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The Nabi Musa Festival Under British-Ruled Palestine

Awad Halabi Wright State University - Main Campus, [email protected]

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Repository Citation Halabi, A. (2002). The Nabi Musa Festival Under British-Ruled Palestine. ISIM Newsletter, 10, 27. https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/history/30

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I S I M NEWSLETTER 1 0 / 0 2 Historical Approaches 27

P a l e s t i n e AWAD EDDIE HALABI The Nabi Musa Festival

Palestinian national identity arose during the period of British rule (1917–1948). The Nabi Musa ( ) festival – mawsim al-Nabi Musa – provides us with an example of how a religious ritual celebrated under British-Ruled within a colonial context shaped nationalist ideas. Rit- uals, such as festivals and serve as arenas for the interaction of various social groups, each of which possesses its own agendas and discourses on questions of order in society. In British-ruled Pales- P a l e s t i n e tine, powerful social groups such as the Palestinian political leaders and the British colonial authorities used the Nabi Musa festival to promote a conservative tine Arab Congress, issued a year after the version of Palestinian nationalism, one which re- 1920 riots and printed on the front pages of mained anti-Zionist but which avoided expressing many newspapers. In this message, popular discontent regarding British occupation. entitled 'A Message to the People of Noble Palestine', Al-Husayni wished a During the period of Ottoman rule, the Nabi joyous celebration in the upcoming holi- Musa festival emerged as the largest Islamic days (i.e. Nabi Musa and ), but urged festival in the region, consisting of a one- that these be conducted peacefully, claim- week celebration and to Moses' ing that, 'the government of Great Britain tomb located seven kilometres southwest […] will not fail the trust of the people be- of , culminating in a gathering at the cause what the people want is what God on the Friday preceding the Greek w a n t s . '7 Incorporating the British into Islam- Orthodox Easter weekend. ic religious discourse became a powerful Muslim, Arab, and The festival evolved into an active and method to deflect widespread, public re- British dignitaries productive element in the formation of Arab sentment against British rule. watching the Nabi élite and British colonial versions of Pales- Musa procession tinian nationalism. This was due to the syn- Popular responses in 1933. chronic relationship which members of Nevertheless, less-powerful groups, such Palestine's Arab élite families forged with PHOTO: SARAH GRAHAM-BROWN, PALESTINIANS AND THEIR SOCIETY 1880–1946 (LONDON: QUARTET BOOKS, 1980) as the Muslim pilgrims, at times rejected the British rulers. The high-ranking posts first British High Commissioner to Palestine, one of the most visible examples of British and at other times reinterpreted these mes- these Arab élites acquired in the colonial ad- Herbert Samuel (1921–1925), even par- participation in the festival. An argument sages, transforming the festival into an ministration, or the status the British grant- doned Al- Amin for his involvement in for the necessity of a British band at Nabi arena of alternate discourses on the ques- ed them as officially recognized political the riots. Al-Hajj Amin promised to cooper- Musa festivities was earnestly put forward tion of Palestinian nationalism and British leaders, ensured that this close familial rela- ate faithfully with British officials, explicitly by Herbert Samuel in May 1921, arguing colonialism. Folk songs sung at the festival tionship would strengthen colonial rule. assuring them that the violence of the 1920 that a British-sponsored band in the festival became the most vocal and unequivocal ex- British participation in the festival evolved Nabi Musa festivities would not be repeat- could raise Britain's prestige: pressions of this group's own ideas and so- beyond the formal, official role as state ob- e d .2 As the leading religious figure in Pales- The according of a Band for the occasion cial agendas. During the 1920 riots, authori- servers of a civilian, religious ceremony and tine, Al-Hajj Amin was responsible for orga- constitutes no precedent for there is no ties noted that pilgrims modified the music acquired an obliquely religious character, as nizing the festival and leading the cere- other religious festival in Palestine of a British-regiment band accompanying rightful participants in the ceremonies. monies, becoming an important player in at- comparable with it. […] The Moslem the procession by inserting their own lyrics At the 1918 festival, the first to be cele- tempting to erase conflict between the Arab population expects that the British of 'Long Live King Faysal' and 'Down with brated under British rule, on the first Friday Muslim community and the British colonial government whose respect for the Every Nation which Helps the Jews'.8 S i m i- of the festival, known as the Friday of the rulers. A report on the political situation in Religious Customs and Ceremonies of larly, the worshippers from Nablus replaced Banners (j u mcat al-acl a m), the British gover- Palestine for April 1922 expounds on the im- their Moslem subjects in other parts of the their traditional, religious songs celebrating nor of greeted the shaykhs of the portance of his role: British Empire is so well known, shall the Prophet Moses and their pilgrimage to villages surrounding Jerusalem at the Gov- [The] advice given prior to the Nebi Musa adopt a not less favourable attitude his shrine with boasts of their steadfastness ernment House (the main British adminis- celebration by the president [Al-Hajj towards the Moslems of Palestine than against British colonialism: 'We are the chil- trative building). The shaykhs presented Amin] of the [Supreme Muslim] council the latter enjoyed under the late Turkish dren of Jabal al-Nar (Nablus)/ We are a thorn him with the banners of the Prophet, two contributed not a little to preventing r e g i m e . in the throat of the occupation.'9 These mes- banners of Nabi Da'ud (Prophet David), and disturbances; and the obviously sincere He concluded by pleading that '[t]he mat- sages contradicted the conciliatory tone of two of Al-Haram al-Sharif. In this segment of spirit in which the president lent his ter is of greater importance than may at first the discourses presented by Arab élites and the Moses ceremonies, the new, British gov- cooperation is in itself a sign that the sight appear.'5 From Samuel's words, the British authorities at the festival. ernor of the city, by officially receiving the establishment of the council has been Nabi Musa festival allowed the British rulers banners, assumed the duties of his former a means of improving the relationship to present themselves as guardians of Islam- Ottoman counterpart. Even though this cer- between the government and ic identity in Palestine, by invoking the for- N o t e s emony involved a religious component, in representative Moslem opinion.3 mer Ottoman Muslim rulers as models to be 1 . FO 371/339/92045, 'The Nebi Musa Pilgrimage', the form of the shaykh leading this delega- replicated. The British employed this image from Chief Political Officer, Egyptian Expeditionary tion reciting a prayer over the banners, the Promoting British rule to undermine criticism of their contentious Force, to Foreign Office, 2 May 1918, 2. British governor was nevertheless eager to A further example of how the Arab élite support for Zionism. 2 . Philip Mattar, The Mufti of Jerusalem: Al-Hajj Amin participate, by saluting the banners after employed the festival to promote British Palestine's Arab political and religious al-Husayni and the Palestinian National Movement the prayers.1 policy manifested in an invitation which the leadership was willing to collude with the (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 26. The festival took on greater political im- mayor of Jerusalem, Raghib Bek al-Nasha- British aspirations to be involved with the 3 . CO/733/20/24595, 'Report on the Political portance after Muslim pilgrims rioted during shibi, extended to the British governor of Nabi Musa ceremonies. One British official Situation in Palestine during the Month of April the celebrations in April 1920. Four Jerusalem, to other Arab notables, and to alluded to the importance of this alliance at 1922', 10 May 1922, 2. and five Jews were killed; 251 and leaders of all religious denominations, call- the festival as follows: 4 . F i l a s t i n, 26 April 1921, 2. Jews were wounded. These riots confirmed ing for their attendance at a pavilion erected [I]t is usual at this season, when feasts 5 . CO 733/2/24586, Letter from High Commissioner the British notion of 'Islamic extremism', in just outside the , which pilgrims cus- important to all three communities take for Palestine, Herbert Samuel, to Winston which Islamic rhetoric, themes, and rituals tomarily passed as they marched to the place [i.e., Passover, Easter, Nabi Musa] Churchill, Secretary of State for the Colonies, could be used to mobilize an anti-colonial shrine. The newspaper F i l a s t i n reported that that there should be in the minds of many 3 0 April 1921, 3. resistance, a fear prevalent throughout these invitations were printed in all three of- a feeling of nervousness. Rumours of 6 . CO 733/20/19426, 'Political Report for March 1922', Britain's colonial rule over Muslim popula- ficial languages: Arabic, English, and He- impending trouble are discussed, and, from High Commissioner for Palestine, Herbert tions. The British authorities stressed that b r e w .4 Even though the Arabs of Palestine among the general public of Jerusalem, Samuel, 10 April 1922, 1. Arab political leaders had to prevent any fur- were troubled by the British adopting He- there is a good deal of anxiety. Among 7 . Bait al-Maqdas, 18 April 1921, 1. ther violence from erupting at the festival. brew as an official language, regarding it as the Arab notables, however, there is both 8. FO 371/5118/E3928, Letter from Col. Meinetrzhagen, That is most likely why in 1921 the British ap- an encroachment on their identity, a promi- a hope that no outbreak may occur and General Head Quarters, Egyptian Expeditionary pointed Al-Hajj Amin al-Husayni as mufti of nent and politically influential member of a a desire to prevent it.6 Force to Colonial Office, 14 April 1920, 2. Jerusalem, bestowing upon him the new notable Arab family was able to use the Nabi An important element in how the Arab 9 . Kamil Jamil al-cA s a l i, Mawsim al-Nabi Musa fi and esteemed title of mufti al-akbar ( G r a n d Musa festival to defuse this language issue in élite incorporated British participation in Filastin: Ta'rikh al-Mawsim wa'l- ( A m m a n : Mufti). In 1922 they secured his election as particular, and the question of British sup- the festival was by evoking the festival's Is- University of , 1990), 192. the president of the Supreme Muslim Coun- port for Zionism in general, by recognizing lamic nature, which, in effect, artfully sancti- cil (al-Majlis al-Islami al-Acl a), the most im- the official status of Hebrew at this popular fied Britain's role in Palestine's Islamic, reli- portant Islamic body in Palestine. So eager Islamic celebration. gious culture. This approach appears in an Awad Eddie Halabi is a Ph.D. candidate at the were the British to appoint a member of a But the inclusion of a British military band appeal by Musa Kazim al-Husayni, a relative University of Toronto, Canada. leading Arab family to the post of mufti, the (with pipes and brass instruments) became of Al-Hajj Amin and president of the Pales- E-mail: [email protected]