Komunitas 8 (2) (2016): 169-184 DOI:10.15294/komunitas.v8i2.5971

InternationalKOMUNITAS Journal of Indonesian Society And Culture http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/komunitas

Problems, Challenges and Prospects of Indonesian Muslim Community in Sydney for Promoting Tolerance

Ahmad Muttaqin 1 , Achmad Zainal Arifin2, Firdaus Wajdi1

1Western Sydney University 2UIN Yogyakarta

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/komunitas.v8i2.5971

Received : 11 January 2016; Accepted: 19 August 2016; Published: September 2016

Abstract

This paper elucidates a map of Indonesian Muslim communities around Sydney in order to observe the possibility to promote a moderate and tolerant Indonesian Islam worldwide. Indonesian Muslims who live in Australia are relatively small if we consider that we are the closer neighbor of Australia and have the biggest Muslim populations in the world. Most Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney are in a form of kelompok pengajian (Islamic study group), which is commonly based on ethnicity, regionalism (province and regency), and religious affiliation with Indonesian Islamic groups. The main problems of Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney are an ambiguous identity, laziness for integration, and dream to home country. Most Indonesian Muslim diaspora in Sydney only consider Australia as the land for making money. Therefore, their inclusion to Australian community is just being “Indonesian Muslim in Australia” and it seems hard for them to be “Australian Muslim”, especially in the case of those who already changed to be Australian citizens. This kind of diaspora attitude differs from Muslims Diasporas from the Middle East and South Asia countries who are mostly ready to be fully Australian Muslim. Naturally, most Indonesian Muslim communities put their emphasis to develop their community based on social needs and try to avoid political idea of Islamism. In this case, the Indonesian government, through the Indonesian Consulate in Sydney, has great resources to promote moderate and tolerant views of Indonesian Islam to other Muslim communities, as well as to Western media.

Keywords: Indonesian Muslim; diaspora; identity; tolerance

Introduction 2010). Muslim communities in Australia in‐ Islam in Australia has a long historical pro‐ clude immigrants and their Australian‐born cess. Islam had been known before the Wes‐ families from the Middle East – including tern people settled in Australia. It can be Lebanon – , Turkey, Malaysia, the traced back around 1650 with the coming Indian sub‐continent and Africa. Currently, of Macassan fishermen along the northern a growing number of Indigenous Australi‐ coast of Australia (Kabir 2004). However, ans are converting to the Muslim faith, as most Muslims in Australia today are first are Australians of Anglo‐Celtic background. or second generation immigrants. Most of Oliver Roy asserts that the first gene‐ them have arrived under the humanitarian ration of Muslim migrants arrived in the component of the permanent immigration West in a pristine ‘ethnic culture’ without intake as refugees, while others have arrived any experience in adapting their religious as permanent immigrants under the skilled practices and traditions with a new and re‐ and family reunion programs(Akbarzadeh latively un-Islamic environment (Roy 2004). & Yasmeen 2005; Burnley 2001; Stephenson Searching a new identity then becomes a

 Corresponding author : © 2016 Semarang State University. All rights reserved Address: Prodi Studi Agama-agama, Fakultas Ushuluddin p-ISSN 2086 - 5465 | e-ISSN 2460-7320 & Pemikiran Islam, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, Yogyakarta Jl. Adisucipto Yogyakarta, Indonesia UNNES JOURNALS Email : [email protected], achmad [email protected], [email protected] 170 Ahmad Muttaqin, Problems, Challenges and Prospects of Indonesian Muslim Community in Sydney major theme for the second generation of refore, in this research, Muslim communi‐ Muslims in the West, including in Australia. ties are seen as forums for developing social In this case, the issue of ethnicity seems to connections and as forums through which be more attractive for Australian researchers values and norms are transmitted. in discussing Islam. Several studies indicate Farooqi(2006) demonstrates how the‐ that ethnic background of immigrants has se two aspects, developing social connection significant impact on the ways they percei‐ and transmitting values and norms, can be ve and practice Islam (Dreher, & Ho 2009; used to explore factors which drive network Hage 2002; Kabir 2004). Kabir, for example, formation in relation to Muslim communi‐ shows that the problem of Muslim has a st‐ ty development. He further asserts that ‘Is‐ rong relationship with race relation. Collins lamic social capital is the networking that even indicates that Lebanese migrants, es‐ helps to create the linkages,which in turn pecially the youth, suffered from stereoty‐ motivate people to follow up the Islamic ping as trouble makers within society (Col‐ conventions and norms’ such as the ideas lins 2000; Dragojlovic, 2012; French 2008; of ‘social well-being,’ ‘brotherhood,’ ‘socio- Heiss 2010). Australian Muslims in general economic justice,’and the ‘continued deve‐ are also accused for their unwillingness to lopment of human potential’ (2006 p.114). integrate with the wider society. The pride In this way, Farooqi’s understanding of ‘Is‐ of Islam and national origin are seen as two lamic social capital’ encapsulates both Put‐ major factors, which obstruct some inclusi‐ nam and Bourdieu’sunderstandings of so‐ on programs both initiated by the Australi‐ cial capital. Based on Farooqi’s formulation an government and other local institutions on ‘Islamic social capital,’ this research will (Akbarzadeh & Yasmeen 2005). identify certain assets of Indonesian Muslim Despite these complex relationships communities in Sydney and closely observe between Islam and ethnicity, which tend various forms of relationships among them, to produce uncomfort situation, these two as well as with other Muslim communities aspects can actually be used as a source of in Sydney area. building Islamic social capital for Indonesi‐ an Muslim communities in Sydney. As desc‐ Islam and Muslim in Australia ribed by Bourdieu, social capital means‘the The most common sources explaining the aggregate of actual or potential resources first encounter between Australian people which are linked to the possession of adu‐ and Muslims claim that Islam was brought to rable network’(Bourdieu 1986, p.248; Slama Australia by the Afghan cameleers in 1860s. 2011; Van Bruinessen 2012; Winamita 2012). However, Regina Ganter through her study This definition implies that assets for buil‐ at the Northern area of Australia, particular‐ ding social capital can be material, such as ly on the northern shores of Arnhem Land, resources and services, or non-material, such and Kayu , the beaches on the Kimberley as support or prestige. Another social capi‐ coast and the off-shore islands of the Arafu‐ tal theorist, Roebert Putnam, has different ra Sea, revealed that since 1750s, the Mus‐ perspective in defining social capital, which lims from (the sees it as ‘social networks and the associated in South ) had regular visit to that norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness’ place for collecting trepang or sea cucumber (Putnam 2000, 2007; Howell 2005; Poynting (Ganter, Martinez, & Lee 2006). These regu‐ 2006). It is clear that Putnam focuses on the lar visits had profoundly impacted on some normsand values which he suggests under‐ languages and cultures or traditions, such as pin effective networks, such as trust and ci‐ circumcision, which is widely practiced by vic participation. Although both theorists the aborigines(Akbarzadeh & Saeed 2001). do not included specifically on religious For some Australians, including the govern‐ aspect, but we can clearly see that religious ment, this predating time of the Whites in community also offers a dimension of social Australia seems hard to be acknowledged support and networks of relationship. The‐ because of the political reasons and to pre‐

UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas 8 (2) (2016): 169-184 171 serve the class domination of the White countries, such as Bosnia, Afghanistan, and upon the Muslims. Therefore, the first view some Middle Eastern countries. Based on of the coming of Islam in Australia is more census in 2011, the number of Muslim in popular than the second one. Australia has reached 476.290. This number However, there is also interesting rea‐ increases 39.9% from the 2006 census, see son provided by the Australian government the Table 1. in supporting this first view. During the Although the total Muslims in Austra‐ highest season of camel transport industry, lia only represents 2.2 % of total populati‐ there were around 3000 Muslims from on in Australia, some Muslim leaders claim Afghan who worked for crafting water and that the actual number of Muslims in Aust‐ goods in the difficult terrain. Most of these ralia can be doubled because there are many camel drivers are believed to be the first who Muslims who do not want to state their re‐ build a Muslim community in Australia. ligious identity (as Muslims) because of se‐ With the end of camel transport industry in curity reasons, such as worrying upon some 1920s, followed by the restrictive of White discriminative treatments or loosing oppor‐ Australian Immigrant policy, started in 1901, tunity to get certain jobs. Based on above the numbers of Afghan ideclined (Akbarza‐ data, Islam becomes the second fastest gro‐ deh & Saeed 2001). It was not until the end wing religion in Australia after Hinduism. of 1960s when the White Australia immigra‐ Interestingly, the number of Muslims, tion policy was dismantled, the numbers of which was dominated by immigrants, tends Muslims in Australia resumed. The number to change gradually to born-Australian Mus‐ of Muslims had grown rapidly, especial‐ lims. In this case, 37.6 % of Muslim popula‐ ly during the post-war period. As a result, tion in Australia are born in this continent, Muslims immigrants, particularly those who as it shows in the Table 2. came from Turkey and Lebanon, started to The high number of Muslims who settle and built some Muslim communities. born in Australia has created a great oppor‐ Most of these Muslim immigrants built their tunity for Muslims to soften or even elimina‐ community around the industrial cities, es‐ te a negative opinion imposed by the White pecially in Sydney and Melbourne. Australians that Muslims are reluctant to Beside these two countries, Turkey and integrate with the wider society. Muslim Lebanon, Muslim immigrants are mostly communities, to some extent, are common‐ come from the members of Commonwealth ly seen by the White Australian as exclusive countries, such as: India, Pakistan, Bang‐ groups (Akbarzadeh & Saeed 2001; Saeed ladesh, and Fiji; and also from conflicting 2003). Table 1. Religions in the 2011 Census 2011 Change 2006–2011 Religion Number % Number % Christianity 13.150.670 61.1 464.842 3.7 Buddhism 528.977 2.5 110.219 26.3 Islam 476.290 2.2 135.898 39.9 Hinduism 275.535 1.3 127.411 86.0 Judaism 97.336 0.5 8.506 9.6 Other religions 168.196 0.8 59.170 54.3 No religion 4.796.786 22.3 1.090.233 29.4 Not stated 1.839.649 8.6 384.308 -17.3 Supplementary codes 174.280 0.8 40.461 30.2 Total 21.507.719 1.652.432 8.3 Source: Adapted from Hassan (2015)

UNNES JOURNALS 172 Ahmad Muttaqin, Problems, Challenges and Prospects of Indonesian Muslim Community in Sydney

Table 2. Country of birth of Muslim population: top 15 source countries 2011 % of Muslim Country of birth Muslims population Australia 179.080 37.6 Lebanon 33.560 7.0 Pakistan 26.466 5.6 Afghanistan 26.043 5.5 Turkey 25.311 5.3 Bangladesh 23.665 5.0 Iraq 15.395 3.2 Iran 12.686 2.7 Indonesia 12.240 2.6 India 10.125 2.1 Saudi Arabia 8.709 1.8 Bosnia & Herzegovina 7.603 1.6 Malaysia 7.225 1.5 Fiji 7.191 1.5 Somalia 5.424 1.1 Source: Adapted from Hasan (2015). Beside this potential opportunity to that some Muslims are having difficulties be more integrated to the wider society, the in expressing and presenting themselves in elder generation of immigrant Muslim are front of others. Lower percentage of using still facing some problems related to their English in their family and their tendency to ethnicity. First, there are still some Muslim stay at the same region has also contributed immigrants who have not enough ability of in creating an exclusive image to others. Ac‐ speaking in English. According to the cen‐ tually, the language barrier is not only faced sus in 2006 and 2011, there is no significant by Muslims, but it is also experienced by ot‐ development in the number of Muslims her religious groups, particularly those who who has no or poor in English proficien‐ build their holy prayer based on ethnicity. cy (Hassan 2015). Both censuses reported However, since Islam is the second fastest around 15 per cent of Muslims included in growing religion in the country and there this category. This number is even smaller is also growing number of radicalism across when it comes to the daily usage of English Islamic world, including in Australia, in the in the family. The use of English in everyday last two decades, more attention is paid to‐ life of Muslim communities is also reflected ward Islamic communities. from the language being used in Mosque, Regarding the issue of identity, the especially for Friday sermon. Many mosques fundamental questions for Muslims in Aust‐ are still heavily associated with ethnicity or ralia to be answered is whether they will put country-origin of the Muslim communities, nationality or being Australian before their such as: Turkey Mosque, Lebanese Mosque, religion or being Muslims. Although the or Bosnian Mosque, which use Turkish, Ara‐ overwhelming Muslims strongly agree in bic, and Bosnian respectively(Kabir 2004). responding a statement that they can be a Second, as a consequence of the first good Muslim and a good Australian (Ak‐ problem, those who do not have good Eng‐ barzadeh & Yasmeen 2005), the suspicion lish skill tend to have a more complicated toward Muslim communities across the problem of identity. The opinion that some country is still prevalent. According to Us‐ Muslim communities are exclusive, to some tadz Emil, an Indonesian Muslim who work extent, could not be separated from the fact for Dompet Dhuafa, as well as a teacher of

UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas 8 (2) (2016): 169-184 173

Islamic studies in some Indonesian commu‐ mushala (smaller mosque not for conduc‐ nities in Sydney, to overcome this suspicion, ting Friday prayer). When the religious af‐ Muslims need to be more involved in public filiation is stronger than other factors in services and events. They also need to invite certain Muslim communities, they will only others to come and attend various activities have a Sunni or Shi’i mosque. Meanwhi‐ conducted in their mosques (Personal In‐ le, when the ethnic factors become a more terview, 25 November 2015). In fact, some dominant, Muslim communities may have mosques already did these activities and be‐ Turkish Sunni Mosque, Lebanese Shi’i Mos‐ come more open toward anyone who wants que, Bosnian Sunni Mosque, and so forth. to know more about Islam and Muslim com‐ Therefore, the need of Muslim communi‐ munities. ties in building mosques is relatively high in The problem of identity, which is Sydney. mostly based on ethnicity, eventually will be According to Underabi (2014), the‐ wiped away if we rely on statistical data. The re are 167 Islamic places of worship, both growing significant number of Muslim born mosques and mushala, across New South in Australia, which tells us the higher per‐ Wales. Most of these Islamic places of wor‐ centage of Muslim populations, will create ships are concentrated in the Western Syd‐ a better environment to develop and coope‐ ney regions, especially in two city councils rate with the wider society. Overall, this where the percentage of Muslim population identity problem should create awareness are much higher than the national average: among the Australians that Muslims are not Auburn and Bankstown. Based on 2011 Aust‐ only associated with Arab and some Middle ralian census, it is reported that the percen‐ Eastern countries, which is only made up tage number of Muslims in Bankstown is of 42 per cent of the Muslims in Australia 19.1 %, the second largest religious affilia‐ (Hassan 2015; Underabi 2014). There are no tion after Catholicism. Meanwhile, in Au‐ single ethnics or Islamic streams that could burn, the numbers of Muslims even become claim as the only representative of Aust‐ the highest, with the percentage of 23.6 % ralian Muslim. The younger generation of from the total population of the Auburn Muslim, to some extent, will have a greater city-council.The growth of mosques in New chance to do this. South Wales is very high. Around 64 % of mosques were built within the last two de‐ Muslim Communities in Sydney cades, especially in these two city councils. Similar to other places across the country, These relatively new mosques indicate that Muslims in New South Wales are also cul‐ the needs to build a new mosque is not me‐ turally and linguistically diverse groups. rely based on religious orientation, but also However, according to Jan Ali, lecturer on the need of developing community based and researcher at Centre of Study for Mus‐ on ethnicity. This can be clearly seen from lim and Society (CSMS), Western Sydney the language used in the mosque, especially University,Muslims in New South Wales are on the daily activities. It is also very common considered as the most heterogeneous in among Australian Muslims to name certain ethnicities or country-origins, languages, mosque with ethnic identity, such as Turki‐ and even religious or Islamic group’s affi‐ sh Mosque or Lebanese Mosque, instead of liations” (Personal Interview, 27 November Sunni or Shi’i Mosque, although the mos‐ 2015). The diversity ofc ultures, languages, ques have Arabic names, such as al-Hijrah and religious affiliations can be a potential Mosque, Abu Bakr Mosque, and so forth. source for building various Muslim commu‐ Within the Western Sydney regions, nities. However, in some cases, it can also the role of educational institution, especi‐ be a source for conflict among Muslim com‐ ally Western Sydney University, the former munities.These diversities can easily be seen University of Western Sydney, is crucial in from the establishment of various different promoting Islam to a wider society. Regular worship places, which can be mosques or meetings, such as public lecture, seminar,

UNNES JOURNALS 174 Ahmad Muttaqin, Problems, Challenges and Prospects of Indonesian Muslim Community in Sydney and Islamic book fair, are open for everyo‐ These differences in culture, language, ne, not only limited to the students. Besides, and religious orientation, can also be a gre‐ the Western Sydney University, through its at potential for Muslim in New South Wales Centre of Study for Religion and Society, to soften the negative image that has been also held a regular meeting for imams of created by Western media because of radi‐ mosques in Western Sydney regions (Per‐ calism and terrorism. The diversity of Mus‐ sonal Interview with Adam Possamai, the lim communities offers different picture of Director of CSRS, 26 November 2015). Most Islam and Muslim community in more fair imams appreciated the initiative of the ways. The richness of traditions, brought by campus to facilitate them for having regu‐ Muslims immigrants from all of the worlds, lar meetings to discuss various issues that can be excellent tools for promoting Islam have been facing by Muslim communities as a peaceful religion. In some places around in New South Wales. One thing that should the Western Sydney regions, Islamic festival be noted related to the existence of Imams has become an annual agenda of the city in New South Wales is their average of age council. Different traditions from all Mus‐ and country-origin. Around 47 % of imams lim communities at the city council region are relatively young as they are aged below are exposed through street parade or being 40. Only 24 % of imams are aged more than showed on the stages. Lakemba Festivals, 60 (Underabi 2014, p.42). Most of the imams Muslim Cultural Weeks, and Bankstown also have a very good qualification in Islamic Festivals, are examples of annual events Studies. They graduated from some famous held in the Canterbury and Bankstown city university with a good Islamic Studies pro‐ council. gram, such as: Madinah University in Sau‐ Beside those cultural and language di Arabia or Al-Azhar University in Egypt differences, various streams of Islam have for Sunni imams; and from Qom for Shi’i also shaped the characteristics of Muslim imams. communities across New South Wales, espe‐ Although imam is not the only per‐ cially around the metropolis city of Sydney. son in directing and shaping the religiosity General picture of Islamic groups, which is of Muslim community’s members, he un‐ commonly only divided into two: Sunni and deniably play significant role in developing Shi’i, seems to be noted more carefully. Both community through most activities held Sunni and Shi’i in the context of Sydney in the mosque. The existence of relatively have various streams represented through young and Australian-born imams has crea‐ the affiliation of the mosques. Heterogenei‐ ted an opportunity for Muslim communities ty of Sunni, for example, needs to be taken around Sydney to be more open to wider au‐ into account because there are some funda‐ diences, including to White Australian. Mi‐ mental differences among them, especially xed ethnicities existed in several activities in after the rise of transnational Islam (Meu‐ the mosques have become more common leman 2002; Saeed 2003). However, unlike today. This is a better situation for Muslim in Christianity, where people with different community compared to two or three de‐ denomination will likely to go to different cades before when each Muslim communi‐ churches, in Islam those who have some ty, based on their ethnic or country-origin, fundamental differences are still allowed to tended to invite their imam from their own worship in the same mosque. For Muslim, countries. Some of these “imported” imams all mosques belong to God. So, any Muslims even have no ability to speak in English. can go to any mosque they wanted. Therefore, the language used in their mos‐ In general, apart from the tensions que was also same with the language used among Muslim communities, the growth of in their country’s origin. This situation, Muslims in New South Wales, especially in to some extent, has created difficulties for the Western Sydney regions, indicates that Muslim community to develop and adapt many Muslim immigrants are still attracted with its wider society. to come and live in Sydney. The composition

UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas 8 (2) (2016): 169-184 175 of Muslim population, which is dominated Muslims who also share the living area in by younger people, has a great potential, Lakemba-Bankstown. not only to develop Muslim communities, A bit further north, in the area of Au‐ but also to boost the Sydney’s economics burn, there is a Turkish big mosque knows growth. Furthermore, the main reason for as Gallipoli mosque. The ornament both most Muslims migrated to Australia and exterior and interior of this mosque will re‐ chose to live in Sydney is to seek a better mind the visitors to the mosque in Turkey. economics and social life, including most This mosque is located in the heart of Tur‐ Muslims from Indonesia. Those are among kish Muslim community in Auburn. The the most significant Muslim communities sermons are mostly delivered in Turkish, in Sydney. They have settled and integrated although not all Muslims there understand with other communities and make a mutual Turkish, even for young generation of the relationship, especially through sharing pla‐ Turk. The use of Turkish, undoubtedly, is ce of worship (mosque or mushala), Halal related to the existence of some older gene‐ Food Businesses, and marriages. ration of the Turks who still have no English ability. Besides, it is also a part of romanti‐ Sharing Place of Worship cism, in the sense that they want to bring The pattern of worship of the Muslim com‐ nuances of their home country into their munities in Sydney is moderately based on new home in Sydney. To accommodate the their origin background. Although it is not needs of Muslims from other countries, the exclusive, they tend to pray and study the imam added a short English translation du‐ Quran along with their same origin backg‐ ring their sermons. round. During our observation in Sydney, In general, the Muslims perform their especially in two city councils where the per‐ religious rituals in the religious institution centage of Muslims are higher than the na‐ belong to their ethnical background, alt‐ tional average, it is quite easy to determine hough it is never restricted to other Muslim which mosques belong to particular Mus‐ communities to participate. With this no lim community. For example, in Lakemba, restriction nature of the mosque then the a Bankstown area of NSW, there is Lakemba interaction between the communities can Mosque (also known as Masjid Ali Bin Abi‐ take place. For example, logically, the Mus‐ Taleb). This big mosque although mainly lim community will find the nearest place used by Lebanese, as there are significant of worship with regard to where they live Lebanese Muslim around the area of Banks‐ or work. This is a quite common phenome‐ town and Canterbury, it also place for others non. During Friday prayer, some Indonesian Muslims such as Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Muslims join the large Lebanese mosque in Somali and South-East Asian backgrounds. Lakemba. While, on the other hand, some Interestingly, in some cases, each country Muslim with South Asian origin prefer to origins of those Muslims has their different pray at Indonesian musholla at during schedule in using the mosque other than juma or daily prayers. the daily prayers. This shows that each Mus‐ lim community still has a strong attachment Halal Food Business with their ethnicities. Other than the religious ritual, Muslims in In the area of Lakemba, there are also Sydney, who live in relatively same shared Bangladeshi mosque. In this mosque, befo‐ area of Bankstown and Canterbury, as well re the Friday prayers is conducted, there are as Auburn councils, also use local busines‐ sermons delivered in Banglaand then follo‐ ses as place for building networks among wed by the Friday prayers in Arabic. Most‐ them. What we mean by this is that some ly, the jamaah of the mosque are the Bangla Muslims provide groceries and other needs, Muslims who live around the area of La‐ such as halal meats and so forth. The need kemba and Wiley Park. But, other Muslims of Muslims upon halal foods, which are ra‐ are also welcome, including the Indonesian rely available in general shops operated by

UNNES JOURNALS 176 Ahmad Muttaqin, Problems, Challenges and Prospects of Indonesian Muslim Community in Sydney

Figure 1: One of halal meat shop in Lakemba non-Muslims, have created an opportunity cial networking among Muslims. This can for some Muslims to open shops and groce‐ clearly be seen that in many halal foods or ries with specialty on providing halal pro‐ meats shops there are always many pamph‐ ducts. For most Muslims in Sydney, as desc‐ lets, announcements, invitations to attend ribed by Ustad Wahyu, they prefer to shop mosque’s activities, and so forth. in groceries or restaurants that belong to fellow Muslims rather than in regular shops Marriage or supermarket. “It is more confortable for Marriage is also a significant feature of inter‐ us to shop in Muslim’s groceries because we action among Muslims in Sydney. Although do not need to look for halal certification or this might less significant compared to ot‐ doubt with any products sell in those gro‐ her forms, but this take place among Mus‐ ceries (Personal Interview, 29 November lims in Sydney. One of our friends, a convert 2015). This situation has created a great op‐ Australian Males student at Western Sydney portunity among Muslims for different eth‐ University acknowledged that he married to nicities to interact and build networks. In Indonesian female Muslim. This is due to his most Muslim’s shops, there is always a spe‐ new religion which allowed only marrying cial place to put pamphlets, flyers and other someone in the same religions. Inter-race letters to inform various religious activities marriage becomes recent phenomenon and for local Muslims. more frequent for younger Muslims (Perso‐ The market for halal food has also nal Interview with Sulaiman, 24 November changed the attitude of business, particu‐ 2015). This phenomenon is in line with the larly in the common area of Muslims. Not decrease of the practice of arranged mar‐ only does the small food shop in most food riage for Muslim family. Only few Muslim courts, both some big franchise, such as family still practice this arranged marriage, KFC provide halal meat within their menu. especially when it is contrasted to the cultu‐ Most if not all food stall in Bankstown Cent‐ re of Australian, which tend to give freedom ro food-court also provide certified halal for those who passed 18 years-old. foods. The need of Muslims in buying Ha‐ Muslim families that are still prac‐ lal foods and meats can be an entry point to ticing the tradition of arranged marriage build more relationship among Muslims in usually comes from wealthy family for va‐ Sydney. In these places, Muslims from va‐ rious reasons, ranging from economics, so‐ rious country-origins meet and build a so‐ cial status, to religious expertise. Inter-race

UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas 8 (2) (2016): 169-184 177 marriage among Muslims has created some and assimilation in liberal multicultural advantages for Muslim communities. It can regimes(Turner 2013 p.255).” be one of ways to understand the different cultures among Muslims and minimize ten‐ Turner also listed four problems of in‐ sions among them that often be based on corporating Islam into the modern Western different traditions among Muslims, espe‐ polity: “(1) Islam does not recognize the se‐ cially when it comes to different forms of paration of Church and state; (2) Islam has worships. The segmentation among Muslim no “Church” as such; (3) Islamic law (Shari’a) communities in Sydney will automatically is not merely a law of private status; (4) the decrease as the inter-race marriage among Islamic community (ummah) is a transna‐ Muslims becomes more popular. tional social system. From the perspective Those three ways in building relation‐ of Western liberalism, Islam does not fit the ships among Muslims in Sydney are still Wesphalian model of individual conscience apparent and become the most easiest and and public tolerance (Turner 2013, p.256).” populous ways to be practiced, especially Turner further asserts that “due to the pro‐ within the two city councils, Bankstown and cess of separation of the state and church as Auburn. However, in the case of new comers, well as it’s political and social change in the especially students, the second way, which is West, Islam has been identified as an aspect using halal shops, becomes the most attrac‐ of modern problem of state security(Turner tive one to find many valuable information 2013, p.257).” on local Muslim activities. The need of Mus‐ Indonesian Muslims communities in lims to get halal products for their everyday Sydney are part of Muslims minority in the life becomes the most common reason why Western liberal society that to some extent Muslim shops and groceries are important face the above problem as described by Tur‐ to examine the social interactions among ner. To understand comprehensive picture the Muslims. In many cases, as described by of their problems, challenges and prospects, Ustad Wahyu who live on the upper level of first of all, this section will delineate both Indonesian Muslim shop, “many Indonesian internal and external problems. Special at‐ students got the first information and even‐ tention will be paid to the issues of identity tually joint with certain Indonesian Muslim on being minority in Western society, soci‐ groups from this shop and it is also the case ally narrow, the dream for returning to their with other Muslim communities, especially home country, segmentation and the chal‐ Bangladeshi, Indian, or Pakistani” (Personal lenge of trans-national Islamic movements. Interview, 28 November 2015). After discussing the problems and challen‐ ges, this section will examine prospect and Indonesian Muslim Communities in opportunity of Indonesian Muslims com‐ Sydney: Problems, Challenges and Pros- munities in Sydney to promote moderate pects and tolerance values of Islam in Australia. When discussing the problematic position and relation between Muslims diaspora in Glimpse of Indonesian Muslim Com- the West and the secular state, Bryan S. Tur‐ munity in Sydney ner in his introductory paragraph wrote as According to KJRI Sydney, the Indonesian follow: community in Australia has developed and grown into various different community. “Many Muslims now live in secular socie‐ They can be distinguished into five big ca‐ ties that promote cultural assimilation tegories: (1) general community, such as as the long-term objective of the “eth‐ Indonesian diaspora network, Indonesian nic mosaic.” As a result, for Muslims, the Community Council (NSW), Perhimpunan principal challenge of the new global en‐ Masyarakat Indonesia dan Perhimpunan vironment is how to sustain an Islamic Indonesia; (2) Indonesian groups based on identity in the context of modernization their ethnicity, such as Minangsaiyo, Jawa

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Timuran, Isamic Sundanese Association se can be seen from the list below: (ISA) of NSW; (3) based on religion such as There are, of course, other Indonesian Centre for Islamic Development and Educa‐ Muslim Communities that are not in the list tion (CIDE), IQRO foundation, and Ashabul above. It is actually not as easy as we might Kahfi (Language School). (4) Indonesian- think to trace back all Indonesian Muslim Asutralian Joint Community such as Sang‐ Communities, especially there are some of gar Srikandi Indonesia, Australia-Indonesia them that are exclusive only for certain peop‐ Art Alliance, Kelompok Kontemporer Garis le, such as those pengajian based on mixed (Gabungan Artis Australia Indonesia; and Indonesian-Australian families or also on (5) Education and Culture such as Australia some hardliner groups. From above list, it is Indonesia Institute (AII). clear that Indonesian Muslim communities The above categories and examples are are formed based on several reasons: eth‐ not final. For sure, there are many other or‐ nicity, regional (province or regency in In‐ ganizations that accommodate Indonesian donesia), Indonesian Islamic organizations, society in Sydney or even bigger in Australia. and transnational Islamic groups. Interes‐ However, this report mainly focuses on or‐ tingly, it is common that many Indonesian ganization based on religion, especially the Muslims’ families become members of more Indonesian Muslim community in Sydney. than two organizations. This situationhas This can clearly be seen from various diffe‐ created a unique interaction among Indo‐ rent backgrounds that made up many Indo‐ nesian Muslim communities. nesian Muslim groups as mentioned in the table below. Ambiguous Identity, Laziness Integra- According to our informants there are tion and Dream to Home Country more than 30 Indonesian Muslim associa‐ Compared to their counterpart from Mid‐ tions, most of them in the form of majelis dle East and South Asia, Indonesian Muslim taklim or kelompok pengajian. Some of tho‐ in Sydney is relatively small in number. In Table 3. Indonesia Muslim Group NO Group Names NO Group Names 1 Ashabul Kahfi 18. Ikatadas 2 Acheh Australian Society 19. IKPPS 3 Al Amin 20. Jamaah Pengajian Illawarra (Wollongong) 4 Al Muhajirin 21. Kajian Tematik Muslimah (Kamus) 5 Al Ikhlash (Al Ikhlas - Australian Indone‐ 22. Kerukunan Keluarga Sulawesi Selatan sian Muslim Cultural Centre, Inc) 6 Al Irsyad 23. Istiqomah 7 As Salam 24. Arek-arek Jawa Timur 8 Babussalam Riau Community 25. MT Raudhatul Ilmi 9 Cahaya Islam Australia 26. ranting NSW 10 Islamic Society of Manly Warringah (Dee 27. Minang Saiyo Sydney Why) 11 Fajar Islam 28. Samara 12 Forum Pengajian Jumat (Sydney Western 29. Pengajian Usyd Suburb) 13 FORSIC 30. KPII UNSW 14 Ibu-Ibu Soleha Al Hijrah 31. Pengajian UTS 15 Pengajian Ibu-ibu Sabtu Pagi 32. Pengajian Macquarie Uni 16 Indonesian Islamic Association (IIA) 33. Pengajian UWS 17 Ikapabasko 34. Tahsin Ahad Pagi (Iqro Foundation) Source: Adapted from various informants, especially from Muhammad Nur, the President of Iqra’ Foundation, 24 November 2015.

UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas 8 (2) (2016): 169-184 179 theory, small groups tend to have less social maah, or even observers. resonation than those the bigger one. The No matter how long Indonesian Mus‐ question therefore, how significant is Indo‐ lims have lived in Sydney, they keep their nesian Muslim in Sydney contributing to dream for returning to home country, so‐ the integration process of Muslims in Aust‐ meday. Although they already have house, ralia into Australian society? The question is children who are raised in Australia, the de‐ based on the fact that “Anti-Muslim rheto‐ sire to back to home country are still com‐ ric has unfairly identified Islamic values as mon. Many Indonesian prefer to choose as in opposition of Australian values,”(Giles Permanent Residence rather than being an 2010, p.164) implying there is a big barrier Australian citizen. In a case when some ad‐ for Muslim to integrate in the Australian vantages for being a permanent resident are culture. being cut, typically the husband of the fami‐ One of the problems behind the bar‐ ly will take an Australian citizenship, while rier of integration is the ambiguity of Mus‐ the wife is still hold Indonesian citizenship lim identity in Australia. Most of Muslim to guarantee that they will still have access identities in Australia are still ambiguous, to return to Indonesia someday. Therefore, whether they are just Muslim in Australia or they tend to invest their Australian income Muslim of Australia, or Australian Muslim? in land, property and even business in Indo‐ (Akbarzadeh & Saeed 2001; Parekh 2005). nesia as preparation for their pension. Since the inclusion and sense of belonging is While Indonesian Muslim student an important value for a cohesive society, so who took master or doctoral program in it is important to discern the sense of belon‐ Australia are proudly sending their children ging to Australian society among Indonesi‐ to Australian public schools, Indonesian an Muslims in Sydney. Following Bikkhu Pa‐ Muslims permanent resident family prefer rekh observation on Muslim in Europe,the to send their children to Indonesia pesant‐ question to Indonesian Muslim in Sydney is ren for their junior and senior high school. how do they identify themselves in Austra‐ One of the common reasons to send their lia? Do they, even those who have already kids to Indonesian school is to protect them got green card, prefer identifying themsel‐ from Australian social life, which they re‐ ves as just “Indonesian Muslim in Austra‐ gard as has been polluted by liberal values lia,” or “Indonesian Muslim of Australia”, or (Personal Interview with Ustad Wahyu, 28 “Australian Muslim from Indonesia”? November 2015). Compared to Muslim communities Another effort to protect their family from other countries, it seems to us that In‐ from the pollution of western liberal social donesian Muslim communities in Sydney life, most Indonesian Muslim families in tend to be lazy to actively participate in the Sydney are not hesitate to do some kind of process of integration. In 2011, for example, “arranged married” for their kids. As among we visit a Lakemba Multicultural Festival, the goal for family gathering is to introduce where many communities from various na‐ their family members to their relative, it is tionality and cultural backgrounds show a common trend a mother who has a young off their foods, attires, and arts in stalls and lady asking about a boy she saw in a gathe‐ stages. We did not see any single represen‐ ring and then approaches to his mother to tatives from Indonesian Muslim communi‐ “indent” possibility for arranging married ties that participate in the festival (Parekh, (Personal Interview with Mrs. B, 26 Novem‐ 2005, p.200). The same case also happened ber 2015). in Muslim Student Association (MSA) in a Another kind of “arranged marriage” number of Universities. It was hard to find could be seen from an ethnographic note Indonesian Muslim students who are proa‐ bellow: ctively involved as committee board of the In 2011, we was invited by one of Indo‐ MSA. Most Indonesian Muslim students nesian community in Sydney to attend a seem enjoyed to be just participants, ja‐ dinner gathering in one of Padang family.

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The menu of the dinner was Padang culi‐ model theory, the segmentation is a positi‐ nary. The gathering was part of an enga‐ ve point in term that Indonesian Muslims gement ceremony for his Australian born have many choices which group they want girl. What make me surprise was that the to belong. From social inclusion perspec‐ male suitor was an Indonesian young huf‐ tive, the availability of various Indonesian fadz, graduated from Al-Azhar Universi‐ Muslim groups in Sydney from different ty. He was invited by the community to Sydney to be an Imam sholat at Al-Hijra backgrounds meaning the variety channels mosque during Ramadhan. Knowing that for promoting Indonesian cultures abroad. the young Imam was still single, the fami‐ The more groups, therefore, the wider social ly who was from the same ethnic backg‐ resonance of Indonesian Muslim in Sydney. round with the Imam, intend to merry his Nevertheless, this is not always the daughter to him. The community was so case, because the variety of Indonesian enthusiast for the engagement, because Muslim communities in Sydney could also in short time they will have an Indonesian indicate that Indonesian Muslims are seg‐ Imam for their mosque. mented in various groups based on their specific interest and agenda. These seg‐ Indonesian Muslims in Sydney active‐ mented groups are relatively difficult to be ly keep in touch with the issues and current coordinated due to the fact there is no single trend in their home country, ranging from umbrella organization for Indonesian Mus‐ politic, religious movement, entertainment lim in Australia as well as in Sydney as that to fashion. When we just arrived in Sydney also for Australian Muslims in general. The for this research and visited one of Indo‐ absent of an umbrella organization causes nesian family permanent resident, a lady the voice of Indonesian Muslim in Sydney questioned us with enthusiast about Syi’ah are relatively weak (FGD with one of Indo‐ movement which was the trending topic in nesian Muslim Community in Sydney, 22 Indonesian media. Her face was so anxiety November 2015). The problem even could be indicating that, on her mind, Indonesian is worse due to the fact that not all Indonesian vulnerable from Syi’ah infiltration. About Muslims communities are the representa‐ the fashion, Indonesian Muslims women ac‐ tion of groups that are in Indonesia. There tively update attire style by requesting their are also Indonesian Muslim communities Indonesian relatives to send current model which are affiliated to a trans-national Isla‐ of hijabs (Personal Interview with Mrs.Tris, mic movement, namely Hizbut Tahrir (HT). a Permanent Resident from Sumatera, 25 Unlike Indonesian Muslim commu‐ November2015). In this case, most Indone‐ nities those are the representation of Mus‐ sian family in Sydney have parabola to watch lim organization in Indonesia and those and update their information about Indone‐ are based on ethnicity, profession or hobby sia through Indonesian television broadcas‐ which are all still fond of promoting Indone‐ tings, including various popular sinetron sia values and ideology, the group affiliated (soap opera series). to the trans-national Islamic movement, the HT for example, tend to avoid their Indone‐ Segmentation and the Challenge of sian identity and prefer promoting new kind Trans-National Islamic Movements of Islamism based on Caliphate system. The As described in chapter three, there are different orientation and world view from about 34 Indonesian Muslim communities the major communities on the ideal types of in Sydney. The fact that they are segmented Muslim society HT group want to build in into a number of groups can be seen both Australia has led the group to militantly and as a prospect and challenge. Some groups actively campaign and recruit new mem‐ are based on ethnicity, some are represen‐ bers. This situation causes Muslim commu‐ tation of Muslim organization in Indonesia, nities as an arena of contestation. some are based on profession, and some also Initially many Indonesian Muslims based on hobbies. From religious economic welcomed to the idea of HT by inviting

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HT ustadz in Islamic lecture, but later on a number of communities resist the group In addition to the segmentation and due to its exclusivity and critical thinking to trans-national Islamic movement, another democratic political system. For this regard, challenges faced by Indonesian Muslim segmentation and even competition and communities in Sydney is difficulty to build tension among Indonesian Muslim commu‐ mosque. As the prices of land and proper‐ nities are difficult to be avoided. There was ty in Sydney are very expensive, Indonesian even an initiation to create counter group to Muslim communities in Sydney have limi‐ block HT activities. One of Indonesian Mus‐ tation to collect huge amount of money. lim communities that actively held a regular In addition to financial support, the major meeting to counter the idea of HT is formed challenge on such issue is gaining permis‐ by some former HT members. The main rea‐ sion from local government. The procedure son for them to step away from HT was the and administrative permission for building unrealistic ideas of HT to be implemented mosque from zero is more difficult than in a wider society, especially for those who transforming a worship house, a church for already have a family and have stronger so‐ example, into a mosque. Mosque Al-Hijra cial obligation in community. The ideas of of CIDE in Tempe, considered as the first HT, according to this group, are only fit for Indonesian Masjid in Sydney was originally young people who still highly obsessed by a church and then changed into a mosque. idealism (Personal Interview With Ustad The Iqra’ Foundation which bought a hou‐ Wahyu, a former HT Ustad, 28 Novem‐ se are now still facing permission problem ber 2015). The problematic position of HT from the government to change it into a among Indonesian community is illustrated mosque. The legal permission for the acti‐ in this following note: vities of the foundation in the house is com‐ munity youth Centre. Consequently, the During the dinner at a gathering I met an community cannot perform Friday prayer in Indonesian ex-HT activist in Australia. He the Centre but they are allowed to conduct talked about his experience doing dakwa congregation for daily prayer, Qur’anic stu‐ for more than 10 years in Australia and his dies, and other related activities for youth involvement in the HT. He quitted from and community members in general (FGD, the HT after realizing that, on his opinion, 22 November 2015). HT’s programs and agendas are not rea‐ listic. He said “Muslim around the world Prospect: Agents of Moderation, Toler- are overwhelmed by many social and eco‐ ant and Envoy of Indonesian Culture nomic problems, such as poverty, low of education, and social injustice, but why As As already acknowledged by some ex‐ HT did not do direct action to solve tho‐ pert on Islam and Indonesia, Indonesian se problems instead of only sounding the Muslims are more tolerant to differences important of upholding Khilafa?” (Perso- than their counterparts from let’s say Mid‐ nal Interview with Ustad AB, 27 November dle Eastern or South Asian. While Middle 2015). East and South Asian are still frequently One informant from mosque Al Hijra also overwhelmed by bloody religious conflict, told me that in the past HT activist fre‐ interreligious relations in Indonesia are re‐ quently conducting lecturing program latively harmonious. The rich experiences in the mosque, but the content of the on religious and ethnical diversities have led lecture some time create tension among Indonesian Muslims to respect differences the jamaah. Finally, the board of the mos‐ and fond of moderate way of Islam. Indo‐ que declared that mosque is not political arena; it is the place for all Muslim. After nesia, as the most pluralistic societies in the that the HT activities were limited in the world and in term of religion it is the lar‐ Al Hijra mosque (Personal Interview with gest Muslim nation in the world, is the best Mr. T, one of congregational board of al- sample where religion (Islam) and moderni‐ Hijrah, 26 November 2015). ty as well as democracy can coexist together.

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Nurcholis Madjid noted that Indonesia is Muslim communities or non-Muslim com‐ a good example for the problem solving of munities in general, any stigmas that Is‐ interreligious tolerance (Madjid 1994, p.55- lam is religion of violence, as propagated 77). Robert W. Hefner even accredited Islam by Western media and some anti-Muslim in Indonesia is the civilized Islam, implying groups, will gradually reduce. It is therefore that there is another “uncivilized Islam” in the duty of Indonesian Muslims, to present other place of the world (Hefner 2000). A the beauty, harmony and peace of Islam. To huge number of Indonesian Muslim com‐ do so, there is a need for Indonesian Mus‐ munities in Sydney therefore have strategic lim communities to have a big umbrella in position and role to promote Indonesian va‐ order to minimize their tensions and diffe‐ lues of moderation and tolerance. rences. Most of Indonesian Muslim commu‐ Beside these academic acknowledg‐ nities’ members are hoping for the official ments of Indonesian Islam, at a praxis le‐ representation of Indonesian government, vel, some Indonesian Islamic organizations, the Indonesian consulate in Sydney, to have such as Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ula‐ someone who has integrity in Islamic know‐ ma, have great experiences to be mediators ledge to be formally appointed as their offi‐ to solve some religious conflicts worldwide. cial representation of Indonesian Muslims. To run a function as agents for moderation and tolerance, therefore, is actually not an Conclusion easy task. It requires all Indonesian Mus‐ Indonesian Muslims who live in Australia lim communities in Sydney to have similar are relatively small if we consider that we are ways to both Indonesian Islamic groups in the closer neighbor of Australia and have the presenting and practicing Islam in their dai‐ biggest Muslim populations in the world. ly life. They have to deal with several diffe‐ Australian Census in 2011 reported that rences among them first to later be agents of Indonesian Muslims are in the ninth posi‐ moderation and tolerance. tion and made up 2.6 % of total Muslims in To some extents, the segmentation of Australia. This number can be doubled if we Indonesian Muslims in Sydney into many consider students and other illegal workers. groups indicates that they are socially ac‐ It is difficult, of course, to count the exact tive. Indonesian Muslims in Sydney proli‐ numbers of Indonesian Muslims in Syd‐ ferate into a number of activities, meaning ney, the most populous Muslim state across channels to promote moderate and tolerant Australia. However, based on more than 35 model of Indonesian Muslim are availab‐ Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney, le in many forms. Nevertheless, based on we can hope that Indonesian Islam, which this study, such potential channels have not is commonly associated with religious mo‐ been used effectively in term of outreach‐ del of moderation and tolerance, can be well ing to non-Indonesian due to the fact that represented by those communities. most of their programs are directed to in‐ Most Indonesian Muslim communi‐ ternal Indonesian society. Of course, there ties in Sydney are in the form of kelompok are Indonesian communities who have tried pengajian (Islamic study group), which is to outreach to non-Indonesian as that have commonly based on ethnicity, regionalism done by CIDE and Iqra’ Foundation, but (province and regency), religious affiliati‐ they are still limited to Muslim communi‐ on with Indonesian Islamic groups, such ties. For this regards, Indonesian Muslim as Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatululama, communities in Sydney should learn from or occupations. Interestingly, in most ca‐ Turkish Muslim communities in Auburn, ses, members of one Indonesian Muslim Sydney that has run various multi-religious community also become active members and multicultural programs. of other Indonesian Muslim communities. If all Indonesian Muslims in Sydney For example, many informants of this rese‐ actively promote the moderate and tolerant arch are active members of Iqra’ Foundati‐ model of Islam, either to non-Indonesian on, which formerly being associated with

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Tarbiyah movement, but they also involved lim communities in Sydney is an ambiguous in other Indonesian Muslim communities, identity, laziness integration, and dream such as Salsabila, AshabulKahfi, and al-Hij‐ to home country. No matter how long they rah. In general, their involvements in several have been in Sydney, they still fond of going Indonesian Muslim communities are based home to Indonesia someday. It is fair to say on their different needs, such as for their that Indonesian Muslim diaspora in Sydney children’s education, regionalism, and ot‐ just see Australia as the land for making mo‐ her interests. This phenomenon can be seen ney. For this regard, their inclusion to Aust‐ as an evident of how Islamic social capital, ralian community is just being “Indonesian in term of Farooqi’s concept, is utilized in Muslim in Australia” and it seems hard for supporting the needs of Indonesian Muslim them to be “Australian Muslim” in the case communities in Sydney. Networking of se‐ of those who already changed their natio‐ veral Muslim communities opens a greater nality. This kind of diaspora attitude differs possibility for their members to optimize from Muslims Diasporas from the Middle and take some advantages for other commu‐ East and South Asia countries who are most‐ nities’ resources. ly ready to be fully Australian Muslim. Most Indonesian Muslim communi‐ Originally, Indonesian Muslim di‐ ties built their relationships with Islamic or‐ aspora in Sydney had created their various ganizations in Indonesia through personal communities just for media of silaturami, relations. Usually, most Indonesian Muslim meet and greet, family gathering with reli‐ communities have strong or weak relation‐ gious niches. Nothing is about ideology. La‐ ships with Islamic organizations in Indone‐ ter on, when there was a small group Muslim sia depend on their leaders. In most cases, activists promoting trans-national Islamism this relationship is clearly indicated from re‐ with certain ideological agenda, the major gular ustadz or public figure they invited to silaturahmi groups then reconstruct their various events, especially during the month home ideological worldview in respond to of Ramadhan. However, even though the the trans-national group as their internal leader of community has a significant in‐ defense mechanism. Therefore, in nature, fluence to determine who will be invited for most Indonesian Muslim communities put certain events, the members of community their emphasis to develop their community has a natural procedure to reject some in‐ based on social needs and try to avoid poli‐ vited speakers through their absent in those tical idea of Islamism. In this case, the Indo‐ events. In the case of al-Hijrah mosque, for nesian government, through the Indonesian example, many members have succeeded in Consulate in Sydney, has great resources to rejecting several ustadz who are indicated as promote moderate and tolerant views of In‐ members of certain radical groups through donesian Islam to other Muslim communi‐ the boycott process, which eventually be ties, as well as to Western media. responded by the board to ban some ustadz In optimizing resources of Indonesian by declaring that mosque must be free from Muslim communities in Sydney to envoy In‐ political interest. Besides, it is very com‐ donesian cultures and policies, it is neces‐ mon among the Indonesian Muslim com‐ sary for Indonesian government to have a munities to cooperate in inviting certain person with integrated knowledge on Isla‐ speakers from Indonesia and ask them to mic Studies who are working officially under deliver speeches in each community. There‐ the Indonesian consulate in Sydney. This fore, most Indonesian Muslim communities position is so crucial because Indonesian in Sydney has a strong relationship except Muslim communities need a patron, both for some groups that are indicated of ha‐ to unify and soften the differences among ving connection with trans-national Islamic them, as well as to help them link with a wi‐ groups that tend to be an exclusive group. der communities in Australia. The main problem of Indonesian Mus‐

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