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Ming Qing Yanjiu 23 (2019) 1–38

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Editing, Circulating, and Reading Huang Zhong’s Hai yu 海語 A Case Study in the History of Reading and the Circulation of Knowledge in Ming and Qing China

Elke Papelitzky NYU Shanghai [email protected]

Abstract

Huang Zhong’s 1536 Hai yu is a short text about foreign countries and products connected to the sea. To compile his book, the author mainly used information based on what seafarers told him in his native place Nanhai, Guangdong, making the text a unique source for Chinese maritime history during the early sixteenth century. In the Ming dynasty, at least three different versions were circulating, all of which are now lost. Luckily, all three editions were preserved in congshu of the late Ming and Qing dynasties. The Hai yu was read and quoted by later scholars, especially those from the Jiangnan area, who valued the book for its expertise on products and animals. Through the analysis of two full text databases of Chinese texts and gazetteers, this article examines the history of reading of Huang Zhong’s book, as well as the circulation of knowledge and the changes and adaptions Huang Zhong’s knowledge went through.

Keywords maritime history – book history – history of knowledge – Ming – Qing – book collections – digital humanities

The Hai yu 海語 (Words of the Sea) is a short text about foreign countries and products based on what the author Huang Zhong 黄衷 (1474–1553) heard when talking to seafarers and a Siamese monk in his native Nanhai 南海, Guangdong. Huang Zhong’s preface dates the book to 1536 and it was then printed a year

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/24684791-12340031Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:24:27AM via free access 2 Papelitzky later. Unfortunately, the original print is now lost so we have to rely on later congshu copies to read the work. The book is divided into three juan and four sections—the first on the customs of Siam and Malacca ( fengsu 風俗, juan 1), the second on animals and products (wuchan 物產, juan 2), the third on dangerous places in the water (weitu 畏途, juan 3), and the last on curiosities (wuguai 物怪, juan 3). Until now, few scholars have researched the Hai yu. The work is included in all major catalogues briefly describing Chinese sources such as Franke’s and Liew-Herres’ Annotated Sources of Ming History, and Donatella Guida’s introduction to texts about Southeast Asia.1 More detailed articles on the Hai yu were written by Duan Lisheng who provides general information on the work, by Guida on the legends and stories contained in the Hai yu, and by Ogihara Hiroaki on the section on Malacca.2 An English translation for the section on the customs of Malacca has been prepared by Groeneveldt,3 and an Italian one together with the customs of Siam by Guida. She also translated parts of the fourth section into English.4 Shen Maoshang’s 慎懋賞 ( fl. 1553–1607) Siyi guangji 四夷廣記 (c.1601–1603, Extensive Records of All Barbarians) incorporated the customs sections on Thailand and Malacca almost completely, mixing it with information from Ma Huan’s 馬歡 (fl. 1413–1451) Yingya shenglan 瀛涯勝覽 (1451, The Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores). I have translated these passages into English elsewhere.5 In this article, I will give a general introduction to Huang Zhong’s biography and the Hai yu and discuss the history of compiling and editing, as well as its circulation during the Ming and Qing dynasties, touching upon issues of the fields of the history of knowledge and the history of the book. First, I will discuss Huang Zhong’s biography and his sources to examine the knowledge Huang Zhong obtained for his book. I will then trace the knowledge of the Hai yu until the end of the Qing. With that approach, I follow Secord’s pro- posal to not only study the creation of knowledge, but to also consider how knowledge circulated and changed afterwards.6 To study how Huang Zhong’s

1 Franke and Liew-Herres 2011: 705f; Guida 1991: 177f. See also Zhu Shijia 1936: 151. 2 Duan Lisheng 1984; Guida 1994; Ogihara Hiroaki 1954. 3 Groeneveldt 1960: 126–128. 4 Guida 2007: 134–138, 171–173; Guida 1994. 5 Papelitzky 2017: 209–216. 6 Secord 2004: 662. For a recent introduction to the theoretical framework of the history of knowledge and an overview of the field, see Östling et al. 2018.

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from 23 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2019) 1–38 09:24:27AM via free access Editing, Circulating, and Reading Huang Zhong’s Hai yu 3 knowledge circulated after he wrote it, I will first discuss the editorial history of the Hai yu in congshu and then the readership of the book. The readership of Chinese books during the Ming and Qing periods has been researched by scholars such as Cynthia Brokaw, Anne McLaren, and Robert Hegel who focused especially on a corpus of fictional writing and Confucian classics.7 Their findings based on the analysis of prefaces, commentaries, and miscellaneous writings show that not only the learned elite was the target audience for publishers, but common people and women also read widely. In addition, Joseph Dennis has analysed the readership of local gazetteers, dem- onstrating how gazetteers were used for a variety of purposes and that they were often connected to travels.8 Grasping the readership and circulation of one single book is more difficult— especially in the case of a non-fiction, non-Confucian book like the Hai yu that did not appeal to a wide audience. He Yuming’s study of the Luochong lu 臝蟲錄 provides an example of the reception of a book about foreigners printed in several editions during the Ming. She discusses several comments on this book by Ming literati showing that despite the perceived lack of quality of the Luochong lu, it circulated widely.9 In the last part of this article, I will approach the question of readership and the circulation of Huang Zhong’s book by looking at the congshu editions of the Hai yu, Ming and Qing book catalogues, and citations of the Hai yu in other works. Of course, book catalogues do not imply readership—the collector could simply have possessed the book and never read it—but they do imply circulation and availability. In contrast, the editors of the congshu and the authors who cited the Hai yu had read the Hai yu, or at least parts of it. To find relevant passages and books that cite the Hai yu, I used two full- text databases: the Erudition (Airusheng 愛如生) Database of Chinese Classic Ancient Books (Zhongguo jiben guji ku 中國基本古籍庫) and the Database of Chinese Local Records (Zhongguo fangzhi ku 中國方志庫) by the same com- pany. These databases allow for the gathering of information about the geographic circulation of the Hai yu, as well as about the question which parts of the book were popular. With this article I will provide an example of how digital databases can help in the study of the circulation of books and knowledge. I will also discuss the limitations and problems of this approach.

7 Brokaw 2005; McLaren 2005; Hegel 2005. See also Meyer-Fong 2007. 8 Dennis 2015: 251–340. 9 He Yuming 2011: 59–69; He Yuming 2013: 226–236.

Ming Qing Yanjiu 23 (2019) 1–38 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:24:27AM via free access 4 Papelitzky

1 Huang Zhong and His Sources

1.1 Huang Zhong’s Biography Huang Zhong’s (zi: Zihe 子和, hao: Tieqiao 鐵橋, born on June 18, 1474, died 1553) biography is contained in several gazetteers such as the Guangdong tongzhi 廣東通志, Guangzhou fuzhi 廣州府志, Yueda ji 粵大記, and Nanhai xianzhi 南海縣志.10 The 1616 Guochao xianzheng lu 國朝獻徵錄 (Records of Submitted Evidence of the Dynasty) by Jiao Hong 焦竑 (1540–1620) also includes Huang Zhong’s biography and states that it was written by Huang Zuo 黃佐 (1490–1566), the compiler of the Jiajing version of the Guangdong tongzhi.11 Except for minor details, these biographies are identical. Further information on Huang Zhong and his family can be found in the list of jinshi graduates of 1496—the year Huang Zhong passed the examinations.12 The biography describes Huang Zhong as a clever and filial child. After at- taining his jinshi degree in 1496, he started working as Secretary in the Nanjing Ministry of Revenue and was promoted several times throughout his career, holding positions in Fujian, Guangxi, Huguang, Zhejiang, Yunnan, and Nanjing. During his last appointment between the end of 1528 and mid-1529 he served as Vice Minister of War in Beijing. For a list of all his appointments, see Table 1. According to the biography, he handled money and taxes carefully and was a loyal and fair governor who followed guidelines. In consequence, he received

10 Guangdong tongzhi (Jiajing): j. 62: 17b–19a; Guangdong tongzhi (Wanli): j. 24: 25a–26b; Guangdong tongzhi (Daoguang): j. 276; Guangzhou fuzhi (Guangxu): j. 115: 28a–29a; Yueda ji (Wanli): j. 17: 45a–47a; Nanhai xianzhi (Kangxi): j. 11: 21a–22a; Nanhai xianzhi (Daoguang): j. 35: 39a–40a. 11 Jiao Hong, Guochao xianzheng lu: j. 40: 32a–33b. Huang Zhong and Huang Zuo might have been related, although their relation must have been quite distant. Judging from the same radical of each of their name, Huang Zuo’s grandfather Huang Yu 黃瑜 (1426–1497) might have been a cousin of Huang Zhong’s father Huang Lian 黃璉 (1448–1507). Huang Zuo’s family branch lived in Xiangshan 香山 and not Nanhai, although these two places are not far apart. 12 Hongzhi jiunian jinshi dengkelu: 30b (1916). Accordingly, his great-grandfather’s name was Yuanbao 緣保, his grandfather’s Mingfu 銘福, his father’s Lian 璉, his mother was from the Xiao 蕭 family and his wife from the Zheng 鄭 family. He had one older brother (Yi 扆) and at least three younger brothers (Jiong 褧, Bao 褒, and Biao 表). See also his entry in the China Biographical Database Project (The Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies at Harvard University and Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica and Center for Research on Ancient Chinese History at Peking University 2009–2018). The list also provides the necessary information for calculating Huang Zhong’s date of birth—accordingly, he was 23 when he passed the jinshi examination and he was born on the fifth day of the sixth month, making his birthday June 18, 1474. The gazetteers state he died when he was 80—so he must have died in 1553.

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from 23 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2019) 1–38 09:24:27AM via free access Editing, Circulating, and Reading Huang Zhong’s Hai yu 5 praise from the emperor several times and when he asked to be relieved of duty due to an illness in 1528, the emperor declined. Other officials in the capital were jealous of Huang Zhong’s success and started rumours of him mis- conducting. The emperor believed these rumours at first and removed Huang Zhong from office. Since Huang Zhong wanted to retire, he did not argue this accusation. Shortly thereafter, he was reinstated, but Huang Zhong resigned from office and ended his official career in 1529. After returning home, he created a studio named Juzhou shuyuan 矩洲書院 together with one of his younger brothers, Huang Jiong 黃褧.13 He started collecting books and was particularly interested in material about foreign countries.14 Curiously, the biographies claim that the Hai yu had only one juan. As I will discuss below, this might refer to an earlier version of the book that Huang Zuo had had access to. Other than the Hai yu, Huang Zhong composed poems and prose. His collected writings are titled Juzhou wenji 矩洲文集 (Collection of Prose from the Juzhou [Studio]) and Juzhou shiji 矩洲詩集 (Collection of Poems from the Juzhou [Studio]), both in 10 juan.15 According to the Nanhai xianzhi and Guangdong tongzhi, he wrote further books that are now lost: Tieqiao ji 鐵橋集 (Collected Writings of Tieqiao), Juzhou zayong 矩洲雜詠 (alternatively written as 矩洲雜咏 and Juzhou jiyong 矩洲襍詠, Miscellaneous Songs from the Juzhou [Studio]), Shizai 世載 (Records of this Generation) in 2 juan, and Zouyi 奏議 (Comments on Music) in 10 juan.16 Some of his relatives should be mentioned here, as they helped passing on the Hai yu, notably two of the five sons of Huang Hao 黃皡 (1465 juren):17 Xuezhun 學準 (fl. 1519–1573) and Yannian 延年.18 They both state that they are “zuzi 族子” of Huang Zhong, a term designating the son of a cousin, so Xuezhun and Yannian can be considered his distant nephews and Hao his cousin. Another relative, Huang Xixi 黃希錫 (1567 juren) reprinted the book around 1584 (see the discussion in the section on the Xuejin taoyuan). He calls himself a “sun 孫” (grandson, or someone from the same generation from another

13 Nanhai xianzhi (Kangxi): j. 8: 8b. 14 Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Xuejin taoyuan): ba: 2ab. 15 The poems were reproduced in the Siku cunmu congshu 四庫存目叢書; the Juzhou wenji is only extant in one edition held in the National Diet Library in Japan. In 2015 it was reprinted in ce 20 of the collection Yuwai hanji zhenben wenku. Di wu ji, jibu 域外漢籍珍本文庫. 第五輯, 集部. 16 Nanhai xianzhi (Kangxi): j. 14: 3ab; Nanhai xianzhi (Daoguang): j. 25: 13a, 14b; 26: 6b; Guangdong tongzhi (Wanli): j. 63: 19b. 17 Huang Zhong wrote a tomb inscription for Huang Hao, which is preserved in the Guochao xianzheng lu (Jiao Hong, Guochao xianzheng lu: j. 102: 20a–22a). 18 Guangzhou fuzhi (Guangxu): j. 115: 1b.

Ming Qing Yanjiu 23 (2019) 1–38 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:24:27AM via free access 6 Papelitzky family branch) of Huang Zhong. Huang Zhong likely was not Huang Xixi’s di- rect ancestor, as the Guangzhou fuzhi gives the name of Huang Xixi’s grandfather as Biaozheng 表正.19 table 1 Timetable of Huang Zhong’s official positions

Starting date Position

1499 Secretary in the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing in the Henan Bureau (hubu zhushi 南京河南司戶部主事, rank 6a)a 1503 Returns home because of his mother’s death 1506 Returns to work as secretary at the Ministry of Revenue, in the Shandong Bureau 1507 Vice director of the Henan Bureau at the Ministry of Revenue (Henan si yuanwailang 河南司員外郎, rank 5b). Returns home because of his father’s death 1510 Vice director at the Bureau of Military Appointments (wuxuan si 武選司) at the Nanjing Ministry of War. Promoted to director of the Bureau of Ceremonies in the Ministry of Rites in Nanjing (libu yizhi si langzhong 禮部儀制司郎中, rank 5a). Later that year director at the Bureau of Military Appointments 1511 Director of the Bureau of Evaluations at the Ministry of Personnel in Nanjing (libu kaogong si 吏部考功司). Promoted to prefect of Huzhou Prefecture (Huzhou fu zhifu 湖州府知府, rank 4a), Zhejiang 1514 Salt distribution commissioner in Fujian (yunshi 運使, rank 3b) 1516 Right administration vice commissioner of Guangxi (Guangxi you canzheng 廣西右參政, rank 3b) 1521 Right provincial administration commissioner of Yunnan (you buzhengshi 右布政使, rank 2b) 1523 Left provincial administration commissioner of Yunnan 1524 Right vice censor-in-chief and grand coordinator of Yunnan (duchayuan you fu duyushi xunfu Yunnan 都察院右副都御史巡撫雲南, rank 3a), then same post in Huguang 1527 Left assistant censor-in-chief with a concurrent post as director-general of carpentryb in Sichuan (zuo qiandu yushu 左僉都御史, zongdu damu 總督大木 rank 4a)

19 Ibid.: j. 38: 26ab. Not much is known about Huang Xixi other than that he worked as dis- trict magistrate of Yongxing 永興, Hunan, starting in 1580 (Yongxing xianzhi: j. 3).

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from 23 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2019) 1–38 09:24:27AM via free access Editing, Circulating, and Reading Huang Zhong’s Hai yu 7 table 1 Timetable of Huang Zhong’s official positions (cont.)

Starting date Position

1528 Right vice minister of works (gongbu you shilang 工部右侍郎, rank 3a) in Beijing, then same post in the Ministry of War 1529 Retires

The dates for his appointment are based on Lei Li, Guochao lieqing ji: j. 113: 11b–12a; Zhang Dexin 2009: 848f, 2398f, 2681–2687, 3363–3368. The translations of the titles and the ranks are based on Hucker 1985. a Yangzhou fuzhi (Wanli): j. 8: 9a. b This is a rather uncommon post. Hucker does not mention it and neither does the new Chinese-English Dictionary of Ming Government Official Titles. The Guochao lieqing ji ab- breviates it as “du mu 督木” and the post appears in Zhang Dexin’s list as zongli damu 總理大木 for the years 1525–1528, 1536–1543, and 1557–1561. Between 1514 and 1521 the post seems to have been called “zongdu Huguang, Sichuan, Guizhou cai damu 總督湖廣四川貴州採大木” (director-general for choosing wood in Huguang, Sichuan, and Guizhou (Hucker 1985; Zhang et al. 2017; Zhang Dexin 2009: 2385–2392, 2396–2399, 2407–2414, 2428–2432; Lei Li, Guochao lieqing ji: j. 113: 12a).

1.2 Huang Zhong’s Sources and the Creation of the Hai yu Huang Zhong’s sources for compiling the Hai yu can be reconstructed through his preface and a comment by Huang Xixi. In his preface Huang Zhong states: “I retired from public life and often met with sailors; I talked with them about things of the countries across the ocean and recorded [these things]. Gradually [the account] became complete and I collected it in [this book].”20 This section demonstrates that at least parts of the Hai yu are based on oral accounts by people who had been at sea. Previously, Guida has shown that the stories the seamen told Huang Zhong, range from personal accounts of their voyages to myths of minorities of Southern China.21 That the Hai yu is indeed mostly based on oral sources is also hinted at by looking at the contents. Just to give one example: Huang Zhong included sailing instructions in two parts—to sail from China to Thailand and from China to Malacca.22 Several other Ming sources describe routes to these places, but the routes to Thailand usually stop at the Bangkok area and do not continue up the Chao Praya River to the capital Ayutthaya. Huang Zhong, on the other

20 Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Lingnan yishu): xu 1b. On the Hai yu being based on oral accounts, see also Duan Lisheng 1984: 50; Zhou Yunzhong 2017: 152. 21 Guida 1994: 393, 395. 22 Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Lingnan yishu): j. 1: 1a, 3b.

Ming Qing Yanjiu 23 (2019) 1–38 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:24:27AM via free access 8 Papelitzky hand, does explain the further voyage. The only other Ming text to do this is Wang Zongzai’s 王宗載 (fl. 1562–1582) Siyiguan kao 四夷館考 (Thoughts of the Translation Office) which also bases its sailing descriptions on an oral account.23 This difference might lie in the purpose of the texts: a sailor did not need a description of how to sail up a river as there was only one way, but somebody interviewing sailors might be interested in the exact route to the capital, thus asking further questions. Additionally, Huang Zhong found inspiration from written sources as he was collecting many books on foreign matters in the Juzhou shuyuan. In the preface of the Hai yu, he mentions several older books: Wan Zhen’s 萬震 Nanzhou yiwu zhi 南州異物志 (Records of Strange Things from Nanzhou; third century CE, now lost), Sun Mu’s 孫穆 Jilin leishi 雞林類事 (Miscellaneous Records from Korea; twelfth century), Yue Shi’s 樂史 (930–1007) Taiping huanyu ji 太平寰宇記 (Complete Geography of the Taiping Era; c.980), Wang Dayuan’s 汪大淵 (1311–?) Daoyi zhilüe 島夷志略 (Brief Account of the Island Barbarians; 1349), and Zhao Rugua’s 趙汝适 (1170–1231) Zhufan zhi 諸番志 (Records on Various Foreigners; 1225). Actual citations from these texts are rare and Huang Zhong only listed these books to give examples of works he tried to emulate. One in- stance of Huang Zhong using written knowledge is the story of the “flying-head barbarian” ( fei tou man 飛頭蠻) also found in the Daoyi zhilüe and the Yingya shenglan. Huang Zhong, however, changed some details—adding information and moving the story from Champa to Thailand.24 Huang Xixi offers a slightly different explanation on Huang Zhong’s sources in a comment to his print of the Hai yu. In this comment, Huang Zhong’s relative introduces the book to his colleagues in Yongxing 永興, Hunan (on the comment see the section on the Xuejin taoyuan below). He further explains that one day Huang Zhong met a foreign monk who came to Guangzhou together with a king to bring tribute. Huang Zhong asked a translator to question the monk about the customs, products, dangerous places and curiosities of his country, which he then edited into his Hai yu.25 This story is surprising, since Huang Zhong did not mention speaking to any foreigner in his preface. Certainly, talking to a foreigner would be noteworthy and increase the credibility of his text? Maybe Huang Xixi had invented this

23 Shen Maoshang’s Siyi guangji also describes the route to the capital. However, Shen Maoshang simply copied this description from the Hai yu. For more information on the sailing routes between China and Thailand, see Papelitzky 2015. 24 Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Lingnan yishu): j. 3: 4ab; Guida 1994: 391f. On the “flying-head barbarian”, see also Drège 2015. 25 Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Xuejin taoyuan): ba: 2ab.

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from 23 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2019) 1–38 09:24:27AM via free access Editing, Circulating, and Reading Huang Zhong’s Hai yu 9 story to make the text more interesting to his colleagues? It is of course not unthinkable that he had received information about the compilation of the Hai yu directly from his grandfather that the latter had not written down any- where before. In fact, some clues in the Hai yu support Huang Xixi’s claim: In the section on the flying-head barbarian, Huang Zhong cites a foreign monk (yiseng yun 夷僧云: “a barbarian monk says”).26 The monk probably was from Siam, as the section on Siamese customs provides a lot of information on the role of Buddhist monks in the country—another hint that Huang Xixi’s story was actually true. The information coming from a Siamese monk would also explain why the flying-head barbarian was brought into connection with Siam, although other sources connected it to Champa.27 Nevertheless, the monk was not Huang Zhong’s only source, even though Huang Xixi made it look like this. In addition to information obtained from the monk and the sailors, Huang Zhong added his own observation: he saw a strange fish (a haihuang 海鰉 that had the head of a bird but the body of a fish) when he was a small child.28 Furthermore, Huang Zhong narrates the story about a shipwreck told to him by his neighbor Mai Fu 麦福.29 This account of the wrecking of an official embassy led by Lin Rong 林榮 and Huang Qianheng 黃乾亨 in 1485 is also found in several other sources such as the Ming shi 明史 and Yan Congjian’s 嚴從簡 (fl. 1559–1575) 1574 Shuyu zhouzi lu 殊域周咨錄, but due to Huang Zhong’s acquaintance with Mai Fu, he added information other sources did not report such as the cause of the wrecking.30 The Hai yu, thus, is a mix of various oral sources. Several factors of Huang Zhong’s life played a role in the creation of the book: He grew up close to the sea, came into contact with strange animals from a young age, and started collecting books on foreign matters as soon as he had the time to do so. That Huang Zhong had been a respected official probably helped him in initiating contact with the Siamese monk. It is unlikely that without connections to officials, he would have been able to meet him and find a translator.

26 Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Lingnan yishu): j. 3: 5a. 27 On the flying-head barbarian being connected with Champa, see Guida 1994: 391f. 28 Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Lingnan yishu): j. 2: 5b. 29 Ibid.: j. 3: 2a–3b. See also Zhou Yunzhong 2017: 152. 30 Yan Congjian, Shuyu zhouzi lu: 288f; Zhang Tingyu, Ming shi: 8416. For a discussion of this event, see Ma Mingda 2001. One other source that records the cause—the ship being over- loaded and the navigator not understanding rutters—is Shen Maoshang’s Siyi guangji. However, Shen Maoshang copied this information from the Hai yu. For more information, see Papelitzky 2017: 151.

Ming Qing Yanjiu 23 (2019) 1–38 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:24:27AM via free access 10 Papelitzky

2 Editions of the Hai yu

2.1 The Hai yu in congshu Huang Zhong’s preface dates the Hai yu to the first day of the third month of Jiajing 15 (March 22 1536) so he seems to have completed it around that time. The book also includes a comment (ba 跋) by Huang Zhong’s nephew Huang Yannian dated to the first day of the second month of Jiajing dingyou 丁酉 (= Jiajing 16; March 11 1537). In this comment, Huang Yannian states that he had printed the Hai yu—the first edition, thus, was published in 1537. Unfortunately, this original print is now lost, and so today the book is only known through various congshu from the Ming and Qing periods. These congshu are: Baoyantang miji 寶顏堂秘笈 (Rare Books of the Baoyantang), Siku quanshu 四庫全書 (All Books from the Four Treasuries), Xuejin taoyuan 學津討原 (Studying the River Crossing to Find the Source), Fenxinge congshu 紛欣閣叢書 (Congshu of the Fenxinge), Lingnan congshu 嶺南叢書 (Congshu of Lingnan), and Lingnan yishu 嶺南遺書 (Remaining Books from Lingnan). In the following pages, I will describe the characteristics and history of creation of these congshu in connection with the Hai yu.

2.1.1 Baoyantang miji The Hai yu is included in one of the continued instalments (the hui miji 彙秘笈) of what is now known as Baoyangtang miji. This congshu was published by the brothers Shen Fuxian 沈孚先 (died in or before 1615) and Shen Dexian 沈德先 (fl. 1606–1620) from Jiaxing 嘉興, Zhejiang, in collaboration with Chen Jiru 陳繼儒 (1558–1639, zi: Meigong 眉公, from Huating 華亭, today part of Shanghai). Chen Jiru supplied the books for this congshu from his library. Its first instalment was printed in 1606 with the title Shangbaizhai juan Chen Meigong dingzheng miji 尚白齊鐫陳眉公訂正秘笈 (Rare Books Corrected by Chen Meigong and Engraved in the Shangbaizhai; now commonly referred to as “zhengji 正集”) and in the same year a collection of Chen Jiru’s works titled Shangbaizhai juan Chen Meigong Baoyantang miji 尚白齊鐫陳眉公寶顏堂秘笈 (Rare Books of Chen Meigong’ Baoyantang Engraved in the Shangbaizhi) was published.31 Later followed several continued editions, the Shangbaizhai

31 Shangbaizhai is the title of Shen Fuxian’s study. He died sometime before the 1615 guang miji was published and Shen Dexian changed the title to the name of his own studio, the Yizhengtang (Greenbaum 2007: 192f). The titles are taken from the table of contents of each instalment. Unfortunately, the Baibu congshu jicheng did not reproduce the title pages of the congshu. The Harvard Library holds a copy of the congshu and made a scan available online. This scan preserves the title page of the zhengji. The title printed in large letters of the zhengji is Shangbaizhai miji 尚白齊秘笈 (Rare Books of the Shangbaizhai)

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from 23 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2019) 1–38 09:24:27AM via free access Editing, Circulating, and Reading Huang Zhong’s Hai yu 11 juan Chen Meigong jiacang miji xuhan 尚白齊鐫陳眉公家藏秘笈續函 (Continued Volumes of the Rare Books Held by the Family of Chen Meigong; now referred to as xu miji 續秘笈), the Yizhengtang juan Chen Meigong jiacang guang miji 亦政堂鐫陳眉公家藏廣秘笈 (Expanded Version of the Rare Books Held by the Family of Chen Meigong Printed in the Yizhengtang; in short “guang miji 廣秘笈”) with a preface dated 1615, the Yizhengtang juan Chen Meigong pu miji 亦政堂鐫陳眉公普秘笈 (Enlarged Version of the Rare Books from Chen Meigong Engraved in the Yizhengtang; in short: “pu miji 普秘笈”) with a preface dated 1620, and the Yizhengtang dingzheng hui miji 亦政堂彙秘笈 (Continued Collection of Rare Books from the Yizhengtang; in short: “hui miji”). Unfortunately, the preface to the hui miji is undated, but its author, Yao Shilin 姚士麟, mentions the xu miji and pu miji so that the hui miji, and thus the print of the Hai yu, must date to after 1620. Since at least the Republican Period, scholars mentioning the Baoyantang miji give Chen Jiru as the compiler of the congshu, although as Jamie Greenbaum has recently shown, Chen Jiru’s involvement in the Baoyantang miji has been largely inflated—Shen Dexian and Shen Fuxian had done most of the work.32 In the case of the Hai yu, the only contribution of Chen Jiru was the supply of the book from his library. The Baoyantang miji has been criticized to contain many errors and to be unreliable,33 but this was not the case for the Hai yu as I will show below. In fact, the Baoyantang miji edition of the Hai yu seems to come closest to the original Jiajing print. The whole congshu was prohibited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796).34 The title of the Hai yu is given as Chen Meigong dingzheng Hai yu 陳眉公訂正海語 (Hai yu Corrected by Chen Meigong) at the beginning of juan 1 to 3, although in the table of contents of the hui miji, as well as in the table of contents of the Hai yu itself, it is just called “Hai yu”. Despite the title Chen Jiru did not edit the Hai yu—the names of the editors given at the beginning of each juan are Zhang Keda 張可大 ( juren 1601, from Nanjing, involved in all juan), Wu Shu 吳恕 ( juan 1 and 3), and Zhang Tao 張弢 ( juan 2).35

with the information “Chen Meigong xiansheng ding 陳眉公先生訂” (revised by Mr Chen Meigong) printed in smaller characters above (https://iiif.lib.harvard.edu/ manifests/view/drs:428495762$005i; accessed June 11 2018). The congshu, thus, did not have a standardized title when it was first printed. On the difficulty of determining the exact title of Chinese books, see also Papelitzky 2017: 51f. 32 Greenbaum 2007: 194, 236. 33 Wu 1943: 256. 34 Greenbaum 2007: 216f; Goodrich 1966: 49. 35 The Ming shi includes a biography of Zhang Keda, but nothing is known about the other two editors (Zhang Tingyu, Ming shi: 6939f).

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The Ming print of the Baoyantang miji was reproduced in the congshu collection Baibu congshu jicheng 百部叢書集成. However, since this collection includes three congshu with the Hai yu (Baoyantang miji, Xuejin taoyuan, and Lingnan yishu), the editors only chose to include a reprint of the Lingnan yishu version of the Hai yu and not of the Baoyantang miji version. Several libraries worldwide hold the Ming print and some of them provide a scan easily available online, for example the Harvard Library (although their version of the Hai yu is incomplete), and the Library of the Washington University.36 The Baoyantang miji was republished in a punctuated, newly typeset edition in 1922 by Wenming shuju 文明書局 in Shanghai. This edition does not include any of the prefaces of the congshu and changed the title from Shangbaizhi miji, and Yizhengtang miji to Baoyantang miji. Ce 36 includes the Hai yu.37

2.1.2 Siku quanshu The Hai yu can be found in the Siku quanshu in the section on foreign geography, under the branch of history (shibu 史部 11, dililei 地理類 10, waiji zhi shu 外紀之屬) and the tiyao 提要 (summary) of the Hai yu is dated to the twelfth month of Qianlong 46 (January/February 1782). According to the Siku quan shu zongmu 四庫全書總目 (Complete Catalogue of the Siku quanshu), Zheng Dajie 鄭大節 from Cixi 慈溪, Zhejiang, presented the version of the Hai yu used for the Siku quanshu project.38 The Siku quanshu edition does not include

36 For the scan of the Hai yu of the Harvard Library, see https://iiif.lib.harvard.edu/manifests/ view/drs:428495860$1141i (vol. 81, sequence 1141–1177). For the scan of the Washington University Library, see http://rbook2.ncl.edu.tw/Search/SearchDetail?item=e5ec0cd034 cd48ffa1d1f175040f6834fDcyODY0OA2&page=5&whereString=ICYgIua1t–iqniIg0&source WhereString=&SourceID=&HasImage= (accessed June 11 2018). 37 For more information on the Baoyantang miji, see Greenbaum 2007: 192–195; Franke and Liew-Herres 2011: 1055; Wang Zhongmin 1983: 421; Pelliot 1933: 247f. 38 Ji Xiaolan, Siku quanshu zongmu: j. 71 (632). Zheng Dajie submitted several books to the Siku quanshu project. On Zheng Dajie and the Siku quanshu project see Jiang Qingbai 2008. Zheng Dajie was not the only person to present a version of the Hai yu for the project. In the list of presented books (Jincheng shumu 進呈書目), the trader Ma Yu 馬裕 from Yangzhou, Jiangsu, also appears as having submitted Huang Zhong’s book (Gesheng jincheng shumu: ce 2: 24a; Wu Weizu 1960: 72). On Ma Yu presenting books, see also Hummel 1943: 559. The Hai yu submitted by Zheng Dajie is also mentioned in the list of presented books. Two versions of the Jincheng shumu are widely available today. The first with the title Gesheng jincheng shumu 各省進呈書目 was included in the congshu Hanfenlou miji 涵芬樓秘笈 published in 1921. In 1960, Wu Weizu 吳慰祖 published a revised edition with the title Siku caijin shumu 四庫採進書目 that corrected many of the previous version’s errors based on a manuscript held in the National Library in Beijing. The earlier version mistakenly reports the Hai yu as having only one juan, Wu Weizu’s version correctly gives the number of juan as three and mentions that Huang Xuezhun’s

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from 23 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2019) 1–38 09:24:27AM via free access Editing, Circulating, and Reading Huang Zhong’s Hai yu 13 any preface or postscript, but in contrast to all other extant editions, it copied a commentary by Huang Xuezhun.

2.1.3 Xuejin taoyuan The Hai yu is contained in the seventh instalment of Zhang Haipeng’s 張海鵬 (1775–1816, from Changshu, Jiangsu) Xuejin taoyuan, which was prepared between 1802 and 1804 and printed in 1805 or 1806 by Zhang Haipeng himself.39 The name of his library, Zhaokuangge 照曠閣 appears as publishing place. Zhang Haipeng incorporated many books of Mao Jin’s 毛晉 (1599–1659) Jindai mishu 津逮秘書, although, as he states in his fanli 凡例 (editorial principles), he did not copy all of the books from this congshu, and also added several not in the Jindai mishu.40 As the Hai yu is not contained in the Jindai mishu, Zhang Haipeng must have obtained it from another source, which he unfortunately does not reveal to the reader of his congshu. Instead he explains that he bought the books reproduced in the congshu at various places.41 The Xuejin taoyuan version of the Hai yu includes a comment by Huang Xixi dated 1584, inserted after Huang Yannian’s comment. After shortly describing the biography of Huang Zhong and the history of creation of the Hai yu (see the discussion on the sources above), Huang Xixi explains that when he was stationed in Yongxing, he showed the Hai yu to many scholar officials who appreciated the book. However, since it was old and difficult to read, he decided to make a reprint.42 The note in the Xuejin taoyuan is the only existing reference to this reprint. After Huang Xixi’s comment, Zhang Haipeng added one of his own, briefly describing the contents of the Hai yu. Like the Ming print of the Baoyantang miji, the Xuejin taoyuan was included in the Baibu congshu jicheng, but the Hai yu was left out. The Xuejin taoyuan was reprinted as facsimile in 1922 by Shangwu yinshuguan and in 1990 by Jiangsu Guangling guji keyinshe.43 In 1936, the Hai yu appeared as a newly typeset and punctuated version in the Congshu jicheng chubian 叢書集成初編 (vol. 3022). The editors of the congshu state that they based the book on the Xuejin taoyuan edition, but they

comment is included in Zheng Dajie’s version (Gesheng jincheng shumu: j. 3: 34b; Wu Weizu 1960: 117). See also the section on the book catalogues below. 39 For more information on Zhang Haipeng, see Hummel 1943: 36f; Ho 1962: 159. 40 Zhang Haipeng, Xuejin taoyuan: fanli: 1a. 41 Ibid.: fanli: 2a. 42 Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Xuejin taoyuan): ba: 2b–3a. 43 A scan of the Xuejin taoyuan edition of the Hai yu is also available online from the Chinese Text Project (http://ctext.org/library.pl?if=gb&file=91075&page=118; accessed June 11, 2018).

Ming Qing Yanjiu 23 (2019) 1–38 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:24:27AM via free access 14 Papelitzky were aware of the Baoyantang miji and the Lingnan yishu editions. Indeed, the comments at the end are based on the Xuejin taoyuan edition—the Congshu jicheng chubian includes Huang Xixi’s and Zhang Haipeng’s comments—but the title of the book (Chen Meigong dingzheng Hai yu) and the information about the people involved in the creation of the book were copied from the Baoyantang miji edition.

2.1.4 Fenxinge congshu Zhou Xinru 周心如 (from Pujiang 浦江, Zhejiang) included the Hai yu in ce 21 of his Fenxinge congshu dated to the Daoguang period (1821–1851).44 Not much is known about Zhou Xinru or the compilation of the congshu, which has an undated preface by Sun Yansong 孙延松.45 It has been scanned by Harvard Library in collaboration with Google and is freely available online.46

2.1.5 Lingnan yishu and Lingnan congshu The Lingnan yishu incorporates many works of authors from Guangdong. It was edited between 1831 and 1863 by Tan Ying 譚瑩 (1800–1871, from Nanhai),47 co-director of the Xuehaitang 學海堂 society, under the financial sponsorship of the maritime merchant Wu Yuanwei 伍元薇 (1810–1863, better known as Wu Chongyao 伍崇曜, from Nanhai).48 The Hai yu is included in the second instalment. According to the comprehensive catalogue of Chinese ancient books, the Zhongguo guji zongmu 中國古籍總目, this instalment dates to 1845, however, at the end of the Hai yu is a comment by Wu Yuanwei dated 1846.49 The Hai yu was one of several books Tan Ying obtained from Wu Lanxiu 吳蘭修 (1789–1837, from Jiaying 嘉應, Guangdong), another co-director of the Xuehaitang and founder of the Xigutang 希古堂 society.50 Wu Lanxiu had access to the Hai yu through the Xuejin taoyuan edition and a manuscript version he received from Jiang Fan 江藩 (1761–1831, from Ganquan甘泉, Yangzhou

44 The catalogue of the Harvard Library gives Daoguang 7 (1827) as date, but offers no explanation. I have not come across any reference to support this date. 45 For a short note on Zhou Xinru, see Liang Zhan and Guo Qun 1991: 255. 46 http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.FIG:006905681 (accessed June 11 2016). The link refers to the book Shangu tiba 山谷題跋, but the Hai yu is included in the same pdf, starting on page 281. 47 For his biography, see Hummel 1943: 705f. 48 For his biography, see ibid.: 867f. The Xuehaitang was a scholarly society founded in 1820 by Ruan Yuan 阮元 (1764–1849) from Yangzhou, Jiangsu. For more information on the Xuehaitang see Miles 2002; Miles 2006: 91–126. For Ruan Yuan’s biography, see Hummel 1943: 399–402. 49 Zhongguo guji zongmu bianzuan weiyuanhui 2009–2012: congshu bu 987. For more information on the Lingnan yishu, see Miles 2006: 149–161. 50 Miles 2006: 151. For more information on Wu Lanxiu see also Inoue 1986; Miles 2002: 67f.

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揚州, Jiangsu),51 as he states in a comment preserved in the Lingnan yishu edition of the Hai yu. The comment reads:

The Hai yu in three juan was printed during the Jiajing era and in the miji of Mr Chen. I have not seen [these two editions]. I borrowed a manuscript from Mr Jiang Zhengtang 江鄭堂 [=Jiang Fan] and compared it with the Xuejin taoyuan edition of Zhang Haipeng. If there were omissions, I recti- fied them and made a comment beneath each character. There are also old annotations by Huang Xuezhun. They are disorganized and superflu- ous and do not concern the ocean. Mr Zhang deleted them and today I follow [Mr Zhang’s version in this regard]. Commented in the first year of Daoguang, 6th month [July 1821], by Wu Lanxiu from Jiaying.

《海語》三卷, 刻於明嘉靖間, 及陳氏《秘笈》, 俱未見. 余從江鄭堂先生借得寫本, 與張海鵬《學津討源》本對勘. 互有得失, 悉釐正之, 仍分注各字之下. 舊有黃學準注, 支離蔓衍, 與海無涉. 張氏刪之, 是已今從之. 道光元年六月, 嘉應吳蘭修跋.52

The comment shows that Wu Lanxiu was not aware of the Siku quanshu edition and thought Huang Xuezhun’s commentary to be not important enough to copy, although Jiang Fan’s manuscript included it. As stated in the comment, the Lingnan yishu version of the Hai yu clearly marks all differences between the Xuejin taoyuan and the manuscript in the form of annotations after variant characters. Wu Lanxiu’s comment is followed by one signed by Wu Chongyao. However, like all comments in the Lingnan yishu, it was actually written by Tan Ying.53 The comment briefly describes Huang Zhong’s biography and details the history of transmission of the Hai yu, mentioning Huang Xuezhun’s comment, the Baoyantang miji, Xuejin taoyuan, and Siku quanshu editions. Wu Lanxiu seems to have printed the Hai yu in his own congshu, the Lingnan congshu before giving it to Tan Ying. However, this is a very rare congshu with no modern reprint, and the Zhongguo guji zongmu only lists editions in the National Library of Beijing and the Henan Provincial Library. It only includes three books other than the Hai yu.54 According to the catalogue of the National Library in Beijing, this edition dates to 1821. I have not seen this version.

51 Jiang Fan was a friend of Ruan Yuan and came to Guangdong between 1818 and 1825 or 1826, where he had contact with Xuehaitang scholars (Miles 2006: 97). For his biography, see Hummel 1943: 137f. 52 Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Lingnan yishu): ba 2a. 53 Miles 2006: 150. 54 Zhongguo guji zongmu bianzuan weiyuanhui 2009–2012: congshu bu 987.

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The Lingnan congshu and Lingnan yishu are the first publications of the Hai yu in Guangdong since the initial print of the Ming dynasty. However, scholars from Jiangnan were also involved in creating the congshu and in bringing the Hai yu to the attention of Guangdong scholars. As Miles remarks, the Lingnan yishu was a project completed by scholars connected to the Xuehaitang and scholars from Jiangnan, and it was Jiang Fan from Jiangsu who gave his edition of the Hai yu to Wu Lanxiu.55 The Lingnan yishu edition of the Hai yu was reproduced several times, for example in the Baibu congshu jicheng. In 1975, Taiwan xuesheng shuju also reprinted it in the Zhongguo shixue congshu xubian 中國史學叢書續編.

2.2 Comparing the Editions The contents of the editions vary, both in exact wording, as well as in the elements included in the texts. Of course, the core part of the book ( juan 1 to 3) can be found in all editions, but only certain editions copied Huang Zhong’s preface and the various comments at the end. For an overview of all elements of the Hai yu, see Table 2. The most important variation in wording is of course the inclusion of Huang Xuezhun’s commentary in the Siku quanshu edition, but the texts also devi- ate in several minor points. The Lingnan yishu edition marks many of these deviations clearly between the Xuejin taoyuan edition and Jiang Fan’s manuscript. Even though the manuscript is lost today, studying these differences provides a starting point for a comparison between the other editions as well. In the chapter on the customs of Siam, for example, the Lingnan yishu records 18 differences between the manuscript and the Xuejin taoyuan. Cross-checking these differences with the other editions reveals the following points (see also Table 3 and Table 4): 1) The Baoyantang miji edition and the Fenxingge edition are exactly the same concerning the Siamese customs. The Fenxinge seems to be based on the Baoyantang, with the exception of omitting the preface. This is also supported by one part of Huang Yannian’s comment, where the Baoyantang edition has a black square instead of a character in one in- stance (sui gong X. 歲貢X). This black square is repeated in the Fenxinge edition. The Lingnan yishu edition has “zhong 終” instead of the square.56

55 Miles 2006: 152. 56 Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Baoyantang miji): ba: 2a; Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Fenxinge): ba: 1b; Huang Zhong, Hai yu (Lingnan yishu): ba: 1b. The sentence, thus, can be translated as: “This year, the tribute ended.”

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from 23 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2019) 1–38 09:24:27AM via free access Editing, Circulating, and Reading Huang Zhong’s Hai yu 17 table 2 Elements of the Hai yu

Element BYT SKQS XJTY FXG LNYS

Qinding siku quanshu tiyao 欽定四庫全書提要, X X dated 1782 Preface by Huang Zhong, dated 1536: Hai yu X (a) X (b) X (b) xu 海語敘 (a)/ 海語序 (b) Table of contents: Hai yu mulu 海語目錄 X X X Juan 1: Chen Meigong dingzheng Hai yu juan X (a) X (b) X (b) X (b) X (c) shang 陳眉公訂正海語卷上(a) / Hai yu juan shang 海語卷上 (b) / Hai yu juan yi 海語卷一 (c) Juan 2 [Naming of juan analogue to juan 1] X (a) X (b) X (b) X (b) X (c) Juan 3 [Naming of juan analogue to juan 1] X (a) X (b) X (b) X (b) X (c) Comment by Huang Yannian, dated 1537: X (a) X (b) X (a) X (a) Ba 跋 (a); Hai yu ba 海語跋 (b) Comment by Huang Xixi, dated 1584 [no title] X Comment by Zhang Haipeng, dated 1803 [no X title] Comment by Wu Lanxiu, dated 1821 [no title] X Comment by Tan Ying [signed as Wu X Chongyao], dated 1846 [no title]

2) The Siku quanshu edition is fairly close to the Baoyantang edition and only contains two deviations, which correspond to the wording of the manuscript. As the manuscript and the Siku quanshu editions are both based on the commented version by Huang Xuezhun, it is likely that the variations found in both these editions were mistakes made by Huang Zhong’s nephew. Due to sloppy copying, the person making Jiang Fan’s manuscript added several further deviations. 3) The Xuejin taoyuan and the manuscript version both differ in several places with the other editions, but also with each other, suggesting that these differences were mistakes added because of careless editing. Books that copied from the Hai yu before the publication of the Baoyantang hui miji after 1620 can provide clues about which one of the editions is closest to the original of Huang Zhong. Notable are the works of two brothers: Shen Maoshang’s Siyi guangji on foreign countries completed between 1601 and 1603, and Shen Maoguan’s 慎懋官 (fl. 1553–1593) Huayi huamu niaoshou

Ming Qing Yanjiu 23 (2019) 1–38 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:24:27AM via free access 18 Papelitzky zhenwan kao 華夷花木鳥獸珍玩考 (Investigation of Plants, Animals and Rare Things of China and the Barbarians), printed after 1585. The Siyi guangji copied the section on the Siamese and Malaccan customs nearly completely and the Huayi huamu incorporated most of the products from the second part of the Hai yu.57 Comparing the relevant sections with all editions of the Hai yu, shows that the sections in the Siyi guangji and the Huayi huamu are identical with the Baoyantang miji edition. This suggests that contrary to the bad reputation of the Baoyantang miji, in the case of the Hai yu, the congshu comes closest to the original. In conclusion, it seems that the first print of 1537 circulated for a while and scholars such as Shen Maoshang, Shen Maoguan, and Chen Jiru had access to this first edition. At the same time, Huang Zhong’s relatives Huang Xuezhun and Huang Xixi copied the Hai yu and produced their own editions. Huang Xixi’s version then reached Zhang Haipeng, and Huang Xuezhun’s version was incorporated in the Siku quanshu, as well as copied into a manuscript that was in possession of Jiang Fan. table 3 Differences between the editions in the chapter on the customs of Siam (j. 1) based on the differences remarked in the Lingnan yishu

BYT FXG SKQS XJTY Manuscript SYGJ a: 額; b: 頟; c: X a a a b c a a: 衙府; b: 衙門 a a a a b a a: 主以阿昆; b: X a a a a b a a: 乃; b: X a a a a b a a: X; b: 其 a a a a b a a: 獲; b: 或 a a a b a a a: 日月; b: 日 a a b a b a A: 氣; b: 風 a a a a b a A: 只; b: 咫 a a a b a omitted A: 三盈; b: 盈三; c: a a a b a omitted 長盈 A: 外; b: 後 a a a a b a A: 首; b: X a a a a b a A: X; b: 相 a a a a b a A: 呪; b: 咒; c: 叩 a a a b c a

57 Shen Maoshang, Siyi guangji: ce 101; Shen Maoguan, Huayi huamu niaoshou zhenwankao: j. 9: 5a; j. 10: 2b, 21ab, 24b, 25a, 34a.

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from 23 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2019) 1–38 09:24:27AM via free access Editing, Circulating, and Reading Huang Zhong’s Hai yu 19 table 3 Differences between the editions in the chapter on the customs of Siam (cont.)

BYT FXG SKQS XJTY Manuscript SYGJ

A: 之; b: 刻 a a a b a a A: 佐; b: 稽; c: 視 a a b c b a A: 苦; b: 若 a a a b a omitted A: 時; b: 持 a a a b a omitted

The editions are also compared to the Siyi guangji (ce 101). “X” means that the character is left out, “omitted” means that Shen Maoshang did not copy the whole sentence in the Siyi guangji, and so no comparison is possible. table 4 Number of differences in the chapter on Siamese customs between the editions based on differences remarked in the Lingnan yishu

BYT FXG SKQS XJTY

FXG 0 SKQS 2 2 XJTY 9 9 10 Manuscript 12 12 10 18

2.3 The Hai yu in Ming and Qing Book Catalogues Some clues about the editions of the Hai yu and its circulation can be drawn from looking at entries in book catalogues and lists of books of the Ming and Qing dynasties. Scholarship on these catalogues usually divides them into three categories: 1) Officially compiled catalogues of imperial book collections; 2) catalogues of the standard histories and local gazetteers; 3) catalogues from private collections.58 The lists in the official histories and the gazetteers (yiwen zhi 藝文志) are based on older catalogues and do not imply that the compiler had actually seen the books. Private collectors on the other hand, tended to record only the books in their possession. Consequently, for studying the editions of the Hai yu, all types of catalogues are useful, but for studying the circulation only those from private collections yield usable data.

58 Lai Xinxia 1991: 23–45; Wilkinson 2018: 1063–1067.

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Another type of catalogue are the list of books presented for the Siku quan shu project. As these records note who owned the book, further conclusions about the circulation of the Hai yu can be drawn. For an overview of records on the Hai yu separated by type of catalogue, see Table 5.59

table 5 Book catalogues that mention the Hai yu

Book catalogue Compiler Reference to Hai yu Location of book collection

Official book catalogues, records in gazetteers and the Ming shi that do not imply actual ownership

Guoshi jingji zhi 國史經籍志 Jiao Hong Hai yu in 1 juan (1602)a 海語一卷 Ming shi 明史b Wan Sitong Huang Zhong Tieqiao’s 萬斯同 Hai yu in 3 juan 黃衷鐵 (1638–1702) 橋，海語三卷 Guangdong tongzhi, Jiajing Hai yu in 1 juan, written and Wanli (1561 and 1602)c by Huang Zhong 海語一卷，黃衷撰 Guangdong tongzhi (1822)d Hai yu in 3 juan, written by Huang Zhong of the Ming [dynasty], extant. 海語三卷，明黃衷撰，存 Nanhai xianzhi (1691)e Hai yu in 1 juan, written by Huang Zhong 海語一卷，黃衷撰 Nanhai xianzhi (1869)f Hai yu in 3 juan, written by Huang Zhong of the Ming [dynasty] 海語三卷，明黃衷撰

59 Another method for acquiring information on the circulation of a book would be to check the seal of book collectors on the extant prints. However, due to the large number of congshu and the wide circulation of most of these congshu, this is not practical for the Hai yu. The method is more suited for books that are only extant in smaller numbers and especially for manuscripts. For more information, see Fölster 2016.

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table 5 Book catalogues that mention the Hai yu (cont.)

Book catalogue Compiler Reference to Hai yu Location of book collection

Xinxiu Guangzhou fuzhi Hai yu in 1 juan, written (c.1662–1723)g by Huang Zhong 海語一卷，黃衷撰 Guangzhou fuzhi (1879)h Hai yu in 3 juan, written by Huang Zhong from Nanhai 海語三卷，南海黃衷撰

Private catalogues

Chao shi baowentang shumu Chao Li 晁瑮 Hai yu 海語 Henan, Kaizhou 晁氏寶文堂書目i (1541 jinshi) 開州 and Chao Dongwu 晁東吳 (1531–1554) Danshengtang cang shumu Qi Chenghan Tieqiao Hai yu in 1 juan, Zhejiang, 澹生堂藏書目 (1620)j 祁承㸁 1 ce, by Huang Zhong 鐵 Shanyin 山陰 (1563–1628) 橋海語一卷一冊，黃衷 Qianqingtang shumu Huang Yuji Huang Zhong Tieqiao’s Fujian, Jinjiang 千頃堂書目黄虞稷 Hai yu in 3 juan 黃衷鐵晉江 (1629–1691) 橋，海語三卷 Chuanshilou shumu Xu Qianxue Hai yu in 3 juan, by Jiangsu, Kunshan 傳是樓書目k 徐乾學 Huang Zhong of the 崑山 (1631–1694) Ming [dynasty], in 1 ben 海語三卷，明黃衷，一本 Jiangyunlou cang shumu Qian Qianyi 錢謙 Hai yu 海語 Jiangsu, 絳雲樓藏書目 (after 1650)l 益 (1582–1664) Changshu 常熟 Qian Zunwang shugutang Qian Zeng 錢曾 Hai yu in 1 juan in 1 Jiangsu, cangshu mulu 錢遵王述古 (1629–1701) ben, manuscript 海語一 Changshu 堂藏書目錄m 卷，一本，抄 Yeshiyuan cang shumu Qian Zeng Huang Zhong’s Hai yu Jiangsu, 也是園藏書目n in 1 juan 黃衷， Changshu 海語一卷

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table 5 Book catalogues that mention the Hai yu (cont.)

Book catalogue Compiler Reference to Hai yu Location of book collection

Tianyige shumu 天一閣書目 Fan Bangdian Hai yu in 2 juan Zhejiang, Ningbo (1808)o 范邦甸海語二卷寧波 Baqianjuanlou shumu Collection by Hai yu in 3 juan, Zhejiang, 八千卷樓書目 (1899)p Ding Bing 丁丙 written by Huang Zhong Hangzhou 杭州 (1832–1899), of the Ming [dynasty]. catalogue Fenxinge edition, Xuejin compiled by taoyuan edition, edition Ding Ren 丁仁 printed by Mr Wu (1879–1949) during the Daoguang era, Lingnan yishu edition. 海語三卷，明黃衷選。紛欣閣本，學津討原本，道光間吳氏刊本，嶺南遺書本

The Hai yu presented to the Siku quanshu projectq

Lianghuai shangren Ma Yu Ma Yu Hai yu in 3 juan, Jiangsu, jia chengsong shumu 兩淮 Dongxian lu in 1 juan, Yangzhou 商人馬裕家呈送書目r by Huang Zhong of the Ming [dynasty] 海語三卷，洞仙錄一卷，明黃衷 Zhejiang sheng di wu ci Zheng Dajie Hai yu in 3 juan, written Zhejiang, Cixi Zheng Dajie chengsong by Huang Zhong of the shumu 浙江省第五次鄭大 Ming [dynasty]. With 節呈送書目s an added commentary by Huang Xuezhun 海語三卷，明黃衷著。黃學準附註 Zhejiang caiji yishu zonglu Hai yu in 2 juan, manu- jianmu 浙江採集遺書總錄 script, written by Huang 簡目 (1774)t Zhong from

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table 5 Book catalogues that mention the Hai yu (cont.)

Book catalogue Compiler Reference to Hai yu Location of book collection

Eastern Guangdong of Zhejiang the Ming [dynasty] 海語二卷，寫本，明粵東黃衷撰

a Jiao Hong, Guoshi jingji zhi: j. 5: 84a. Jiao Hong prepared this catalogue for the project started by Chen Yubi 陳于陛 (1545–1597) that aimed to create a comprehensive, official history of the Ming dynasty. This project was never completed, but several parts survived, such as the book catalogue. It is based on older book catalogues, books in Jiao Hong’s library, and books held in the imperial palace. Due to this mix of sources, it is impossible to say where the record for the Hai yu is from. On the Guoshi jingji zhi see Li Wenqi 2007. b Wan Sitong, Ming shi: j. 134. Zhang Tingyu’s 張廷玉 version of the Ming shi does not mention the Hai yu. c Guangdong tongzhi (Jiajing): j. 42: 18b; Guangdong tongzhi (Wanli): j. 63: 11a. d Guangdong tongzhi (Daoguang): j. 193. e Nanhai xianzhi (Kangxi): j. 14: 2a. f Nanhai xianzhi (Daoguang): j. 25: 42a. g Xinxiu Guangzhou fuzhi (Kangxi): j. 46. h Guangzhou fuzhi (Guangxu): j. 91: 33b. i Chao Li and Chao Dongwu, Chao shi baowentang shumu: j. 2. j Qi Chenghan, Danshengtang cang shumu: shibu shang 史部上. k Xu Qianxue, Chuanshilou shumu: shibu 史部: 71a. l Qian Qianyi, Jiangyunlou cang shumu: shizhuan ji lei 史傳記類. m Qian Zeng, Qian Zunwang Shugutang cangshu shumu: j. 3: biezhi 別志. n Qian Zeng, Yeshiyuan cangshu mu: j. 3 biezhi 別志. o Fan Bangdian, Tianyige shumu: j. 1: 49b. The book is recorded in the list of “presented books of the Erlaoge 二老閣.” Erlaoge was the name of Zheng Dajie’s book collection. This record of the Hai yu, thus might refer to the version presented by Zheng Dajie, which would imply that there is a mistake in the Tianyige shumu regarding the number of juan. However, the Zhejiang caiji yishu zonglu jianmu 浙江採集遺書總錄簡目 claims there was a manuscript of the Hai yu in two juan presented to the Siku quanshu, which might refer to the same copy as the Tianyige shumu (Wu Weizu 1960: 257). Did Zheng Dajie present two copies of the Hai yu? On the catalogue of the Tianyige, see Li Shiyu 1999; Stackmann 1990. p Ding Ren, Baqianjuan lou shumu: j. 8: 25b. q On the list of books presented to the Siku quanshu project, see note 40. r Wu Weizu 1960: 72. s Ibid.: 117. t Ibid.: 257. The section on the “Simple catalogue of the complete record of remaining books presented from Zhejiang” is not part of the Jincheng shumu, but added as an addendum in Wu Weizu’s book. The original was compiled by Shen Chu 沈初 et al. and has a preface dated 1774.

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The first record of the Hai yu in a catalogue dates to the mid-sixteenth century from a collection in Kaizhou, Henan, showing that the Hai yu already circulated outside of Guangdong shortly after having been printed. This record by Chao Li and his son Chao Dongwu is one of the few instances of the Hai yu appearing in a private collection outside Jiangsu and Zhejiang. In fact, the only other private collector to mention the Hai yu outside this region is Huang Yuji from Fujian in his massive Qianqingtang shumu. A focus on collections in the Jiangnan area, or more precise, in the triangular area between Changzhou, Hangzhou, and Ningbo, is expected, as this was the main centre for collecting books.60 Local gazetteers of Guangdong consistently mention the Hai yu throughout the Ming and Qing dynasties, but other records about the Hai yu from Guangdong are non-existent. Since Guangdong only presented twelve books to the Siku quanshu project, it is not surprising that the Hai yu was not among them.61 The catalogues record the Hai yu as having one, two, or three juan. Giving the length as one juan is consistent with what can be found in Huang Zhong’s biography, but since today only versions in three juan are extant, the one and two juan versions are probably either mistakes by the compilers of the catalogues or references to defective versions of the Hai yu. It is also possible that there was an early version of the Hai yu in one juan that Huang Zhong had given to Huang Zuo and so the latter stated that the Hai yu had only one juan when writing Huang Zhong’s biography. This version then might have ended up in Qian Zeng’s hands, who claims to only have had a manuscript version, but this is only speculation. The record of the one juan version in the other catalogues might be due to copying from Huang Zhong’s biography62 and the repeated copying of the local gazetteers. The first gazetteer to correct the mistake is the Daoguang version of the Guangdong tongzhi. This is likely no coincidence, as the primary compiler of that gazetteer was Ruan Yuan 阮元 (1764–1849), founder of the Xuehaitang.

60 Scholars have estimated that around half of all book collections were located in Zhejiang and Jiangsu (Wilkinson 2018: 1054). Stackmann’s estimates are even higher: according to his calculation 83.13% of book collections in the Ming were located in these two provinces and 69.76% in the Qing (Stackmann 1990: 146). In their discussion of the locations of book collections, Zhuan Xuancong and Xie Zhuohua have one category for Zhejiang, one for Suzhou, and one for “other”, which mostly includes Shandong and Beijing (Zhuan Xuancong and Xie Zhuohua 2001: 872–887). 61 Wu Weizu 1960: 171. Of these twelve books, four were finally included in the Siku quan shu. Only the provinces Yunnan, Sichuan, and Guangxi presented less books: none (Guy 1987: 90). 62 The case of copying from Huang Zhong’s biography seems especially likely in the case of Jiao Hong, as he did include Huang Zhong’s biography in his Guochao xianzheng lu.

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Among the compilers were also Jiang Fan and Wu Lanxiu, who as discussed above, had played a role in disseminating the Hai yu in the nineteenth century.63

2.4 Reading and Citing the Hai yu during the Ming and Qing The Hai yu was not only collected in libraries but also cited widely by scholars during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Looking at these citations shows who had actually read the book—or at least parts of it. Unfortunately, taking the citations as readership of the book excludes any reader that did not write, which means that less-educated readers and those who had no possibilities to publish their own work do not appear. From the citations, we can only gather data for a part of the readership. Nevertheless, the citations not only supple- ment the information from the book catalogues about where the Hai yu circulated, but also shows which parts of the Hai yu were popular. To find books that cite the Hai yu, I searched the full-text database of Chinese Classic Ancient Books by Erudition with the term “Hai yu”. The search reveals a total of 26 books citing whole passages of the Hai yu.64 For a list of books, see Table 6. Of course, this list is nowhere near complete, as the database only provides a selected (but very large) number of books and in order to find the reference to the Hai yu, the author of the copying book must have explicitly stated to have used the Hai yu. Many works certainly copied from the Hai yu without telling the reader so, as it was the case in Shen Maoshang’s Siyi guangji.65 Another problem of this database is the lack of prefaces, fanli, and in the rare case that these exist—the bibliographies of the books.66 In these three sections, the authors often explain their methodology and reasoning for writing the text, including details on their sources and books used, so these parts would provide further evidence of the Hai yu having been read. The big- gest restriction of this method, however, is the fact that Chinese writers often

63 On the compilation of the Daoguang version of the Guangdong tongzhi, see Miles 2006: 91–93. 64 This number excludes all the aforementioned book catalogues of which most are included in the database, as well as local gazetteers, the Siku quanshu zongmu and any reference that only copies Huang Zhong’s biography. Not all search results actually referred to the Hai yu, some books used the term without meaning Huang Zhong’s book. 65 I was only able to identify the Hai yu as a source of Shen Maoshang by searching for the sources of the Siyi guangji while looking at the book in detail. This approach can of course not be applied systematically for finding books that cite the Hai yu. On the Hai yu as a source for the Siyi guangji see Papelitzky 2017: 122f, 136, 151, 160, 165, 188–192. 66 I am aware of two Ming books that have a list of books used for the compilation, similar to a modern bibliography: Zheng Ruozeng’s 鄭若曾 (fl. 1505–1580) Chouhai tubian 籌海圖編 (Illustrated Naval Strategy; 1562), and Luo Yuejiong’s 羅曰褧 (fl. 1585–1597) Xianbin lu 咸賓錄 (Records on All Guests; 1591).

Ming Qing Yanjiu 23 (2019) 1–38 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:24:27AM via free access 26 Papelitzky copied from other sources without changing the contents. Simply because an author writes that certain pieces of information were taken from the Hai yu, it does not mean that he had seen and read the Hai yu. He could have cited another book that had cited the Hai yu.67 What searching the database thus reveals on a first glance, is information on the circulation of knowledge from the Hai yu and not information of circulation of the book Hai yu itself. Certain measures can be taken to filter out books that simply copied from other books that had cited the Hai yu. If an author cites passages of the Hai yu not contained in any earlier book citing the Hai yu, it is likely that he had used the Hai yu directly—although it is possible that he used a book not contained in the database. Excluding the books that likely copied information from the Hai yu via another source, leaves twenty books from seventeen authors that probably had access to the Hai yu directly. These are printed in bold in Table 6. The earliest books to cite the Hai yu is Chen Hongmo’s 陳洪謨 (1474–1555; 1496 jinshi) Jishi jiwen 繼世紀聞 (first half of sixteenth century) which copied a short sentence on how Siamese people greet their rulers not long after the Hai yu was printed. Chen Hongmo and Huang Zhong passed their jinshi degree in the same year and Chen Hongmo took the post of Vice Minister of War in 1529 directly after Huang Zhong retired,68 suggesting that they knew each other and that Chen Hongmo received the Hai yu from Huang Zhong. Starting from the Wanli period, the book is cited regularly until the end of the Qing dynasty. During the first half of the nineteenth century it became quiet around the Hai yu, but later in that century, the Hai yu gained popular- ity again with five authors copying from the book between 1853 and 1899. The publication of the Lingnan yishu seems to have played a role in further circulating the book. As in the case of the book catalogues, the majority of the authors citing the Hai yu are from the Jiangnan region, but two authors from Sichuan also used the book. Again the lack of authors in Guangdong is glaring. By far the majority of the authors cite the second chapter of the Hai yu on animals and products—21 of the 26 do so. Only four authors were interested in the Hai yu’s description of Siam and Malacca; only Lai Jizhi 來集之 in his Tanghu qiaoshu 倘湖樵書 and Wei Yuan 魏源 (1794–1857) in his Haiguo tuzhi 海國圖志 cite the section on dangerous places in the water; the last section on curiosities only found its way into the Tanghu qiaoshu and Hu Shi‘an’s 胡世安

67 Examples for this work process include the Gezhi jingyuan that probably copied the sections on the Hai yu from the Huayi huamu, as well as the Yuanjian leihan that in turn copied some sections from the Gezhi jingyuan. 68 Zhang Dexin 2009: 849.

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Yiyu tuzan jian 異魚圖讚箋. The implications are clear: later scholars recognized the Hai yu mostly for its expertise about animals and products. The Erudition Database for local gazetteers provides another useful option for checking the circulation and the parts of the Hai yu that were interesting for literati. Searching through this database with the same method as the Database of Ancient Books, reveals a total of twenty gazetteers that cite from the Hai yu. For a list, see Table 7. Again, the section on animals and products is cited most widely—all of the twenty gazetteers copied at least a short passage from this chapter. Two gazetteers mention information about the customs of Siam, and four about the curiosities. Only a single gazetteer cites from the third section. This time, the geographic distribution is reversed. Nearly all references to the Hai yu are from gazetteers from Guangdong and Hainan (which then was still part of Guangdong). Only one gazetteer from Zhejiang (Cixi xianzhi 慈谿縣志) and one from Fujian (Xiamen zhi 廈門志) cite the Hai yu. The lack of mentioning of the Hai yu in gazetteers outside Guangdong is of course not surprising—the Hai yu recorded local information after all. Instead the two gazetteers from outside Guangdong deserve attention, especially the gazetteer of Xiamen. It is the only one to copy from the third chapter on dangerous spots in the water. The inclusion is due to the gazetteer of Xiamen discussing foreign countries extensively in juan 8. All references to the Hai yu are contained in this chapter. The compiler Zhou Kai 周凱 (1779–1837, from Fuyang 富陽, Zhejiang) collected books about foreign countries, the Hai yu among them.69 The local gazetteers copy from each other even more than the other texts discussed above do, and so only few of the compilers of the twenty gazetteers had seen an actual copy of the Hai yu. In consequence, the list is again proof of the circulation of knowledge from the Hai yu and not the circulation of the book. Nevertheless, some compilers of the gazetteers such as Zhou Kai did copy directly from the Hai yu. The Wanli edition of the Guangdong tongzhi copied from Huang Zuo’s Jiajing edition of this gazetteer (unfortunately not in the database), but the compiler Guo Fei 郭棐 (1562 jinshi, from Nanhai) added information not included in the previous edition, showing that he did have access to the Hai yu.70 Later

69 On the description of foreign countries in the Xiamen zhi, see Zheng Yangwen 2011: 221f. 70 Comparing the sections on miscellaneous records (zalu 雜錄) in the two versions ( juan 72 of the Wanli edition and juan 70 of the Jiajing edition) reveals that both copied information on animals from the Hai yu, but while the Jiajing edition only copied the section on the shark (haisha 海鯊), the Wanli edition added information on several other animals (Guangdong tongzhi (Jiajing): j. 70: 29a; Guangdong tongzhi (Wanli): j. 72: 22b, 46a–47b).

Ming Qing Yanjiu 23 (2019) 1–38 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:24:27AM via free access 28 Papelitzky gazetteers of Guangdong copied from there, and—as in the case of updating the number of juan in the catalogue section—new information was only added to the Guangdong tongzhi when Xuehaitang scholars edited the gazetteer. While in the case of the aforementioned books, parts of the Hai yu were adapted throughout the Ming and Qing dynasties, the majority of the gazetteers was published in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Only few earlier gazetteers cite the Hai yu, even if previous versions of the same gazetteer are extant. The Kangxi edition of the Nanhai xianzhi, for example, mentions the Hai yu in Huang Zhong’s biography and in the bibliography of books from Nanhai County, but only the Daoguang edition cites parts of the Hai yu. In the case of the Xining xianzhi, the Hai yu only appears in the most recent one of 1937, although versions of the Wanli, Kangxi, and Daoguang periods are extant. This increased number of citations in the nineteenth century suggests that the Xuehaitang scholars and the Lingnan yishu not only corrected the mistake of the number of juan, but also brought awareness about this book to Guangdong. The above analysis showed when and where the Hai yu and its knowledge circulated. The question remains how all the people citing the Hai yu adapted and changed the knowledge from the Hai yu. Nearly all citations of the Hai yu both in the gazetteers and the other books copied Huang Zhong word for word, and only few changed any characters, but never the meaning, and so on a basic level, knowledge from the Hai yu circulated without being altered. While the knowledge did not change, what did change was the context in which it appeared. Huang Zhong’s focus and the theme that glued all parts of his book together was the sea. He thought it important to contextualize the products by first describing the customs of the countries the products and stories came from, but since only few texts cite from more than one chapter, it is clear that later scholars did not disseminate this context further. When examining the most widely cited second chapter on its own, a similar picture emerges: The majority of the authors only showed interest in short snippets of the work. Shen Maoguan for example, who cited the Hai yu extensively in his Huayi huamu, copied 18 of the 29 items described in the second chapter. These snippets are not cited together, but taken apart analysed, and put into relevant sections of the later work. Shen Maoguan took the parts of the Hai yu on fish and included them in his section on fish and so on. Other authors proceeded similarly, resulting in the original context of the Hai yu—the sea—being lost. A curious result of the re-contextualising of the Hai yu is the mixture of the second and fourth chapter. Huang Zhong clearly separates the real and the fantastic by putting all curious stories into their own chapter. The Daoguang

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Guangdong tongzhi, however, places the description of the sea monk (hai- heshang 海和尚)—a mix between human and turtle dangerous to seafarers— into the category of aquatic animals (linjie lei 鱗介類) in the section of products (wuchan 物產), together with several “normal” fish including the ocean eel (hai manli 海鰻鱺), also copied from the Hai yu.71 Huang Zhong had separated the two. The sea monk was a curiosity, thus, placed into section four, the eel was real, thus placed into section two.72

table 6 Ming and Qing books included in the Erudition Database of Chinese Classic Ancient Books citing the Hai yu

Book Date Author Author place Section cited

Jishi jiwen 繼世紀聞 First half of Chen Hongmo Hunan, Wuling 1 16th century 陳洪謨武陵 (1474–1555) Huayi huamu niaoshou After 1585 Shen Maoguan Zhejiang, 2 zhenwankao 華夷花木慎懋官 Gui’an 歸安鳥獸珍玩考 Shantang sikao 1595 Peng Dayi 彭大翼 Jiangsu, 2 山堂肆考 Yangzhou 揚州 Minzhong haicuo shu 1596 Tu Benjun 屠本畯 Zhejiang, 2 閩中海錯疏 Yinxian 鄞縣 Huhui 虎薈 Wanli Chen Jirui 陳繼儒 Shanghai, 2 (1558–1636) Huating 華亭 Yiyu tuzan bu 異魚圖 Chongzhen Hu Shi‘an 胡世安 Sichuan, 2 讚補 (1628–1644) (died 1663) Jingyan 井研 Yiyu tuzan jian 異魚圖 Chongzhen Hu Shi‘an 2, 4 讚箋 Tianxia junguo libing 1662 Gu Yanwu 顧炎武 Jiangsu, 1, 2 shu 天下郡國利病書 (1613–1682) Kunshan 崑山

71 Guangdong tongzhi (Daoguang): j. 98. 72 Guida offers an explanation: “The mysterious creature, called ‘monk’ (heshang) because of its round bald head and hairless body, is to be identified as the dugong dugong or with the manatus manatus, herbivorous mammalians of the Sirenia order, that live along the tropical shores of the Indian and Pacific Oceans.” (Guida 1994: 391). While there now is an explanation based on scientific facts, this is not an explanation that Huang Zhong or the compilers of the Guangdong tongzhi could have known about.

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table 6 Ming and Qing books included in the Erudition Database (cont.)

Book Date Author Author place Section cited

Zheng zi tong 正字通 1671 Zhang Zilie 張自烈 Jiangxi, Yichun 2 (1564–1650) 宜春 Jianhu ji 堅瓠集 Kangxi Chu Renhuo Jiangsu, 2 (1662–1722) 褚人穫 Changzhou 長洲 Tanghu qiaoshu Kangxi Lai Jizhi 來集之 Zhejiang, 2, 3, 4 倘湖樵書 Xiaoshan 蕭山 Baimaotang ji 白茅堂集 Kangxi Gu Jingxing 顧景星 Hubei, Qizhou 2 (1621–1687) 蘄州 Gezhi jingyuan 格致鏡原 1717 Chen Yuanlong Zhejiang, 2 陳元龍 Haining 海寧 (1652–1736) Yuanjian leihan Zhang Xing 張英 Anhui, 2 淵鑒類函 (1637–1708) Tongcheng 桐城 Song dongjing kao Qianlong Zhou Cheng 周城 Zhejiang, 2 宋東京考 (1736–1796) Jiaxing 嘉興 Jingshi biming huikao Zhou Guangye 周 Zhejiang, 1 經史避名滙考廣業 (1730–1798) Haining Xu tongzhi 續通志 1767 Ji Huang 嵇璜 Jiangsu, 2 (1711–1794, chief Suzhou 蘇州 editor) and others Ranxi zhi 然犀志 Li Tiaoyuan 李調元 Sichuan, 2 (1734–1802) Mianzhou 綿州 Maosheng 貓乘 1798 Wang Chutong 王 Jiangsu, 2 初桐 (1730–1821) Jiading 嘉定 Haiguo tuzhi 海國圖志 1852 Wei Yuan 魏源 Hunan, 1, 3 (100 juan edition) (1794–1857) Shaoyang 邵陽 Maoyuan 貓苑 1853 Huang Han 黄漢 Zhejiang, 2 (died 1853) Yongjia 永嘉 Gewu zhongfa 格物中法 1870 Liu Yueyun 劉嶽雲 Jiangsu, 2 (1849–1917) Baoying 寶應 Chonghui 蟲薈 1890 Fang Xu 方旭 2 Chaxiangshi sanchao 1899 Yu Yue 俞樾 Zhejiang, 2 茶香室三鈔 (1821–1907) Deqing 德清

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table 6 Ming and Qing books included in the Erudition Database (cont.)

Book Date Author Author place Section cited

Chaxiangshi xuchao 1899 Yu Yue 2 茶香室續鈔 Chaxiangshi sichao 1899 Yu Yue 3 茶香室四鈔

The authors of the books printed in bold letters probably had access to the Hai yu directly. “Section cited” refers to the four sections of the Hai yu: 1: the customs of Siam and Malacca; 2: animals and products; 3: dangerous places in the water; 4: curiosities.

table 7 Gazetteers citing the Hai yu from the Erudition Database of Chinese Local Records

Gazetteer Date Province Section

Guangdong tongzhi (Wanli) 1602 Guangdong 1, 2 Guangdong tongzhi (Kangxi) 1697 Guangdong 2 Guangdong tongzhi (Daoguang) 1822 Guangdong 2, 4 Guangzhou fuzhi (Guangxu) 1879 Guangdong 2 Chaouzhou fuzhi (Qianlong) 潮州府志 Reprint 1893 Guangdong 2 Nanhai xianzhi (Daoguang) 1869 Guangdong 2 Chaoyang xianzhi (Guangxu) 潮陽縣志 1884 Guangdong 2 Jieyang xian xuzhi (Guangxu) 揭陽縣續志 1937 Guangdong 2 Chongxiu Dianbai xianzhi (Daoguang) 1825 Guangdong 2 重修電白縣志 Chongxiu Dianbai xianzhi (Guangxu) 1892 Guangdong 2 Xining xianzhi (Minguo) 西寧縣志 1937 Guangdong 2 Dongguan xianzhi (Minguo) 東莞縣志 1921 Guangdong 2 Yangjiang zhi (Minguo) 陽江志 1925 Guangdong 2 Gan’en xianzhi (Minguo) 感恩縣志 1931 Guangdong 2 Qiongzhou fuzhi (Qianlong) 瓊州府志 Qianlong Hainan 2 Qiongzhou fuzhi (Daoguang) Daoguang, revised Hainan 2, 4 Guangxu edition Qiongshan xianzhi (Minguo) 瓊山縣志 1917 Hainan 2 Danxian zhi (Minguo) 儋縣志 1936 Hainan 2, 4 Cixi xianzhi (Guangxu) 慈谿縣志 1899 Zhejiang 2 Xiamen zhi (Daoguang) 廈門志 1839 Fujian 1, 2, 3

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3 Summary and Conclusion

Huang Zhong recorded knowledge from seafarers hard to find in other written sources of China’s early modern period. Through the Hai yu this knowledge was passed on and circulated in China in the Ming and Qing periods. The Hai yu was by no means a popular book or a best-seller, but it was known enough for scholars in Jiangnan, Sichuan, and Guangdong to read it and to further disseminate Huang Zhong’s knowledge. The Hai yu existed in at least three different versions—Huang Yannian’s first printed version, the version with Huang Xuezhun’s commentary, and the Wanli print of Huang Xixi. None of the original versions survived until today, but Ming and Qing congshu conserved all three of them. The Baoyantang miji includes the first printed version and contrary to its bad reputation elsewhere, the congshu seems to have copied the Hai yu faithfully, and so this version seems to be the one closest to the original print. Huang Xixi’s version is found in the Xuejin taoyuan and Huang Xuezhun’s in the Siku quanshu. Two manuscript versions in one and two juan seem to have been circulating, but they are now lost. It is unclear if they are earlier, incomplete versions of the Hai yu, or later defective copies. Huang Zhong’s nephews and grandson played a big role in the early dissemi- nation and distribution of the Hai yu. It was them who made the book available and not a commercial publisher. The first person to cite the book was also an acquaintance of Huang Zhong’s—his colleague and same year jinshi-graduate Chen Hongmo. However, as soon as the book had reached the Jiangnan area in the early Wanli period at the latest, it started circulating on its own without personal connections to Huang Zhong. Until the mid-nineteenth-century with the publication of the Lingnan yishu the geographic focus of scholars reading the book lay without doubt in the Jiangnan area. Only few records of the Hai yu circulating outside this region exist. Even from Guangdong no new references to the book can be found from after the Wanli period until the Xuehaitang scholars—influenced by literati from Jiangnan—published the Lingnan yishu, which sparked an increased circulation of the Hai yu’s knowledge within Guangdong and possibly also outside the southern province. Later readers appreciated the Hai yu’s section on products and animals with nearly all citations coming from this chapter, showing that the Hai yu was recognized as an important book on this topic. The other sections that also include unique information such as those on Siam and Malacca were less interesting for Ming and Qing readers, although there are some exceptions such as Wei Yuan and Zhou Kai. No author incorporated the Hai yu completely into his own work and while nearly all of them cited the text word for word, they

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from 23 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2019) 1–38 09:24:27AM via free access Editing, Circulating, and Reading Huang Zhong’s Hai yu 33 changed the context of the knowledge. The sea was not the essential theme anymore, but whatever chapter the information from the Hai yu was included in, it provided a new context for Huang Zhong’s knowledge. Parts of these conclusions are based on studying two full-text databases— the Database of Chinese Ancient Texts and the Database of Local Gazetteers— to acquire information on the readership. The databases allowed the gathering of information that would not have been available otherwise, helping to un- derstand the timeframe, geographic distribution, and sections of the Hai yu that circulated. However, since the databases only include a selection of books and gazetteers, the data is incomplete, although the dataset is large enough to allow for reasonable conclusions, especially since in the case of the Hai yu the results were straightforward: Scholars from Jiangnan copied chapter two of the Hai yu regularly throughout the Ming and Qing dynasties. At the beginning, personal connections resulted in a larger circulation of the Hai yu, and in the nineteenth century Xuehaitang scholars brought the book back from Jiangnan to Guangdong.

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