The Gypsies and Travellers of Britain

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The Gypsies and Travellers of Britain This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: • This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. • A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. • This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. • The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. • When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. 'INVISIBLE LIVES': THE GYPSIES AND TRAVELLERS OF BRITAIN COLIN ROBERT CLARK Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Faculty of Social Sciences University of Edinburgh Word Count: 98,780 February 2001 (Revised October 2001) 2 ABSTRACT This thesis examines the lives and experiences of relatively 'unknown' minority ethnic communities in Britain. As a group, they have been known by many names since their arrival in the 15th Century, although the most common one - and the one that has stuck - has been 'Gypsies'. This label, as the thesis demonstrates, is both historically and etymologically inaccurate, as well as being offensive to some of the people who are called a 'Gypsy. Despite this, it is still the main label that features in the commentaries and literature that discuss this population. It is the aim of this thesis to get behind the headlines and sensationalism that surrounds 'Gypsy invasions', 'Gypsy scams' and 'Gypsy curses'. I aim to give a more factual and critical sociological and social policy account of who those persons known as 'Gypsies' are and how 'settled' Britain regards them This account produces five distinct parts to the thesis: Part 1 offers a critical overview of the context for the study and outlines the theoretical, conceptual and methodological approach that is taken during the course of the thesis (especially in relation to questions of ethnicity, ethnic identity, nomadism and the history of Gypsy stereotypes). This analysis is done by reviewing how Gypsies and other Travellers have been regarded in terms of 'race relations' and how they have been rendered, I argue, 'invisible' by the ethnic and racial studies academic community as well as by policy-makers. Part 2 provides a comprehensive account of who the main groups of Gypsies and Travellers are in Britain today. As is shown, they are not just one homogeneous group but several different groups who each have their own languages, lifestyles, cultures and ways of expressing their unique identities. To be sure, it is unhelpful and lazy to merely lump them together and speak of 'one' British Gypsy/Traveller population. Part 3 is specifically concerned with looking at how Gypsies and Travellers in England have been dealt with in terms of social! public policy and state services. The two main areas of investigation are sites (accommodation) and social security. However, these are not examined in isolation from the other social services as health, education and relationships with the Police are also critically assessed. Part 4 broadens the questions and issues out by taking into consideration the European context. Increasingly, what happens at a European Union (EU) level regarding Gypsies and Travellers has a direct bearing on how Britain chooses to view and treat Gypsies and Travellers. I examine the social, legal and 'racial' context of Europe and the main institutions in the EU and their stance on Gypsies and 'nomad populations'. I briefly offer a critical view on why it is that the EU only appears to be interested in Gypsies when discussing education issues. Part 5 is a general conclusion to the thesis and offers some final thoughts on the future for Gypsies and Travellers in Britain. It examines recent moves to try and steady the shah.-y legal ground that most Gypsies and Travellers currently occupy. This is most notably occuring through a revival of Romani lobbying and moves to bring about legal change. This section also summarises the main theoretical and policy implications of the thesis as a whole. The picture that emerges from the research is of a variety of Gypsy and Traveller families in Britain who are misunderstood, unheard and subject to a type of discrimination and prejudice that could be termed, specifically, 'anti-Gypsyism'. Such guq~ (non-Gypsies) who are largely part of this problem include those who work for local authorities, district councils, social security offices, health and education authorities, police forces, national/local newspapers and other such institutions and service providers. The 'problem', we shall see, is not so much Gypsies and Travellers themselves; it is the discrimination they face from settled society that is the real problem Though only a small ethnic/ nomadic minority group, and despite a degree of legal protection from the Race Relations Act of 1976, it is found that many barriers and hurdles are faced by groups known or perceived as 'Gypsies' and 'Travellers' when they attempt to gain access to the kinds of goods and services to which the majority of the settled guqo population take for granted. In this sense, I argue that they constitute one of the least 'visible' and understood ethnic minority groupings in Britain today. 3 CONTENTS Abstract 2 Contents 3 Acknowledgements 6 Author's Declaration 9 Opre Ramal (Arise Gypsies!) 10 A Personal Preface 11 PART ONE: A GENERAL INTRODUCTION 17 Chapter 1: An Introduction to the Study and Methods 18 Chapter 2: Gypsies, Travellers and 'Race Relations ': 64 Stereotypes, History, Theory and Practice PART TWO: THE DIFFERENT GYPSY/TRAVELLER 107 GROUPS IN BRITAIN Chapter 3: Overview: The Gypsies and Travellers ofBritain 108 Chapter 4: Gypsies and Travellers in Wales 145 Chapter 5: Gypsies and Travellers in Scotland 160 Chapter 6: N'ew (Age) Travellers in Britain 184 4 PART THREE: SOCIAL POLICY AND GYPSIES/ 213 TRAVELLERS IN ENGLAND: THE EXAMPLES OF SITES, SOCIAL SECURITY AND OTHER SOCIAL SERVICES Chapter 7: The Struggle for Caravan Sites 215 Chapter 8: Private Sites 267 Chapter 9: Social Security 292 Chapter 10: Discrimination, Health and Education 324 PART FOUR: ON THE EUROPEAN STAGE 353 Chapter 11: Civil Rights and European Action 354 PART FIVE: THE ROAD AHEAD? 383 Chapter 12: Conclusion 384 5 APPENDIXES Appendix 1 Addresses of organisations consulted in the course of this research and related websites. 394 Appendix 2 Glossary of Terms 397 Appendix 3 Chronology: key dates during the latter 399 half of the Twentieth Century Appendix 4 Resolutions by European Bodies 401 Appendix 5 Travellers, Gypsies and the Media: a good 405 practice guide from the Commission for Racial Equality (in association with Cardiff Law School I Traveller Law Reform Unit, 1999) Appendix 6 Some examples of the Gypsy and Traveller 407 languages of Britain Appendix 7 Guidance Notes for Travellers in Essex 410 Issued by Essex County Council, 2000 BIBLIOGRAPHY 412 6 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I want to thank a number of people who have helped me to finally get this dissertation together. My best wishes and thanks go to Donald Kenrick, Rachel Morris and Michelle Lloyd for their helpful input and critical comments on earlier versions of this thesis. Michelle was particularly helpful in commenting on the Scottish material and Rachel on the chapter on Wales. Donald helped with everything. I also thank Alan Dearling for his helpful comments on the chapter on New Travellers. Thanks are also due to The Levellers for kind permission to reproduce the lyrics for their song 'Battle of the Beanfield' also contained within that chapter. I could not have written about that bloody encounter without reference to those powerful lyrics. Thanks to them, Phil Nelson and their n1anagement/record con1pany for that. I would also like to acknowledge the help, support and fruitful discussions I have had over the years with people such as Charlie Smith, Peter Mercer MBE, Sylvia Dunn, Bubbles Brazil, William Nicholson, Len Smith, Ken Lee, Ian Hancock, William Reid, Sinead ni Shuinear, Brian Raywid, Sarah Cemlyn, David Altheer, Martin Kovats, Claude Cahn, Angus Murdoch, 'One-armed' Pete, 'Maggot', Kelly, 'Fleck', Kevin Hetherington, Greg Martin, Angus Fraser, Mike Titterton, Peter Phillimore, Penny Ballinger, Sandra Clay, Will Guy, Paul Iganski, Arthur Ivatts, Betty Jordan, Steve Staines, Jim Spiller and, especially, Thomas Acton. All have contributed in some way to what this thesis is all about. A special thanks is due to Judith Okely; my friend, mentor, hero and an 'intellectual giant' I an1 in some awe of. I also extend my humble 7 gratitude to all members of the e-mail discussion lists Romnet (now defunct), The Patrin and Traveller-Net for their contributions and all I have learned from them. My main academic thank-you goes to Mike Adler who stuck with me during my time at Edinburgh (and away from Edinburgh) and also to Adrian Sinfield for coming back to me after Judith Okely left for pastures new at Hull. Their patience, encouragement and support saw me to the end. I also acknowledge the support of Dan Murphy and the DSS research branch (ASD5) who funded me for three years. This initial money was invaluable in getting me started. Likewise, the help I've had from colleagues in the Department of Social Policy at Edinburgh, the Department of Social Policy and Social Work at Glasgow University and the Department of Sociology and Social Policy at the University of Newcastle upon Tyne, where I now work, has been essential. Invaluable discussions with certain individuals in all three departments helped me see a future without an uncompleted Ph.D.
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