Zimbabwe News, Vol. 25, No. 5
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
Participation, Citizen Journalism and the Contestations of Identity and National Symbols: a Case of Zimbabwe's Natio
Participation, citizen journalism and the contestations of identity and national symbols: A case of Zimbabwe’s national heroes and the Heroes’ Acre Shepherd Mpofu Department of Communication University of Johannesburg [email protected]@uj.ac.za/ [email protected] Abstract This article constitutes an examination on how citizen journalism has challenged Robert Mugabe’s authoritarian regime on issues pertaining to national heroes and usages of the Heroes Acre as central national identity markers. Under Mugabe’s ZANU‐PF, Zimbabwe has seen the public being limited from directly participating in salient national debates. ZANU‐PF’s control of the official public sphere has also constrained alternative views from ventilating the government‐controlled communicative spaces. The party’s narrative on heroes, the Heroes Acre and national identity has gained a taken‐for‐granted status in the public media. This has obtained against the backdrop of what has become known as the Zimbabwe crises, characterised by a declining economy, a constricted political space, a breakdown in the rule of law, and the subsequent flight of a number of Zimbabweans into the diaspora. The accompanying wave of technological advancements and the mushrooming of mostly diaspora‐based online media have opened up new vistas of communication, enabling a hitherto ‘silenced’ community of ordinary people to participate in national conversations. The conclusion reached here, is that citizen journalism has not only enhanced the culture of conversation among people (as espoused under democratic conditions) but has also covered up the democratic deficit experienced in the public sphere, mediated by traditional media, parliament and pavement radio. -
The Mortal Remains: Succession and the Zanu Pf Body Politic
THE MORTAL REMAINS: SUCCESSION AND THE ZANU PF BODY POLITIC Report produced for the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum by the Research and Advocacy Unit [RAU] 14th July, 2014 1 CONTENTS Page No. Foreword 3 Succession and the Constitution 5 The New Constitution 5 The genealogy of the provisions 6 The presently effective law 7 Problems with the provisions 8 The ZANU PF Party Constitution 10 The Structure of ZANU PF 10 Elected Bodies 10 Administrative and Coordinating Bodies 13 Consultative For a 16 ZANU PF Succession Process in Practice 23 The Fault Lines 23 The Military Factor 24 Early Manoeuvring 25 The Tsholotsho Saga 26 The Dissolution of the DCCs 29 The Power of the Politburo 29 The Powers of the President 30 The Congress of 2009 32 The Provincial Executive Committee Elections of 2013 34 Conclusions 45 Annexures Annexure A: Provincial Co-ordinating Committee 47 Annexure B : History of the ZANU PF Presidium 51 2 Foreword* The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF, increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU). If ZANU PF is to select the nominee to replace Robert Mugabe, as the state constitution presently requires, several problems need to be considered. The ZANU PF nominee ought to be selected in terms of the ZANU PF constitution. -
A Biographical Study of Bishop Ralph Edward Dodge 1907 – 2008
ABSTRACT Toward a New Church in a New Africa: A Biographical Study of Bishop Ralph Edward Dodge 1907 – 2008 This biography of a Methodist Bishop, Ralph Edward Dodge is an extensive look into how, as a missionary, mission board executive, and bishop, Dodge applied principles of indigenization he embraced as a young man preparing for missionary work to the complexities of ministry in Southern Africa when empires were withdrawing and new nations were forming. Written by an African, the dissertation examines Dodge’s impact upon the several countries in which he was involved as a churchman ‒ countries that would soon move from imperial subjugation to independence. Ralph Edward Dodge (1907–2008) was an American missionary and Bishop of the Methodist Church and United Methodist Church. He was born in Iowa and went to Africa in 1936 at age 29. He began his missionary career in the Portuguese colony of Angola. Except for four years during World War II, he would serve there until 1950. During the war, he continued his postgraduate work, obtaining two more degrees, including a PhD. Afterwards, Dodge and his family returned to Africa. In 1950, he was asked to serve as Executive Secretary for Africa and Europe at the Methodist Church’s Board of Missions in New York. Six years later, the Reverend Doctor Dodge would return to Africa as Bishop Dodge, the first Methodist Bishop elected by the Africa Central Conference, and the only American. His Episcopal Area included the colonial territories of Angola, Mozambique, and Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe). When his twelve-year term was ended, he was elected “Bishop for Life.” Bishop Dodge remained in Africa until his “retirement” in 1968. -
Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(S), 1957-1965
Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(s), 1957-1965 Joshua Pritchard This thesis interrogates traditional understandings of race within Zimbabwean nationalism. It explores the interactions between socio-cultural identities and belonging in black African nationalist thinking and politics, and focuses on the formative decade between the emergence of mass African nationalist political parties in 1957 and the widespread adoption of an anti- white violent struggle in 1966. It reassesses the place of non-black individuals within African anti-settler movements. Using the chronological narrative provided by the experiences of marginal non-black supporters (including white, Asian, coloured, and Indian individuals), it argues that anti-colonial nationalist organisations during the pre-Liberation War period were heavily influenced by the competing racial theories and politics espoused by their elite leadership. It further argues that the imagined future Zimbabwean nations had a fluid and reflexive positioning of citizens based on racial identities that changed continuously. Finally, this thesis examines the construction of racial identities through the discourse used by black Zimbabweans and non-black migrants and citizens, and the relationships between these groups, to contend that race was an inexorable factor in determining belonging. Drawing upon archival sources created by non-black 'radical' participants and Zimbabwean nationalists, and oral interviews conducted during fieldwork in South Africa and Zimbabwe in 2015, the research is a revisionist approach to existing academic literature on Zimbabwean nationalism: in the words of Terence Ranger, it is not a nationalist history but a history of nationalism. It situates itself within multiple bodies of study, including conceptual nationalist and racial theory, the histories of marginal groups within African nationalist movements, and studies of citizenship and belonging. -
Rethinking Chimurenga and Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: a Critique of Partisan National History Sabelo J
Rethinking Chimurenga and Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: A Critique of Partisan National History Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni Abstract: This article examines how the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) sought to inscribe a nationalist monologic history in Zimbabwe in order prop up its claim to be the progenitor and guardian of the postcolonial nation. Since its formation in 1963, it has worked tirelessly to claim to be the only authentic force with a sacred historic mission to deliver the colonized people from settler colonial rule. To achieve this objective, ZANU-PF has deployed the ideol- ogy of chimurenga in combination with the strategy of gukurahundi as well as a poli- tics of memorialization to install a particular nationalist historical monologue of the nation. After attaining power in 1980, it proceeded to claim ownership of the birth of the nation. While the ideology of chimurenga situates the birth of the nation within a series of nationalist revolutions dating back to the primary resistance of the 1890s, the strategy of gukurahundi entails violent and physical elimination of enemies and opponents. But this hegemonic drive has always encountered an array of problems, including lack of internal unity in ZANU-PF itself, counternarra- tives deriving from political formations like the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU); labor movements; and critical voices from the Matebeleland region, which fell victim to gukurahundi strategy in the 1980s. With the formation of the Move- ment for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999, which soon deployed democracy and human rights discourse to critique the ideology of chimurenga and the strategy of gukurahundi, ZANU-PF hegemony became extremely shaky and it eventually agreed to share power with the MDC in February 2009. -
Peasants and Nationalism in the Development of Land Ownership Structure in Zimbabwe from Pre-Colonialism to the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) Period
LAND TO THE PEOPLE: Peasants and nationalism in the development of land ownership structure in Zimbabwe from pre-colonialism to the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) period. Bridget M. Mupfuvi Salford Business School University of Salford, Greater Manchester United Kingdom Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, March 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ......................................................................................................... 2 CHAPTER ONE ..................................................................................................................... 10 THE PROBLEM AND ITS SETTING: INTRODUCING THE STUDY ......................... 10 1.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 10 1.2 Key Research Questions ................................................................................................. 16 1.3 Significance of the study ................................................................................................ 19 1.4 Historical Significance of the Study ............................................................................... 20 1.6 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 25 1.7 Chapter Outline .............................................................................................................. 26 CHAPTER TWO ................................................................................................................... -
Restrictive Measures and Zimbabwe: Political Implications, Economic Impact and a Way Forward
Restrictive Measures and Zimbabwe: Political Implications, Economic Impact and a Way Forward Primary Researchers: Bryan M. Sims Sydney Masamvu Secondary Researcher: Havi Mirell Contents Executive Summary…………………………………………………………………………………….……2 Research Question…………………………………………………………………………………………..3 Background…………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Definitions of Sanctions and Restrictive Measures……………………………………………………....5 Zimbabwe Restrictive Measures……………………………………………………………………………5 The 2000, 2002 and 2005 Elections and the International Response………………………………….7 The 2008 Elections……………………………………………………………………………………..……8 The Government of National Unity…………………………………………………………………………9 Targeted Restricted Measures Eight Years On………………………………………………………….10 The Impact of Restrictive Measures………………………………………………………………………11 Effects of Restrictive Measures on the Zimbabwean Economy…………..…………………………...16 Direct and Indirect Impact of Restrictive Measures on Zimbabweans………………………………..21 Opportunity Costs of Restrictive Measures………………………………………………………………22 The Role of the Region and International Community………………………………………………….23 The Commonwealth………………………………………………………………………………24 South Africa and the Region……………………………………………………………………..24 Moving Forward and Possible Consequences…………………………………………………………..27 Option 1: Maintain the Status Quo…..………………………………………………………….28 Option 2: An Unconditional Removal of Restrictive Measures ……………………………...28 Option 3: The Calibrated Removal of Restrictive Measures……………………..…………..29 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………...………………………34 -
Rhodesia to Zimbabwe a Chronology 1830 to 1976
Rhodesia To Zimbabwe A Chronology 1830 to 1976 by George M. Houser THE AFRICA FUND (Associated with The American Committee on Africa) 305 E. 46th St. * New York, N.Y. 10017 9 Telephone (212) 838-5030 16-~ 16 0N55 7 MASHONALAND NORTH ~ lae KaS / Namibia ~oo 10 T . .. .0 , o ledell ELsv' MASHONALAND OUTH * MILANDS O~on MATABELELANDNORTH *Redd:LU ANClANU.-*-Kt BOTSWANAFotVcri Rs~o~oyo*/ ~For, V'cto,, '..2 Shobon, LKele 1 VICTORI MATABELELAND SOUTH > MOZAMBIQUE SOUTH AFRICA 28 3 Note Provrnces -.- hove no posthon n requlor strvctvre of governmnft Zimbabwe FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE A conflict of major proportions is now coming to a head in southern Africa, as Africans struggling for a free Zimbabwe confront a white minority government whose sole aim is to protect the political power and economic privilege of the tiny Rhodesian settler population. The white minority numbers less than 280,000 in a population of over 6 million, but it is a minority determined to maintain its power and privilege as long as possible. History, for the white minority, begins with the aggressive expansionism of Cecil Rhodes. His central role in the work of British colonial occupation at the end of the 19th century is reflected in the naming of both Northern Rhodesia (now independent Zambia) and Southern Rhodesia in his honor. The attitude of most white settlers toward African history prior to white occupation is accurately summed up by the white Rhodesian who told a New York Times reporter: "The African has no past, very little present without white or yellow help, and no future of his own." Rhodesian settlers use this argument to justify the history of white minority rule, to explain the present repression of Africans and to project continued white rule into the future. -
Competing Nationalist Narratives and the Zimbabwe African People’S Union, 1961-1980
“Yesterday it was One Man One Vote, Today it is One Man One Gun:” Competing Nationalist Narratives and the Zimbabwe African People’s Union, 1961-1980 by Nicholas Baker Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia June 2018 © Copyright by Nicholas Baker, 2018 Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….iii Acknowledgments…………………………………………………………………………….iv Chapter One: Introduction…………………………………………………………………....1 African Nationalism and Resistance in Zimbabwe……………………………………3 The Historiography of ZANU and ZAPU in Zimbabwe……………………………..10 Project Parameters and Methodology………………………………………………..14 Chapter Two: The Initial Stages of African Nationalism in Southern Rhodesia…………...20 Population Change and Government Responses……………………………………..22 Resuscitating the ANC and the Creation of the CYL………………………………..27 Laying the Foundations of ZAPU……………………………………………………36 State in Emergency: The End of the SRANC and the Start of the NDP……………..52 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………58 Chapter Three: ZAPU’s Early Years and the African Nationalist Fracture………………..61 Joining the Party: The Brief Legal Existence of ZAPU……………………………..62 The ZANU-ZAPU Split……………………………………………………………...77 The Impact of the Split on ZAPU……………………………………………………96 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….104 Chapter Four: ZAPU in the Struggle: Confronting the Regime and Internal Dissent….....107 Building a Military………………………………………………………………….109 Confronting UDI……………………………………………………………………123 The ZAPU-ANC -
Bulletin Produced at St
acos ASSOCIAnON OF CONCERNED AFRICA SCHOLARS BULLETin Produced at st. Augustine's College, Raleigh, Ne 27610-2298 Spring 1990 Nuaber 30 SPECIAL ISSUE: ZIMBABWE - TEN YEARS AFTER INDEPENDENCE TABLB OF CONTBNTS Note from the Issue Coordinator •••••••••••••••••••••••.•• 1 Lee Cokorinos, "Zimbabwe: For Whom Has The 'Luta' Continued?". •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 2 Ann Seidman, "A Note On Ziababwe and the Multinational Lending Agencies" ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 14 Steve Askin, "Education and Politics After Ten Years of Independence" •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 18 Morgan Tsvangirai, "An Unfinished 'Sentence' of Hard Labor for .orkers"••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 28 Africa .atch Report on Zimbabwe •••••••••••••••••••••••••• 34 Additional ~ A Actions Human Rights Abuses in Zaire••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 51 1 ******************************************************* ******************************************************* NOTE FROM THE ISSUE COORDINATOR This issue of the ACAS BULLETIN has the special theme of "Zimbabwe Ten Years After Independence". Many of the issues touched upon were also raised in connection with Nigeria in the last special issue of the BULLETIN (Fall 1989, No. 28) on "Structural Adjustment, Academic Freedom and Human Rights" in that country. Indeed the two issues can be read in conjunction with one another. Hopefully they can form a basis for discussion on constructing durable and effective ties with our beleaguered colleagues in the African academic and wider community struggling for social justice. For this issue original articles'were ·contributed by Ann Seidman and Daniel Weiner, both ACAS members and longtime students of Zimbabwe. Steve Askin has graciously made his "reporter's notebooks" on the strife at tne University of Zimbabwe available. Four of the articles are reproduced from the excellent on-line information service Africa Information Afrique (AlA), which everyone who hasn't already done so should familiarize themselves with. -
Zimbabwe News
Zimbabwe News LET \JS FIGHT AND Official Organ of ZANU(PF) Department of Information and Publicity, 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare REBUILD ZIMBABWE Volume 21 No, ,1, J 989,,Reaistf red.at ttie G,P,0. asa N.e.^spafj^r... , , . "7QC (incl. sales tax) DAM CONSTRUCTION -r THE ONLY SOLUTION TO DROUGHT THE HISTORIC CONGRESS r Suppliers of Comet Trucks, Parts and Serv^ice Leyland (Zimbabwe) Limited Watts Road Phone: 67861 Soutlierton Telex: 26387 ZW •1th Tlje«aa»i)#tii» NBtioB is Sound and Itam tORstmction in Chivi - The Song-qonteit i Only Soiution to End Drou^t . Zimbabwe' has won the Common• In HIS Second State of the Mation ad• The drought and powwty stricken Ch^ wealth song contest against 55 other dress last December President Mugabe vl District in Masvingo may soon be entries. The young Zimbabwean mu• said the political and economic rescued fromthi s situation fcdlowmg sical group. Christians Against Racial atmosphere the construction of dams which would DisCnmination,(C/«lD), won the Com- of the nation is very soundy and supply water to this arid land which mwiwealth song competition with healthy and said Zimbabwe goe^ into falls under natural farming region tfjeir number, 'Our Rainbow' 1990 with hope and confidencei four page 40 ^-pagelS -page 31 CONTENTS ,|pN thre«t«a«d «s clampdown on Khool's costs bcf^s Editorial ... 2 ' Letter to the Editor . 3 • fMe general woAers at St Peters Editor's Message . ' XtAatana, aeKondary School are ^ * i^ir^i pay rise, the school's- Unity Accord ends Division .. ... 5 !Qf ttustees is waiting for an ap- President Afmoupces Presidium of National Congress _ .