is so highly influenced by the other. To provide a better understanding of Arab culture, this study will review the era before Islam, the major change in Arab social construction and how Islamic and Arab culture influence each other and affect women‘s participation in the public sphere.

Ali (1993) has proposed that most historical resources in Christian, Jewish, Assyrian, Babylonian and Roman literature suggest that Arab culture originated with the people living on the Arabian Peninsula around 500 AD, as shown in Figure 10. He argues that the civilisations that surrounded the Arabian Peninsula, such as the Assyrian, Babylonian, Roman and Persian empires, had different languages, institutional frameworks, traditions and cultures than those on the Arabian Peninsula.

Arabian

Peninsula

Figure 10. The Arabian Peninsula before Islam (from Time Maps Ltd., 2007)

In fact, the absence of political organisation or institutional framework is a major characteristic of the Arab inhabitants, who were called Bedouins (Hell & Bakhsh, 1943). With respect to the legal ideas of the Bedouin, first and foremost was the right to personal freedom and kinship that united the individual to a family and to a tribe (Hell & Bakhsh, 1943). Thus, Arab identity was less powerful than tribal and family identities. As Ibn Khaldun (1967) observed, ―The Arabs are the least disposed to subordination. They have acquired a roughness of habit, an arrogant pride, and a spirit of jealousy, which set them against all authority‖ (p. 313).

Hitti (1956) maintains that the Arab in general, and the Bedouin in particular, is a born democrat. He points out that a titular head (sheikh or shaykh) represents the clan. The sheikh is the senior member of the tribe, whose leadership asserts itself in sober counsel, in generosity and in courage. Seniority in age and personal qualifications determine the designation of sheikh. In judicial, military and other affairs of common concern, the sheikh is not the absolute authority; he must consult with the tribal council, which is composed of the heads of the component families. His tenure of office lasts for the duration of the good will of his constituency. Clan or tribe members meet their sheikh on an equal footing. However, the Arabs are aristocratic as well as democratic (Hitti, 1956).

The Bedouin woman, whether Islamic or pre-Islamic, enjoyed—and still enjoys—a measure of freedom denied to women in some countries. She lives in a polygamous family and under a system of marriage in which the man is the master; nevertheless, she is at liberty to choose a husband and leave him if she is mistreated (Hitti, 1956). However, Al-Mubarakpuri (2002, p. 55) explains how women‘s status in Arab society depends on the social stratum to which they belong. He argues that women among the nobility were accorded a higher level of esteem. Women enjoyed considerable free will and their decisions would most often be enforced. They were so highly respected that blood would be easily shed in defence of their honour. On the other hand, in lower social strata women were mistreated and suffered prostitution and insult. Because of the absence of legal institutions, women‘s lives were determined by their families‘ and tribes‘ deep-seated emotional attachments to each other. Whilst some Arabs held children dear to their hearts and appreciated them greatly, others buried their female children alive because fear of poverty and shame weighed heavily on them (Al-Mubarakpuri, 2002).

These historical influences on the Arab community mean that gender roles and social expectations are largely determined by the family and tribe. The next section will demonstrate how the emergence of Islam changed the Arab community in general, and women‘s status in particular.

4.3 Islamic Culture

In this section, the founding and development of Islamic culture is discussed. A brief account is given of the cultural changes in the Middle East and of how Muhammad managed to convert the Arab community from travelling Bedouins under the control of the Persian and Roman Empires to a powerful and growing political, military and religious force in the region in 23 years.

It is well known amongst Islamic scholars and in Islamic history that the first person to believe in Mohammad (the Prophet of Islam) was a woman, his wife Khadija, who was his greatest

supporter. This might be considered self-evident because he was her husband. However, Khadija herself was a businesswoman who had amassed great honour and fortune (Al-Mubarakpuri, 2002) and her family was one of the wealthiest, noblest and strongest in the area; her family, Mohammad‘s family and the surrounding tribes were the greatest dissenters of the new religion. The resistance to Muhammad‘s message was not so much due to matters of faith as for social and economic reasons. The new religion‘s call for equality threatened the power, wealth and economic and social status of the Arab nobility. Thus, her belief in her husband cost Khadija her family, business and reputation.

Many of the early followers of Islam, including Khadija, were attracted to Mohammad's new religion for what it offered in terms of freedom for all humankind—regardless of gender, colour, ethnicity or family. Mohammad summarised some of the principles of Islam in the famous Farewell Sermon just before he passed away. He said:

O People, listen well to my words, for I do not know whether, after this year, I shall ever be amongst you again. Therefore listen to what I am saying to you very carefully and take these words to those who could not be present today.

O People, just as you regard this month, this day, this city as sacred, so regard the life and property of every Muslim as a sacred trust. Return the goods entrusted to you to their rightful owners. Treat others justly so that no one would be unjust to you. Remember that you will indeed meet your LORD, and that he will indeed reckon your deeds. God has forbidden you to take usury (riba); therefore all riba obligations shall henceforth be waived. Your capital, however, is yours to keep. You will neither inflict nor suffer inequity. God has judged that there shall be no riba and that all the riba due to `Abbas ibn `Abd al Muttalib5 shall henceforth be waived.

Every right arising out of homicide in pre-Islamic days is henceforth waived and the first such right that I waive is that arising from the murder of Rabi`ah ibn al Harith ibn `Abd al Muttalib.6

O Men, the Unbelievers indulge in tampering with the calendar in order to make permissible that which God forbade, and to forbid that which God has made permissible. With God the months are twelve in number. Four of them are sacred, three of these are successive and one occurs singly between the months of Jumada and Sha`ban. Beware of the devil, for the

5 Mohammed‘s uncle. 6 Mohammed‘s cousin.

safety of your religion. He has lost all hope that he will ever be able to lead you astray in big things, so beware of following him in small things.

O People, it is true that you have certain rights over your women, but they also have rights over you. Remember that you have taken them as your wives only under God's trust and with His permission. If they abide by your right then to them belongs the right to be fed and clothed in kindness. Treat your women well and be kind to them, for they are your partners and committed helpers. It is your right and they do not make friends with anyone of whom you do not approve, as well as never to be unchaste...

O People, listen to me in earnest, worship God (The One Creator of the Universe), perform your five daily prayers (Salah), fast during the month of Ramadan, and give your financial obligation (zakah) of your wealth. Perform Pilgrimage (Hajj) if you can afford to.

All mankind is from Adam and Eve, an Arab has no superiority over a non-Arab nor a non- Arab has any superiority over an Arab; also a white has no superiority over a black nor a black has any superiority over a white except by piety and good action. Learn that every Muslim is a brother to every Muslim and that the Muslims constitute one brotherhood. Nothing shall be legitimate to a Muslim which belongs to a fellow Muslim unless it was given freely and willingly. Do not, therefore, do injustice to yourselves.

Remember, one day you will appear before God (The Creator) and you will answer for your deeds. So beware, do not stray from the path of righteousness after I am gone.

O People, no prophet or messenger will come after me and no new faith will be born. Reason well, therefore, O People, and understand words which I convey to you. I am leaving you with the Book of God (the Quran) and my Sunnah (the lifestyle and the behavioural mode of the Prophet); if you follow them you will never go astray.

All those who listen to me shall pass on my words to others and those to others again; and may the last ones understand my words better than those who listen to me directly. Be my witness O God, that I have conveyed your message to your people.

In addition, the new religion encouraged its followers to seek knowledge and urged them to ask about things that were incomprehensible to them (Al-Mubarakpuri, 2002). This is contrary to prior Arab culture, which had demanded unquestioning adherence to traditions and obedience to the instructions of one‘s master. The revelation started with these verses:

Read! In the Name of your Lord, Who has created (all that exists)? He has created man from a clot. Read! And your Lord is the Most Generous, Who has taught by the pen, He has taught man that which he knew not. (Quran, Chapter 96:1-5)

Throughout the Quran, God repeatedly emphasises the importance of education, for example: ―Those truly fear God, among His Servants, who have knowledge" (Chapter 35:28) and ―God will rise up, to (suitable) ranks (and degrees), those of you who believe and who have been granted knowledge‖ (Chapter 58:11).

The Mohammadan message can be divided into two phases: (1) the Makan7 phase, lasting nearly thirteen years, and (2) the Madinese8 phase, which lasted ten years (Al-Mubarakpuri, 2002). The first phase aimed to establish a strong base for the Islamic nation by changing the dominant culture of that time. Thus, Mohammad secretly initiated his sacred mission at home and then moved on to close associates. He recruited anyone he thought would attest the truth that had come from his Lord. Prophet Mohammad established the first Islamic school at Dar‘ul Arqam. He would sit in it after prayers, with people gathered around him, and teach them about the foundations of Islam, the oneness of God and the importance of morality (Al-Mubarakpuri, 2002; Ibn-Kathir, 1998). In addition, the verses of the Holy Quran revealed to Mohammad at Makah describe the creation of the universe (Chapter 21:30-33; Chapter 41:11) and humanity (Chapter 23:12-14). Prophet Mohammad never learned to read or write and the majority of Arabs at the time were unlettered but prided themselves on rhetoric employed in poetry, storytelling and genealogies (Ibn-Kathir, 1998).

When he had achieved a good number of believers, Mohammad moved to Madineh. There he started the second phase of his message, which focused on establishing the political, economic, social and security systems of the new Islamic community (Ibn-Kathir, 1998). In preparation for the migration to Madineh, Mohammad established two pacts. The first was in 621 CE: twelve men representing the people of Madineh avowed their faith in Mohammad as a Prophet and swore:

We will not worship anyone but one Allah (God); we will not steal; neither will we commit adultery, nor kill our children; we will not utter slander, intentionally forging falsehood and we will not disobey you in any just matter. (Al-Mubarakpuri, 2002)

To sum up, Muhammad the prophet of Islam emphasised cultural change through education and freedom of thought. He encouraged his followers to learn to read and write, to question him, his

7 Makah is the city in which Mohammed was born and where he started his message. 8 The Madineh is 400 km north of Makah. Mohammed migrated to it in 622 CE and then it became the capital of the Islamic nation until 662 CE.

message and themselves, and then to question the universe. The Quran frequently emphasises the importance of knowledge.

4.3.1 Gender roles in Islam

The story of Adam and Eve exerts a significant influence on gender division in Islamic communities; as it does in the Christian and Jewish faiths. The relevant factors of this story are that Adam was created before Eve, that Eve was created from Adam and that Eve was the cause of their expulsion from the garden (Azeem, 1995; Gellman, 2006; Meyers, 1988). As a result, many cultures—including Arab culture—consider women to be inferior to men.

Although the Quranic version of the Adam and Eve story is similar to the versions in the Bible and the Torah in some ways, the Quranic story clearly indicates it was Adam who was seduced by Satan: ―But Satan whispered evil to him: he said, ‗O Adam! Shall I lead thee to the Tree of Eternity and to a kingdom that never decays?‘‖ and that Adam was thoroughly responsible for his actions and choices from the beginning. As Azeem (1995) indicates, nowhere in the Quran can one find even the slightest hint that Eve tempted Adam to eat from the tree or even that she had eaten before him. Eve in the Quran is no temptress, no seducer and no deceiver.

This cultural shift was a major foundational change in women‘s status in the new Islamic society at that time. The updated view of women‘s identity was the departure point of Muslim women‘s identity and new socio-economic development in Arab society.

The construction of Islamic society is based on three levels: creatures, humankind and individuals. All of these share one mission: worshipping the creator (God). But they all have their own specific characteristics for the purpose of fulfilling other tasks (Quran, Chapter 24:41). In Islam, human beings were chosen to build the Earth; the extent to which they do this is observed and all—regardless of gender, ethnicity or age—will be questioned by God about what they did in their life. In Islam, each individual is responsible and held to account for his/her material and spiritual deeds based on his/her individual abilities.

Islam did not entirely change the gender role foundations that preceded it. Women continued to play caregiving roles and men were the breadwinners; the significance of the change in beliefs relates to how people came to perceive gender roles. In the growing Islamic society at Madineh, patriarchal attitudes were transformed into a perception of greater equality between the genders (Syed, 2008). Women were no longer considered inferior to men or a source of shame or original sin. In the Madineh Islamic community, men and women were considered similar in their human attributes and different in their biological forms. As a result, a new institutional framework emerged

with general regulations for all Muslims (men and women) in addition to specific regulations for men and women. For example, both men and women have the right to pursue education and work; these pursuits are compulsory for men but optional for women (Syed, 2008). Though women and men are equally obligated to worship, males must go to the mosque five times a day to pray while Islam considers women‘s special circumstances of menstruation, pregnancy or caring for young children and are thus given flexibility and allowed to pray at home (Syed, 2008; Syed and Van Buren, 2014).

Islam proposes differences between the sexes that impose a gender typology. The emotional nature of women and the rational nature of men, fatherhood and motherhood, and the biology of women and men‘s bodies all require special attention in society‘s structure and when forming policies and regulations. The Quran points out two aspects of women‘s lives that are not found in men‘s lives and that significantly affect women‘s behaviour:

 Menstruation

―They ask thee concerning women's courses. Say: They are a hurt and a pollution: So keep away from women in their courses, and do not approach them until they are clean.‖ (Quran, Chapter 2:222)

The translation of this verse does not reflect the precise meaning of the Arabic text. The Arabic word Adhy, which is translated here as a hurt and a pollution, in Arabic represents physical, psychological and spiritual harm.

 Pregnancy and breastfeeding

―And We have enjoined on man (to be good) to his parents: in travail upon travail did his mother bear him, and in years twain was his weaning: (hear the command), ‗Show gratitude to Me and to thy parents: to Me is (thy final) Goal.‘‖ (Quran, Chapter 31:14)

―We have enjoined on man's kindness to his parents: In pain did his mother bear him, and in pain did she give him birth. The carrying of the (child) to his weaning is (a period of) thirty months, at length.‖ (Quran, Chapter 46:15)

Understanding and acknowledging these cornerstone phenomena of women‘s lives results in a rational distinction between the roles of men and women in Islamic society. ―The man has the responsibility to provide social and economic security, and the woman has the responsibility to take

care of the children‖ (Syed, 2008, p. 248). Additionally, Syed (2008) argues, household duties are shared between husband and wife. They are equal in the home and not slaves to one another. This essential rule is the measure of role distribution between men and women in Islam.

4.3.2 Social expectations

As a religion, Islam has values and beliefs to be followed that govern individual practices and behaviours; referred to by scholars in the behavioural field as social expectations. Wharton et al. (2000) considered them to be social and cultural expectations that outline the social limits to individual choice. Therefore, with respect to this study on women‘s participation in the labour force, social expectations would impose limits on women‘s choices. Through social expectations women are able to understand what positions are suitable for them and what is regarded as unfit work (Al-Lamky, 2007).

From another perspective, Sullivan and Mainiero (2007) argue that individuals live in a structure guided by social expectations to which they must conform in order to thrive in the system. Social expectations are determined by awareness, belief and apprehension of other people (Al- Lamky, 2007) and influence how others respond to our behaviours. Individuals, therefore, have to conform to these expectations when playing their roles; what people expect from us and what we expect in return dictates individuals‘ actions and choices. From the perspective of Norton et al. (2002), women are expected to prefer certain jobs over others. Therefore, these expectations can dictate women‘s entry into the labour force.

Hopkins and Ibrahim (1997) argue that norms chiefly provide the basis of social expectations within a society and that people construct their expectations on the basis of these norms as stipulated by the immediate culture. Wharton et al. (2000) add that the expectations are evident in normative behaviour people observe around themselves. Islamic culture in Oman is provided as an example that deeply impacts the way women are perceived, especially in the context of jobs they perform. Al-Lamky (2007) asserts that some of these normative behaviours are both permissible and obligatory. However, when norms do not allow a certain type of behaviour, individuals should avoid it. Individuals sometimes accept some social norms in their lives only to fulfil societal expectations, which could be identified as a major component of women‘s labour market challenges. They turn away from some professions because they have grown up believing that these are not feminine or suitable for their social strata.

Social roles that have been identified as constructing societal expectations internalise normative behaviour in individuals; people behave as they are trained to behave. The entire process

targets how people learn a particular behaviour or practice. Sullivan and Mainiero (2007) emphasise that some women have grown up believing that they should respect and prioritise domestic roles over any other roles and Wharton et al. (2000) note that social expectations are not inherent but are learned as an individual grows up within a particular social setting.

Adding to social expectations are institutional roles, which are defined as roles adopted by people immediately as they occupy a space. In this regard, individuals cease to play former roles and must play the immediate role to which the institution expects them to conform. Applying this perception to Omani women and their involvement in the labour force, women have had to adapt their practices to the social expectations related to the family even in their choices of profession. Al- Lamky (2007) emphasises this issue by noting that there are two kinds of expectations in institutions: being a leader or being a follower. The identified role of the individual dictates how one should behave. Women in Omani culture are commonly raised to be followers in the presence of men, which has a huge influence on their career choices and job expectations. The issue has been raised in many studies as one of the more important reasons for women not being well represented in senior or decision-making positions.

Preconceived social expectations also have a major influence on decision making and tie individuals to a role. Wharton et al. (2000) believe that stereotypical expectations have been a major contributor to Omani women having remained in domestic roles for so long. The stereotypes present expectations that women are better placed as caregivers. Therefore, as Sullivan and Mainiero (2007) note, caring for the family and playing more domestic roles have been a social function for women and thus has impeded their efforts to join the labour force. However, conforming to these stereotypes is not mandatory, because they are not institutional. Individuals can choose to ignore them and go beyond the ordinary. However, pressure increases as women attempt to join the labour force when they are expected to fulfil domestic roles. Omani women have therefore been forced to comply with such expectations, even when aware that the expectations are discriminatory.

However, Wharton et al. (2000) note that women may not behave in the manner expected of them by society because it may create undesirable outcomes for themselves. Modern women have changed and do not conform to expectations of traditional cultures—especially in the context of the labour force. These changes lead to the conclusion that society has also changed and now conforms to newly outlined expectations.

With regard to changing expectations, today‘s society is much more receptive to the idea of women combining a career with family than have been societies of the past. However, women‘s

career paths are still influenced by changes in national economic and sociocultural variables (Tlaiss, 2014). Subsequently, changes in social expectations might motivate more women to take on top leadership positions. Weyer (2007) states that many scholars put pressure on women to pursue equality in the labour market. Studying and pointing out the gap between women and men in earnings, positions, and career development gives the impression that women put less effort into catching up with their male colleagues. This forces many women to seek education, training and work. As discussed earlier in this section, changes in communities‘ structures caused by changes in gender roles, cultures and family structures have modified social expectations. In recent times, a woman‘s economic independence has become one of the key indicators of her status in society, defining the degree of her individual freedom in public and private life (Balabanova, 2007). In addition, recent research such as Brooks and Bolzendahl, (2004; Cunningham, 2008a), shows that attitudes toward the male breadwinner/female homemaker family model have changed. Furthermore, women‘s involvement in the paid labour market is associated with a change in attitudes toward gender roles and women‘s work. These changing attitudes influence women‘s employment histories, education and the new economic system and thus produce new opportunities for women.

Overall, it has been proposed that the changing gender roles, social expectations and national culture in Omani society are resulting in a new family model in which women are caregivers and breadwinners that will put pressure on work and family arrangements. After discussing the methodology adopted, the findings of the interview study provide more information on the influence of these factors on Omani women's participation in the labour market.

4.4 Methodology

The methodology presented in this section details how Study One was conducted. It presents the research approach, collection of data, analysis and presentation of the findings. This study is designed to answer the following questions:

1. What motivates women to participate in the labour market? 2. What are the cultural factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

4.4.1 Introduction

This study seeks to establish how Omani women feel about their representation in the labour market within the private sector. Because the study sought perceptions and convictions, data could be collected only through interacting with women. Other methods of data collection, such as

observation, surveys and questionnaires, would not be effective for collecting the appropriate data because the entire study is based on the personal perceptions of workers in the Omani private and public sectors. Such views are better collected through interviews that give each respondent a chance to express her approval and/or reservations. Thus, face-to-face interviews were used as the primary data collection method.

4.4.2 Overall research design and methodology

Omani women who work in the private and public sectors were chosen as the ideal population for the data collection endeavour. The specific organisation chosen was the Omani Women‘s Association in the Muscat region of Oman. This organisation was chosen for two reasons. First, the association attracts a wide range of Omani women—both employed and unemployed— from a diverse range of industries and backgrounds and because the author‘s membership guaranteed easy access to data and helped ensure that administration and members would be willing to participate in this study. The participants are Omani females working in the public or private sectors in Oman or who have never entered the labour market. The sample includes participants from a diverse range of industries, regions, types of organisations/companies/institutions, employers (national and international), marital statuses (single, married, divorced or widowed), work experiences, ages and educational backgrounds. Tribe/ ethnicity were a sensitive issue for many women and therefore this information was not recorded.

The primary requirement in this study was to obtain data from Omani women from a range of backgrounds. A snowball technique was used to choose 21 women on the basis of their representation in the private or public sector and their ability to respond to the research questions. The 21 respondents were largely influential in the development and findings of the research. Table 4 shows the sample characteristics.

Table ‎4-1 Sample characteristics

Characteristic Number of interviewees

Employment Never worked 4

Working 14

Quit work 1

Employer 2

Wage High (>US$1500 /month) 11

Low (≤US$1500 / month) 5

Marital status Single 8

Married without children 2

Married with children 11

Education level School or certificate 9

Graduate 4

Postgraduate 8

Sector Public 6

Private 01

Contact with other cultures Yes 13

It was necessary to ensure that the perceptions/views collected represented the most authoritative, consequential, relevant and reliable information for this study. Random sampling is one of the best sampling procedures for many research studies. As identified by major scholars, random sampling helps to give everyone a chance to participate in the research and provides wide representation in research (Baker, 2002). However, random sampling was not applied in this study because it is complex, time consuming and expensive to execute (Baker, 2002). To ensure participants could provide in-depth information on the topic under consideration, using the purposive sampling technique was considered preferable. Purposive sampling is identified as an ideal sampling procedure that targets particular groups of people (Baker, 2002). In this context, it would be ideal for targeting women who are members of the working class in the private and public sectors of Oman. Since the research required people who are conversant and literate enough to answer the research questions, this is the ideal sampling procedure. Handpicking the 21 women would ensure that they would participate in the research and the process would be efficient in terms

of valid data collection. However, purposive selection of the sample increases potential for bias (Baker, 2002) and was thus rejected as a sampling method for this study.

Convenience sampling was chosen and the snowball sampling approach was adopted (Noy, 2008). Each respondent was asked to recommend other women who might be able to express their perceptions of their experiences in the labour market. After conducting 18 interviews, it was felt that no new information was forthcoming and participants were repeating the same ideas and attitudes previously expressed. As a result, the respondent was asked to recommend other women who had never worked.

Respondents were interviewed for between 25 and 40 minutes. All interviews were recorded with permission granted by the interviewees. After interviews were completed, the recordings were transcribed in a word processing program. The participants were assured that no personal or workplace information would be identifiable in any ensuing report. This information was erased from the records and transcriptions and the records and data saved securely to a storage device only accessible to the author.

Questions were developed to cover the study objectives and an interview schedule created to allow the questions to be asked to all of the sampled women. Given that the purpose of the interviews was to establish perceptions, the respondents were asked open-ended questions that allowed them to communicate their views without the limitations of the author‘s pre-conceived ideas. Each question was open-ended and allowed the respondent to give her views objectively. It was also important that the respondents were interviewed face-to-face rather than over the telephone to ensure that the responses were enriched with direct communication cues that are impossible to capture through a telephone conversation.

The idea of face-to-face interviews was also essential to explaining exactly what each question sought to establish. In addition, respondents felt more at ease offering their views face-to- face than over the telephone. Each respondent was given adequate time to elaborate on her views without undue pressure to give particular answers.

During the face-to-face interviews, every part of the conversation—apart from introductions and conclusions—was recorded. The respondents were informed that the conversations were being recorded for later review and reassured that the recorded interview would only be used for the purposes of the study and then returned to each respondent without any copies having been made. This was meant to guarantee confidentiality so they would feel free to share their views without the

fear of being identified and misquoted. The recorders were kept out of sight during the interviews to ensure that the participants did not feel shy and uneasy.

The recordings were then transcribed in a word processing program in which each respondent‘s answers were listed. All interview transcripts were read several times and coded in the style of a thematic approach to data analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006).

4.4.3 Methodology limitations

As detailed in the previous section, the research relied heavily on face-to-face interviews of women working in a diverse range of industries in both the private and public sector. The sample included 21 women with experience and knowledge of women‘s representation in the private sector. These were the marginal methodology limitations experienced during the study. However, the impact was minimal because the sample was duly representative and the recordings could be supplemented from memory, as the author had been an active participant in every interview.

4.5 Validity and Reliability

Study One involved interviewing 21 respondents to collect data following procedures to ensure reliability and validity. Moreover, precision was required to enhance the reliability and validity of data. Using follow-up questions was critical in this regard as it ensured that responses were clear and made with the utmost sincerity. The follow-up questions were also critical for ensuring that answers were correctly understood before being written down and used in the data analysis.

The study considered how culture affects Omani women‘s involvement in the labour market. With culture as an element of this study, it was apparent that the respondents within a given culture might present biases and misrepresentation of facts due to fear of victimisation because of the strict taboos dictated by that culture. Therefore, there was a need to support and motivate the respondents by ensuring confidentiality. This was critical in ensuring that the respondents trusted the author to not disclose their identity. Family issues are especially personal, thus confidentiality was critical to ensure that no information would be disclosed to a third party and that the information would be used for research purposes only.

Ethical issues were also a consideration when looking into the issues of reliability. Culture dictated the manner in which most of the women communicated and with whom. Therefore, reliability would only be enhanced if the research was open and the importance of the research was explained to the entire community. This proved to be beneficial, as it opened up discussions and

generated a high level of understanding as to why women needed to be allowed to take part in the study.

4.6 Data Analysis

I opted for a comprehensive data analysis for this study. The views and reactions of the respondents were recorded and interpreted with the aim of reaching the objectives through qualitative data assembling. The ideal method for this particular study was thematic approach to data analysis because it would enhance the presentation of a reliable final report with a detailed conclusion and scope for further investigation (Braun and Clarke, 2006). The thematic approach used in this study involved a range of procedures and processes applied by Braun and Clarke (2006). Qualitative data was collected from the field in some form of explanation, interpretation or understanding of the situations and people being investigated. The thematic analysis for this study was based purely on an interpretative philosophy. The purpose for adopting this method was to examine the symbolic and meaningful content of the data. This involved an analysis of the interview data to deduce the appropriate findings.

When conducting the response analyses, the researcher focused on the content, narrative and the interaction process with the respondents. After evaluating the responses in terms of the relevance of information provided, it was necessary to analyse the data. To analyse the data from the interviews, three processes were integrated: transcription, coding and analysis. The three processes are well known for the analysis of qualitative data and generating reliable findings. Creswell (2003) has noted that transcription, coding and analysis must follow each other in the process of data analysis to enhance the reliability of the results. Following these procedures with a high level of expertise allows for valid findings to be developed.

Recordings of the interviews formed part of the data analysis, as not everything could be captured in the analytical process. The recordings were transcribed directly into a digital spreadsheet program, with a column for each question. The findings were then tabulated and interpreted appropriately with tables and figures that helped to explain their relevance and significance.

In a thematic analysis approach, the basic idea is to read (and re-read) data that have been presented in the form of text (Creswell, 2003). Through labelling and establishing concepts, properties or categories, the research questions can be easily answered because they are easily linked to the research. Existing interrelationships are established through the establishment of variables and are important for understanding the findings of the study and linking them to the

established hypothesis. Creswell (2003) has described the entire process of perceiving interrelationships as ―theoretical sensitivity‖. He argues that this process is mainly affected by one‘s ability to read the text and the design used in the interpretation. After identifying the categories, it became apparent that further contact with some of the interviewees was needed to verify these categories. This was done over the telephone and helped to produce appropriate data for the analysis process. Braun and Clarke (2006) identify some phases of thematic analysis:

1. Familiarisation with the data: achieved by listening to the tapes over and over, transcribing data, reading and re-reading the data and noting down initial ideas. 2. Generating initial codes: through coding interesting features of the data in a systematic fashion across the entire data set and collating data relevant to each code. Appendix 1 shows an example of data extraction, with codes applied. 3. Searching for themes: through collating codes into potential themes and gathering all data relevant to each potential theme (see Appendix 2). 4. Reviewing themes: Appendix 3 illustrates the process of checking whether the themes work in relation to the coded extracts and the entire data set, thereby generating a thematic ‗map‘ of the analysis 5. Defining and naming themes: through ongoing analysis to refine the specifics of each theme and the overall story the analysis tells, thereby generating clear definitions and names for each theme.

Following the above criteria, the findings were tabulated and interpreted appropriately with tables and figures to explain their relevance and significance. Three categories were generated from the data: entering the labour market, workplace preferences, and work life. Some interviewees were contacted to verify the categories and minor modifications were made to some categories after the discussions. The two studies showed that Omani women‘s experience in the labour market is more about decision making phases influenced by different aspects of culture and institution at different stages. Families play a major role in directing women‘s decisions to enter or leave the labour market. The national culture, social expectations and the workplace itself strongly influence women‘s workplace preferences. Individual actions and behaviours are more likely to be present during the period of employment. Figure 11 illustrates the process of decision making that the participants went through during their employment. The decision-making process was mapped from the interview data and will be discussed in detail in Chapter 6.

Family No Yes Entering the labour market

Stay Home Workplace Preferences

Social National Workplace Expectation Culture

Workplace Preferences Private Sector Public Sector

No Yes No Yes

Job

Change Actions and Behaviour

Work life Transfer Dissatisfied Satisfied

Quit Retain

Figure 11. Categories generated from the data.

4.6.1 Limitations for data analysis

The main data analysis challenge was that the data had been collected in Arabic. Although the analysis was also completed in Arabic, some of the data needed to be translated so it could be used in the thesis writing process. Therefore, generalisation subject to the author‘s own biases appear in the translated text and might have resulted in unreliable data that could distort the findings. However, all possible measures were taken to ensure that the data was translated correctly and that no information was left out. The translated data was reviewed by two PhD fellows from Oman, one of whom was Omani PhD student at Social Sciences School, Queensland University,

Australia and the other a lecturer at Sur College of Applied Sciences, Oman. Copies of the findings were sent participants both in English and Arabic language and feedback solicited.

4.6.2 Findings and discussion

4.6.2.1 Findings

A number of themes were identified from the analysed data. These themes were designed to answer some of the thesis questions, including:

1. What motivates women to participate in the labour market? 2. What are the cultural factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

As noted, these themes targeted the main aim of this research, which was to engage in a comprehensive review of women‘s employment in Oman. A further aim was to contribute to a better understanding of the Middle Eastern and Omani labour markets and workplace practices. Finally, the study aimed to contribute to the designing of policies for enhancing Omani women‘s participation in education and employment. The identified themes considered the aims and objectives of the study.

This section analyses the determinants of female participation in the Omani labour market using variables such as age, marital status, number of children and education. The results indicate that Omani women‘s efforts to engage in the labour market are greatly influenced by cultural aspects such as gender roles, social expectations and the national culture. Even though four women of the sample had chosen not to work their views on the barriers to employment and employment decisions broadly reflected those of the women who had experienced work

The findings in this section reveal the influence of gender role attitudes in Omani society on the participation of women in the labour force.A cursory glance at the state of women in Oman and their representation in the workplace may misrepresent the situation; superficial observation gives the impression that women in Oman are doing well and are well represented in the labour market. However, a detailed analysis presents findings that are contrary to such points of view. The findings revealed that women‘s representation in senior positions is greatly affected by the immediate culture. During data coding, a major gender role theme emerged that revealed women‘s belief that men are the main breadwinners and family guardians and that women‘s attitudes toward motherhood impede their efforts to establish themselves in workplaces. As one interviewee said: ―The man is a man and I am his responsibility.‖

Another said:

―I told you, for me being mother is the priority. I have to stop working for years without pay to look after this child who I brought to life and then go back to my work. I cannot endure feeling insufficiency in caring for this child. So, if I decide to be mother it is necessary also to be committed to it.‖

These two women felt that the strict culture had sidelined them from decision making processes. It was found that, in the context of their immediate culture, men were given preference as leading and making decisions in the family. This feeling was expressed in most interviews. According to another participant:

―I'm generally against the call for equality between men and women. I feel that a man needs to be a degree higher than women … but woman has rights, women should take full rights and full rights should be given to them. But "to be equal with man" is it the case, I am against this point. Currently, Oman strives to achieve this principle that they give woman equality like men through going to study and work. But to say that women are equal to men, I do personally feel that the man is always higher than woman. Take the issue, for example, that men are protectors and maintainers of women. That there are certain things women cannot do, means no matter how she works, it remains that the man has the power, the nature of man, I mean.‖

Furthermore, it was realised that even with equal representation as claimed, there was discrimination towards women in the workplace. In this regard, there were suggestions that some women had been employed because of their physical characteristics. As one participant said, ―Some companies choose those who are unveiled and who refuse to be veiled.‖ Another interviewee stated:

―They promoted her to manager and she has no capability to be a manager, or any possibility to run this place. I mean she is just normal, and her salary, God willing, went through the roof, although it had been increased around two or three months before that. A worker is not entitled to any increase after three months, but for her! Why? I mean there are many like that. I felt very strongly that appearance and physique play a major role.‖ This was attributed to the fact that these interviewees were working or had worked in the private sector. As noted in Chapter One, some studies (Al-Hamadi et al., 2007; Al-Lamki 1998) found that more cultural conflicts occur in the private sector in Oman than in the public sector, but it is arguable that this is why women are less willing to work in the private sector. It was found that there were also lower motivation practices for women in the workplace, so the possibilities of

turnover were high. Furthermore, the findings showed that women felt subdued because their male counterparts experienced less discrimination. Some participants declared that they feared losing their vision and ambition in their career choices because of the major challenges presented by the national culture with respect to issues such as age, religion and social expectations.

Age, as a cultural element, was found to have a major impact on women‘s involvement in the labour market. The cohort effect suggests that younger women demonstrate more extensive participation in Oman‘s labour market than older women due to the cultural context of responsibilities. In this case, it was found that many of the Omani women below the age of 30 are more open-minded and culturally flexible than those who adhere to the traditional culture. The sample group in this study demonstrated more openness with respect to diverse types of jobs and more concern about working in mixed workplaces (with men or people from other cultural backgrounds):

―It is more about mixing with men and foreigners. School is different, because the students and teachers are of the same sex, but not in the ministry... It can be that she thinks her not wanting to mingle with people is a religious principle, but the principle stems from traditions.‖

The results of the study also indicated that cultural aspects in Oman are so deeply entrenched within the community that individuals are highly resistant to change. This was also the case with Omani women over 40, who were found to deeply respect cultural traditions and the values and norms culturally considered appropriate for women, such as service jobs in fields like education and health. They are more concerned with self-respect and dignity and consider these to be the main values of their personality:

―The workplace should not present a danger for a woman, she should not be exposed to humiliation or insult or slander. It should preserve the dignity of women. It should be a place where women‘s dignity is respected, and not humiliated.‖

Religious and social expectation affiliations (traditions and customs) of the Omani women were also found to be a major challenge to their attempts to participate in the labour market. The majority of Omani women are Muslim. Though religion does not dictate that women may only carry out domestic roles, some strict Islamic cultures encourage women to be homemakers because of their traditions and customs. As previously noted, women remain loyal to their husbands and feel a keen sense of responsibility to ensure family stability. It was found that even educated women closely adhere to their religious affiliations. Women tend to respect their traditions and customs

more than religious or educational backgrounds or their careers. In some cases, internalisation of Omani cultural values was found to be a critical factor. Therefore, respect for these cultures— including the norms and values—was found to be prevalent among Omani women. This led to the conclusion that the Omani women are willing to sacrifice their careers and forego joining the labour market to avoid compromising their beliefs in cultural norms and values. Thus, the women take on domestic jobs as a serious duty, which prevents them from fully participating in the labour market because Omani women do not distinguish between what is prescribed by religion and what is prescribed by tradition. This ambiguity makes some people place tradition above religion, as some interviewees explained:

―If we compare between the customs and traditions and religion, I expect the customs and traditions would occupy the first place... And religion, I know and feel people are more interested in the customs and traditions than in religion.‖

For instance, covering women face is optional in Islam. However, traditionally it is compulsory in most regions in Oman. Another example is interaction between men and women. Islam regulates this through asking both women and men to maintain certain behaviours (e.g. modesty in dress, lowering gaze, and a man and a woman should not set in a nook). However, cultural customs in Oman impose more boundaries on interaction between men and women.

This confusion between what is emerge from Islam instruction and what is society customs and traditions, slows down women entry into some job field such as tourism, engineering and media. As well it slows women progress toward top management jobs.

4.6.2.2 Discussion

This section has explained the findings on how culture affects or influences women joining the labour force and represents a major contribution to the explanations of how cultural variables correlate with female participation in the Omani labour market. The section has presented evidence that could be compared to other previous scholarly works, which have argued from a similar point of view.

Above all, findings suggest that greater levels of cultural integration and the introduction of education among women are critical factors in establishing a higher representation of women in the labour market. When women are more educated, they tend to escape the most discriminating cultural practices that otherwise present challenges to their joining the labour market. The findings have also established that a large correlation exists between age and participation in the labour market; women‘s age is a cultural element. It has been found that younger women are offered

greater opportunities to participate in the labour market because they are more flexible. These findings are similar to those of Omair (2010), who determined that young women have more opportunities to join the labour market because they are less tied to domestic roles. In fact, as Omair (2010) emphasises, the older the woman, the smaller the chance that she will one day join the labour force because responsibilities increase with age as the family continues to grow. With the challenge of fulfilling their domestic roles as a daily routine, women cannot exploit major opportunities. From the perspective of Lewin-Epstein and Semyonov (1992), women—especially those raising pre-school aged children—have a huge burden and thus do not have time to engage in other activities. In this regard, the responsibilities shut down their vision of joining and following a career of their choice. Even when they have careers, Lewin-Epstein and Semyonov (1992) argue, they do not hold senior positions that require a great deal of expertise. The fact that their culture has bestowed huge responsibilities on women leads to the conclusion that women do not share equal opportunities with men to gain the education required for better employment.

Moreover, it has been found that internalisation of cultural values is a major factor in women‘s decision making processes when planning to join the labour force. Women are challenged in this respect because they have to rely on what the community will think of them when they make such a decision. Other works by Lewin-Epstein and Semyonov (1992) support this finding. The authors argue that women who belong to conservative cultural traditions carry a huge burden in making such decisions because they have to remain loyal to their cultures. These women therefore have a lower probability of participating fully in the labour market than women from cultures that are more flexible and accommodating. Lewis (2001) emphasises that it is becoming more difficult for women to engage in the labour market, especially for those in conservative cultures; these cultures do not invite changes within their cultural practices. The women are therefore not exposed to other cultures that could provide motivation and alternative possibilities and opportunities. They remain loyal to the primary cultural practices that do not give them a chance to work outside of their homes.

Omair (2010) discusses cultural attitudes as critical to understanding women‘s involvement in the labour market from another perspective. He argues that positive attitudes regarding the labour market are much more likely in communities that accommodate other cultures. With conservative cultures, the women have negative attitudes towards the labour market because they have been raised with such attitudes. More flexible and accommodating cultures motivate women to develop positive attitudes. These attitudes motivate women and they feel the urge to participate and contribute to the development of society or to take advantage of educational programs and other opportunities. Conservative cultures, however, prevent women from developing a positive attitude

toward working and they adhere to traditional beliefs that men are better suited for engaging in the labour market and contributing to development within society.

The influence of religion is dependent on the practices that the individual values. Some studies have shown that the Islamic religion, to some extent, impedes women from obtaining an education and engaging in work outside of the home (Nicolau, 2014 and Sidani, 2005). However, other studies found that women believe that in general, Islamic law and tradition encourage both men and women to seek education and work. They observed that the Islamic tradition does not suppress women when it comes to increasing their knowledge and joining the labour force, and that religion gives women an opportunity to join the labour market by enhancing their flexibility (Ross, 2008 and Bahramitash, 2004).

It has been argued that women‘s place in the labour market is influenced by the cultural context. It is expected that women are in a better position if they are better educated. Many Omani women have been living in ignorance and great devotion to their cultures because they are not exposed to information, especially information about their rights and work regulations. The author agrees with Kazemi (2000) that the most problematic challenges facing the Middle East are cultural, but disagrees with his argument that it is because of Islam. The difficulties stem from two factors: the ambiguity of culture in the Middle East and the assumption that the model of economic and political reform and liberalisation derived from Western states promotes equality. The ambiguity of culture in the Middle East leads many scholars, such as Kazemi (2000), to assume that patriarchal foundations and practices stem from Islam rather than Arab culture. As a result, these scholars attribute the low literacy rate and poor participation in the labour market among Middle Eastern women to Islam rather than to the slow institutional transformation and reform in the area. As explained previously, Islam changed Arab society from a patriarchy without ignoring the differences between women and men and brought the Arab world from the Bedouin way of life to civilisation. However, despite modernisation in industrial countries, and economic and political reform and liberalisation, these societies continue to struggle with achieving equality because of the complexity of achieving a balance between the differences and similarities in men and women. On the other hand, the liberalisation and modernisation that started in Western countries and spread globally is merging institutions and culture (Heath, 2004). Any state can achieve comparable liberalisation and modernisation by importing the Western institutional framework and adapting the national culture.

Chapter 5: Study Two: Institutions

5.1 Introduction

In looking at the role of the institutional frameworks play in women‘s employment in Oman, the author has attempted to account for all possible influencing factors. Hence, this study includes factors of which women are aware—such as the influence of workplaces and legislative systems— and those that may subconsciously affect their outlook and —such as changes in the family structure.

The first part of this study is a review of institutional development in the Sultanate of Oman and the institutions of family, workplace and the legislative system to provide an overview of their status in Oman. In this regard, the discussion is narrowed to the dual-earner family and the nuclear family and how they have influenced women‘s representation in the labour market. Changing attitudes within the family are also examined in the fields of marriage, children, work and social networks. This section reviews how these changes have affected or influenced women‘s representation in the labour market. Subsequently the study concentrates on workplaces as institutions, reviewing the changes due to such factors as internationalism and organisational culture. Finally, the development of regulations in Oman and treatment of women by Omani law is discussed to demonstrate the impact of changes on women‘s representation in the labour market.

The second part of this section is the qualitative study that examines whether the family and the workplace as institutions encourage and retain women in the labour force in Oman. It also looks into what can be done to either change or improve these institutions to ensure that women are motivated to join the country‘s extensive labour force. It is proposed that female representation in the labour market is Highly influenced by the institutions of the workplace and the family.

5.2 Institutional Development in the Sultanate of Oman

Since 1970, Oman has undergone major institutional transformation. Oil income has provided enormous financial resources for capital-intensive investment projects in the public and private sectors, including a comprehensive health and social services system and a modern economic system, which has facilitated foreign investment. In turn, demand for skilled workers such as managers, administrators, engineers, doctors, nurses, pilots, military officers, and many other types of occupations has grown rapidly.

The education sector led this transformation by both providing jobs and preparing skilled workers. The number of schools has increased dramatically—from only three primary schools with

900 boys prior to 1970 to 1,040 public schools and over 50 public higher education institutions by the end of 2010 (Ministry of National Economy, Oman, 2009). Approximately half of all students are female. This modern education system has produced new, educated citizens that differ in their goals, attitudes and characteristics from previous generations.

5.2.1 Family

The strong presence of the kinship system of extended family and tribe in Oman is a result of Arab and Islamic traditional social systems. However, the nature of the system—along with the institutional framework in Oman—has changed since 1970. Though the current changes in Oman place women at an advantage with respect to more work options and legal equality, the extent to which modernisation has moderated the kinship system‘s drawbacks is debateable. Three aspects of these changes influence Omani women‘s participation in the labour market: the dual-earner family, the nuclear family and changing social attitudes.

The transformation of the Omani family from a productive, self-sustaining unit to a consumer-oriented, non-productive nuclear unit is a result of the new economic market formed by industrial products (Al-Barwani and Albeely, 2007). Thus, the Omani family has become less extended and its members have become economically independent.

5.2.1.1 Changing attitudes (marriage, children, work and social network)

Traditionally, cultures were conservative and did not accept changes from other cultures. The people remained true to their cultures and rigid in their beliefs, behaviours and other aspects of culture that shaped their attitudes (Khattab, 2002). Omani women were strictly intertwined in the Omani culture, in which key attitudes directed their need to play purely domestic roles. Attitudes of Omani women were therefore oriented towards bringing up large families, as this was considered the most treasured attribute of a woman (Al-Barwani & Albeely, 2007; Lewis, 2001). Marriage, as a revered ceremony, was of great relevance in Omani culture. Omani women were deeply concerned with getting married at an early age to begin raising children. It is also clear, as Whitmarsh et al. (2007) note, that the Omani woman has played a passive role in the workplace over a long period. Women have been expecting too much from the men in terms of communication and decision making. This has been because masculinity has featured as an element of strength over the years and thus women have been portrayed as being weaker than men.

However, modern attitudes differ. The establishment of social networks have exposed people to diverse cultures, which have integrated people with new cultures. The integration has been regarded as a source of changing attitudes due to changes in beliefs and behaviours. A study

by Al-Barwani and Albeely (2007) reveals that modern Omani women expect to have fewer children and are considered to be more ambitious. As a matter of fact, Omani women do not value marriage as highly as traditional cultures did; modern Omani women care more for independence than for getting married (Al-Barwani & Albeely, 2007). Women are flocking to the private sector and are hugely involved in establishing private investments in pursuit of independence. The element of being supported by the family has therefore disintegrated with time as Omani women establish themselves in the labour force. Previously, Omani women had been solely dependent on their husbands for support. However, these attitudes have changed and women are setting up their own investments (Al-Barwani & Albeely, 2007).

As Oman‘s context has changed, Omani women are changing and adopting new attitudes; they are now lobbying for inclusion in the labour force and for more senior positions (Whitmarsh et al., 2007). Women have also begun to lobby for participation in decision making, in contrast to their submission of earlier years. The element of submission is dwindling, with women rising to the upper levels of business hierarchies (Whitmarsh et al., 2007). Al-Barwani and Albeely (2007) considered modern Omani women as advancing because they have taken great steps in their efforts to reach higher positions where they can also represent their case and lobby together with men for decision making. In particular, the introduction of women‘s rights conventions and other practices by diverse lobby groups have been successful in changing women‘s attitudes. Such trends are continuing and it is expected that with the more of women occupying senior positions in the future, negative attitudes will become memories of the past.

A major reason for changes in attitudes has been the whittling away of stereotypes. Stereotypes have been highlighted in many works as presenting a huge challenge to women‘s efforts to rise through leadership hierarchies. A clear example of this is the stereotypical argument that women cannot be good bankers or work in the financial sector as good managers (Lewis, 2001). These stereotypes have lowered women‘s motivation to work in diverse fields. However, such attitudes have changed and results of research indicate that women are now venturing into diverse fields.

It is evident that women are benefiting extensively from changing attitudes within society and are being provided with greater opportunities to join the labour force. Previously, due to traditional ideals and cultural attitudes, joining the Islamic finance banking industry was challenging for Omani women due to the conservative nature of Islamic cultures in the region. However, there has been a great change in attitude towards business women and, particularly shifts within the family, which has resulted in more liberal practices that support Omani women‘s pursuit

of paid employment. Women now hold high positions such as scholars of Islamic law, chief executives and bank regulators. They have developed confidence as they demonstrate their ability to balance family and work life, which has contributed positively to the attitude change (Elamin & Omair, 2010).

5.2.1.2 Dual-earner family

In the modern global economy, the ideology of the father as the family‘s sole breadwinner is being challenged. In addition to caregiving roles, women are being integrated into the labour market—a factor that has led to drastic changes in the process of earning the daily bread. As noted by the Ministry of Information, Oman (2002a), the Sultanate of Oman is considered to be a developing country that has paid due attention to women‘s existence in a society in which they are considered to be a basic pillar of the social framework. In the wake of the renaissance that took place in 1970, Omani women started to enjoy a more prominent place in society, increasing their participation in education and jobs (Ministry of Information, Oman, 2002a). The economy has also challenged women to share the role of family breadwinner. This has had a positive impact on the Omani government, with the country establishing a stable macroeconomic framework that has assisted with developing human resources, upgrading the skills of Oman‘s labour force, encouraging the establishment of an effective and competitive private sector, providing the appropriate conditions for the realisation of economic diversification and enhancing the standard of living of the Omani people (Ministry of National Economy, Oman, 2007).

The economy has also become more diversified, which has contributed substantially to the increased inclusion of women in the labour market. The main agenda in this respect has been integrating the diverse skills, professionalism and knowledge necessary to foster innovative developments across the state. At the beginning of its modernisation, the Sultanate of Oman relied on expatriates from other Arab countries and Asia because most Omanis were illiterate and had few skills or qualifications. After three decades of intensive development efforts, the demographic statistics show that Oman still faces a shortage of native professional and skilled labour. Therefore, the government has encouraged the dual-earner family, which is a major contributor to the notable changes in the labour market. Since the Omanisation program was introduced, it has brought changes for the entire family and led to an increased number of women on the labour market.

5.2.1.3 Nuclear family

The nuclear family is defined as a unit composed of a mother, father and children. In the Omani context, the main culture dictates the roles and responsibilities of the entire family. The

father is the breadwinner, the mother is expected to take care of domestic responsibilities and children are to support the parents. However, these roles and responsibilities are changing and many people have started adopting new ways of life beyond their assigned roles (Al-Barwani and Albeely, 2007). Globally, there has been a change within the nuclear family; an element of independence is emerging in family relations. As Huber et al. (2009) note, economic changes have led to a major dissolution of the nuclear family. Families have disintegrated and individuals are claiming independence in their daily operations. The nuclear family of traditional cultures, in which the wife was required to perform only domestic jobs, is changing. As noted earlier, the female caregiver/male breadwinner family model was dominant in the region for a long period. Nonetheless, as Mackey and Immerman (2002) argue, cultural changes shift roles and the structure of society over time. Such shifts in Oman have motivated women to work in both public and private sectors. Additionally, there have been arguments by scholars that cultures whose reproductive strategies and tactics do not divert women away from their biological roles as mothers have a decided advantage across generations, as compared to cultures that assume any alternative course (Mackey & Immerman, 2002). However, it is also apparent that economic pressures have forced everyone into the labour force.

Emslie and Hunt (2009) suggest that the high cost of living is a major factor in the changing roles within the domestic family. The father, as the breadwinner in the nuclear family, is facing challenges in feeding the entire family. Women have therefore been forced to support their husbands in this respect. Emslie and Hunt (2009) also support this argument by explaining that, in some situations, even the children have been forced into the labour force to support their families. The economic changes in the global society challenge and change the roles in the nuclear family. Recently, women have ceased to be merely family-centric and it is expected that they participate in the labour force alongside men. Moreover, men‘s participation in routine housework facilitates women‘s entry into the labour market. Thus, shifting social and economic roles shape the context in which women make decisions about paid employment (Cramer & Westergren, 1999; Cunningham, 2008b). Sullivan and Mainiero (2007) suggest that both women and men are starting to seek career- pattern solutions to the dilemmas of work/family balance, and that some women may follow a career-driven lifestyle, while some men may wish to become more family-centric. Black (2001) finds that low masculine culture countries (as defined in Hofstede‘s (1984b) typology) are associated with more flexible labour markets. Therefore, these countries are linked with a higher share of part-time employment, higher female labour force activity rates and a higher share of females in the labour force.

Thus, the inclusion of more men in domestic roles within the nuclear family has introduced

further changes. Earlier practices dictated domestic roles for women, which posed a challenge to taking on other breadwinning roles. In the modern day, more well-educated women have ventured into the labour market; in some family situations, women are employed while their husbands are not. Such cultural flexibility regarding the introduction of men to domestic roles has been evident across Oman. With men taking on domestic roles, women have more opportunities to venture into the labour market. In addition, advances in technology have played a role in these changes: vacuum cleaners, washing machines and various other technologies have significantly reduced the time and energy required to maintain a household, thus allowing women time to take on other tasks. Women have been relieved from major duties in their domestic situations, thus their involvement in the labour market is taking shape (Shelton & John, 1996).

Furthermore, there are single mothers who are raising children on their own. These include widowers and divorcees, who are ultimately required to earn a living for themselves and their families. In this respect, the change in nuclear family roles is definitive. The expectation for the husband to be the sole earner is changing. Women are being forced to work in order to earn, in both Oman‘s private and public sectors, because they are the sole breadwinners. As stated earlier, Hakim (1995a, 2002, 2003a, 2006) proposes that the differentiated choices women make between their positions in the labour market and in the family are not much constrained socially or structurally in modern developed societies, but rather reflect the women‘s own preferences. The preference theory is a controversial view that has stimulated much academic debate, which can be broadly divided into two camps: those who emphasise that personal preferences guide women‘s decisions and those who state that social and economic constraints guide women‘s decisions (Kan, 2007). However, the preference theory is only applicable when work/care alternatives are available for, and accessible to, women in the community. Women‘s choices between their positions in the labour market and in the family can only be considered preferences in a community that provides sufficient work/care alternatives, generous welfare benefits and tolerant cultural and social expectations concerning both work and care roles. Whether women are developing their own preferences to work or are being constrained by their economic status is open to debate. Divisions in the nuclear family and high levels of independence are some of the reasons that women in Oman are participating in the labour force.

5.2.2 Legislative system

The laws and practices governing the labour market affect women‘s attitudes toward employment and may either facilitate or hinder it. This study proposes that regulations in workplaces and the legislative system, in addition to changes in family structure, can facilitate

women‘s participation in the labour force and later will argue that that legislative changes need to be implemented to encourage women to start working outside of home. Pettit and Hook (2005) note that the employment decisions of women in Oman, particularly mothers, are influenced by the policy context. They maintain that two levels of legislation should be considered in terms of women‘s employment: international levels and local levels.

After the United Nations (UN) was founded in 1945, women‘s participation in the labour force received attention from international organisations. One of the most important organisations affecting the labour market is the International Labour Organization (ILO). The ILO became part of the UN system on the formation of the UN at the end of World War II, after which various agreements were issued to guarantee the rights of women in the labour market. Some of these agreements are: international conventions to end all kinds of discrimination against women, issued in 1979; International Labour Convention No. 100, issued in 1951, regarding the principle of equal remuneration for male and female workers for work of equal value; Agreement No. 111 (1958) regarding discrimination (employment and occupation); Agreement No. 156 (1981) concerning equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women workers with family responsibilities. Many countries responded to the international agreements and policies regarding women‘s employment, thereby transforming their own local labour market policies. The international differences in women‘s employment can be directly linked to the different sets of labour market and social policies pursued by individual countries. Hence, the assertion of Huber et al. (2009) that the welfare state, labour market and caregiving policies have shaped employment opportunities in and accessibility to the labour market for women appears valid.

5.2.2.1 Development of regulations in Oman

Regulations in Oman are passed by the government. Oman has been an ILO Member for over 17 years; accordingly all regulations have to be based on the ILO statutes. The country‘s government has established a number of regulations to guide practices within the workplace. These regulations are geared towards the establishment of equality and fair treatment for all in the labour force. The Omani government establishes these regulations to foster and support the rights of individuals in every context. Some of the regulations established in the country are

 the 1930 Forced Labour Convention, (No. 29),  the 1957 Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, (No. 105),  the 1973 Minimum Age Convention, (No. 138), and  the 1999 Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention, (No. 182).

The conventions have been progressively established as needed to create a balance of gender within the labour force. In addition, the regulations were established in order to promote democracy and foster equal representation in the labour force. The regulations and rights at workplaces in Oman are guided by the labour laws and conventions. These regulations are reviewed regularly to address grievances of different stakeholders.

Though Oman has made great progress in the workplace transition and demonstrates positive trends in respect to rights at work, much still needs to be improved. More regulations need to be established and the current regulations reviewed to further equality within the labour force. The ILO has proposed a plan and provides technical assistance to Oman for the country to establish a review of the regulations and consider other conventions, including

 the Equal Remuneration Convention, 1951 (No. 100),  the Discrimination Convention, 1958 (No. 111),  the Social Security Convention, 1952 (No. 102),  the Employment Policy Convention, 1964 (No. 122),  the Occupational Health and Safety Convention, 1981 (No. 155), and  the Promotional Framework for Occupational Health and Safety Convention, 2006 (No. 187).

The fact that these conventions need to be considered indicates that more regulations aimed at fostering balanced gender representation within the labour force are required in Oman.

Three main laws govern Oman‘s labour market: the Basic law (November 1996), the Civil Service law (2004) and the Labour law (2003). These laws proclaim equal rights and opportunities and prohibit discrimination against males or females in respect to social rights and obligations or occupation of public office and ensure equal chances for men and women in jobs and pay, provided they have the same qualifications and experience (Al-Lamky, 2007; Common, 2008). Additionally, Oman‘s Vision 2020 policy, launched in 1995, and the Omanisation program have given impetus to women‘s participation in the Omani labour force (Al-Lamky, 2007; Common, 2008).

5.2.2.2 Women in Omani law

Omani labour laws are favourable to women and have been instrumental in protecting women‘s rights in the workplaces. They have been in the frontline of the fight for equality in the workplace and in according women all available opportunities to join the labour force (Whitmarsh et al., 2007). It is because of these laws that employment in Oman is not discriminatory in nature

and that women can serve in all fields of work. Hopkins and Ibrahim (1997) note that policies established in the workplace support women in their pursuit of opportunities to excel within the labour force. These laws have delivered equal employment opportunities and supported the Equal Pay Act. Overviews by Al-Lamky (2007) and Al-Lamki (1999) show that Omani labour law is strongly dedicated to supporting women‘s employment.

An example of how the labour laws support women can be found in Articles 80 to 82 (Ministry of Legal Affairs, Oman, 2003). These articles clearly stipulate the need to safeguard women‘s rights and establish the need to improve working conditions that would support Omani women. Al-Lamky (2007) notes that the identified articles in Omani laws that support women spell out special advantages that need to be directed towards working women such as bereavement leave and maternity leave entitlements. The articles are clear in that such leave should be no less than six weeks, so women can organise themselves and establish a way to return to the labour force. The articles also deliberate on special provisions that grant women the right to request a leave of absence. The laws stipulate that leave requested by women should be for no less than two weeks and up to a maximum of four years. This is because the laws acknowledge the fact that women have many roles to play, including their family roles, and therefore need special workplace considerations.

Furthermore, the laws support women by offering breastfeeding mothers a flexible schedule in the workplace. Women can arrange to leave work an hour earlier than other colleagues or make some other arrangement (depending on their agreement) with their employers; all women are entitled to such plans. Along the same lines, women are supported by the working hours established by the Omani government. The Omani government recognises the establishment of better and more appropriate working hours for women: 7:30 a.m. to 2:30 p.m., Saturday through Wednesday (Al- Lamki, 1999). Thursdays and Fridays are marked as non-working days for Omani people in the public sector. This government established schedule ensures that parents, particularly women, are better able to work while still supporting their families. It is definitive that these established laws motivate women to join the labour force.

It is important to note that discrimination is still present in a number of workplaces across Oman; a number of workers have reported gender based discrimination. This includes being denied promotion opportunities or salary increases as well as other discriminatory practices (Srilekha and Neelufer, 2011). Similar situations are also reported in contexts where the women do not enjoy equal opportunities with men, yet still have to face the challenge of domestic roles. Although Omani women benefit from favourable labour laws, there are still situations in which they are

disadvantaged. This indicates a need to review the implementation of labour laws in the workplaces to support women (Al-Lamki, 1998; Srilekha & Neelufer, 2011; Wood & Newton, 2006).

5.2.3 Workplaces

The Omani government‘s development has opened new fields of work to women and facilitated access to employment in both the public and private sectors. The rapid growth of institutions and organisations has created new employment opportunities for Omanis. This section examines the characteristics of the working environment and the nature of employers in Oman that influence Omani women‘s participation in the labour market.

5.2.3.1 Changing workplaces

Workplaces have changed dramatically over the last few decades. Advances in technology and economic growth around the world have changed job types and work requirements. In many countries, workplaces of the future appear destined to have only a small core of full-time permanent employees working from a conventional office; most skills will be brought in on a contract basis with people either working from home or hired for specific projects. This will require a high degree of flexibility in working hours, work tasks and working conditions (Sullivan & Hodson, 2002, Bianchi, 2011, Rummel & Viggiani, 2011, Watson, Russell & O'Connell, 2011).

Sharpe et al. (2002, p. 80) argue that flexible work arrangements are alternative, permanent work arrangements that differ from the standard on-site, 8.00 a.m. to 5.00 p.m., five-day-a-week schedule, with the exception of fixed-time, on-site shift work. They reveal that these arrangements are happening on a major scale in modern day workplaces. In such places, alternative work arrangements have been introduced to the labour market for many reasons and have been implemented by many employers to help harried workers meet conflicting work and family demands. They appreciate the fact that women are more likely than men to use alternative work arrangements to help alleviate pressures resulting from incompatible work and family responsibilities. Furthermore, Broschak, Davis-Blake, and Block (2008) acknowledge that employers can smooth out staffing levels during seasonal fluctuations or other changes in market demand, gain financial flexibility (e.g., reducing benefits and expenses associated with layoffs or termination) by using workers who are on the payroll of a third-party employer and gain functional flexibility by accessing specialised skills as needed rather than making long-term commitments for skills that may become technologically obsolete or that are required only for short-term projects.

Therefore, women have greater opportunities to engage in the labour force because the changing working environment is favourably impacting them. Broschak et al. (2008) argue that the

onus is on women to take maximum advantage of available opportunities and engage comprehensively in the labour force. According to Srilekha and Neelufer (2011) the Omani woman, although restrained by other cultural factors, is being presented with major opportunities and positive indications of a warm reception in the labour force.

5.2.3.2 Internationalism

Internationalism is also referred to as multilateralism, and is described as a movement that advocates economic cooperation (Lucio, 2010). This movement has been vibrant in the modern day, with countries joining forces to integrate and establish a global market in which all countries enjoy mutual benefits (Giuseppe et al., 2007). The movement is relevant to this study due to the integration of the labour force. As a fast developing country, Oman‘s economy is growing rapidly and the more the economy grows, the more labour it requires. Internationalism has created more competition over and demand for labour among emerging industries (Lucio, 2010). Therefore, there has been a need to develop more expertise in diverse fields. This has led to a high demand for the introduction of women to the labour force in major global economies. Omani women have benefited from the increased demand for labour calling for their inclusion.

Internationalism has also globally fostered women‘s rights in major countries and Oman has been pressured into practicing women‘s rights in labour force recruitment (César & Alberto, 2009). The country has borrowed much from other developed economies across the globe, thus motivating Omani women to enter into diverse careers within the growing economy. In general, internationalism has fostered labour market changes that have welcomed women in countries such as Oman. The number of women joining the labour force has therefore increased over time and across industries. In fact, as Srilekha and Neelufer (2011) note, Omani women have greater opportunities to not only work in domestic industries but also to secure jobs in the international labour market. From Grönlund‘s (2007) point of view, appreciation of internationalism is ideal for a growing economy faced with the challenge of lacking female involvement due to cultural factors. The case of Oman is a good example of a country in which culture has restricted women to domestic roles and prevented them from exploring opportunities presented in the labour market. Internationalism leads to the appreciation of other cultures and their integration into the local culture, which helps to remove obstacles barring women from participating in the labour market (Forstenlechner, 2010; Forstenlechner & Al-Waqfi, 2010).

5.2.3.3 Work culture

Omani culture is founded on Islamic culture. Arab culture and, to a lesser extent, Indian and African cultures influence Omani culture. Accordingly, Omani work culture is also subject to Islamic culture. Although, equality is a major principle of the formal work culture in Oman, the informal organisational practices (e.g. employ males to avoid frequent maternity leaves) negatively affect Omani women‘s career (Kemp & Madsen, 2014). Structures have been put into place to support women who are considered to be challenged by the fact that they have to play domestic roles; with the development of family-friendly organisations, flexible working hours and home- based work. These are arrangements have become associated with working women (Faoro, 2008). An important component of the ability to balance work and family commitments is the availability of working arrangements that facilitate the reconciliation of work and family life.

Furthermore, there is equality between the employer and the employees within the established work culture in Oman. Pocock (2005) asserts that in work culture the balance of forces between employers and employees is shaped by regulatory institutions, such as level of union membership, a high level of social and political acceptance of industrial arbitration machinery and fixed wages and conditions. However, despite the equal opportunities presented, women are still disadvantaged by the expectation that they play domestic roles. Therefore, plans that would favour women and rules established to support them in the labour market are needed.

Omanisation has been a key feature of Omani work culture. As discussed earlier, the Omanisation program supports employment by using a number of schemes and incentives (Al- Lamki, 1998). The purpose of the Omanisation program is to replace the large expatriate workforce in Oman and to ensure that a qualified and skilled Omani workforce actively participates in the country‘s economic development and prosperity. Under the Omanisation program, the Omani government has sought to advantage employers who achieve a high percentage of workforce Omanisation. Therefore, the work culture of the country encourages employers to recruit local talent rather than foreign talent (Al-Lamki, 1998).

5.3 Methodology

Study Two explores the institutions of the family, the legislative system and the workplace. The research questions addressed here are:

1. What motivates women to participate in the labour market? 2. What are the institutional factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

The specific aim of this section is to evaluate the impact that the institutions of the family, the legislative system and the workplace have on women‘s involvement in the labour market. Because the study required that personal perceptions, views and convictions be collected, the data could only be collected through interaction with these women. Other methods of data collection, such as observation, surveys and questionnaires, would not be effective in collecting the appropriate data. Personal interviews give each respondent a chance to express her approval and/or reservations about the representation of Omani women in the private sector. The study thus relied on interviews as the primary data collection method and it was important that some respondents be employed within the private sector.

For this study purpose researcher conducted methodology used in Study one. Please refer to chapter 4 for more details about methodology.

5.4 Findings

This section details the findings arising from evaluation of the cultural and institutional factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in the national labour market and establishes that many institutional changes have occurred in Oman in the last 40 years, including improvements in education, health and welfare. Most of these changes have empowered Omani women to participate in public life. This study investigates institutional changes associated with women‘s employment that have motivated women to participate in the labour market. To be precise, the findings of this study are meant to provide answers after investigating and comparing workplace policies and practices in the private sector and public sector concerning training, incentives, employee welfare, job security, leaves of absence, and flexible work schemes. The comparison between the sectors is intended to reveal the nature and effectiveness of Oman‘s private sector development initiatives in the last three five-year plans.

5.4.1 Family

5.4.1.1 Career demands.

Family was found to be a critical factor affecting women‘s careers; often because the family demanded that women engage in particular careers. The participants indicated that Omani women work in a particular field if their families expect them to join that field, though some of the families are still averse to allowing women to work. Most often, these families want the women to be housewives and to engage in domestic chores. Study participants felt that, men enjoy flexibility and have greater choice in this regard. They confirmed that the ability to choose for themselves offers better opportunities and gives them a chance to choose careers match their aspirations. On the other

hand, they argued that women are constrained and their career choices dictated by their family. One respondent said, ―The upper classes do not allow their wives and daughters to work and I remember a number of them want to work, but the family tradition of, ‗You are the daughter of [X] … so why do you work?‘‖ Another said the following about her career choice:

―I was thinking that the first specialisation I want is engineering. But you know the circumstances of the parents, and their objections hold: because that later I will not get a job, and if I got one it will be at the airport or in a company. And they do not want this, so they say the best option is education.‖

It was thus found that, in practice, women do not have the same opportunities to pursue a career as men. The women asserted that they work if their father or husband encourages them to work; if the father or husband does not support their career choice, women will definitely have to abandon pursuing the careert:

―I can give you an example of one woman who wanted to study translation. From the beginning her father said to her: ‗If you study translation then you will have to work in mixed workplaces or in companies, so change the specialisation.‘ Never mind if the father is formally informed that the state regulates women and men working in the same place, or for example, places certain restrictions or certain laws on this; the father will agree to any specialty this woman wants.‖

The study also revealed that, in most circumstances, women fail to fully engage in the labour force because they must balance both family and career duties. The participants argued that they would give up their work or change jobs or employers if they failed to juggle work requirements and family duties. It is therefore apparent that women‘s dual roles are being emphasised, which compels them to work extra hard. Women also miss out on career advancement opportunities because they need time to be at home with the family. We can thus observe that the Omani woman is torn between working in the labour force and family stability:

―From time to time she comes a little bit late, a little bit early and so on. But it‘s the woman herself who proves that time is not an issue if she delivers as expected and more, even if she doesn‘t have as much time. So it really depends on the woman. That‘s why some of them drop out.‖

5.4.1.2 Work/family conflict

The findings further revealed that Omani women consider work to be a secondary role and sometimes a temporary one until they form and settle into their nuclear family. These women consider the family their first priority: ―But once I enter a stage of marriage, motherhood and family, these things will be my priorities... I definitely will give [marriage and family] priority. I would not compromise.‖ The women asserted that work in senior positions is only possible if one does not have family responsibilities. Family commitment is considered a virtue in the Omani woman, hence domestic duties prevent her from committing to roles that can conflict with her family commitment. The findings emphasised that for Omani women the primary role of women is to fulfil marriage and parenthood responsibilities. Being strictly focused on the family role was found to be the reason the women were unable to consider exploring the labour market:

―If I think to leave work, then when my daughters grow up, when responsibilities will increase. And to have your children means you feel that it is difficult to juggle filling your job at school and your job in the house. Especially the children when they grow up, they need you to follow up their studies and their actions and everything in their behaviour. You feel, I mean, it is not difficult, but the responsibility increases. As the baby comes, you have more responsibility, and the administration and the ministry here are merciless: work is work, and if you want to work, then you have to deliver.‖

The research also showed that women are not dissuaded from work by their belief that the man should be the main provider for the family:

―Take me, for example: my husband is financially capable and he spends money on my son and me, but despite this I, as a woman, have my own desire and my own choice, I like work. Although, yes, in terms of religion, women are not obliged to provide for the family.‖

The findings also supported that Omani women consider the man to be the guardian and leader of the family. Therefore, women do not take up responsibilities that could integrate them into the labour market and increase their responsibilities; instead, they suppress their aspirations and depend on men as the sole leaders of the family. These women are not challenged to be breadwinners as they leave it to the men to play this critical role in the family. Therefore, men are more engaged in the labour market.

It was also observed that family decisions regarding work outside the home overpower Omani women due to conditions imposed on women by the family with respect to when they can

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engage in the labour force. For instance, the study found that the women interviewed could work only if her parents or husband need extra financial support. As one respondent put it, ―Mostly it‘s the family needs. Since I married, having three kids… I bought a house, you know, debts… helping my husband with his life, you know? And to gain more experience.‖ When parents or husbands need financial support, usually, Omani women are forced to engage in the labour market. It is therefore observable that, in many situations, the Omani woman does not even choose her career; she has to depend on her circumstances, yet these circumstances do not always favour her. Her decision is therefore subject to major challenges and barriers related to her family and culture.

From another point of view, it was found that the family signifies social security for the women:

―I mean, brother, father or anyone. I mean anyone in the family, even if not father or brother... Sister even possible, if for example, she is working and she has a car and other things, we get whatever we want.‖

Another interviewee talked about family support thus:

―The majority of women rely on their parents who are at home. If someone is alone at home, she is dependent on the maid to take care of raising children at home. They just work or focus on their career, someone who lives with her family or her husband‘s family relies on their parents raising the children.‖

The family therefore extends their control over women not only with respect to when she can join the labour market but also when she is in it. Most of the women asserted that they are able to quit or transfer work at any stage if they are not comfortable with the job, but this has to be dictated by the family. This finding strengthens the perception that Omani women do not have a chance to exercise their personal preference in terms of employment. Rather, they have to rely on what the family thinks about their work involvement.

5.4.1.3 Family culture adaptation

Study One findings identified national culture as a major cultural factor that challenged women in the labour market (See Chapter 4). The research showed that Arab culture is strict and maintains that women are suited to domestic roles only. The shared norms and values of Oman, particularly those deriving from Arab culture, have been a challenge for women in their efforts to engage in the labour market. The national culture provides men an open role and more opportunities and constrains women to familial roles. It was found that, even with major efforts to participate in

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the labour market, they were governed by a national culture that dictated the types of jobs they were allowed. The research also found that Omani women place importance on what people expect of them and who they are in comparison to the people around them—whether local or from other countries—when choosing a job. Women‘s choices are governed by other people‘s perceptions; the participants indicate that Omani women do not make their own decisions but depend on what other people say about them. Therefore, it is clear that their involvement in the labour market is subject to other people‘s opinions. This being the case, women frequently have to move from one career to another, but not according to their own desires.

However, changes were also observed with respect to the identity of the working woman in Oman, which is starting to overtake the identity of wife and mother. Participants claimed that they prefer to introduce themselves at social events as a teacher, doctor, engineer and so on. In most cases, women have started changing and their sense of identity is transforming. They have started to take responsibility for themselves and the community has started to appreciate their presence in the labour market. However, even with women opening up and enjoying a warm reception in the labour market, it was found that they still play the domestic roles that have been imposed on them by the culture.

Most importantly, the research found that many of these participants' women in this study believe they become better people when their working woman identity is combined with their wife and mother identity. Therefore, they prefer jobs related to their motherhood identity—such as service jobs. Thus, even with a high level of independence, Omani women still do not readily accept moving away from their domestic roles. They are entrenched in the roles of bringing up a family and practicing home care. It was found that the cultural perception of the woman as caregiver is still entrenched in society, despite the changes that are occurring. Omani women prefer jobs related to their domestic roles to other careers. Thus, women take on flexible jobs that are not overly demanding so that they can fulfil their domestic roles.

The study confirmed that women‘s access to paid employment and careers was increasing because the family has relaxed its strict norms and values that guide women or restrict them from participating fully in the labour force. The study revealed that women have better educational opportunities because they have been relieved of the most stringent roles in the family. The study also found that men have started to assimilate domestic roles, lightening the burden on women and providing them with the opportunity to enrol in training and education courses. Changing family values were also evident in the study with respect to the age at which Omani women are getting married. The study revealed that, in the modern day, women have started to get married later. The

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average age of marriage for the women in the study was over 20. This was an indication that the practice of marriage and starting a family at a young age has started to change. Therefore, women now have an opportunity to engage in other personal life routines such as education. Most of participant's women in this study got married after they finished university.

5.4.1.4 Family size reduction

Another dominant finding from the study regarding the changing family is the reduction in fertility rates. The Omani government has promoted family planning and birth control since the early 1980s (Eickelman, 1993). At that time, Oman‘s population had been growing at an estimated 3.8% a year. This growth rate slightly dropped over time to 3.7 % in 2013. The statistics show that the fertility rate of Omani women has dropped from 5.2 in 1996 to 3.9 in 2013 (National Center for Statistics and Information, Oman, 2014). The average size of the Omani household dropped from 9 in 2003 to 7.5 in 2010 (Ministry of National Economy, Oman, 2010).

In the traditional family, the woman was a housewife and one of her greatest responsibilities was to bring up children:

―Among the things that struck me was that women have always found that their social prestige rests in the number of children they have. This means that whenever a woman is the mother of many children – provided she‘s married– this increases her social standing, stronger than that of girls who are unmarried. The social status of women who are the head of a large family, for example the grandmother, also increases.‖

These families valued having many children, and participants identified this as a major reason why women did not have an opportunity to engage in other life experiences such as furthering their education. The study indicated that this attitude is changing among Omani women. One respondent said, ―Women are now shifting their thinking: besides being a regular woman, a wife and a daughter, I can also better my social position by work and education.‖ Women‘s reduced domestic roles were found to be a major reason why they now enjoy greater opportunities to engage in education and the labour market.

5.4.2 Workplace

The study also integrated research on the workplace as an institution that affects women‘s involvement in the labour market. Certain factors were identified in the workplace that had a major effect on the women‘s motivation to join the labour market.

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5.4.2.1 Organisation culture/national culture conflict

Amongst the participants it was found that Omani women consider modesty, respect and appreciation the most important requirements in the workplace. One woman explained:

―In terms of Islamic religion, they do not give them their right, for example in the field of work there are companies that impose on them things they cannot implement. As a working woman, take dress, for example, or things that are inconsistent with Islamic customs.‖

Another woman, giving an example of the dress requirements in some companies, said: ―Some companies choose those who are unveiled and refuse to be veiled.‖

Therefore, the study indicated that the practice of these values influenced women‘s participation. When women are shown disrespect, they feel that they are being discriminated against, which lowers their motivation to work. The interviews indicated that high levels of appreciation were identified as a major factor encouraging women to engage in the labour market in large numbers. Furthermore, when women are shown respect, they remain in employment; a number of cases were reported in which women quit their jobs because of disrespect shown by their male colleagues. One respondent claimed, ―What forced me to let go of the place is the lack of respect at work as employees are not treated with respect and love.‖

The study also found that some Omani women believe that the women interviewed believed that recruitment and promotion in the private sector is dependent on their physical appearance. This aspect was found to be a challenge for women joining the labour market. Physical appearance was regarded as one of the stereotypical issues that women faced when seeking opportunities to join the labour market. It is discriminatory to deny a woman an opportunity of employment on the basis of physical appearance. One respondent reported she is advantaged by working in an organisation that appreciates women‘s brains more than their looks:

―We are just dealing with a brain. So they forget about who you are or how you look or how you dress. When you get to a level of that respect and their expectations, particularly if they‘re people who had lots of experience, 20 years, 25 years, you feel like you are really something, regardless of how you‘re looked at. It‘s a really good feeling.‖

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5.4.2.2 Low career expectations

The research found that low career expectation is a factor that lowers motivation among women. The majority of the participants do not foresee themselves working as long as men. In addition, Omani women face more challenges than men in the workplace, such as their family commitment, which forces them to leave or change jobs often. The study participants had no future prospects in the workplace because of the uncertainty surrounding their family roles. As one of the respondents said:

―Since the day I started work they always thought I‘d be continuing. They see me as so active, energetic. They thought definitely not less than 30 years. The thing is, in our company, they do forecasting... But in time there was a meeting and they asked me: ‗What do you expect, how many years?‘ I said: ‗I do not know.‘ They said: ‗Frankly.‘ I told them: ‗I don‘t see myself working after five years.‘ And then their faces completely changed: ‗Why? We have you down for, like, 30 years.‘ I said, ‗Okay, not five years; make it 10 years.‘ Because they will put so much focus on you because they were expecting you to be a leader at some point.‖

It was observed that young women interviewed are motivated to work in the labour force, but they do not expect to stay for long because they believe that they will leave to raise a family. Some participants point out that men are comfortable with both work and domestic chores; while women prefer to concentrate on work or leave to fulfil domestic roles.

Several participants reported that the higher probability men in the same position to be promoted ahead of women also leads to lower motivation to participate in the workplace amongst women. Men‘s commitment long-term prospects in the labour force were found to be advantageous to promotion opportunities. Employers in Oman mostly look for people with future prospects when deciding on promotions. Since women are viewed as being hired on a temporary basis, they are disadvantaged with respect to promotion opportunities:

―When I started training, I found the employees had been working for years, but were still at the starting point, there is even a gap between the old employee who can be the head of the department and the new employee, I mean a wide difference between them. I felt like they had had no such thing as workshops and training... They do not have the desire to add something new to themselves or contribute to the company itself or the workplace. They do not feel the significance of something or in something new every day, something happens outside this place can add or gaining. I know some employees cannot afford be in the

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workshops because the workshop is in the evening and I abandoned my children from morning to afternoon.‖

The fact that the employers promote men more than women was hence established as a major reason for women‘s low levels of motivation in the workplace.

5.4.2.3 Work preferences (work hours and wages)

The participants in this study indicated that they did not wish to work unreasonably long working hours. Therefore they do not choose jobs that were overly demanding in terms of time and women consider overly demanding jobs to be men‘s work. A recap of the study‘s findings reveals that women are mindful of their roles within the family; they opt for shorter hours in the labour force to preserve time for domestic roles:

―Some jobs have long working hours and low wages, you find women are employed one month and two months and then they quit work again. This hinders women, long working hours and low wages, at the same time the conditions of the household, their family and their children... this makes women not want work.‖

Therefore, even the opportunity to engage in the labour market, women were still challenged because they could not take jobs that required long hours despite the jobs offering high pay and career opportunities.

Supporting these findings was the indication that Omani women prefer day work to night work. As one respondent put it, ―It does not suit women, particularly cafes... perhaps day shift but not night shift; a little difficult. Because it is difficult being a woman working at night at these places, coffee shops... I mean a little difficult.‖ Women were therefore restricted to jobs that are only carried out during the day. It is thus apparent that women do not have diverse options in choosing jobs; they have fewer choices and fewer opportunities to work in well-paid jobs.

The study also revealed that women do not appreciate opportunities to work overtime because they prefer being at home to do domestic work: ―They give us lectures to teach in the evening; I mean they are not considering... It is paid, but they should give us an option... For example, give women morning lectures and men night lectures, this is a good thing.‖ Consequently, their earnings were low and they did not have the kind of motivation that male colleagues had within the workplace.

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5.4.3 Legislative system

The study also established that most women in this study lacked knowledge of work regulations and their rights: ―I do not know my rights as a working woman or even my rights as a woman in the community.‖ Without knowledge of their rights in the workplace, the women did not know how to handle discrimination or fight for their rights. The study showed that the women acknowledge that they should know the laws in order to protect themselves and to participate effectively in the community‘s development, but that they do not take the initiative to learn them. As one respondent said, ―When women understand their rights they are able to involve in society.‖ Lack of confidence to act was therefore a major reason why women do not take advantage of opportunities to establish themselves in the labour force. Instead, they become caught in discriminatory workplaces, which lower their motivation to work outside home.

However, it was revealed that Omani women believe that equality of work regulations should draw attention to differences and similarities between women and men, instead of comparing their achievements:

―You can call it openness to the other world, until it became, for example, openness in thinking that it is ordinary to enter any job in the labour market and there is no such thing as a difference between a man and a woman, or jobs for men and jobs for women. And the other thing, it became a regular matter of proving oneself and equality that I could work at any job. Until it became in the crowd, for example; I want to prove to the man that I can hold this job, and I can do something in it. This for me is wrong thinking... For me, nothing can force women to give up a thing as feminine or to work in a field that does not suit her.‖

The difference between men‘s and women‘s achievements in the labour market was perceived to be a major challenge to women in the labour force; they felt that their achievements could not compare to those of male colleagues. This challenge was observed to be a strong factor that continues to suppress women in the workplace. The cultural challenge was a major reason why these women believed that work regulations should devote more consideration to culture and religion. For example, they asserted that the not having a provision for a woman to be accompanied by her husband, father or brother when she travels abroad for work, training or study was discriminatory:

―You hope that in Oman, like in the other Gulf States, they would give you the opportunity to have Muharram (male relative such as father, brother or husband) when you travel. This does not exist here. We went on courses with students from the other Gulf

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countries. Always, a working woman, when she has courses, or when she has to travel or anything, she's given tickets and facilities for two people (herself and her husband or herself and her brother). But in Oman, this never happens. If you have a course or you travel yourself and you want to take your brother or your husband, then they let him pay for it or you pay for it.‖

Women‘s freedom was established as a major factor that would motivate them and assist them to prosper within the labour market.

On the other hand, it was found that most interviewees find it acceptable to work in mixed environments (men and women) as long as there is modesty, respect and appreciation:

―Now for example; regard the issue of mixing, it is okay women mix with men. At all workplaces there is mixing, school or college or any other place. But if one keeps to one‘s religion and morals, the field of work and mixing with men will not affect one‘s reputation.‖

Therefore, the mixing of genders in the workplace did not present a challenge; individuals, including women, will join the labour force regardless of the people with whom they must work. The women believed that working with men in the same workplace is not a challenge, especially in the modern day when society has accepted women‘s free interaction with men. From another perspective, the study found that the participants consider self-respect and dignity to be the main assets of their personality and are not willing to give them up at any price (such as a high wage or position): ―I feel that instead of helping me they disrespect me. That‘s it, I do not want this job, do not abuse my dignity... What forced me to leave the place is the lack of respect.‖ This was an indication that women demand respect within their workplaces and do not let themselves be taken advantage of in the labour force. This indicates that under these circumstances women are motivated to work within the labour market.

5.4.4 Discussion

The review of institutions embarking on the work/care regime and the perceptions of the women interviewed for this study indicate that one can argue from this point that culture has played a critical role in challenging women‘s rise to senior positions. These shall not be discussed in relation to the broader literature.

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5.4.4.1 Family

A study by Lewis (2001) finds that women have been overpowered by men in the workplace due to domestic roles preventing them from taking on the major duties required in senior positions and therefore careers. Interviewees claimed that fulfilling their domestic roles hinders full participation in senior positions.

The findings support the situation reported through research in Western countries. Mackey and Immerman (2002) point out that, in 2002, women constituted at least 45% of the labour force in Australia, but that only 10.7% of these were in senior positions. Currently, the Australian Workplace Gender Equality Agency that women now represent 17.3% of CEOs and 23.7% of directorships of companies reporting to the Agency however 15% of ASX200 companies do not have a woman on the board (WGEA 2014)—all of which are critical to decision making processes in policy development.

It was clear from the interviews that women in Oman feel suppressed by their families when it comes to career choices; they are told what they can or cannot do. Therefore, there is little flexibility when it comes to women in their career choices. They may be allowed to work, but any kind of work they choose is governed by third-party decisions, including those of their immediate families. Such findings support the work of Hutchings et al. (2010) study of Arab and middle- eastern women, who conclude that the decision to join the workplace is influenced by family circumstances. The family dictates what the women can and cannot do. The family not only an important part of the work/care regime, but also influences women‘s motivation to participate in the labour market. In addition, they point out that women are even more industrious than men when it comes to pursuing their career but lack a desire to explore and further it (Hutchings et al., 2010). A study by Omair (2010), carried out across the United Arab Emirates, revealed that although the level of ambition to work in women is high, they do not have an opportunity to establish themselves and pursue career advancement due to their families playing the central role in their career choices. Forstenlechner (2010) reaches similar conclusions, arguing that retention is a crucial aspect of employee career advancement. It determines the value and significance of the corporate culture to a large extent, by supporting employees with training or career paths. He argues that high turnover and a lack of focus or commitment decrease the attractiveness of national employees.

The fact that women are engaged in dual roles is observed in much of the scholarly literature on women‘s careers, including Whitmarsh et al. (2007). Women find it difficult to fluctuate from one role to another because they are attached to one particular role at a time. Therefore, they find it difficult to work in the labour market when they are also required to be making a strong effort in

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establishing family stability. Weyer (2007) conducted a study on barriers to fully engaging in the labour force for women. She argues that family stability depends on, and is constantly cultivated by, women and that it is difficult to multi-task. Also, she found that in many situations, women cannot engage equally in the labour force as their inclination is toward the family over their job. Just as Sullivan and Mainiero (2007) argue, those interviewed in this study suggested that the higher turnover rates among women and the most common reason for women changing jobs is due to family demands.

This study also found that the average age of marriage among Omani women has increased due to more women choosing to further their education before marriage. This supports the argument that women are increasingly being given an opportunity to build their careers. This may indicate that, with time, women will move away from being controlled by the family to taking control of their own lives. Drawing on her Australia study, Pocock (2006) explains that women are postponing their marriages to build their careers. Therefore, even with family values having a significant influence on women, a level of independence is observed.

As noted, fertility levels among Omani women and family size in Oman are decreasing. This is a positive indication that women are being freed from stringent familial constraints that previously hindered enjoying other life experiences. Women can now enjoy an education and career progression without worrying about large families. A study of Arab women by Omair (2010) reveals that women have been given an opportunity to explore their careers without foregrounding their biological roles of carrying pregnancies. In the traditional context, most of the women participated in Omair's study would not have had any educational opportunities when they were young. Women spent most of their early years bringing up children in large numbers. Lewis (2001) emphasised that bringing up fewer children means woman has the advantage over previous generations with more opportunity to engage in the labour market. The emergence of a nuclear family model lessened the extended family ties that were once a major challenge for women struggling to be independent. Although, family had a powerful influence, this suggests that the family as an institution has weakened, thus providing women with an opportunity to explore professional careers.

In summary the research findings indicate that Omani women will be challenged to go beyond their domestic roles and explore other opportunities within the labour market. A better understanding of women‘s employment and cultural and institutional requirements by Omani employers is needed for integrating women in the labour market. The ultimate result will be

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appreciation of women and flexibility of the family that will develop opportunities for women to engage in the labour market.

5.4.4.2 Workplace

Investigation of the workplace institution allows one to draw a number of conclusions. Perceptions of inequality, where women feel discriminated against and believe that they are not provided the same opportunities as men, persist in workplaces across cultures and national boundaries. As noted by Karatepe and Magaji (2008), a significant number of women developed negative perceptions of their workplaces. They are therefore not content and have a high probability of turnover. From a similar perspective, Kwangho et al. (2007) are of the opinion that many workplaces have failed in their strategies to accommodate women. They argue that workplaces have not done enough. They reported that women are viewed as expecting preferential treatment, which is not provided by the employers. This is because the employers expect them to do their duties and work in the same way as their male colleagues (Kwangho et al., 2007).

Karatepe and Magaji (2008) argued that there is a major, and detrimental, gap between the perceptions and expectations of women within workplaces that lowers women‘s motivation to work and pursue a career. As already discussed many women have other roles to fulfil, which creates challenges to competing with men in the workplace (Arun et al., 2004). Women have to overcome challenges—such as low levels of education and skills caused by entrenchment in family roles— and do not have opportunities to acquire required knowledge and skills (Karatepe & Magaji, 2008). With the gap between perceptions and expectations, women continue to face challenges because workplaces provide the expected allowances. Their perceptions are only shared by other women. Because workplaces have a desire to recruit and retain employees who are dedicated to work and whose performance demonstrates an improvement, women are expected to meet the expectations of the workplace. The participant of this study shows more commitment toward their family than their career. Some clearly state that they are willing to leave their work to meet their family demands.

However, Kangas and Rostgaard (2007) were of a contrary opinion when they asserted that the biggest challenge was women‘s personality. In a European study they argued that even when workplaces provide equal opportunities for both genders, women are subjected to pressure because of their personal traits. They identified that women tend to give priority to domestic roles over their roles in the workplace. Therefore, women miss the opportunities presented in the workplace that could place them in an equal or better position. As shown in this study the women interviewed prefer shorter working hours because they have their families constantly in mind. Consequently, the opportunities that could be presented to them are handed to their male colleagues. Karatepe and

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Magaji (2008) note that it is difficult for women to share equal opportunities with men in the workplace. They found that workplaces do not fail to consider women, but cannot give them additional favours because it is necessary to motivate both genders and to provide a level playing field on which every worker can capitalise. Workplaces are seen as neutral grounds that provide equal opportunities for healthy competition. Therefore, they argue, it is up to women to make decisions and enact strategies to make good use of opportunities and pursue their dreams and careers (Kangas and Rostgaard 2007, Syed & Pio, 2010). However the current study found that Omani women instead of taking action and pursuing career development; they expected that workplace to provide and prepare proper opportunities for them.

That women enjoy legal equal opportunities in promotion and pay increases is a positive indication that change has started (discussed in the next section). It is apparent in Oman that the family is accepting women‘s joining the labour force, albeit moderately. Workplaces therefore need to continue to encourage women‘s participation at work. Golley (2004) proposed that establishing a level playing field for women and men in the workplace for such practices as promotion and pay rises reduces the levels of gender discrimination. He observed that gender discrimination has a major issue that lowers women‘s motivation in the workplace. Therefore, when gender discrimination and unequal opportunity is observed, measures to establish solutions are required. In Oman, creating a level playing field for women in workplace will encourage women to join labour force, retain and advance their career.

The results show that the workplace as an institution is influencing the motivation of women to participate in the labour force and that more opportunities for women can be developed. The study has revealed some of the discriminatory practices that challenge women in the workplace. Understanding the discriminatory practices assists employers in making changes to improve the situation and to consider women in the workplace. This would also assist in disseminating information on the need for special treatment and favours for women, especially those who have other domestic responsibilities.

5.4.4.3 Legislative system

The findings demonstrate that one of the major challenges women face in joining the labour force is their low level of awareness of regulations. This study suggest that this as leads to women giving up their jobs without resistance. As Standing (2011) notes, a lack of transparency causes a failure to reduce inequalities in most developing countries‘ labour markets. It is critical that

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governments invest more in raising women‘s awareness of regulations and introduce educational programs to provide women with opportunities to explore their careers..

National general policies, labor regulations and practises of employment effect equality in the labour market (César & Alberto, 2009). These polices, regulations and practise should integrate strategies formulated to enhance the situation of women in all spheres of the country‘s development. Additionally, strategies should effectively enable women to enjoy full participation in decision making and planning within the national economy. Finally, the strategies should contribute to a review of the legislation in an effort to ensure the practice of equal rights for both genders and in developing non-discriminatory practices against women.

5.5 Conclusion

Since 1970, women in Oman have made remarkable progress in participating in the labour market. However there are major challenges for them to remain in the market and to develop their careers. Despite their representation in the labour market they are still suppressed and steps need to be taken to integrate women into senior positions and to ensure full representation. This study shows that family culture draws traditional scenarios of women‘s employment in Oman. Women empowerment in the Omani labour market is constrained by traditional gender roles and preferences toward feminine job fields. Additionally, men in the Omani community are culturally, religiously, and legally held to be the provider for the family. This provides freedom for Omani women that could be used in two contradictory ways: it can encourage women to seek better employment options or to stay at home in a caregiver role.

Family as an institution presents a major obstruction in Omani women's career path. As noted, some roles—including those of mother, wife and caregiver—in the society clearly influence women‘s preferences in the labour market. However, increasing social and economic pressures have resulted in flexibility of cultures in relation to women‘s involvement in the labour force. As a result, women have enjoyed increasing levels of education, which has helped them explore diverse careers.

Inequality in terms of equal pay and recruitment and promotion requirements is not a major issue in Omani‘s workplaces. However workplace strategies to accommodate Omani women personal and cultural needs have failed. Omani women seem more attractive to "family friendly organisations" and workplaces that are adapted to the national culture with an ethical, moral and respected organisational culture.

Low awareness of the legislative system in general, and labour law in particular, is a main contributor to Omani women‘s seemingly random career choices and their tendency to quit work.

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The developmental plans in Oman started to focus on human resource development as part of Oman‘s Economic Vision 2020. The plan started in 1996, but it was not until late 2011 that the Omani government began to pay more attention to making the Omani people aware of legislative system and polices (See Chapter 1).

Omani women‘s career choices, stability and paths seem to be more influenced by cultural and institutional factors than by personal preferences. This persists even with a cultural and institutional framework that gives Omani women more freedom of choice by obliging men to be breadwinners and the government offering extensive educational opportunities.

The next chapter provides an in-depth exploration of Omani women‘s careers to better understand decision making processes and preferences.

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Chapter 6: Omani Women’s Careers

6.1 Omani Women’s Career Course

Superficial consideration of the status of women in Oman and their labour market representation may misrepresent the entire situation. A cursory glance creates the impression that women in Oman are doing well and are well represented in the labour market. For example, women‘s increased participation in education and employment (see Chapter 1). However, the detailed analysis in the last two chapters presents findings that contradict the impressions gleaned from such observations. The findings revealed that Omani women‘s representation in the labour market is greatly affected by the cultural and institutional frameworks in Oman. Even with equal representation, as claimed, there is a gap in employment and job retention between men and women in Oman.

Career is accepted in the literature as an evolving concept. There is a considerable amount of literature that acknowledges that career patters have changed over the last few decades (Arthur 2008) there is a large body of literature that identifies that women‘s career patterns are often different from those of men (O'Neil, Hopkins, and Bilimoria 2008). For the purpose of this chapter career is defined as containing relatively stable employment, with an upward advancement in position and status and continuous learning (Hall 1976, 1996). Figure 12 maps the responses of the women interviewed in regard to cultural and institutional factors impacting on the work/care regime. It shows that neither cultural nor institutional aspects stand firm in influencing the entire career path of Omani women. Instead, interviewees‘ responses show a variety of cultural and institutional influences across three major stages influences their career decisions: the labour market, the workplace or organisation, and their job. With each stage, Omani women tended to speak about particular cultural or/and institutional factors that influenced their career more than other aspects. For example, when talking about participation in the labour market, they repeatedly mentioned their families. This chapter brings together the findings in study 1 and study 2 and discusses these findings in depth and will demonstrate how each cultural or institutional aspect plays a role in Omani women‘s career decisions.

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Figure 12. The merging of themes on the influence of culture and institutions on Omani women‘s careers

6.1.1 Labour Market

In the context of labour market, women are less committed and have shorter-term career prospects than men. This is attributed to cultural factors such as gender roles, social expectations and the national culture, as well as institutional factors such as the family, the workplace and awareness of the legislative system.

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In terms of culture, as illustrated in Chapters 2 and 3, the author‘s plan was to study the three factors of gender roles, social expectations and national culture. However, the findings in Chapter 4 suggest that there is no clear distinction between the national culture and gender roles. Alternatively, the results suggest that Omani culture has general values and norms, but that each family and tribe in Oman forms a stratum with its own norms and values. Al-Azri (2010) describes the influence of traditional tribal norms, values and practices on the Omani people‘s potential to achieve their desires for better equality and autonomy in their lives. As Al-Azri puts it,

―Oman remained socially divided, despite the government attempt to unify a heterogeneous population of Arabs and non-Arabs, Muslims and non-Muslims, Muslims who subscribe to a variety of Islamic traditions and number of ethnic groups that do not share either the tribal or religious heritage.‖ (p. 22)

This variation in families‘ values is a source of variation in gender role and social expectation. One can add that, in the Omani context, ‗family culture‘ overcomes ‗national culture‘. Though the findings—in terms of gender roles—emphasise the traditional gender role type (man as breadwinner/women as caregiver), they highlight a degree of gender role flexibility in which the man takes on part of the caregiving role and the woman takes on part of the breadwinning role. The extent of gender role flexibility depends on family culture. In addition, Al-Barwani and Albeely (2007) point out that the Omani family puts an effort into balancing tradition and modernity; nonetheless, globalisation and the information technology and communication revolution influence the Omani family. Consequently, Omani women find it challenging to plan a career at a young age because the family culture is changing and, as a result, gender roles are changing with it. Additionally, when she an Omani woman marries, she has to move from one family to another, which may have different values.

With respect to Omani women‘s career path, entering the labour market is a family matter rather than an individual issue. In general, regardless of the desire to work, the interviews in this study indicated that Omani women join the labour market only if their family allows them to do so. The results show that on the issue of allowing women to work, families are influenced by their gender role perception and their economic status. The research reveals that Omanis give priority to women‘s traditional role as wife and mother and consider a career to be secondary. The findings in this study indicated that Omani women feel that they are more appreciated at home than at work. Contrary to the findings of Al-Barwani and Albeely (2007) that employment gives Omani women mobility and economic and purchasing power, this study found that Omani women‘s mobility and economic and purchasing power depend on the family‘s economic status, not the women‘s

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employment. Further, employed women who come from low income families devote their income to their families‘ needs, while women from high economic status families—even if not employed— have more mobility and economic and purchasing power. Therefore, this study revealed that these women consider the family as a higher priority above than work because the economic value of their career is dependent on the economic status of their family.

To sum up, the family forms the gate between Omani women and participation in the labour market. In some cases, this gate is opened wide without any restrictions. In other cases, it is locked and hinders women‘s participation in the labour market. However, modernisation in Oman has encouraged most Omani families to accept women‘s participation in the labour market.

6.1.2 Workplace

As already indicated the first step toward participating in the labour market, Omani women have to go through the family gate. Once the family has accepted the woman‘s work, Omani women are challenged to choose a suitable workplace; the second step of Omani women‘s career path. At this stage, this research uncovers major factors influencing Omani women‘s choices: social expectations and workplace characteristics.

Study one and study two of this research shows that Omani women's social expectations arise from three sources: family, religion and peers. The findings show that family expectations affect Omani women‘s work decisions. Most Omanis prefer non-mixed workplaces; workplaces with gender separated work environments—including separated offices and amenities—are more accepted by Omanis than workplaces that emphasise a total blending of genders. Research results indicated that religion encourages Omani women to prize modesty, respect and self-appreciation. Therefore, the practice of these values is a great motivator for women joining a particular workplace. However, the study also found that some Omani women believe that recruitment and promotion in the private sector is affected by physical appearance. This was one negative aspect that was found to be a challenge to women considering joining certain companies. Further, women were considered as having no future prospects in the workplace because of uncertainty surrounding their family roles. The study found that men were considered to have higher chances of being promoted than women in the same positions due to men‘s perceived stronger commitment and long- term work plans.

The study further revealed that women interviewed have high demands for workplace characteristics, such as high salary and compensation, short working hours, and high consideration for the national culture. In the modern global economy, these demands could be impossible to

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match with employers‘ demands for low salaries and compensation, long working hours, and independent work culture . This is a disincentive challenge for Omani women to work extra hard at increasing their efforts and performance. The interviewees point out that because of Omani women‘s demands, employers in Oman trust men more with senior positions than they do women. It was also apparent that women feel that men are better suited for overly demanding jobs.

6.1.3 Jobs

Individual actions and behaviours towards work are more likely to be present after Omani women have started working and are more independent in their job decisions. The more secure and comfortable their job, the more likely they are to retain it. However, the study shows that Omani women are willing to move or quit their job if they encounter lack of respect or lose their dignity or fail to maintain a balance between family and work duties. Though women in the study claimed that their decisions at this stage were made of their own free will, the family is a main driver of these decisions. This role of family can appear in two ways. In the first, women consider their families‘ needs and condition when making decisions. For example, they might want to quit work but continue to work because the family needs financial support and they have no alternative income. The second way is when women consider their families‘ preferences, for example if the fathers or husbands no longer like the women‘s jobs or think there is a better place for them to work.

6.1.4 Legislative System

The study established that most of the Omani women in the study lacked knowledge of Oman‘s laws and work regulations as well as their own rights. The legislative system appears not to be a consideration by Omani women‘s career path. Most study participants did not consider regulations in their decisions about joining the labour market, workplace preferences or job choice. Omani women show a lack of awareness of many important regulations—such as maternity or sick leave and childcare regulations—which drive women‘s work preferences in some countries. Omani women rely on the family, government and employer to look after them and take for granted that their rights are upheld. Norton et al. (1997) points out that in the Middle East, including Oman, ―states have consistently regulated, licensed and supervised politics, and the economy. The political space left to women and men is shaped by these structural political realities‖ (p. 157). However, as Norton et al. argue, the informal political and economy network and the kinship networks at both elite and popular levels enable women and men to organise their interests and achieve their goals. The reliance on the informal network contributes to Omani women‘s ignorance of formal legislations.

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6.2 Omani Women’s Career Decision Making

The findings of Study One and Study Two show that Omani women‘s experiences in the labour market are better explained by the decision making filters than the individual influences of culture or institutions. As outlined previously, each aspect of culture and institutions plays the role of influencer at different stages of women‘s employment life. For example, the family plays a major role in directing women‘s decisions to enter or leave the labour market; national culture, social expectation and workplace have a strong influence on women‘s workplace preferences; and individual actions and behaviours are more likely to be an influence during their employment. Figure 13 illustrates the process of decision making in which Omani women engage through their employment lifetime.

No Yes Entering the labour Family market

Stay Home Workplace Preferences

Workplace Social National Expectation Culture

Private sector Public Sector Workplace preferences

No Yes No Yes

Job

Change Actions and Behaviour

Transfe Dissatisfied Satisfied Work life r

Quit Retain

Figure 13. Decision making filters and process

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6.2.1 Entering the labour market

The study emphasised that the Omani woman‘s journey of involvement in the labour market starts within family. Family ties are a major political and social factor in the Middle East. As outlined in Chapter 5, the Middle Eastern family is traditionally characterised by both the Islamic and Arab definitions of a family. On the one hand, the Islamic family is characterised by the fact that ―Muslims assert, embrace and proliferate human virtues such as love, compassion, sacrifice, justice, etc., so as to provide a refuge against life‘s difficulties and hardships‖ (Al-Barwani & Albeely, 2007, p. 131). On the other hand, in the patriarchal Arab family—in which the ‗honour‘ of family is based on the sexual behaviour of women—fathers continue to pick husbands for their daughters and husbands order their wives not to work and dictate how many children they should bear (Al-Barwani & Albeely, 2007; Norton et al., 1997). The complex structure of the family in the Middle East is challenging women and men at both elite and popular levels. The horizontal and vertical kinship networks can encourage or discourage the liberation of women and their participation in work and career, depending on the family‘s ethical background and socio-economic status.

6.2.2 Workplace preferences

As previously discussed, when Omani women whose families have allowed them to participate in the labour market may find suitable workplaces difficult to find. In the Middle East generally, and in Oman in particular, the word ‗preferences‘ does not reflect personal favouring or interest; it reflects a combination of family, social and religious considerations. At this stage of career decision making, the constraints of family culture, religion, gender roles and social expectations limit the number of companies, institutions or organisations in which Omani women can work. Most Omani families eliminate a wide range of employers based on the women‘s workplace preferences as broadly conceived. For example, hotels and tourism firms are least favoured by many of the study participants because of the required interaction with people from foreign cultures, the Western lifestyle and bars or nightclubs. Banking firms are also avoided by Omani women because of usury, a practice prohibited by Islamic teaching.

The study participants agreed that public sector organisations are foremost in the preferences of Omani women; they offer shorter working hours, higher salaries and more recognition of the national culture than the private sector. However, current employment patterns indicate (see Chapter 1) indicate that Omani women do apply for jobs in the private sector if they fail to find one in the public sector. The participants agreed that service organisations in the private sector, such as schools, universities, hospitals and telecommunication firms, are more attractive to Omani women

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than international organisations or the manufacturing industry. This research has revealed that economic needs force some Omani women to reconsider some of their less preferred employers if they cannot find a job in their preferred field. On the other hand, they will leave their current job if offered the opportunity to work for a more preferred employer.

6.2.3 Working life

The third decision making filter of Omani women‘s career path is when they are established in a job. At this stage their working life has formally started and they are the decision makers. In general, the study participants showed more individualism and independence at this stage than in the first two stages of entering the labour market and workplace preferences. Conceivably this is because most of the decisions at this stage relate to their job rather than their personal life and the family and cultural requirements in stage one and two had already been fulfilled. However, major decisions about their career could arise if they were dissatisfied with their jobs. Dissatisfaction can arise from reasons related to the job, the employer or even their family. One common reason for dissatisfaction reported is failing to juggle work and family responsibilities. Another cause of dissatisfaction is conflict between the employer‘s culture and the national culture, especially if the conflict is related to religious aspects—such as Islamic dress. Though the findings show that Omani women are the sole decision makers at this point, family and culture still drive their decisions. They consider how the consequences of their decisions impact their families and what is culturally or socially appropriate. For example, one participant was willing to quit work if her husband were to earn more than he did, not because her husband‘s income did not cover the family‘s needs, but because if she quit they would have to lower their standard of living.

Drawing on the participants' responses the study suggests that dissatisfaction leads many Omani women to take one of three actions. Some change their actions and behaviours to meet the requirements of the job or employer, for example, by changing their mobility habits and travelling as much as necessary for their work (with or without the company of a guardian). Others may refuse to change beliefs or behaviours, finding it easier to change their jobs or work for other employers, for instance by transferring from a bank to a school or university. In some cases, especially if family responsibilities are the cause of dissatisfaction, they give up work and stay at home to care for their families.

6.3 Conclusion

Based on the research findings in the previous two chapters, this chapter has mapped the decision making frames of the women who took part in the study and as revealed in available

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literature. The chapter revealed that ambiguity in their career aspirations was another challenge uncovered by the research but unrealised by participants. Generally, cultural and institutional frameworks influence career aspirations. Family, school, college, and work are full of processes that contribute to shaping women‘s career aspirations (Hite & McDonald, 2003; Domenico & Jones, 2006). Given the decisions Omani women take in regard to their potential career, it is important to understand their career aspirations and the sort of actions they may take to maximize their career opportunities. In the next chapter these will be used as guiding concepts.

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Chapter 7 : Maximising Career Aspiration

7.1 Introduction

The previous chapters illustrated how Omani women's participation in the labour market is influenced by many factors from cultural and institutional frameworks presented. Changes in some cultural factors such as gender role, social expectation, and religion however appear to drive Omani women to enter the workforce, but they generally occupy to lower-status and lower-paying jobs, and remain clustered in a limited number of conservative careers. Institutional factors such as familial influences and demands, male-dominated workplaces and lack of awareness of regulations increase turnover rates for Omani women lessening their career development. Domenico and Jones (2006, p. 2) argue that these factors are ―reinforced throughout women‘s schooling, college, and work, and they become more complex over time‖. They find that they contribute to the inhibition, or the maximization of women‘s career aspirations (Domenico and Jones, 2006). Hite and McDonald (2003) find that women‘s career aspirations reflect an adaptive approach influenced by the need to accommodate others such as husbands and children, and circumstances in their lives. In case of Omani women, study one and study two show that their career decision are influenced by their nuclear family and extended family as well their life circumstances including accommodating parents, husband and children. Thus it is expected that their career aspiration will be influenced by cultural and institutional framework in Oman.

This study explores the effect of factors identified in the previous studies: cultural beliefs about gender, cultural values of individualism and collectivism, and the institutional frameworks of family and legislative systems, on the emerging career aspirations of men and women in Oman. The chapter details the development of hypotheses, the survey undertaken and the results obtained. It ends with a discussion of these results.

7.2 Career Aspirations

Career aspiration is ―an individual's expressed career-related goals or choices‖ (Rojewski, 2005, p. 132). Career aspirations significantly influence people‘s career development. Some studies suggest that people with high aspirations are more likely to pursue the education, training, and experiences necessary to enter high-status occupations, and they therefore have a greater chance of entering high-status occupations than low-aspiring peers (Howard et al., 2011). Gottfredson (1981) and Gottfredson and Lapan (1997) suggested three developmental processes of career aspiration through Circumscription and Compromise Theory: (a) the development of images or perceptions of one‘s self and of the occupational world, (b) the progressive circumscription or narrowing with age

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of the career options children consider acceptable for themselves, and (c) compromise in the face of reality.

A person‘s self-concept is a complex developmental process that begins in childhood within a cultural context, and therefore is influenced by factors such as gender role orientation and socio- economic status (Gottfredson, 1981; Gottfredson & Lapan, 1997; Junk & Armstrong, 2010; Metz, Fouad & Ihle-Helledy, 2009). As individuals mature and advance, they generate a cognitive map of occupations that is influenced by factors such the educational system, family and peers (Gottfredson, 1981).

In the process of development, individuals eliminate occupations that conflict with their self-concept from their map of occupations and future consideration (Gottfredson, 1981). Junk and Armstrong (2010) point out that the elimination process occur via four stages: orientation to size and power, orientation to gender roles, orientation to social valuation (i.e. prestige), and orientation to the internal unique self (i.e. interests). These stages result in the individual‘s idealistic career aspirations, which are defined by Junk and Armstrong (2010) as ―the career choices most favoured by the individual‖ (p. 581).

Circumscription and Compromise Theory proposes that in the last stage of career aspiration development, individuals compromise their idealistic career aspirations for more realistic alternatives (Gottfredson, 1981). ―Compromise can be a painful process for individuals, especially when they feel forced to relinquish their idealised career aspirations for more realistic options‖ (Junk & Armstrong, 2010, p. 581). Gottfredson (1981) argues that accessibility, which may be based on the perceived availability of training and jobs in the local area, financial or family constraints, and discrimination, leads people to abandon their idealistic preferences. However, the assessments of accessibility can also be biased by people‘s estimation of their aptitudes, ambitions, family support, and other available resources (Gottfredson, 1981). However, better career choices and development can be achieved through pursuing more training and investing more resources in career path. In addition, inner tendency to maximise opportunities in life might lead to more idealistic career preferences.

7.3 Propensity to Maximise

―Maximizing tendency involves spending more resources in an effort to make incrementally better decisions‖ or ―a general tendency to pursue the identification of the optimal alternative‖ (Diab, Gillespie & Highhouse, 2008, p. 365). Maximisers‘ decision-making style involves ―a rational and organized examination of all available alternatives with the goal of choosing the most

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ideal option‖ (Purvis, Howell & Iyer, 2011, p. 374). Therefore, it is expected that maximisers will devote resources to seeking more career aspiration options. However, it is not necessary that maximisers‘ career choices are the ideal option; maximisers may compromise the ideal choice in favour of more realistic options. Furthermore, apart from the outcome of maximisers‘ career choices, it is expected that maximisers will have higher career aspirations than other people.

H1: There is a positive relation between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations.

7.4 Family and Gender Role

Gender roles reflect a cultural belief system, representing what most people accept as true about the categories of ‗boy‘ and ‗girl‘, ‗man‘ and ‗woman‘, and ‗masculine‘ and ‗feminine‘ (Correll, 2004). Correll (2004) argues that gender beliefs lead men and women to use different standards to judge their own competence and these differences in self-assessments lead to gender differences in emerging career aspirations. Although some scholars may suggest that these differences are due to biological differences, other scholars find that the differences are imposed by culture (Correll, 2004; Howard et al., 2011; Rainey & Borders, 1997, Syed & Pio 2010).

Litzky and Greenhaus (2007) suggest that gender differences emerge from three potential dilemmas associated with career aspirations. First, women are opting to stay at home, primarily because they believe that they cannot have it all, and do not necessarily feel compelled to try. Second, women are opting for less challenging jobs with more flexibility because they are not as willing as men to put their careers ahead of personal commitments. Finally, it is difficult for women who have interrupted their careers to re-enter the workforce and be seriously considered for promotion.

Moreover, familial background also has an impact on enforcing such standards on both genders. Studies have found that parental educational aspirations and family income play an important role in shaping people‘s career aspirations (Ashby & Schoon, 2010; Correll, 2004; Shu & Marini, 1998). For example, Li and Kerpelman (2007) and Kerpelman and Schvaneveldt (1999), suggest that women are more likely than men to share similar attitudes, values, and beliefs with their parents. Therefore, women are willing to relinquish their idealistic career aspirations for lower alternatives that fit more closely with their parents‘ view (Li & Kerpelman, 2007). Moreover, it is proposed that familial background and influence and gender role beliefs affect maximisers‘ career aspiration levels. In other words, maximisers career aspiration influenced by family pressure and/or gender role beliefs.

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H2: The relationship between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations is moderated by gender, family influence, age, and sector.

7.5 Individualism and Collectivism

Career aspiration and tendency to maximize, in general, might have different trends when we come to the level of individualism or collectivism in the society. Individualism as a general cultural pattern reflects promoting independence, autonomy, agency, and separation, whereas collectivism reflects cultural patterns that foster interdependence, social integrity, regard for in- group norms, and primacy of in-group (e.g. familial, community, or national) goals over personal goals, needs, and aspirations (Triandis, 1993, 2001; Triandis, McCusker & Hui, 1990). Individuals‘ self-concepts are developed within an individualist or collectivist social framework (Triandis, 2001). Therefore, individualism and collectivism are likely to influence career aspirations in different ways. Some scholars, such as Hartung et al. (2010) argue that ―collectivists may be just as likely as individualists to align their occupational choices and plans with their own personal goals and aspirations‖ (p. 40). However, collectivists alter their personal goals and aspirations to fit the group goals and aspirations. In thinking about these matters, we should keep in mind that the ideology of individualism and collectivism profoundly influence the long-term trends of individuals‘ career preferences and decisions.

Other aspects of the effect of individualism and collectivism on individuals‘ career aspirations are work and family commitments within these cultures. The literature suggests that family commitment and work commitment negatively influence each other (Coltrane, 2004; Moen & Smith, 1986; Orthner & Pittman, 1986). In the case in which individuals devote more commitment to their families, they are less likely to be committed to their work, and vice versa. It is expected that individualists will narrow their family commitment to the nuclear family and dedicate more commitment to their career. In contrast, collectivists‘ family commitment expands to their extended family (such as grandparents, brothers, sisters, uncles, and cousins), which may have an effect on their career commitments. This is the case because the individualism and collectivism research suggests that attaining personal goals and personal control is central to wellbeing among individualists, whereas carrying out obligations and duties is central to wellbeing among collectivists (Brewer and Chen, 2007). In general, individualism, collectivism, family commitment and work commitment affect individuals‘ career aspirations. However, these factors may direct the relation between maximisation and career aspirations.

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H3: The relationship between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations is mediated by education, religion, income, occupational commitment, family commitment, individualism and collectivism.

7.6 Legislative System

Legislative system represents a frame that shape people choices. People career aspiration and their maximising tendency influenced by the limits, freedom and protection that country regulation offer them.

Most labour market policies in developing countries have suffered from lack of transparency, lack of accountability, and constant inefficiency, specifically the misuse of resources (Standing, 2011). In addition, these labour market policies have failed to reach the poorest and most insecure of developing nations‘ population, including reducing inequalities in the labour market (Standing, 2011). Some scholars such as Pandey and Wright (2006) suggest that the vagueness, irrelevance, and continual change in state policies cause considerable organisational role ambiguity that in turn explains the low performance of labour market policies, especially in developing countries. Many scholars have proposed that ambiguity, uncertainty and ignorance could significantly influence the decision-making process in a negative way (Brugnach & Ingram, 2012; Endres, Chowdhury & Milner, 2009; Hartmann, 2005; Pushkarskaya et al., 2010; Sherrill, 2001; Budner, 1962). ―Ambiguous situations were identified as those characterised by novelty, complexity, or insolubility‖ (Budner, 1962, P 30).

However, some researchers argue that knowledge intensity does not necessarily mean low ambiguity; on the contrary, it tends to be ambiguity-intensive (Alvesson, 2001). Nonetheless, the amount of information we have about certain situations influences our preferences, choices and decisions. Applying this perception to the labour market‘s policies and regulations, this thesis proposes that individuals‘ knowledge and understanding of labour market legislation may influence their career choices and development. However, the multiplicity and complexity of regulations could discourage individuals from even trying to read these regulations. As a result, ambiguity may lead individual‘s career aspirations to decline and their propensity to maximise to decrease.

H4: The relationship between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations is mediated by work regulations.

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7.7 Measures:

An online Qualtrics-created survey used to collect data for this study (Appendix 4). The variables distributed as following:

Dependent variable: professional career aspiration: the Career Aspiration Scale from Gray & O‘Brien (2007) was used. The measure consisted of 10 statements. The participants were asked to indicate how representative each of the statements was of them personally on a 5-point scale (1= Not at all true of me, 2= Slightly true of me, 3= Moderately true of me, 4= Quite true of me, 5= Very true of me). The Cronbach's Alpha = 0.695.

Independent variable: 5-point scale (1= strongly disagree……., 5= strongly agree) is used for independent variables:

To measure the propensity to maximize, the maximizing scale from Lai (2010) was used. The participants were asked to indicate the extent of their agreement to 5 statements such as ―I am uncomfortable making decisions before I know all of my options.‖ Alpha is 0.64.

For occupational commitment and family commitment (Amatea et al., 1986), the introductory statement of the question (‗‗. . . indicate the extent of your agreement with each statement . . .‘‘) invites the respondents to provide subjective self-reports of their occupational commitment ( Alpha = 0.71) and family commitment ( Alpha= 0.65).

For individualism and collectivism Chen and West (2008) measures were used (Alpha =0.78 and 0.87 respectively).

For Gender Ideology, gender ideology measures (Davis, 2004, Davis & Greenstein 2007, 2009) were used. Alpha = 0.61.

For Family Influence, the family influence scale (Fouad et al, 2010) was applied. Alpha = 0.899.

Control variables: all control variables (gender, age, marital status, employment status, role in the organisation and sector) are drawn from an online Qualtrics-created survey database.

Excluded variables: language was excluded because all the sample answers were in Arabic. The variable related to ethnic background, religion and sects were removed due to missing values. The majority of the respondents did not answer this question.

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7.8 Data Presentation9

7.8.1 Participant demographics

The demographic composition of a study sample affects that pattern of influencing questions. Consequently, individuals of different age groups perceive identical phenomena differently. This necessitated determination of participant demographics as far as maximising career aspirations is concerned. The study participants were males and females randomly selected from among Omani students and employees from higher education institutions. The sample included students at universities and colleges to capture differences between age groups and education levels around working age > 18. Nevertheless the variety of age groups may form a limitation as it does not capture distinct points in career progression and aspirations.

The total number of participants was 347. 25 cases were removed of data analysis due to missing data. Male participants represented 55.6% of the total study sample. 109 of sample were in the 18-23 age group (33.9% of the total study population), 26.7% were aged between 24-29, 19.3% fell into the 30-35 age category, 14.6% fell into the 36-41 age category, 4.3% fell into the 42-47 age category, and 0.9% and 0.3% fell into the 48-53 and 60-65 age categories respectively. Of the total study sample, 41.9% were married, 57.1% were single, and 0.9% were divorced. The primary language for the study participants was Arabic, which was spoken by 91.3% of the study participants. In terms of location, 36.3 % of the study participants were located in Muscat, 14.7% and 11.8% were located in Al-Dakhiliyah and Al-Batinah North respectively, and the remaining 37.2% were distributed across the other areas.

7.8.1 Employment status among participants

Of the total study sample, 66.5% worked full time while 30.4% were unemployed, and 1.2% and 1.9% worked on a contractual and part time basis, respectively. In terms of role, 24.2% of the study participants worked as support staff in their respective organisations, 13.7% acted as administrative staff, 4.3% served as junior management, 11.8% worked as middle management and a minimal 4.3% served as upper management. Of the participants, 12.7% described their roles in the organisations as academic, while 28.9% were students; 54.7% worked in the public sector, 37.9% worked in the private sector. The remaining 7.5% worked in other sectors of the Oman economy.

9 For more details see Appendix 9, p.215-222

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7.8.2 Number of dependents in participant’s households

A majority of 13.7% of the study participants lived with six people in their household. This was followed by 9.9% living with five people in their households, while 9.3% lived with 10 people in their households. A total of 61.8% of the study participants had no children, which represents 199 participants out of the total 322. With respect to children, 9.0% had four children, 10.2% had three, 6.2% had two, and 7.5% had one child. The mean for children under the age of 18 living in the study participants‘ households was 4.34 with the median at 4.00. Of all study participants, 19.9% had four children under the age of 18 living in their household, 14.6% had two or zero children under the age of 18 respectively, and 11.5% had one child under the age of 18 living in their household.

The mean number of adults living in the study participants‘ households was 6.38 with the median at 6.00. The mode number of adults living in the study participants‘ households was three. Most of the study participants had two adults living in their household (15.5% of the total study sample), closely followed by 12.4% who had three adults living in their household, and 10.6% and 10.6% had four or five adults respectively living in their household. A high percentage (66.7%) had no adults over the age of 60 living in their household. Nevertheless, 18.3% and 11.5% had one or two adults respectively over the age of 60 living in their household.

7.8.3 Participants and participants’ household members’ literacy level

The study participants had received a certain measure of education, with 48.4% of the total being college graduates, 15.2% had acquired a master‘s degree, while 2.2% had a doctoral degree. Of the total study participants, 0.9% had gone through basic education, 11.2% had received post- basic education or equivalent, 18.9% had gone through a college, and 3.1% had acquired other academic qualifications.

7.8.3.1 Literacy levels among participants’ households.

Illiteracy levels among the participants‘ mothers were higher at 43.8% as compared to illiteracy levels among participants‘ fathers at 24.5%. Of the participants, 39.5% and 41% attested that their fathers and mothers, respectively, had gone through basic education and 23.2% and 7% had gone through higher education. Of the participants‘ fathers and mothers, 12.7% and 7.8% respectively had received other forms of academic qualifications.

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The study participants came from educated households, as indicated by the high number of participants (49.7%) who attested that their households had no illiterate members. 75.5% of the study participants have at least one individual with basic education qualification in their household.

A large number of the participants‘ (67.4%) households have individuals with post-basic education or its equivalent. While a high number of the participants (56.5%) claimed that their households lacked individuals who had gone through a college institution (two years).

A significant 70.5% of the study participants had household members with college graduate education. However a high percentage of the study participants, 80.7%, said their households lacked any members with Master‘s degrees. As well, the findings indicate that most of the study participants‘ household members had not acquired a doctoral degree. A minimal percentage of 6.5% and 0.9% of the study participants stated that one or two of their household members held a doctoral degree, respectively. 16.5% of the study participants highlighted that some of household members had completed other forms of education.

7.8.4 Participants and participant’s household income levels

19.9% of the study participants earned an annual income of 2,500 or less (Omani Rials) OMR. 13.7% of the study participants earned an annual salary of between 10,001 and 12,500 OMR. Almost half of this percentage earned between 12,501 and 15,000 or 5,001 to 7,500 OMR annually, respectively. Similarly, 1.2% of the study participants earned an annual salary of between 20,001- 22,500, 22,500-27,500 and 27,501-30,000 OMR, in that order. A marginally higher percentage of 1.6% earned 30,000 OMR or more annually.

7.8.4.1 Participants’ spouses’ annual income range

A high percentage of 29.5% of the study participants‘ spouses did not earn an annual salary. A significant percentage of 12.1% and 9.6% of the study participants‘ spouses earned between 10,001 and 12,500 and 5,001 and 7,500 OMR annually, respectively; and 7.1% of the study participants‘ spouses earned between 7,501-10,000 OMR annually. Almost half of this percentage earned between 12,501 and 15,000 OMR; 5.3% and 5.6% of the spouses earned between 20,001 and 22,500 and 22,500 and 27,500 OMR respectively. A minimal percentage of the participants‘ spouses earned between 27,501-30,000 and 30,000 or more.

7.8.4.2 Participant’s fathers’ income range

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This was not applicable to 41% of the study participants either because the father have no income or he is died. A high percentage, at 26.1%, of the participants‘ fathers earned between 2,500 OMR or less annually. 9.9% of the participants‘ fathers earned between 2,501 and 5,000 OMR annually. Almost half of this percentage earned between 5,001 and 7,500 OMR annually. An equal percentage of 2.5% of the participants‘ fathers earned between 7,501 and 10,000 and 12, 501 and 15000 OMR annually. Similarly, 0.6% of the fathers earned between 15,001 and 17,500, 17501 and 20,000 and 20,001 and 22,500 OMR annually, in that order.

7.8.4.3 Participants’ mothers’ annual income

This was not applicable to 78.6% of the study participants either because the mother have no income or she is died. A significant 15.8% of the participants‘ mothers earned an annual income of 2,500 OMR or less; 1.9% and 1.2% of the participants‘ mothers earned an annual salary of between 2,501 and 5,000 or 5,001 and 7,500 OMR respectively. An equal 0.6% of the participants‘ mothers earned between 7,501 and 10,000 or 20,001 and 22,500 OMR annually. An equal percentage of the participants‘ mothers earned an annual salary of between 10,001 and 12,500, 12,501 and 15,000, 15,001 and 17,500, and 17,501 and 20,000, in that order.

7.8.4.4 Combined annual household income

A high percentage of the participants‘ households, 36%, earned the minimum range of income, 3,000 OMR or less; 7.5% of the participants‘ households earned a combined income of between 3,001 and 8,000 or 8,001 and 13,000 OMR annually. Almost double this percentage earned between 13,001 and 18,000 or 18,001 and 23,000 OMR annually. Half of this percentage earned between 23,001 and 28,000, 28,001 and 33,000, 33,001 and 38,000 and 38,001 and 43,000 OMR annually; 4.3% of the study participants‘ households earned 53,001 OMR or more, closely followed by 1.9% earning between 43,001 and 48,000 and 48,001 and 53,000 OMR annually.

7.8.5 Professional career aspirations

A minimal percentage of 16.8% of the study participants articulated high interest in holding leadership positions within their career fields. This was augmented by 7.8% and 17.4% respectively who articulated a quite high and moderately high interest in achieving leadership positions within their careers; 14.6% recorded a slight interest in achieving leadership positions within their careers, while 43.5% lacked such interest.

The interest among the study participants to become managers in their respective career fields was especially high, as articulated by 75%, 13.4% and 7.1% who recorded a moderate, quite

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high and high interest in management positions in their career fields as compared to 2.2% and 1.9% who had no interest in achieving career management positions. A total of 92.4% of the study participants recorded that they would be satisfied with jobs within their field of interest. The percentage of interest in jobs within a field of choice is spread across the ordinal variables of slightly (6.8%), moderately (15.8%) quite high (26.7%) and highly interested (43.5%). A minimal 7.1% have no aspirations of working within their fields.

Nevertheless, a high percentage of 61.8% of the study participants stated that they do not plan to devote their energies towards getting promoted. This was augmented by 14.9% and 9.0%, who recorded quite low and moderate lack of interest in promotion. However, 8.7% did state that they would work towards promotion.

A healthy 55% of the study participants declared a high desire to train others after establishing themselves in their careers. Almost half of the same percentage highlighted quite a high desire to work in training positions after establishment in their careers; 13.4% and 5.6% of the study participants recorded a moderate and a slight desire to train others after establishment in careers, respectively, and 4.3% of the study participants had no desire to rise to positions that entail training others.

Furthermore, 76.4% of the study participants hope to move up through any organisation or business they work with; 9.0% and 9.6% were quite hopeful and moderately hopeful, respectively, that they would move up through any organisation they will work with.

A high 78.6% of the study participants articulated that they see no need to continue with school once they achieve the educational levels required for their jobs; 4.0% and 8.7% highlighted that the statement moderately and quite low applied to them, respectively. A minimal 3.7% and 5.0% highlighted the statement as not being true or applying only slightly, respectively.

Nevertheless, a high percentage of 76.7% of the study participants articulated a very high intention to develop themselves as experts in their fields. This was augmented by 15.2% and 3.7% who articulated quite high and moderately high intentions to develop themselves as experts within their careers. A minimal percentage of 2.2% recorded a slight intention and no intention to develop themselves as experts within their respective fields.

A substantial 65.8% of the study participants articulated very high interest in pursuing graduate training in their occupational areas, while 16.5% had quite a high interest in pursuing graduate training; 9.6% had moderate interest in pursuing graduate training, while 3.1% had little interest in graduate training; 5.0% had no interest in pursuing graduate training.

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A high 64.0% of the study participants stated that achieving leadership status is not highly important to them; 14.0% and 7.1 quite highly and moderately agreed, respectively, that attaining leadership status is not important to them; 5.3% slightly agreed that attaining leadership position is not an important career goal, while 9.6% mentioned achievement of leadership status as a crucial career goal.

7.8.6 Reliability analysis

The questions administered were answered on a Likert scale. It is of importance to know whether, if the same questions were re-administered, they would elicit the same responses from the respondents. The variables drawn from the study would be consistent only if they result in unwavering and reliable responses upon re-administration. Dennick and Tavakol (2011) posit that it is important for data to determine internal consistency for purposes of validity and measuring the amount of error. Measures of reliability include Re-Test Tarkkonen‘s rho and Cronbach‘s alpha.

The most commonly used measure of reliability is Cronbach‘s alpha (Cortina 1993). It can be of a value between 0 and 1, where 0 indicates no consistency at all and 1 perfect consistency. Perfect consistency is rare in practical situations, and values close to 1 will indicate internal consistency in studies. It is important to remember that reliability, regardless of the strategy used to obtain it, is not a characteristic inherent in the test itself, but rather an estimate of the consistency of a set of items when they are administered to a particular group of students at a specific time under particular conditions for a specific purpose (Brown 2002). Alpha is an important concept in the evaluation of assessments and questionnaires. It is mandatory that researchers should estimate this quantity to add validity and accuracy to the interpretation of their data (Dennick & Tavakol, 2011). This study had a Cronbach‘s alpha value of 0.794, indicating that there was internal consistency in the data collected.

7.8.7 Exploratory factor analysis

The study involved exploration of many factors. The factors complicated the study and appeared to be measuring similar aspects of the same principal variable, thus necessitating factor analysis. Factor analysis attempts to bring inter-correlated variables together under more general underlying variables. The objective of factor analysis is to shrink the dimensionality of the original space and give interpretation to the new space, spanned by a reduced number of dimensions which are supposed to underlie the old ones (Rietveld & VanHout, 1993). Factor analysis also explains the variance in observed variables in terms of the underlying latent factor (Habing, 2003).

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Factor analysis gave the author a clear view of the data and the confidence to make further inferences from the output.

Factor analysis takes into account assumptions that should be held for its results to be reliable. The variables should correlate but not so highly that it results in multicollinearity. It does not make sense to use factor analysis if the different variables are unrelated (Habib, 2003). This is important in order to be able to distinguish a variables effect from the rest. If the determinant of the correlation matrix is less than 0.00001, as was the case in this study, then multicollinearity is not a problem.

The sample has to be adequate to make possible substantive inferences. This was checked by the Kaiser-Mayer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy. The KMO test can score a value of between 0 and 1. Values above 0.5 indicate sampling adequacy, with those close to 1 showing that a pattern of correlation does exist. Bartlett‘s measures test that the null hypothesis of the original correlation matrix is an identity matrix. If the matrix is identity, all the coefficients will be zero, rendering EFA inappropriate.

7.8.8 Factor extraction

The principal components analysis method of extraction was used. Principal component analysis is used to discover and interpret the dependences that exist among the variables, and to examine relationships that may exist among individuals (Timm, 2002). The method finds a linear combination that accounts for the most variation in the data. It then finds a variable that accounts for a larger proportion of the remaining variation but is not correlated with the first variable, proceeding in this way until all components satisfying the condition are extracted from the data. Principal component analysis assumes that that there is no error variance, and consequently that the total variance of the variables can be accounted for by means of its factor. This assumption initially assigns 1 to all communalities. Extraction of principal components is done by calculating Eigen values of the matrix. To keep up with the aim of factor analysis, only value adding components are to be retained. Timm (2002) notes that two popular rules of thumb are to use either the geometric mean or the arithmetic mean of the sample Eigen values as the geometric mean adjusts for outliers in the sample estimates. In the case of the simple mean, only components whose estimated variance is larger than the average variance of all the primary variables are considered. The extracted components should be those that can be used with minimum loss of variation and account for 60%−80% of the total variance.

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To help assess the components to retain, a scree plot was constructed. A scree plot compares the estimated Eigen values versus the number of components. The graph reflects a sharp gradient and usually has an elbow. For the study, only components with high communalities and positive Eigen values were extracted. To improve interpretability of the factors, Varimax rotation was carried out. The rotation minimises the number of variables that have high loadings on each given factor that was used. After running the data in the first iteration, communalities that were less than 0.5 were deleted and the analysis was run again until only those above 0.5 were left. In this study the factor analysis was carried out by using Likert-scale type responses. All assumptions were tested before the analysis and the author only proceeded in cases where the assumptions held. Only the results of scenarios where factor analysis showed significant changes in the factor loaded were used in the further analysis.

7.8.9 Factor analysis

Question six sought to understand the professional career aspirations by asking about ten different attributes. Factor analysis was performed by employing the above mentioned criteria. The determinant of the analysis is <0.00001, indicating that multicollinearity is not a problem. The KMP test is 0.811, which is close to 1, indicating sampling adequacy and that a pattern of correlation does exist. The Bartlett‘s measure has a P value <0.05; hence reject the null is rejected, which states that the original correlation matrix is an identity matrix. The ten components load onto only two factors, six onto factor one and four onto factor two (See Appendix 10). The two factors are ―leadership aspiration‖ and ―education aspiration‖. The factors explain the total variance. Figure 14 below presents a scree plot of the extracted factors.

Figure 14. Scree plot for the extracted factors of professional career aspirations

Question seven had five attributes, all on the propensity to maximise. Factor analysis indicates that the determinant is >0.00001, indicating that multicollinearity was not a problem. The KMO test measure of 0.753. The analysis produced only one factor.

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Question eight had five components on occupational commitment. On performing dimension reduction there was a presence of internal consistency as indicated by the KMO test measure of 0.763, but multicollinearity assumption failed to hold as the determinant was >0.00001. The analysis produced only one factor. The dimensions could not be reduced further.

There were 15 attributes on family commitment in question nine. The KMO test result was 0.821, indicating internal consistency. Bartlett‘s test of sphericity was significant and showed that the original matrix was identity. After four iterations, three factors were extracted (See Appendix 11). Factor one and two had six components each, while factor three had two with one component failing to load. The extracted factors explained 67% of the total variance. Figure 15 below presents a scree plot of the extracted factors.

Figure 15. Scree plot for Family commitment

Question ten had attributes on the participants‘ individualism. The determinant of the matrix was <0.0001, showing that multicollinearity was not a problem. The KMO test was 0.843, indicating internal consistency. The Bartlett‘s test of sphericity was significant, indicating that the original matrix was not identity. On dimension reduction after three iterations, only two factors were extracted (See Appendix 12). Six components loaded onto factor one while the remaining two loaded onto factor two. The two factors explain 67% of the total variation. Figure 16. Scree plot for the loaded factors.

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Figure 16. Scree plot for participants‘ individualism

Question eleven sought the respondents‘ opinions on collectivism with eight sub-questions. The components failed to uphold the assumption of multicollinearity, and hence factor analysis will not be reliable.

There were eight attributes on gender ideology in question twelve. Comparing the determinant it was observed that multicollinearity will not be a problem. The sample is sufficiently adequate for factor analysis, as indicated by the KMO test with a measure of 0.787, which is close to 1. The significant Bartlett‘s test of sphericity tells us that the original matrix is not identity, and hence the factor analysis results will be reliable. After three iterations, the eight components load onto two factors with factor one having five and three components on factor two (See Appendix 13). The loaded components explain 56.8% of the total variation. Figure 17 below presents a scree plot of the loaded components.

Figure 17 . Scree plot of gender ideology

Regarding family influence on career propensity, the sample would not present a multicollinearity problem as the determinant was <0.00001. On testing the sample adequacy by use of KMO test, it can be confidently reported that it is sufficient for factor analysis, with the result of

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0.915 being remarkably close to 1. The original matrix is not identity as the Bartlett‘s test of sphericity is significant. After seven iterations, two factors accounting for 44.69% of the total variation were extracted. Seventeen components loaded onto factors one and five components loaded onto factor two (See Appendix 14). Figure 18 below presents the scree plot of the extracted factors.

Figure 18. Scree plot of family influence on career propensity

The above loaded components were used to perform further analysis.

7.8.10 Hypothesis testing

All the hypotheses propose a linear relationship between the variables, and particularly a positive one. By use of multiple regression the coefficients of the variables were checked to determine the relationship. A positive coefficient indicates a positive relationship, and the converse is true. Further, by use of Pearson rho coefficient the strength of the relationship was examined. A coefficient is considered effective if it is significant by having a P value < alpha. A significant regression equation was found (F (18,303) = 9.192, p < .000), with R2 of .353.

H1: There is a positive relation between propensity to maximise and professional career aspiration.

By use of multiple regressions the nature of the relationship was examined (Appendix 15). The analysis of variance result shows acceptability of the model with a P<0.01. The correlation coefficient R is 0.410, indicating the existence of a positive correlation, although not a strong one. A cross examination of the output reveals that the independent variable propensity to maximise, is

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positive and is significant (βs =.175, p< 0.01). Thus, it is concluded that the propensity to maximise has a positive relationship on career aspirations. The result is in line with expectation.

H2: The relationship between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations is moderated by gender, age, Family influence and sector.

As reported in appendix 16, the results show that both the propensity to maximise and gender are significant variables upon inclusion of gender in the analysis as a layering variable. They have β coefficients of 0.409 and 0.053 respectively. There are interaction effects between the dependent variables of gender, family influence, and age, and the independent variables (propensity to maximize and professional career aspirations) as determined by a regression analysis of the maximizing and aspiration scales. The largest variance was attributed to family influence, gender and sector in the analysis. Moderation for age produces very low contribution (0.1%) of the variance of career aspirations (β= 0.039, ΔF =.477, P<0.5).

Test for the moderation effect of gender explained 1.2% (ΔF=4.027, p<.05) of variance in career aspiration (β = .111, p<.05). The regression output shows that there is a positive effect of the propensity to maximise on career aspirations but the relationship differs across the levels of family influence as a third variable. This is shown by the positive coefficient 0.170 of the propensity to maximise, which is a statistically significant P<0.05. Family income has a significant relationship with the propensity to maximise and career aspirations, with β=0.038 and β=0.401 respectively (P<0.05). The analysis including family influence and the propensity to maximise shows that they are significant, with β=0.315 (P<0.05) explaining 9.9% of the variance of career aspirations. This hypothesis is sustained. Family influence has a positive correlation with the propensity to maximize (rho = .240, p = .01) and more so with professional career aspirations (rho = .410, p = .01). This suggests that the family values and career discussions have a strong effect on ultimate career choices, as well as the fact that thinking styles can also be influenced within the family. However, sector had a greater effect on career aspirations than on the propensity to maximize (β = .057 and β = .414 respectively). Moderation effect of independent variable ―sector‖ explain 3.2% (ΔF=10.436, p<.05) of variance in career aspiration (β = .178, p<.05).

H3: The relationship between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations is mediated by education, religion, income, work regulations, occupational commitment, family commitment, individualism and collectivism.

The directional hypothesis is that young Omanis who have a high propensity to maximise will have higher professional career aspirations than senior Omanis who have a high

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propensity to maximise. Examining the relationship between age and the propensity to maximise, the coefficients show that age has a positive effect on the propensity to maximise (P<0.05 and β is 0.008). Further, on testing for the relationship between age and career aspirations, it shows that age affects career aspirations positively (p<0.005 and β is 0.028). The analysis including age as a third variable and the propensity to maximise reveals that all the coefficients are significant (0.017 and 0.020 for age and the propensity to maximise respectively, P<0.05). Further, controlling for age and testing for the propensity to maximise effect shows that the significance remains. This indicates that age has a positive mediation effect on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and career aspirations.

There are interaction effects between the predictor variables of education, religion, income, organizational commitment, family commitment, individualism and collectivism and the independent variables (the propensity to maximize and professional career aspirations) as determined by a regression analysis of the maximizing and aspiration scales.

In the analysis of the career aspiration scale, the highest coefficients were found with occupational commitment (t = 7.504. p = .001) and individualism (t = 2.079, p = .05). This means that the occupational commitment and individualism group means for the career aspiration scale and occupational commitment and individualism groups are different (even given the variability).

In the analysis of the career aspiration scale, the highest coefficients were found with occupational commitment (t = 6.065. p = .01), individualism (t = 2.862, p = .05), family commitment (t = 2.275, p = .05), and collectivism (t = 1.978, p = .05). This means that the occupational commitment, individualism, family commitment, and collectivism groups have significantly different means and these measures reflect valid attributes of these groups, not attributed to chance.

The propensity to maximise has a positive effect on career aspirations, but the effect is further affected by education. With higher levels of education, individuals with a higher propensity to maximise will have higher career aspirations. Higher education has a significant effect on the propensity to maximise and career aspirations when tested separately, as evident from the positive coefficients of β=0.1 and β=0.010 respectively, P<0.05. On controlling for levels of education, the propensity to maximise has a significant effect on career aspirations. This indicates that education positively mediates the effect of the propensity to maximise on career aspirations.

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This hypothesis is sustained, although relatively weakly. The respondents had almost no difference of opinion about the propensity to maximize and career aspirations which were determined by SDs of .58 and .59 respectively (Table 7-1).

Table ‎7-1 : The Effects of Education Values on Maximising and Aspirations

Descriptive Statistics

Std. Mean Deviation N

Maximize 4.0795 .58487 322

Aspirations 4.1460 .59311 322

Education 3.1843 1.32364 322

Education/ participant 3.85 1.104 322

Education/ participant's father 3.38 2.348 322

Education/ participant's mother 2.32 1.967 322

A correlation analysis indicates that item ratings for participants own education attainment, father‘s education attainment, and mother‘s education attainment when compared to one another and with Education were all positive (rho = .318, .869 and .803 respectively at the .01 level of significance.

The output shows that income is a significant mediating effect in the influence of the propensity to maximise on career aspirations, with β=0.45 and β=0.97 respectively (P<0.05). This is shown by both variables having significant positive coefficients in the model. On testing the mediation effect of income, the author controls for income. The propensity to maximise has a significant effect. This shows that income has a positive mediation effect on the association of the propensity to maximise and career aspirations.

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This hypothesis could not be sustained, based on the fact there were no significant associations between higher income and the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations that could be determined from the data available. The correlation analysis shows that measures of income used a different scale than the propensity to maximise and career aspirations. The maximising and aspirations scales were rated almost identically as evidenced by similar means and standard deviations, whilst the correlation analysis shows no significant effect (Table 7-3).

Table ‎7-2: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Aspirations and Income

Descriptive Statistics

Std. Mean Deviation N

Maximize 4.0795 .58487 322

Aspirations 4.1460 .59311 322

Income 7.3115 2.37331 322

Table ‎7-3: Correlations between Maximising, Aspirations and Income

Maximise Aspirations Income

Maximise - Aspirations .410** - Income 0.033 0.028 -

** =.01

Based on these data, one can conclude that income has no significant effect on someone‘s propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations. However, it is more likely that there are problems with the structure of the data.

There is a significant positive effect of the propensity to maximise on career aspirations, although the effect differs depending on work regulations. More stringent work regulations have a significant effect on both the propensity to maximise and career aspirations when tested separately,

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of β=0.036 β=0.064 respectively. The analysis, including the two independent variables simultaneously in the models, shows that they are all significant, with β=0.023 and β= 1.70 for work regulations and the propensity to maximise respectively. Controlling for effect of more stringent work regulations, the propensity to maximise maintains a significant effect. This shows that more awareness of work regulations have a positive mediation effect on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and career aspirations. This indicates that individuals who are familiar with laws regulating work tend to have higher career aspirations than those who are less so.

The three questions on work regulations (Block 14) assume that knowledge of Oman laws and regulations about work will have an effect on the extent to which respondents manifest behaviors associated with the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations. Government need to improve Oman employment system in order to identify suitable positions and determine job qualifications. These career planning fundamentals are integral to the propensity to maximise and set realistic career goals. In the absence of any specific information on how information on work regulations is obtained and used, there are examples of how the family assists in this process. For example, several items in Block 13 (Family Influence) show how the family provides career information and advice, (presumably based on their knowledge of how the Oman laws and regulations work): how to find a job (Q13.1.1, M = 3.67); what is important in choosing a career (Q13.1.4, M= 3.57); information about education and training (Q13.1.7. M = 3.54); and the role values and beliefs play in making career choices (Q13.1.21, M = 3.64). All of these items were rated higher by respondents than the mean for the group (M = 3.46). It is reasonable to assume that these respondents know reasonably well how to work the system to find a position that can meet most, if not all, of their requirements.

The effect of the propensity to maximise is positive relation with career aspirations, but the strength varies according to the levels of individualism. The effect of higher individualism is significant when tested on the propensity to maximise and career aspirations separately, with β= 0.102 and β=0.86 respectively. The combined model, including the two variables, shows that they are significant with β=0.69 and β=0.159 respectively. Testing for effect of the propensity to maximise while maintaining high individualism shows that the effects of the propensity to maximise are still significant. This shows that higher individualism has a positive mediation effect on the relationship between career aspirations and the propensity to maximise.

This hypothesis is sustained. The correlations between individualism and the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations were significant at the .01 level of significance (Table 7-4).

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Table ‎7-4: Correlations between Maximising, Aspirations and Individualism

Maximise Aspirations Individualism

Maximise -

Aspirations .410** -

Individualism .358** .298** -

** =.01

Table ‎7-5: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Aspirations and Individualism Descriptive Statistics

Mean Std. Deviation N Maximize 4.0795 .58487 322 Aspirations 4.1460 .59311 322 Individualism 3.8698 .63177 322

Individualism has a higher correlation with the propensity to maximise, perhaps because of the nature of lateral thinking and ―thinking outside the box,‖ which is associated with individualism (M = 3.87, SD = 1.00) (Table 7-5).

The positive effect of the propensity to maximise on career aspirations tends to increase along with the level of commitment. Both variables have significant positive coefficients of β=1.67 and β=1.34 for Higher occupational commitment and the propensity to maximise. Higher occupational commitment has a positive significant effect on both the propensity to maximise and career aspirations when regressing separately (β=1.92 and β=1.85). If controlled for the effects of higher occupational commitment, the propensity to maximise still maintains a significant effect. As

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evidenced from the output it can be concluded that higher occupational commitment has a positive effect of the propensity to maximise on career aspirations.

This hypothesis is sustained. The patterns of responses for all three variables were nearly identical, as indicated by their respective means and standard deviations in Table 7-6. The correlations between occupational commitment and the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations are all significant at the .01 level as shown in Table 7-7. The relationship between occupational commitment and the propensity to maximise is strongest (rho = .358), perhaps because the items about occupational commitment describe decision-making concepts that are corollaries to maximising behaviours as described in Block 7 (Q7.1 – Q7.5).

Table ‎7-6: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Aspirations and Occupational Commitment Mean Std. Deviation N Aspirations 4.1460 .59311 322 Maximize 4.0795 .58487 322 Occupational commitment 4.0646 .63525 322

Table ‎7-7: Correlations between Maximising, Aspirations and Occupational Commitment

Maximise Aspirations Occupational

Commitment

Maximise 1

Aspirations .410** 1

Occupational .358** .298** 1

Commitment

The propensity to maximise has a positive influence on career aspirations. This is shown by the positive coefficient, which is significant in the model. Higher family commitment has a significant effect on the propensity to maximise, but the coefficient is negative with β=1.53 and β= 0.34 respectively (P<0.05). On including higher family commitment, the effect is significant. Higher family income (β=0.45) and the propensity to maximise (β=1.75) have a significant effect on career aspirations. The mediation effect is tested by controlling for higher family commitment and testing for the significance of the propensity to maximise. After controlling for higher family commitment, the propensity to maximise still has a significant effect. This shows that higher family commitment is a significant mediator but with a negative effect.

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This hypothesis was not sustained based on the data available. The patterns of responses for all three items were very similar, as shown by their means and standard deviations in Table ‎7-8.

Table ‎7-8: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Aspirations and Family Commitment Descriptive Statistics

Mean Std. Deviation N

Maximize 4.0795 .58487 322

Aspirations 4.1460 .59311 322

Family Commitment 3.6518 .45188 322

The correlations between Family Commitment and the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations are significant at the .01 level. One possible explanation for this positive correlation in Table ‎7-9, especially with the propensity to maximise, is that these respondents have determined their limitations from thinking about all of their options and have adjusted their career aspirations accordingly.

Table ‎7-9: Correlations between Maximising, Aspirations and Family Commitment

Maximise Aspirations Family Commitment Maximise 1 Aspirations .410** 1 Family .319* .216** 1 Commitment

** =.01

The propensity to maximise has a positive effect on career aspirations. The significance of the propensity to maximise is still significant (β=0.83, P<0.05) on inclusion of collectivism in the model. But the coefficient of collectivism (0.098) is not significant (P>0.005), hence it cannot be included in the model. This implies that higher collectivism does not have a significant effect on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and career aspirations. Hence, the mediation effect is not significant enough to affect the relationship.

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This hypothesis is not sustained based on the information available. Table ‎7-10 indicates that the response patterns for all three factors are very similar based on the low variability in the standard deviations. Every respondent replied very much like other cohorts did. Perhaps counter intuitively, the correlations between collectivism, the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations were very similar as well. Table ‎7-11 shows that the correlation coefficient between collectivism and the propensity to maximise .408, is essentially the same as the maximising and aspirations items (.410). One possible interpretation of this result is that valuing collective behaviour does not necessarily preclude someone from seeking to optimise or maximise decision-making processes that conform with their level and type of career aspirations.

Table ‎7-10: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Aspirations and Collectivism Descriptive Statistics

Mean Std. Deviation N Maximize 4.0795 .58487 322 Aspirations 4.1460 .59311 322 Collectivism 4.1320 .65021 322

Table ‎7-11: Correlations between Maximising, Aspirations and Collectivism

Maximise Aspirations Collectivism Maximise 1 Aspirations .410** 1 Collectivism .408* .286** 1

Occupational commitment positively affects the propensity to maximise. On testing for the effect of gender role, it is evident from the positive significant coefficient (β=0.886, P<0.05) that it has a significant effect on career in the model. Further, on including the number of dependants, all variables maintain a positive significant effect in the model. The interaction between gender role and number of dependants is significant (1.94, P<0.05). Controlling for the interaction term, all the variables have a significant effect. Further controlling for gender and number of dependants simultaneously, organisational commitment maintains a positive significant effect but it increases notably, showing the effect of removing the other attributes from the model. It is hence evident that gender role and number of dependants have a significant moderating effect on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and occupational commitment.

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This hypothesis is sustained. As Table ‎7-12 indicates, factor response patterns vary significantly. Whilst the means that for maximising, the number of dependents and occupational commitment are close (e.g. between 4.0646 and 4.6578), the standard deviation for number of dependents is much higher, suggesting different family circumstances for each respondent.

Table ‎7-12: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Dependents, Occupational Commitment and Gender Descriptive Statistics

Mean Std. Deviation N Maximize 4.0795 .58487 322 Dependents 4.6578 1.94748 322 Occupational Commitment 4.0646 .63525 322 Gender 1.56 .498 322

Table ‎7-13 shows that whilst Occupational Commitment has a positive correlation (rho = .480, p = .01) with the propensity to maximise, as one might have predicted, both gender and number of dependents had a significantly different relationship. Gender and number of dependents do have negative correlations with the propensity to maximise (-.024 and -.012, respectively). The number of dependents have a more negative impact than gender, but children and gender obviously have a very strong impact on occupational commitment as well (.115* for number of dependents and .004 for gender).

Table ‎7-13: Correlations between Maximising, Dependents, Occupational Commitment and Gender Maximise Dependents Occupational Gender Commitment Maximise 1 Dependents -0.012 1 Occupational .480** .115* 1 Commitment Gender -0.024 0.03 0.004 1 * = .05; ** = .01

Family commitment has a negative effect on the propensity to maximise. The coefficient of family commitment is significant but negative (0.45, P<0.05). On adding gender role into the model, all the coefficients are significant but that of gender role is positive (1.67, P<0.05). Further, by including number of dependants, the coefficients maintain their significant effect in the model.

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The interaction of the three variables is not significant (1.67, P.0.05). This shows that the moderation effect of gender role and number of dependants does not have a significant moderation effect on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and family commitment.

Table 7-14 shows, as in previous comparisons, the number of dependents had greater variability in responses as indicated by the standard deviation (SD = 1.947), probably due to different family circumstances. Similarly, the SD for organisational role was also higher in comparison (1.833) which suggests that, depending on one‘s organisational role, family commitments and children require different responses.

Table ‎7-14: Means and Standard Deviations of Maximising, Dependents, Family Commitment and Organisational Role Descriptive Statistics

Mean Std. Deviation N Maximize 4.0795 .58487 322 Dependents 4.6578 1.94748 322 Family Commitment 3.6518 .45188 322

Role in the organization 4.95 1.833 322

Table ‎7-15 shows that the number of dependents has a negative effect on the propensity to maximise and family commitment. The number of dependents has a negative correlation with maximising (-.012), family commitment (-.037), and a very low correlation with organisational role (.038), which are all indications of the issues dependents create for women who want careers outside the home. Family Commitment showed a significant correlation with the propensity to maximise (.319**) and a slight negative correlation with dependents and organisational role (-.003). There was also a very low correlation between organisational role and the propensity to maximise (0.03). The pattern that emerges here is one in which dependents affect organisational roles but do not lessen family commitment, which suggests there are constant work-life balance issues that need to be addressed. Exploiting every opportunity in order to maintain that balance is vitally important, thus the significant correlation with the propensity to maximise items.

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Table ‎7-15: Correlations between Maximising, Dependents, Family Commitment and Organisational Role Maximise Dependents Family Organisational Commitment Role Maximise 1 Dependents -0.012 1 Family .319** -0.037 1 Commitment Organisational Role 0.03 0.038 -.003 1 ** = .01

H4: Public sector employees who have a high propensity to maximise will have higher professional career aspirations than private sector employees who have a high propensity to maximise.

I examine the difference in the propensity to maximise across the two sectors.

First there is a positive relationship between the propensity to maximise and career aspirations, but notably, it differs across the sectors. From the positive coefficients β=0.059 and β=0.029 P<0.05, public sector has a positive effect on the propensity to maximise and career aspirations respectively. The analysis, including public sector and the propensity to maximise, shows that the two independent variables are significant with β=0.039 and β=1, 71 for sector and the propensity to maximise respectively. On testing the mediation effect of public sector by controlling its levels, the propensity to maximise has a positive significant effect. This indicates that public sector has a positive mediation effect on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and career aspirations. Conclusively, public sector employees have a higher probability to scale high in career aspirations than employees in the private sector. The coefficient for public sector is larger than for private sector and significant at 5% alpha.

This hypothesis was not sustained. The public sector employees (M = 2.824, SD = 1.112) did have a higher propensity to maximise than private sector employees (M = 2.648, SD = 1.159), but private sector employees had higher professional career aspirations (M = 3.336, SD = 1.091) than public sector employees (M = 3.216, SD = 1.128) (Table 7-16).

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Table ‎7-16: Public/Private Variances about Aspirations and Maximising

Sector Aspire Maximise AVG SD AVG SD Public N = 175 3.261 1.128 2.824 1.112 Private N = 201 3.336 1.091 2.648 1.159

Both sector groups had higher career aspiration scores than propensity to maximise scores.

7.9 Discussion

7.9.1 Influence of professional career aspiration on propensity to maximise

The study findings indicate a positive relationship between professional career aspiration and the propensity to maximise. The study findings align with the argument of Howard et al. (2011) that individuals with high aspirations pursue education, training and experiences that enhance their chances of entering a high status occupation. The positive relationship between the propensity to maximise and career aspirations among Omanis could be attributed to an individual being interested in holding leadership positions within their career fields, as expressed by 56.5% of the study participants. Professional career aspirations among Omanis are further compounded by their interest towards holding managerial positions in their respective fields, as recorded by 98.1% of the study participants, who expressed either high or slight interest towards holding managerial positions. This is coupled to high hopes recorded among Omanis of moving up through the organisations they would work for as indicated by a majority (76.4%) of the study participants.

The majority of Omanis (75.9%) take future possibilities into consideration in making career decisions. This is emphasised by the high number of the participants who agreed (55%) and strongly agreed (26.4%) with making well thought out decisions. This is further emphasised by the high number of the study participants who agreed (49.7%) and strongly agreed (38.8%) that they thoroughly consider various alternatives when presented with decision-making situations. This shows that in making career decisions, Omanis consider not only the present but also future implications and the career development possibilities provided by such decisions. This indicates

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that Omanis create high value images and perceptions of themselves through the development of a self-concept, where they perceive themselves as managers and leaders and envision themselves moving up the career ladders of potential employer organisations (Gottfredson 1981; Gottfredson & Lapan, 1997). The career aspirations among Omanis are attributable to size and power, and orientation to the internal uniqueness of Omanis as suggested by the elimination process (Junk & Armstrong, 2010). The Omanis involved in the study indicate a personal interest in career development, coupled with an interest in occupying leadership or managerial roles within employer organisations. This indicates an orientation towards power and authority related positions. This is compounded by the high orientation (55%) among the participants towards positions that involve training and developing others, which usually carry with them some measure of authority and responsibility.

7.9.2 Effect of gender, age and social expectations on the propensity to maximise and on professional career aspirations

The study findings indicate that gender, age and social expectations have a moderating effect on the propensity to maximise and on professional aspirations among Omanis. The largest variance was attributed to gender, family influence and age. The findings indicate that across the two genders, the propensity to maximise has positive coefficients, although the coefficient for men is larger than that for women. The findings therefore support hypothesis 2 that Omani men with a high propensity to maximise have higher career aspirations as compared to Omani females. This is attributed to the familial role and responsibilities bestowed upon Omani women. It could also be attributed to the perceived role of Omani women in the society. Correll (2004) work emphasised that gender beliefs lead men and women to use different standards in judging their own competence, with the differences in self-assessment leading to gender differences in emerging career aspirations.

These differences may also be imposed by culture. In an Islamic culture where men are supposed to be the breadwinners while women are left to raise and take care of their family, the differences in the propensity to maximise career aspirations between Omani men and women are also attributable to the Islamic culture (Correll, 2004; Howard et al., 2011; Rainey & Borders, 1997). This could further be attributed to the belief among Omani women that they cannot have it all, that is, they cannot balance family responsibilities and work expectations or responsibilities and thus do not find it necessary to try. The low propensity to maximise career aspirations among Omani women is also attributable to Omani women‘s preference for less challenging jobs which have more flexibility, thus providing them with the time to attend to both familial and personal commitments (Litzky & Greenhaus, 2007). In tandem with this, Omani women may be reluctant to

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take on roles which increase their responsibilities in the workplace, such as leadership or managerial roles, as compared to their male counterparts. In making decisions between maximising career aspirations and choosing careers that create time for familial responsibilities, Omani women compromise their idealised career aspirations for more realistic options that allow them to handle both workplace and family responsibilities (Junk & Armstrong, 2010).

This aligns with the argument of Siann and Callaghan (2001) that occupational decisions and choices are a complex matter and cannot be accounted for by structural factors alone, and that women make positive and informed choices after considering the contextual issues surrounding occupational choices such as employability, work-life balance, equality and occupational status. This shows that work-life balance ranks high among the factors considered by women in making occupational choices. This sacrifice is not without pain, as Omani women have to compromise their personal aspirations in the interest of their family, although raising a family provides them with some sense of achievement (Junk and Armstrong, 2010). Li and Kerpelman (2007) and Kerpelman and Schvaneveldt (1999) emphasise that women share similar attitudes, values and beliefs with their parents more than men do. In this case, Omani women possibly share the beliefs, values and attitudes of their parents and thus relinquish their idealistic career aspirations for alternatives that align with the parental views (Li & Kerpelman, 2007). Therefore, the resulting difference in career aspirations between Omani men and women could be from parental influence.

Family constraints may further influence the maximisation of career aspirations among Omani women emanating from financial constraints or lack of family support, especially in scenarios where females display a higher propensity to maximise career aspirations against the wishes of their parents who would prefer them to be married and raising children as dictated by culture or religion (Gottfredson, 1981). The low career maximisation aspirations (3.5, 3.4) among women are also attributable to family income, whereby a high percentage (36%) of the participants‘ households earns a combined annual income of 3,000 OMR or less. This is further compounded by the low income levels recorded among the participants‘ parents, with most (26.1%) of the participants‘ fathers earning an annual income of 2,500 OMR or less. The participants‘ mothers are not any better off financially, with most (15.8%) having an annual income of 2,500 OMR. This creates a scenario where women in pursuit of education to serve as the foundation of future careers lack the material or financial support necessary for launching their careers, even where the moral and emotional support may be available. While it could also be argued that most (66.5%) of the participants have meaningful full time employment and could use the financial proceedings from employment to further their education, the findings indicate that only a marginal percentage (1.6%) of the study participants earn a high salary, i.e. an income of 30,000 OMR or more annually.

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This is attributable to the different jobs occupied by the study participants, such as support staff (24.2%), administrative roles (13.7%) and junior management roles (4.3%) whose salaries may not be that high. For most (19.9%) of the participants who earn an annual income of 2,500 OMR or less, it may be difficult to cater for the financial requirements of pursuing higher education and at the same time meet other financial obligations such as family needs. This is especially compounded by the fact that a meaningful number (41.9%) of the study participants were married. Moreover, most (48.4%) of the participants, were only college graduates. The findings further indicate that only a small percentage (15.2%) of the participants had acquired a Master‘s degree and an even smaller number (2.2%) of the participants had a doctoral degree. While most parents would willingly cater for basic education (up to the college level) for their children as their basic responsibility, financial constraints hinder parents from financing their children‘s pursuit of higher education. Where a household comprises many children, focus shifts from those educated up to the college level to the other siblings who may be in the lower levels. It is thus left up to the individual to seek meaningful employment as a means of financing further education in pursuit of maximising personal career aspirations.

7.9.3 Effect of education, religion, income, work regulations, occupational commitment, family commitment, individualism and collectivism on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations

The directional hypothesis indicates that young Omanis with a higher propensity to maximise have higher professional career aspirations than older Omanis with a high propensity to maximise. The study indicates that age has a significant mediating effect on the propensity to maximise among Omanis. This is indicated by a larger significant coefficient among the young, who have a higher propensity to maximise. This is attributable to the lack of family commitment among the 33.9% of the study participants who fell into the 18-23 age category, and the 19.3% of the participants who fell into the 24-29 age category. This indicates that a significant number of the study participants were either youth or young adults who lack family commitment and are thus individualistic rather than collectivistic in nature.

Due to the autonomy or independence provided by lack of family commitment, Omani youth are able to pursue their personal goals, needs and aspirations without sacrificing their aspirations in light of family commitments. The youths in this scenario possibly fall into the category of the 57.1% of the participants who were single and thus lack family commitments (Triandis, 1993, 2001; Triandis, McCusker & Hui 1990). The lower propensity among older adults as compared to youth is also attributable to outside of work commitments that affect the desire to

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maximise career and educational aspirations. Older adults, especially in relation to the nuclear family have a sacrificing nature whereby parents readily sacrifice their goals for the needs of their children.

The study findings indicate that a significant number (41.9%) of the participants were married while a marginal 0.9% of the participants were divorced. Even in scenarios where parents are divorced, the interests of the young ones still factor in the parents‘ decisions, as the parents have to make decisions that are not only in their personal interests but also in the interests of their children. This aligns with the argument of Hartung, Fouad, Leong, and Hardin (2010) that collectivists align career decisions and occupational choices and plans with their own personal goals and aspirations, although they alter their personal goals and aspirations to fit those of the group. In this case, regardless of whether married or divorced, Omanis who have children develop their career aspirations based on personal goals, but they alter the aspirations to accommodate the needs of their families and children.

Collectivism in this case profoundly influences the long-term trends of married or divorced Omanis‘ career preferences and decisions. Individualism may not profoundly influence the long- term trends of young Omanis‘ career decisions, aspirations and preferences since they also get married with time, creating a need to accommodate the welfare of others and critically evaluate the impact of their career preferences and choices on their dependants‘ welfare. This is further emphasised by the arguments of Coltrane (2004), Moen (1986) and Orthner and Pittman (1986) who suggest that individualism and collectivism are influencing factors on individuals‘ career aspirations. And individualism and collectivism are influenced by work and family commitments within cultures. Especially where nuclear families and extended families live in the same household, the Omani culture comes into play. This is indicated by the study findings that a significant percentage of the study participants live with five, six to ten people in their households. Many of the study participants (38.2%) had children, thus indicating family commitment and responsibilities. The finding that young Omanis have a higher propensity to maximise career aspirations aligns with the findings of Kintrea, Clair and Houstoun (2011), who established that youth has high aspirations and aim to acquire education and attain professional and managerial positions in organisations in greater numbers than the labour market can accommodate.

Among the older Omanis who are over 30 years old and with family responsibilities, there is a high possibility that they commit and devote more to their families and are thus less committed to their work (Brewer & Chen, 2007). This is however not the case among the Omani youth, who are yet to start families of their own, and thus commit less to the family responsibilities, creating time

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and finances for pursuing and prioritising individual career aspirations (Brewer & Chen, 2007). The lower propensity to maximise among the older Omanis is further attributable to their central wellbeing, which is carrying out obligations and duties, in contrast of the central wellbeing of the Omani youth who tend to be more individualistic and thus focus on attaining personal goals and personal control (Brewer &Chen, 2007). These obligations among the older Omanis could emanate from the responsibilities of taking care of grandparents, brothers, sisters, uncles and cousins who may not be that successful in life.

The study findings especially indicate a high mean of 6.38 adults living in the participants‘ households with most household comprising a maximum of six adults, with 18.3% and 11.5% including one or two adults over the age of 60. This indicates that a significant percentage of the study participants take care of their elderly relatives such as parents or grandparents. This commitment to parents and grandparents thus results in a lower propensity to maximise career aspirations among the older Omanis who hold such extended family responsibilities.

7.9.4 Relationship between the propensity to maximise and employment sector

The study established that public sector employees who have a high propensity to maximise have higher professional career aspirations than private sector employees with a high propensity to maximise. The study established that public sector employees have a higher probability of succeeding in their career aspirations than private sector employees, as indicated by a larger significant coefficient in the public sector as compared to the private sector. This is attributable to the considerations of structural and institutional conditions that manifest themselves as different forms of discrimination, path dependencies and career trajectories, boundaries and rigidities within the private sector. These differ from the public sector, where career development paths are clearly delineated and may only require individuals to gain higher education or advance their education in order to gain promotion opportunities (Ozbilgin, Kuskii & Erdogmus, 2005).

This is in contrast to the private sector, where promotions may be more performance-based rather than related to achieving higher education. This augments the findings of other studies that argue that individual agency in maximisation of career aspirations cannot be considered in isolation from the contextual factors and the interplay between the contextual factors and individual agency in shaping career choices. Kyriacou et al. (2002) argue that career choices are informed by the availability of career opportunities and paths. This may be characteristic of the Omani public sector, where career paths are clearly defined, as opposed to the private sector, thus resulting in a higher propensity to maximise in the public sector as compared to the private sector.

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Standing (2011) in support of this argument posits that developing countries such as Oman suffer from lack of transparency, lack of accountability and constant inefficiency with regard to labour market policies. As such, the adopted labour market policies fail to reach the poorest and the most insecure, thus creating inequalities (Standing, 2011). Clearly defined career development policies within any employment sector reduce vagueness and create relevance, thus enhancing the propensity to maximise career aspirations among individuals. Vagueness, irrelevance and continual change in labour market policies lead to role ambiguity (Pandey & Wright, 2006). Scholars especially emphasise that ambiguity significantly influences the decision-making process in a negative way. As such, ambiguous career development and progression policies in organisations negatively affect the propensity to maximise career aspirations among individuals (Brugnach & Ingram, 2012; Endres, Chowdhury & Miller, 2009). Kintrea, Clair, and Houstoun (2011) establish that among the youth with high career aspirations, knowledge of the pathways through education and employment increases the aspirations to achieve career ambitions.

There is also a possibility that the Omani public sector provides financial assistance for the employees within the sector through academic loans or a bonding system. This would facilitate the accessibility of funding for pursuit of education and higher academic qualifications as a means of achieving dream career choices. The positive influence of the employment sector on the propensity to maximise career aspirations aligns with the key considerations of sociology, which augments the nature of the interplay between agency and structure and especially factors such as individual motives, aspirations, capital and structural circumstances in which the individual motives, aspirations and capital are situated.

In this case, the sector acts as the structural situation as the factors within a sector provide the structural framework for facilitating the attainment of career aspirations of individuals within that sector (Ozbilgin, Kuskii & Erdogmus, 2005). The Omani public sector serves as a more effective structural framework in facilitating achievement of career aspirations as compared to the private sector. The positive relationship between the propensity to maximise career aspirations and the employment sector could be because career is a product of dialectical relationship between self needs and circumstances (Ozbilgin &Healy, 2004).

7.9.5 Moderating effect of family influence on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations

A regression output indicated that the positive effect of the propensity to maximise on career aspirations differs across the level of family influence (0.135, 0.242). Family influence as a moderator of the relationship between the propensity to maximise and career aspirations partially

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mediates the influence as indicated by the significant positive coefficient of <0.05. This aligns with the argument that familial background has an impact on enforcing career aspirations on both genders. This is attributable to parental aspirations among Omani parents in shaping career aspirations (Ashby & Schoon, 2010; Correll, 2004; Shu & Marini, 1998).

The findings indicate that a significant percentage of the participants‘ mothers (25.2%) and fathers (32.6%) had received basic education. Additionally, an overview of the findings indicate that a significant percentage of the participants‘ parents had received post basic education (fathers: 14.3% and mothers: 8.4%), college education (fathers: 6.8% and mothers: 2.8%), and graduation from college (fathers: 9.9% and mothers: 3.4%), while a marginal number have Master‘s or doctoral degrees. This indicates that the parents are learned and thus understand the importance and the benefits of education and may tend to put pressure on and support their children to work towards maximising career and professional aspirations. In the 21st century even the illiterate understand the benefits of a good education and the importance of education on career aspirations. In tandem with this, even illiterate Omani parents also have the ability to influence the propensity to maximise among their children, since parents wish for a better life for their children.

Parents further influence the propensity to maximise among individuals by influencing the career choices. Apart from the parents, other family members influence the career choices and the propensity to maximise career aspirations among individuals. This may be a result of putting pressure on individuals to develop skills and education along certain career lines, or provision of both financial and moral support from family members (Correl, 2004). Family members and parents expect the individuals within the family to select careers within certain preferred professions. In certain instances, financial support is extended only when the career choices preferred among the family members or parents are made. This affirms that individuals alter their idealist career aspirations based on family influence and financial support (Ashby & Schoon, 2010). This further aligns with the findings of Kintrea, Clair, and Houstoun (2011), who established that the social status of an individual‘s family pushes individuals to or away from fulfilling high aspirations based on the amount of moral, emotional and financial support extended to those individuals.

The family influence on the propensity to maximise is influenced by gender, as indicated by the moderating effect of gender on propensity to maximise being higher among Omani men than Omani women. This aligns with the argument that women share similar attitudes, values and beliefs with their parents and are more willing to relinquish their idealistic career aspirations to alternatives better matching parental views (Li & Kerpelman, 2007). As such, parental and family influence on the propensity to maximise and the career aspirations among Omanis is more keenly felt among

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Omani women than Omani men. Family influence also emanates from the financial requirement of career development activities, such as pursuit of higher education in accordance with families‘ financial capabilities. As such, Omanis, in consideration of the family financial wellbeing and capabilities, may make career choices the achievement of which their families can comfortably finance.

7.9.6 Influence of individual variables on the propensity to maximise and career aspirations

The findings indicate a positive effect of the propensity to maximise on career aspirations. This effect is however affected by education. The findings indicate that Omanis with the propensity to maximise and higher education have higher career aspirations. This is attributable to the fact that Omanis and individuals in general acquire higher education as a means of facilitating individual career development or achieving individual higher career goals. Sturges et al. (2003) established that higher education, and in particular an MBA, represents an awareness of career meanings, motivations, skills, knowledge, and confidence, which possibly translates into other competencies in the workplace.

In tandem with this, Omanis and individuals with higher education understand that the competencies in the context of the emergent emphasis on value management, over and above other types of professional work, and mirrored in the theorisation of ‗managerialism‘, act as career enhancing attributes. Further, higher education improves individual human capital and enhances career prospects and employability, thereby serving as a vehicle for negotiating an accelerated route towards career advancement, building individual self-confidence, and facilitating career change.

The positive influence of higher education on the propensity to maximise and career aspirations align with the findings of Simpson (2000), who establish that through higher education, women experience intrinsic success such as enhanced confidence, while men are rewarded with pay increments and enhanced occupational status. Reitman and Schneer (2003) establish that individuals with higher education benefit from self-managed (protean) and promising career trajectories, especially in organisations with traditional, intra-institutional career advancement phases. The protean career trajectories provide new career alternatives to individuals with higher education. This conclusively shows that higher education positively influences the propensity to maximise and career aspirations among individuals (Ozbilgin, Kusku & Erdogmus, 2007).

7.9.7 Influence of higher income on the propensity to maximise and on career aspirations

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The findings indicate that income has a positive mediation effect on the propensity to maximise and career aspirations. Higher income facilitates a higher propensity to maximise and to achieve higher career aspirations by facilitating the proper educational qualifications necessary to enable individuals‘ career goals. In other words, Omanis with a higher income are better able to facilitate the achievement of their career aspirations through higher education and training than those facing financial constraints. The family level of income further influences the ability of individuals to achieve individual career aspirations, since families with a greater financial capacity comfortably cater for the financial requirements in the pursuit of personal career goals. Families provide not only emotional and moral support in the pursuit of career goals, but also facilitate the achievement of such goals by providing financial support (Correl, 2004).

Gottfredson (1981) emphasises that family constraints, and especially financial constraints, hinder individuals from maximising and attaining their career aspirations. Ashy and Schoon (2010) emphasise that families, due to provision of financial support, may at times require changes in an individual‘s career aspirations. Kintrea, Clair, and Houston (2011) emphasise that an individual‘s or an individual‘s family‘s social status influences the achievement of higher aspirations. In instances where the individuals are financially capable, the decision of which career aspirations to pursue is more personalised since the influence of the family or other financial assistance providers is eliminated. This positively influences the propensity to maximise on personal career goals and aspirations, as compared to scenarios where due to lack of financial capability, individuals are forced to relinquish high personal aspirations and settle for more achievable goals.

7.9.8 Awareness of labour laws has a positive effect on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations

The findings indicate that individuals who are familiar with laws regulating the work environment have higher career aspirations than those who are not. This establishes that awareness of work regulations positively mediate the effect of the propensity to maximise on career aspirations. Pandey and Wright (2006) argue that changing, vague and irrelevant workplace policies results in organisational role ambiguity and poor execution of labour market policies. This means that individuals are not able to exploit the labour market policies to maximise their career aspirations due to unfamiliarity with the vague, irrelevant and continually changing policies.

Vague and unfamiliar labour market policies affect the decision making process among Omanis negatively (Brugnach & Ingram, 2012; Endres, Chowdhury & Milner, 2009; Hartmann, 2005; Pushkarskaya et al., 2010; Sherrill, 2001). Stanley Budner (1962) characterises ambiguous labour market policies with novelty, complexity or insolubility. Kyriacou et al. (2002) emphasise

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that career choices are informed by the accessibility and availability of career opportunities and paths. As such, clearly defined career paths and labour market policies positively impact the propensity to maximise among Omanis. This aligns with the finding of Kintrea, Clair, and Houstoun (2011) that knowledge of career pathways among the youth with higher career aspirations enhances the motivation to achieve these laid out aspirations.

7.9.10 The positive mediation effect of higher individualism on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations

The study established that although positive, the strength of the effect of propensity to maximise on career aspirations varies with changes in levels of individualism. As such, Omanis with a propensity to maximise and high individualism have high career aspirations. Individualists adopt autonomy over personal goals, needs and aspirations (Triandis, 1993, 2001; Triandis, McCusker& Hui, 1990). Individualists are able to pursue high career aspirations due to the ability to align their occupational choices and plans with personal goals and aspirations and the lack of external influence on these choices (Hartung et al., 2010).

The influence of individualism is boosted by the lack of family commitments. As established, work commitments and family commitments have a negative effect on each other (Coltrane, 2004; Moen & Smith, 1986; Orthner & Pittman, 1986). There is a possibility that individualistic Omanis lack family commitments and thus commit more energy towards developing and achieving career aspirations than collective Omanis, whose family commitments prevent them from giving career development and the achievement of career aspirations maximum attention (Brewer & Chen, 2007). Higher career aspirations among individualistic Omanis are further supported by the established higher career aspirations among the Omani youth with the propensity to maximise.

High career aspirations among the youth are attributed to their individualistic nature and lack of family commitments, meaning that their energies are fully directed towards personal development and achieving career aspirations. Where individualist Omanis have family commitments, the commitments are limited to the nuclear family, as opposed to collectivists whose family commitments expand to the extended family, thus limiting the work and career commitment among collectivists (Brewer & Chen, 2007). Higher career aspirations among individualists are attributable to their central wellbeing revolving around achieving personal goals and control, unlike collectivists whose central wellbeing revolves around meeting family obligations (Brewer & Chen, 2007).

7.9.11 The effect of higher occupational commitment on the propensity to maximise

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The findings confirm that higher occupational commitment has a positive mediation effect on the propensity to maximise on career aspirations. This aligns with the argument that individuals who lack family commitments have higher work commitment and thus have higher propensity to maximise career aspirations (Brewer & Chen, 2007). Coltrane (2004) emphasises that family commitment and work commitment influence each other negatively. Where individuals devote more commitment to their families they are less devoted to their occupation. This indicates that minimised commitment towards an occupation due to other obligations results in a lower propensity to maximise and vice versa.

Furthermore study finding confirms the above argument. The result shows that more family commitment reduces the propensity to maximise. This is attributed to the divided attention resulting from family obligations negatively affecting work and career commitment. The findings further establish that higher collectivism has a negative mediation effect on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and professional career aspirations. The findings emphasise the reducing effect of higher family commitment on the propensity to maximise, as family commitment is characteristic of collectivistic individuals. Higher collectivism diverts an individual‘s central wellbeing from achievement of personal goals and aspirations towards the achievement of collective family goals and aspirations, thus negatively affecting the propensity to maximise individual career aspirations (Brewer & Chen, 2007). Highly collectivistic individuals therefore divert resources that promote the achievement of personal career aspirations such as finances and time towards meeting family needs and obligations. However, there is a lack of a significant moderation effect of gender role and number of dependants on the relationship between the propensity to maximise and family commitment.

7.10 Conclusion

The positive relationship between career aspirations and the propensity to maximise is facilitated by pursuit of education, training and experiences that enhance chances to enter high status occupations. The propensity to maximise is associated with aspirations to occupy leadership and managerial positions coupled with personal interest in career development.

As evidenced by the higher propensity among men, gender role moderates the relationship between the propensity to maximise and career aspirations. The propensity to maximise among women is affected by familial roles and responsibilities and the ensuing difficulties in balancing family and work expectations. This creates the need for work-life balance programs to help female

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employees find a balance between family responsibilities and work, therefore enhancing their propensity to maximise.

The youth have a higher propensity to maximise than older people. Their lack of family commitments, autonomy and independence enhance the ability to pursue personal goals, needs and aspirations. The lack of family commitments facilitates the commitment of finances and time to pursue and prioritize individual career aspirations. Individualism in youth, unlike older individuals who tend to be collectivistic in nature, further enhances the propensity to maximise. Individualism however lacks a long-term effect on propensity as young people get married with time, creating the need to accommodate family welfare in personal decisions. The propensity to maximise among older people can be promoted by enhancing work-life programs and promoting/facilitating higher education through financial initiatives.

As indicated by a higher propensity to maximise in the public sector, career trajectories and career development paths and opportunities within an employment sector influence the propensity to maximise. The structural and institutional conditions within the private and public sector as regards career development influence the aspirations of individuals working in those sectors. Clearly defined career development paths eliminate vagueness and ambiguity, resulting in high career aspirations and the propensity to maximise among individuals within a specific employment sector.

A family‘s social and financial status moderates the relationship between the propensity to maximise and career aspirations. Family influence on the relationship also emanates from parental influence over career choices and individual‘s gender. Parental influence over career choices is stronger for women than for men. Individual and family income especially modifies the propensity to maximise career aspirations. Higher income improves the propensity to maximise, creating a need to empower individuals and families financially to enhance the pursuit of educational goals and facilitate the achievement of career goals.

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Chapter 8: Conclusion and Recommendations

8.1 Introduction

This study sought to gain a better theoretical understanding of women‘s participation in the labour market by comprehensively reviewing women‘s employment in Oman and contribute to a better understanding of the Middle Eastern and Omani labour markets and workplace practices. It is expected that the study will contribute to policies designed to enhance Omani women‘s participation in education and employment. As identified in the research findings, the situation in Oman is similar to many other nations in the Middle East; women‘s representation in the labour force remains relatively low despite efforts to engage women in education and employment. This research suggests that it is critical to address barriers within the family as an institution to solve the problem of women‘s under-representation. National culture is identified as a primary factor contributing to the challenges women encounter when attempting to engage in the labour market. This chapter will briefly restate the main findings of the research and offer some policy recommendations in addition to outlining the main contributions and limitations of the research.

8.2 Research Findings

The study shows that women in Oman have made notable progress in participating in the labour market since 1970 (See Chapter 1). However, Omani women still face some challenges in choosing, planning and maintaining their career paths. The research questions direct the main finding of this research.

1. What motivates women to participate in the labour market?

The findings suggest that changes in the Omani culture, the introduction of education among women, family economic needs and changes of workplaces are primary motivators for Omani women‘s participation in the labour market. While changes in Oman have produced many driving factors, all three studies show that maintaining and progressing women‘s participation remains a challenge. Chapter 5 (see 5.5) pointed out that in the Omani community men are culturally, religiously and legally held to be the family providers. This provides a contradictory situation for women in which they can seek employment opportunities or opt to concentrate on their care giving roles. Chapter 4 identified that even with this freedom, women from conservative cultural traditions—as found in Oman—carried a huge burden in remaining loyal to their culture that is reflected in their decision making (see Figure 11).

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2. What are the factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market? c. What are the cultural factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

The study results show that Omani women‘s efforts to engage in the labour market are greatly influenced by cultural aspects such as gender roles, social expectations and the national culture and that in Oman these are so deeply entrenched within the community that individuals are highly resistant to change—particularly Omanis over the age of 30. The study reveals how the participation of women in the labour force is influenced by gender role attitudes in Omani society; women‘s beliefs that men are the main breadwinners and guardians of the family and their attitudes toward motherhood impedes their efforts to establish themselves in workplaces. The research found that many of the Omani women below the age of 30 are more open-minded and culturally flexible than those who adhere to the traditional culture.

Omani women‘s religious and social expectation affiliations (traditions and customs) were also found to be a major challenge to their attempts to participate in the labour market. Omani women are still encouraged to be homemakers by their traditions and customs. Omani women remain loyal to their husbands and they feel a keen sense of responsibility to bring up a stable family. Results suggest that Omani women tend to respect their traditions and customs more than their religious and educational backgrounds or their careers. This led to the conclusion that Omani women are willing to sacrifice their careers and forego joining the labour market to avoid compromising their cultural norms and values.

In general Omani women were found to be deeply respectful of cultural traditions and culturally imposed values and norms of what is appropriate for women, such as service jobs in fields like education and health. Omani women are more concerned about self-respect and dignity and consider these to be the main values of their personality. Thus, the study found that more cultural conflicts occurred more often in private-sector employment than in the public sector where cultural and religious beliefs were more likely to be tolerated.

d. What are the institutional factors that drive Omani women‘s actions, preferences and behaviours in Oman‘s labour market?

The research shows that family as an institution presents a major obstruction in Omani women's career paths. As noted, some roles—including those of mother, wife and caregiver in the society—clearly influence Omani women‘s labour market preferences. In addition the results

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suggest that Omani women are suppressed by their families when it comes to career choices. They may be allowed to work, but the kind of work they choose is governed by third-party decisions, such as their father‘s, brothers‘ and husband‘s. This influence is everlasting through Omani women's career path.

The study shows that workplaces have failed in their strategies to accommodate Omani women‘s personal and cultural needs. Omani women seem to be more attracted to "family friendly organisations" and workplaces that are adapted to the national culture and are considered to have ethical, moral and respectful organisational cultures. Additionally, the study has revealed some of the discriminatory practices that challenge Omani women in the workplace and that Omani women have low motivation to compete with male colleagues for workplace opportunities.

The study found that ignorance of the legislative system in general, and labour law in particular, is a main cause of Omani women‘s random career choices and tendency to quit work.

3. Do Omani women maximise their professional career aspirations?

The study found a positive relationship between career aspirations and the propensity to maximise aspirations (see Chapter 6). This relationship is facilitated by pursuit of education, training and experiences that enhance chances to enter high status occupations (See Chapter 7). In addition, the result shows that the propensity to maximise is associated with aspirations to occupy leadership and managerial positions coupled with personal interest in career development.

The propensity to maximise among Omani women is affected by familial roles and responsibilities and the ensuing difficulties in balancing family and work expectations. Results suggest that younger women have a higher propensity to maximise than older women because they have lower family commitments and higher autonomy and independence. The study also found that individualism in youth, as opposed to the collectivism of older individuals, further enhances the propensity to maximise.

The findings indicate that structural and institutional conditions within the private and public sector lead to a higher propensity to maximise within the Omani public sector than in the private sector.

The study found that family social and financial status moderates the relationship between Omani women‘s propensity to maximise and career aspirations. Parental influence over career choices is stronger for women than for men and being from a higher income family improves

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the propensity to maximise, creating opportunity to pursue educational goals and achieve career goals.

In summary, Omani women remain highly influenced by culture, religion and family roles in making labour market and career decisions. Private sector employment, which is important to increasing Omani women‘s participation in the labour market, is perceived to be less accommodating to their needs. However, the survey research indicated that a younger age, more education and a higher income all increased women‘s maximisation of career aspirations.

8.3 Recommendations

Cultural and institutional changes have recently led to women joining the labour market being accepted, thus women were mostly viewed as first time job seekers in the Omani labour market. The consequence of women being so newly introduced to the workforce is a huge challenge in securing jobs because, as discussed in chapter 5, employers choose the most experienced staff and do not seek out newcomers. One solution is to establish and create job opportunities for all. To do this, policy makers will need to facilitate entry-level positions for newcomers by creating schemes that provide education, training and varied employment arrangements for women— particularly those with low levels of experience. Such solutions will provide women better opportunities to join the labour force that will allow them to pursue and benefit from their careers. Mackey and Immerman (2002), in a study on women‘s participation in the labour force, argued that women need a chance to prove they can do it. When given a chance, and they exploit it, women will at have greater opportunities to engage in the labour market and compete with men for other opportunities.

Domestic roles have presented a strong challenge to women‘s labour market engagement efforts with one of the most prominent domestic roles being child rearing. The process of bringing up a child is tedious and involves commitment on the part of women, which prevents them from taking labour force opportunities. Therefore, a solution that would waive some of women‘s domestic responsibilities is recommended to offer opportunities to explore and engage in the labour force without disruptions. Establishing affordable childcare is an ideal strategy. Sullivan and Hodson (2002) argued that most of women wanted to look for a job but were restrained by having to look after their children at home. A similar finding was presented in a recent study by Brewer and Chen (2007) that revealed women were not interested in long working hours because of their family roles. Women therefore did not have a chance to explore many opportunities in the labour force and missed opportunities that were present. Day-care for children would free women for longer hours, which would allow them to engage in the labour force and take up well-paying jobs

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more comfortably? However, it must be noted that some women interviewed (see study 2) cannot afford day-care facilities. Therefore, the government should establish affordable day-care facilities to give every woman a chance of waiving part of the domestic role to pursue a career. This would support every woman equally and motivate them to participate in the labour market without fear of failing to fulfil their domestic roles.

Introducing gender diversity programs into the workplaces will be a step that supports women. These programs might include practices and policies on recruitment, compensation, benefits and career development and training and would lead to greater inclusion and higher motivation to retain and career development among women. Such programs have been highlighted as successful in major case studies where discrimination was reported to challenge women in their workplaces. Pettit and Hook (2005) believe that gender diversity programs lobby for equality within the workplace where women are provided with equal opportunities to men, work-family policies and economic conditions. Gender diversity programs consider the family related responsibilities of women when looking into such issues as job duration, maternity leave, child schooling and care and others, which is critical in supporting women‘s greater participation in the labour force without major strains or challenges.

Additionally, findings suggest that low levels of education is a major challenge women face when joining the labour force. Men in Oman however are well established and have attained high levels of education (see Chapter 7). In this context, women cannot compete for jobs against men because of requirements for skills and expertise. To deal with this issue, it is critical that governments more heavily invest in women‘s education. Introducing as many educational programs as possible for women will be critical and will provide women opportunities to explore their careers. As Mackey and Immerman (2002) note in a study on how women‘s levels of education impact their search for jobs, it is important to improve women‘s education to increase their opportunities in the labour force. Introducing both formal and informal education programs is advised as it will allow even busy women who are involved with domestic roles to acquire a level of education and develop more opportunities in the labour market.

Accordingly, a national strategy aimed at establishing the advancement of Omani women in the labour force will be important for Oman. Ideally, this will be accomplished through establishing national objectives that society would work towards achieving. In the process, women can be supported and motivated through adapting national culture at workplace, training programs and education. César and Alberto (2009) argue that the process is similar to a national general policy, which has been part of the plans of major nations across the globe. The process integrates the design

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of strategies and policies formulated to enhance women‘s situations in all spheres of the country‘s development. Additionally, the strategy targets the expansion of women‘s representation in decision making that would enable them to enjoy full participation in decision-making and planning within the national economy. Finally, the strategy works well in reviewing the legislation to ensure equal rights for both genders and developing non-discriminatory practices against women.

Pocock's (2005) work/care regime conceptual model was the departure point for this research. Despite the fact that Western societies develop in cultural and institutional frameworks that are different from Middle Eastern societies, the results show that Pocock's model can be adapted to Omani labour market. The research findings show that culture and institutions as a general framework not only influence the work/care regime, but also shape individuals‘ propensity to maximise career path, career aspirations and career preferences. Overall, the research finds that people who have high career aspirations have a tendency towards maximizing in their life; people who have a high propensity to maximise have high education levels, high family income, high work regulation awareness, high occupational commitment and tendency towards individualism. A further insight is that gender role, social expectations, family commitment and collectivism can discourage propensity to maximise. More research should be done to confirm this result across other Middle Eastern societies and to uncover relationships between cultural and institutional framework and propensity to maximise, career aspiration and career preferences and how they form work/care regime.

To sum up, the policy maker, government and employers should take actions respecting the following:

1. Facilitate entry-level positions for newcomers by creating schemes that provide education and training. Introduce as many educational programs as possible for women 2. Adapt more flexible work arrangements such as part time, hourly based, and home based, work arrangements. 3. Facilitate and support day-care centres 4. Introduce gender diversity programs 5. Adapt national culture at workplace

While Omani women on the other hand should further their education, plan their career, and explore the opportunities that are available locally and internationally.

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8.4 Limitations of the Research

This study was subject to limitations in two primary areas that were identified in the process of carrying out the research: the empirical research and the literature review. However, the limitations were managed to ensure that the research flowed smoothly and the results are valid and reliable.

The inadequacy of specific research on the topic of women‘s perception of their involvement in the labour market in Oman is evident in the literature review. Most of the available literature focuses on the entire Middle East region, with few studies concentrating on Oman as a country. Moreover, few scholars have concentrated specifically on women‘s involvement in private sector employment. Most of the available research literature concentrates on women‘s employment in general; although helpful, it does not suit the research directly. Narrowing down the research to women‘s involvement in the private sector is a challenge due to inadequate sources of information.

The empirical research has also experienced a number of limitations. First, the respondents used in this study do not fully represent the diverse population of Omani women. In fact, the study concentrated on women who were in the Women‘s Association, though they were employed in a range of industries. Many more women could have been excellent representatives, based on the fact that they are also part of the population of Omani women, and the issue of involvement in the labour market also affects them. Therefore, making generalisations about the population of Omani women and their labour market activities is not fully justified. In future research, it will be important to use a more representative sample of all regions across Oman.

Second, study two has concentrated on only a few areas involving Omani women. However, some important areas—such as the role of schooling and higher education institutions—have not been covered, which means that further research on these fields is needed. I acknowledge that a closer examination of class, ethnicity, tribe and clan and denominational differences would give better insight on work/care regime in Oman but shortage of data and information was a limitation in pursuing this.

Third, the final study aimed for a large sample but did not achieve the response rate predicted. The small sample was a limitation that made it difficult to conduct extensive statistical analysis. However, the statistical analysis used was valid and helped specific results for this study. Participants observed that the list of items included in the questionnaire was too long many respondents did not have adequate time to complete the questionnaire, which is the reason many questions were not properly answered. On the same note, the excessive length of the questionnaire

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made it monotonous for the respondents and most did not concentrate on the long questionnaire. It was difficult to use factor analysis for this study as an extensive statistical treatment due to the extensive nature of the research questions. Therefore, it is advisable that, in future research, the questionnaire be precise and concise.

Addressing these limitations required a number of recommendations to be developed for this study. There is need to conduct further qualitative research with more categories of Omani women to gain a broader understanding across Omani society

Since beginning this research there has been a growing body of literature specifically examining workplaces in the Middle East. This literature will lead to better theoretical and analytical frameworks. This research has aimed at laying the foundation for future research tasks.

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Appendix 1: Example of Data Extracted, with Codes Applied Data extract Coded for ―The man is a man, and I am his  Omani women believe that the man is the responsibility.‖ head of the family and he has the final say ―In general I am against equality between men about women‘s work. and women. I believe that the men have to be  Omani women understand the differences higher for women.‖ between men and women and they ―I had to quit from it because my husband acknowledge them as a fact. doesn‘t like me mixing.‖ ―You choose for yourself to work in the association? Woman 2: my husband.‖ ―My choice? Of course, if my husband does not want this.‖ ―There are things women cannot do like men.‖ ―Possible working hours for women are different from those of men.‖ ―You see those around you, and want to be  Omani women give importance to what like them or better.‖ people expect them to be or to do. ―To be just like any Arab or Gulf woman.‖  Omani women give importance to who they are, compared to the people around them, whether they are local or from other countries. ―In terms of Islamic religion, they do not give  Modesty in dress and appearance (or the lack them their right, for example in the field of of it) is the worry of Omani women in the work there are companies that impose on labour market. them things they cannot implement. As a  Mixed gender environment is accepted as working woman, take dress, for example, or long as there is modesty, respect and things that were inconsistent with Islamic appreciation. customs.‖ ―Some companies choose those who are unveiled. And who refuses to be veiled.‖ ―Treatment of the Omani citizens, sometimes it is in... Group of young people, or say a

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group of society despises women who work in these things...‖ ―What forced me to let go of the place is the lack of respect, and at work employees are not treated with respect and love.‖ ―The upper classes do not allow their wives  Family have a great influence on Omani and daughters to work and I remember a women‘s work decision. number of them want to work, but the family  Family (often the father or husband) is tradition of, ‗You are the daughter of [X] so usually the decision maker about whether the why do you work?‘‖ woman works or not, where and when to ―What do they want my family as a family.‖ work, and what type of job she should take, ―Some tribes do not like their daughters to and the woman easily accepts this decision. work or their daughters to work with men.  Family play the role of social security for the They needed to be in a place where only woman; usually, she can quit or transfer work women... As for our tribe this is normal; it at any stage if she is not comfortable with her means we work anywhere but some people job. define certain jobs.‖ ―The man is a man, and I am his responsibility.‖ ―She would leave work if there was a second income or if the father, brother, sister or husband is capable of bearing the expenses.‖ ―We are used to all our requests being answered.‖ ―Sometimes work environment might  Modesty, respect and appreciation are the adversely affect the reputation of female most important requirements of women in the employee, and then she has either looking for workplace. a replacement, because actually in terms of  Some women believe that recruitment and religion it is forbidden or withdraw it because promotion in the private sector are affected of leaving everything to God instead of her by the beauty and appearance of women. dealing with it is better.‖  Omani women prefer short working hours. ―Beauty and the body play a big role.‖ ―I wish they could reduce the number of hours.‖ ―Lots of working hours.‖

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―Women must recognise their rights and  Most Omani women have no knowledge of duties at work.‖ work regulations or their rights. ―When women understand their rights we‘re  Omani women acknowledge that they should able to be involved in society.‖ know the laws to protect themselves and to ―We remain silent, hoping a new board will participate effectively in the community‘s comes and make some changes.‖ development but they don‘t take the ―I do not know my rights as a woman working initiative. or even my rights as a woman in the community.‖

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Appendix 2: Codes and Possible Themes Codes Possible themes * Omani women work if their families accept  Works at the guardian‘s women‘s participation in the labour market. (father‘s or husband‘s) request. * Omani women work if their fathers encourage them  The guardian‘s (usually the to work. husband‘s) ability to fulfil the * Omani women work if their husbands encourage family‘s economic needs and them to work. grant a high standard of living. * Omani women work if their parents need extra  Failure to juggle work financial support. requirements and family duties. * Omani women work if their husbands need extra financial support. * Omani women leave work or change jobs or employer if fathers or husbands request it. * Omani women leave work or change jobs or employer if they fail to juggle work requirements and family duties. * Omani women consider the man as the guardian and  Men are the guardians and leader of the family. leaders of the family. * Omani women believe the man is the main  Men are the main breadwinner. breadwinners. * Omani women believe the main role of women is to  The main role of women is fulfil marriage and parenthood responsibilities. fulfilling marriage and * Omani women consider work as a secondary role parenthood responsibilities. and sometimes it is temporary until the woman starts  Work is the secondary role. and settles in her nuclear family. * Equal education policies encourage more women to  Education. seek (higher) education.  Government support. * The Omani government encourages and supports  Social change. women‘s employment. * Public acceptance of modernisation in Oman facilitates women‘s education and employment. * When Omani women choose a job, they place  Peers‘ perceptions. importance on what people expect them to be or to do,  Image of working women as well as to the other people surrounding them,

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whether they are local or from other countries. (independent, knowledgeable * The identity of working women is overtaking the and beautiful). identity of wife and mother. They prefer to introduce  Passion for the work. themselves at social events as a teacher, doctor,  Gain skills and experience. engineer and so on. * Omani women believe that they become better persons if they combine working women‘s identity with the wife and mother identity. Therefore, they prefer jobs related to their motherhood identity such as service jobs. * Omani women believe that, in general, Islamic law  Religion. and tradition encourage both men and women to seek  Culture (tribe traditions and education and work. social strata). * Most interviewees accept working in a mixed gender  Self-respect and dignity. environment, as long as there are modesty, respect and appreciation. * Omani women consider self-respect and dignity the main assets of their personality. They are not willing to give them up for any price (such as a high wage or position). * Omani women consider modesty, respect and  The gap between appreciation to be the most important requirements in organisational culture and the workplace. national culture. * Some Omani women believe that recruitment and  Sexism: either way, women are promotion in the private sector are affected by the employed for their gender beauty and appearance of women. qualities or rejected for the * Omani women prefer short working hours. same reason. * Omani women prefer day work rather than night  Discrimination based on work. religion, gender or culture. * Omani women prefer quality-based work evaluation  Lack of family-friendly than quantity-based work evaluation, that is, how organisations. many tasks the employees finished rather than how  Long working hours. well they completed them.  Night shifts. * Some Omani women believe that any industry could  Quantity based work. suit women if the jobs were modified and made

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allowance for women‘s biological nature. * Most Omani women included in the study sample  Equality should be based on show a lack of knowledge of work regulations and differences and similarities their rights. between women and men. * They acknowledge that they should know the laws to  More consideration for culture protect themselves and to participate effectively in the and religion (e.g. women community‘s development but they don‘t take the should be accompanied by initiative. their husbands, fathers or * Omani women believe that equality in work brothers when they travel regulations should be achieved by drawing attention to abroad for work, training or differences and similarities between women and men study). instead of comparing women‘s achievement to men‘s. * Omani women believe that work regulations should devote more consideration to culture and religion (e.g. a woman should be accompanied by her husband, father or brother when she travels abroad for work, training or study). * Omani women‘s responses to dissatisfaction with  Leave work. their employer vary between exit, voice, loyalty, or  Change job or institution. neglect approaches. This depends on their position and  The economic or social value educational level. of the job. * Omani women leave work or change jobs or employers if they experience disrespect or insults. * Omani women leave work or change jobs or employers if the value of the job (economically or socially) is less than expected.

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Appendix 3: Reviewing Themes

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Appendix 4: Study 3 Data Collection instrument

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Appendix 5: Ethical Clearance University of Queensland for Study1 & 2

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Appendix 6: Ethical Clearance University of Queensland for Study1 & 2

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Appendix 7: Ethical Clearance from Ministry of Higher education, Oman

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Appendix 8: Ethical Clearance from The Research Council, Oman

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Appendix 9: Demographic of the respondents in study 3 (N=322)

Items Frequency Percent Gender Female 143 44.4 Male 179 55.6 Age 18-23 109 33.9 24-29 86 26.7 30-35 62 19.3 36-41 47 14.6 42-47 14 4.3 48-53 3 .9 60-65 1 .3 Marital Status Married 135 41.9 Single 184 57.1 Divorced 3 .9 Primary Language Arabic 294 91.3 English 7 2.2 Baluchi 2 .6 Sawahili 1 .3 Jabali 12 3.7 Urdu 2 .6 Mehri 2 .6 Other 2 .6 Region Muscat 117 36.3 Dhofar 29 9.0 Musandam 4 1.2 Al Buraimi 2 .6 Al Batinah North 38 11.8 Al Batinah South 31 9.6 Al Dakhiliyah 47 14.6 Al Dhahirah 15 4.7 Al Sharqiyah North 9 2.8 Al Sharqiyah South 30 9.3 Employment Status Full Time 214 66.5 Part Time 6 1.9 Contract 4 1.2 Unemployed 98 30.4 Role In The Upper Management 14 4.3 Organization Middle Management 38 11.8 Junior Management 14 4.3 Administrative Staff 44 13.7 Support Staff 78 24.2 Academic 41 12.7 Student 93 28.9

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Items Frequency Percent Sector Public Sector 176 54.7 Private Sector 122 37.9 Other 24 7.5 No. People In Household 1 4 1.2 2 10 3.1 3 14 4.3 4 19 5.9 5 32 9.9 6 44 13.7 7 17 5.3 8 27 8.4 9 28 8.7 10 30 9.3 11 20 6.2 12 17 5.3 13 13 4.0 14 9 2.8 15 9 2.8 16 5 1.6 17 4 1.2 18 4 1.2 19 3 .9 20+ 13 4.0 No. Children 0 199 61.8 1 24 7.5 2 20 6.2 3 33 10.2 4 29 9.0 5 5 1.6 6 6 1.9 7 2 .6 8 3 .9 9 1 .3

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Items Frequency Percent Children Under 18 In 0 47 14.6 Household 1 37 11.5 2 47 14.6 3 64 19.9 4 53 16.5 5 24 7.5 6 19 5.9 7 7 2.2 8 7 2.2 9 5 1.6 10 3 .9 11 1 .3 12 1 .3 13 3 .9 15 2 .6 16 1 .3 17 1 .3 Adults In Household ( 18 - 0 14 4.3 Under 60) 1 14 4.3 2 50 15.5 3 40 12.4 4 34 10.6 5 34 10.6 6 28 8.7 7 26 8.1 8 24 7.5 9 14 4.3 10 16 5.0 11 4 1.2 12 11 3.4 13 7 2.2 15 4 1.2 17 1 .3 20+ 1 .3 Adults Over 60 Years Old 0 218 67.7 In Household 1 59 18.3 2 37 11.5 3 4 1.2 5 1 .3 6 1 .3 8 1 .3 10 1 .3

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Items Frequency Percent Highest Level Of Basic Education School (Year 3 .9 Education Respondent 1-10) Completed Post-Basic Education or 36 11.2 Equivalent (Year 11-12) College/Institution (2 years) 61 18.9 College Graduate (4 years) 156 48.4 Master's Degree 49 15.2 Doctoral Degree 7 2.2 Other 10 3.1 Father Education Illiterate 79 24.5 Basic Education School (Year 81 25.2 1-10) Post-Basic Education or 46 14.3 Equivalent (Year 11-12) College/Institution (2 years) 22 6.8 College Graduate (4 years) 32 9.9 Master's Degree 13 4.0 Doctoral Degree 8 2.5 Other 41 12.7 Mother Education Illiterate 141 43.8 Basic Education School (Year 105 32.6 1-10) Post-Basic Education or 27 8.4 Equivalent (Year 11-12) College/Institution (2 years) 9 2.8 College Graduate (4 years) 11 3.4 Master's Degree 3 .9 Doctoral Degree 1 .3 Other 25 7.8 Number Of Your 0 160 49.7 Household Members Who 1 88 27.3 Are Illiterate 2 46 14.3 3 17 5.3 4 6 1.9 5 3 .9 7 2 .6

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Items Frequency Percent Number Of Household Members 0 79 24.5 Who Had Basic Education 1 57 17.7 School (Year 1-10) 2 74 23 3 46 14.3 4 28 8.7 5 10 3.1 6 12 3.7 7 5 1.6 8 5 1.6 13 1 .3 14 1 .3 15 1 .3 20 1 .3 40 1 .3 50 1 .3 Number Of Household Members 0 105 32.6 Who Had Post-Basic Education 1 99 30.7 Or Equivalent (Year 11-12) 2 55 17.1 3 20 6.2 4 17 5.3 5 9 2.8 6 8 2.5 7 4 1.2 9 1 .3 10 3 .9 30 1 .3 Number Of Household Members 0 182 56.5 Who Finished College/Institution 1 72 22.3 (2 Years) 2 45 14.0 3 15 4.7 4 4 1.2 6 2 .6 7 1 .3 11 1 .3

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Items Frequency Percent Number Of Household Members 0 95 29.5 Who Finished College Graduate (4 1 82 25.5 Years) 2 58 18.0 3 37 11.5 4 27 8.4 5 11 3.4 6 6 1.9 7 3 .9 8 2 .6 10 1 .3 Number Of Household Members 0 260 80.7 Who Finished Master's Degree 1 48 14.9 2 12 3.7 3 2 .6 Number Of Household Members 0 298 92.5 Who Finished Doctoral Degree 1 21 6.5 2 3 .9 Number Of Household Members 0 269 83.5 Who Had Other Type Of 1 22 6.8 Education 2 9 2.8 3 8 2.5 4 5 1.6 5 4 1.2 6 1 .3 7 1 .3 8 2 .6 11 1 .3 Annual Income 2500 or less 64 19.9 2501 - 5000 12 3.7 5001 - 7500 27 8.4 7501 - 10000 16 5.0 10001 - 12500 43 13.4 12501 - 15000 17 5.3 15001 - 17500 9 2.8 17501 - 20000 11 3.4 20001 - 22500 4 1.2 22500 - 27500 4 1.2 27501 - 30000 4 1.2 30001+ 5 1.6 Not applicable 106 32.9

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Items Frequency Percent Spouse’s Annual Income 2500 or less 20 6.2 2501 - 5000 3 .9 5001 - 7500 32 10.2 7501 - 10000 30 9.3 10001 - 12500 43 13.3 12501 - 15000 19 5.9 15001 - 17500 10 3.1 17501 - 20000 9 2.8 20001 - 22500 22 6.9 22500 - 27500 24 7.5 27501 - 30000 1 .3 30001+ 1 .3 Not applicable 107 33.2 Father’s Annual Income 2500 or less 84 26.1 2501 - 5000 32 9.9 5001 - 7500 15 4.7 7501 - 10000 8 2.5 10001 - 12500 21 6.5 12501 - 15000 8 2.5 15001 - 17500 2 .6 17501 - 20000 2 .6 20001 - 22500 2 .6 22500 - 27500 3 .9 27501 - 30000 3 .9 30001+ 10 3.1 Not applicable 132 41.0 Mother’s Annual Income 2500 or less 51 15.8 2501 - 5000 6 1.9 5001 - 7500 4 1.2 7501 - 10000 2 .6 10001 - 12500 1 .3 12501 - 15000 1 .3 15001 - 17500 1 .3 17501 - 20000 1 .3 20001 - 22500 2 .6 Not applicable 253 78.6

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Items Frequency Percent Combined Annual Household 2500 or less 116 36.0 Income 2501 - 5000 24 7.5 5001 - 7500 24 7.5 7501 - 10000 39 12.1 10001 - 12500 34 10.6 12501 - 15000 18 5.6 15001 - 17500 15 4.7 17501 - 20000 13 4.0 20001 - 22500 13 4.0 22500 - 27500 6 1.9 27501 - 30000 6 1.9 30001+ 14 4.3

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Appendix 10: Unrotated Factor Matrix Question 6: Professional career aspirations Factors 1 2 1- Leadership Aspirations I hope to become a leader in my career field. .758 I plan on developing as an expert in my career field. .752 I hope to move up through any organization or business in which I .666 work When I am established in my career, I would like to train others. .660 When I am established in my career, I would like to manage other .639 employees.

2. Educational Aspirations I do not plan to devote energy to getting promoted in the organization .378 .562 or business I am working in. Once I finish the basic level of education needed for a particular job, I .324 .585 see no need to continue in school. Attaining leadership status in my career is not that important to me. .453 .512 I would be satisfied just doing my job in a career in which I am .620 interested. Eigenvalues 3.296 1.479 % of Variance 32.964 14.786 Cumulative % 32.964 47.750 Factors Correlation 1 1.000 2 .159 1.000

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Appendix 11: Unrotated Factor Matrix

Question 9: Family Commitment

Factors 1 2 1- Marital Role Commitment 8-I expect to put a lot of time and effort into building and .712 maintaining a marital relationship.

14-I expect to assume the responsibility for seeing that my .668 home is well-kept and well-run. 2-I expect to devote a significant amount of my time and energy .661 to the rearing of children of my own. 6-I expect to commit whatever time is necessary to making my .651 marriage partner feel loved, supported, and cared for. 15-Devoting a significant amount of my time to managing and -.583 -.393 caring for a home is not something I expect to do. 12-I expect to devote the necessary time and attention to having .535 -.361 a neat and attractive home. 10-I expect to work hard to build a good marriage relationship even if it means limiting my opportunities to pursue other .513 -.362 personal goals. 7-Devoting a significant amount of my time to being with or doing things with a marriage partner is not something I expect .504 .461 to do. 5-I do not expect to be very involved in childrearing .467 .414 3-I expect to be very involved in the day-to-day matters of rearing children of my own. .450 -.309

2. Parental Role Commitment 4-Becoming involved in the day-to-day details of rearing children involves costs in other areas of my life which I am .582 unwilling to make. 9-Really involving myself in a marriage relationship involves .406 .576 costs in other areas of my life which I am unwilling to accept. 1-It is important to me to have some time for myself and my own development rather than have children and be responsible .522 for their care. 11-I expect to leave most of the day-to-day details of running a .321 .379 home to someone else. 13-I expect to be very much involved in caring for a home and -.374 making it attractive. Eigenvalues 3.831 2.356 % of Variance 25.538 15.709 Cumulative % 25.538 41.247 Factors Correlation 1 1.000 2 .120 1.000

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Appendix 12: Unrotated Factor Matrix Question10: Individualism

Factors 1 2 1- Horizontal individualism 1. I'd rather depend on myself than others. .776 3. I often do "my own thing." .746 2. I rely on myself most of the time; I rarely rely on others. .722 4. My personal identity, independent of others, is very important to me. .665 7. Competition is the law of nature. .630 5. 5. It is important that I do my job better than others. .619

2. Vertical individualism 8. When another person does better than I do, I get tense and aroused. .396 .726 6. Winning is everything. .525 .599 Eigenvalues 3.334 1.158 % of Variance 41.674 14.480 Cumulative % 41.674 56.154 Factors Correlation 1 1.000 2 .333 1.000

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Appendix 13: Unrotated Factor Matrix

Question12: Gender ideology

Factors 1 2 1- Belief in gendered separate spheres 1-A woman‘s place is in the home, not in the office or shop. .839 6-It is much better for everyone concerned if the man is the achiever outside the .820 home and the woman takes care of the home and family 8-Women are much happier if they stay at home and take care of their children. .769 2-A wife who carries out her full family responsibilities does not have time for .681 outside employment. 4-The employment of wives leads to more juvenile delinquency. .654 2. Household utility 5-Employment of both parents is necessary to keep up with the high cost of .723 living. 3-A working wife feels more useful than one who does not hold a job. .713 7-Men should share the work around the house with women, such as doing .597 dishes, cleaning, and so forth. Eigenvalues 3.028 1.518 % of Variance 37.850 18.971 Cumulative % 37.850 56.821 Factors Correlation 1 1.000 2 -.122 1.000

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Appendix 14: Unrotated Factor Matrix

Question13: Family influence

Factors 1 2 1- Informational Support 4. My family showed me what was important in choosing a career. .749 8. My family supported me asking career-related questions .730 6. My family provided guidance on which careers would be best for me. .716 3. My family showed me how to be successful in choosing a career. .701 1. My family shared information with me about how to obtain a job. .697 7. My family has given me information about obtaining education/training .691 16. Because my family supports me financially, I can focus on my career .672 development 19. If I were to experience a difficult career situation, my family would .651 support me financially 5. Watching my family work gave me confidence in my career. .648 22. My family expects my career to match our family‘s values/beliefs .642 2. My family discussed career issues with me at an early age. .639 18. If I wanted to get additional education after high school, my family .635 would provide financial support 21. My family explained how our values and beliefs pertain to my career .603 choices 10. My family expects me to make career decisions so that I do not shame .571 them 9. My family expects me to select a career that has a certain status .570 .333 15. My family expects me to contribute financially to my career education .569 and training 20. My family expects that I will consider my religion/spirituality when .503 making career decisions 2. Family Expectation 13. My family expects people from our culture to choose certain careers. .424 .586 11. My family is only willing to support me financially if I choose a career of .419 .558 which they approve 12. My family expects that my choice of occupation will reflect their wishes. .337 .545 17. My family has not been able to financially support my career decisions .482 14. My family‘s career expectations for me are based on my gender. .374 .444 Eigenvalues 7.788 2.043 % of Variance 35.400 9.288 Cumulative % 35.400 44.688 Factors Correlation 1 1.000 2 .291 1.000

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Appendix 15: Regression results

Pearson correlation

Age

Mean status

Sector

gender

Family Family Family

Gender Gender

Income

Location Ideology

influence

Language

Maximize

role in the in role

Aspirations

Dependents

employment employment organization

commitment commitment

Collectivism

Occupational Occupational

marital status marital

Individualism Std. Deviation Std.

Gender 1.56 .498 Age 2.33 1.289 .342**

Marital ** -.639- 1.59 .511 -.314- ** Status Language 1.39 1.527 -.093- -.027- .024 Location 4.47 3.404 .034 -.002- .002 -.191-**

Employment ** -.557- ** 1.96 1.378 -.305- ** .457 .045 .030 Status

Role In The ** -.522- ** * ** 4.95 1.833 -.255- ** .408 .068 .113 .559 Organization

** -.434- ** -.164- ** ** 1.53 .632 -.183- ** .373 .100 ** .377 .258 Sector

1.9474 * ** ** 4.6578 .030 -.112- .184 .155 .009 .108 .038 .087 Dependents 8 Aspirations 4.1460 .59311 -.063- -.060- -.055- .018 -.106- .043 -.073- .031 .061 Maximize 4.0795 .58487 -.024- -.019- -.020- .000 .057 -.023- .030 -.063- -.012- .410**

Occupational * * ** ** 4.0646 .63525 .004 -.041- .017 .021 .020 .111 .009 -.003- .115 .493 .480 Commitment

Family ** ** ** 3.6518 .45188 -.084- .035 -.036- -.003- .060 -.103- -.003- -.087- -.037- .216 .319 .266 Commitment

** -.252- ** ** ** ** * ** ** ** * 3.8698 .63177 -.235- ** .186 .049 -.018- .225 .188 .158 .141 .298 .358 .389 .138 Individualism Collectivism 4.1320 .65021 -.075- -.082- .058 .055 .086 .124* .090 -.011- .069 .286** .408** .436** .492** .456**

Gender ** * ** ** 3.1594 .59493 .203 .070 -.100- .046 .115 -.085- -.024- -.041- .096 -.090- -.031- .031 .054 .233 .284 Ideology

Family ** -.261- ** ** ** * * ** ** * ** ** ** 3.4647 .59717 -.270- ** .171 .109 .063 .234 .248 .116 .059 .135 .242 .273 .127 .403 .373 .216 Influence Income 7.3115 2.37 -.011- .103 -.039- .041 -.054- .031 .028 -.019- -.004- .028 .033 -.029- -.005- -.039- -.039- .045 -.004- Education 3.18 1.32 -.038- .066 .020 -.048- .043 .008 .002 -.055- .002 .107 .084 .119* .097 .088 .038 .094 .127* .126* Note : N=322, **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level, *. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level

Model Summaryb

R Adjusted R Std. Error of the Change Statistics Model R Square Square Estimate R Square Change F Change df1 df2 Sig. F Change

1 .594a .353 .315 .49096 .353 9.192 18 303 .000 dimension0

a. Predictors: (Constant), Sector, Occupational commitment, Income, Gender Ideology, Language, Education, Dependents, role in the organization, Family commitment, Location, gender, Family influence, Maximize, marital status, Individualism, employment status, Collectivism, Age b. Dependent Variable: Aspirations

ANOVAb Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig. 1 Regression 39.883 18 2.216 9.192 .000a Residual 73.037 303 .241 Total 112.920 321

a. Predictors: (Constant), Sector, Occupational commitment, Income, Gender Ideology, Language, Education, Dependents, role in the organization, Family commitment, Where are you located?, gender, Family influence, Maximize, marital status, Individualism, employment status, Collectivism, Age b. Dependent Variable: Aspirations

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Coefficientsa Unstandardized Standardized Correlations Coefficients Coefficients Model t Sig. Zero- B Std. Error Beta Partial Part order (Constant) 2.432 .411 5.920 .000 Dependents .012 .015 .038 .783 .434 .061 .045 .036 Maximize .182 .059 .179 3.094 .002 .410 .175 .143 Occupational commitment .306 .054 .328 5.635 .000 .493 .308 .260 Family commitment .052 .074 .040 .708 .480 .216 .041 .033 Individualism .102 .057 .108 1.795 .074 .298 .103 .083

Collectivism .058 .060 .063 .958 .339 .286 .055 .044 Gender Ideology -.132- .054 -.133- -2.429- .016 -.090- -.138- -.112- Family influence -.041- .056 -.041- -.736- .463 .135 -.042- -.034- Income .011 .012 .045 .941 .348 .028 .054 .043

Education .030 .022 .068 1.408 .160 .107 .081 .065 gender -.030- .065 -.026- -.466- .641 -.063- -.027- -.022- Age -.076- .033 -.165- -2.326- .021 -.060- -.132- -.107- marital status -.198- .073 -.171- -2.710- .007 -.055- -.154- -.125- Language -.003- .019 -.007- -.144- .886 .018 -.008- -.007- Location -.016- .009 -.093- -1.888- .060 -.106- -.108- -.087-

employment status .008 .028 .019 .300 .764 .043 .017 .014 role in the organization -.043- .020 -.133- -2.211- .028 -.073- -.126- -.102- Sector .029 .051 .031 .570 .569 .031 .033 .026 a. Dependent Variable: Aspirations

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Appendix 16: Analysis for moderation (N=322), Dependent Variable: Aspirations

A. Predictors: (Constant), gender, Maximize, Maximize x Gender

predictor Standardized Coefficientsβ The main effect Maximize .409 gender -.053- ΔR2 .171 ΔF 32.924 Moderation Maximize x Gender .111 ΔR2 .012 ΔF 4.027

B. Predictors: (Constant), Family influence, Maximize, Maximize x Family influence

predictor Standardized Coefficients β The main effect Maximize .401 Family influence .038 ΔR2 .170 ΔF 32.598 Moderation Maximize x Family influence .315 ΔR2 .099 ΔF 35.352

C. Predictors: (Constant), Age, Maximize, Maximize x Age

predictor Standardized Coefficients β The main effect Maximize .409 Age -.052- ΔR2 .171 ΔF 32.913 Moderation Maximize x Age .039 ΔR2 .001 ΔF .477

D. Predictors: (Constant), Sector, Maximize, Maximize x Sector

predictor Standardized Coefficients β The main effect Maximize .414 Sector .057 ΔR2 .172 ΔF 33.025 Moderation Maximize x Sector .178 ΔR2 .032 ΔF 10.436

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