Komunitas 8 (2) (2016): 169-184 DOI:10.15294/Komunitas.V8i2.5971
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Komunitas 8 (2) (2016): 169-184 DOI:10.15294/komunitas.v8i2.5971 InternationalKOMUNITAS Journal of Indonesian Society And Culture http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/komunitas Problems, Challenges and Prospects of Indonesian Muslim Community in Sydney for Promoting Tolerance Ahmad Muttaqin 1 , Achmad Zainal Arifin2, Firdaus Wajdi1 1Western Sydney University 2UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/komunitas.v8i2.5971 Received : 11 January 2016; Accepted: 19 August 2016; Published: September 2016 Abstract This paper elucidates a map of Indonesian Muslim communities around Sydney in order to observe the possibility to promote a moderate and tolerant Indonesian Islam worldwide. Indonesian Muslims who live in Australia are relatively small if we consider that we are the closer neighbor of Australia and have the biggest Muslim populations in the world. Most Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney are in a form of kelompok pengajian (Islamic study group), which is commonly based on ethnicity, regionalism (province and regency), and religious affiliation with Indonesian Islamic groups. The main problems of Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney are an ambiguous identity, laziness for integration, and dream to home country. Most Indonesian Muslim diaspora in Sydney only consider Australia as the land for making money. Therefore, their inclusion to Australian community is just being “Indonesian Muslim in Australia” and it seems hard for them to be “Australian Muslim”, especially in the case of those who already changed to be Australian citizens. This kind of diaspora attitude differs from Muslims Diasporas from the Middle East and South Asia countries who are mostly ready to be fully Australian Muslim. Naturally, most Indonesian Muslim communities put their emphasis to develop their community based on social needs and try to avoid political idea of Islamism. In this case, the Indonesian government, through the Indonesian Consulate in Sydney, has great resources to promote moderate and tolerant views of Indonesian Islam to other Muslim communities, as well as to Western media. Keywords: Indonesian Muslim; diaspora; identity; tolerance INTRODUctiON 2010). Muslim communities in Australia in‐ Islam in Australia has a long historical pro‐ clude immigrants and their Australian‐born cess. Islam had been known before the Wes‐ families from the Middle East – including tern people settled in Australia. It can be Lebanon – Indonesia, Turkey, Malaysia, the traced back around 1650 with the coming Indian sub‐continent and Africa. Currently, of Macassan fishermen along the northern a growing number of Indigenous Australi‐ coast of Australia (Kabir 2004). However, ans are converting to the Muslim faith, as most Muslims in Australia today are first are Australians of Anglo‐Celtic background. or second generation immigrants. Most of Oliver Roy asserts that the first gene‐ them have arrived under the humanitarian ration of Muslim migrants arrived in the component of the permanent immigration West in a pristine ‘ethnic culture’ without intake as refugees, while others have arrived any experience in adapting their religious as permanent immigrants under the skilled practices and traditions with a new and re‐ and family reunion programs(Akbarzadeh latively un‐Islamic environment (Roy 2004). & Yasmeen 2005; Burnley 2001; Stephenson Searching a new identity then becomes a Corresponding author : © 2016 Semarang State University. All rights reserved Address: Prodi Studi Agama-agama, Fakultas Ushuluddin p‐ISSN 2086 ‐ 5465 | e‐ISSN 2460‐7320 & Pemikiran Islam, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, Yogyakarta Jl. Adisucipto Yogyakarta, Indonesia UNNES JOURNALS Email : [email protected], achmad [email protected], [email protected] 170 Ahmad Muttaqin, Problems, Challenges and Prospects of Indonesian Muslim Community in Sydney major theme for the second generation of refore, in this research, Muslim communi‐ Muslims in the West, including in Australia. ties are seen as forums for developing social In this case, the issue of ethnicity seems to connections and as forums through which be more attractive for Australian researchers values and norms are transmitted. in discussing Islam. Several studies indicate Farooqi(2006) demonstrates how the‐ that ethnic background of immigrants has se two aspects, developing social connection significant impact on the ways they percei‐ and transmitting values and norms, can be ve and practice Islam (Dreher, & Ho 2009; used to explore factors which drive network Hage 2002; Kabir 2004). Kabir, for example, formation in relation to Muslim communi‐ shows that the problem of Muslim has a st‐ ty development. He further asserts that ‘Is‐ rong relationship with race relation. Collins lamic social capital is the networking that even indicates that Lebanese migrants, es‐ helps to create the linkages,which in turn pecially the youth, suffered from stereoty‐ motivate people to follow up the Islamic ping as trouble makers within society (Col‐ conventions and norms’ such as the ideas lins 2000; Dragojlovic, 2012; French 2008; of ‘social well‐being,’ ‘brotherhood,’ ‘socio‐ Heiss 2010). Australian Muslims in general economic justice,’and the ‘continued deve‐ are also accused for their unwillingness to lopment of human potential’ (2006 p.114). integrate with the wider society. The pride In this way, Farooqi’s understanding of ‘Is‐ of Islam and national origin are seen as two lamic social capital’ encapsulates both Put‐ major factors, which obstruct some inclusi‐ nam and Bourdieu’sunderstandings of so‐ on programs both initiated by the Australi‐ cial capital. Based on Farooqi’s formulation an government and other local institutions on ‘Islamic social capital,’ this research will (Akbarzadeh & Yasmeen 2005). identify certain assets of Indonesian Muslim Despite these complex relationships communities in Sydney and closely observe between Islam and ethnicity, which tend various forms of relationships among them, to produce uncomfort situation, these two as well as with other Muslim communities aspects can actually be used as a source of in Sydney area. building Islamic social capital for Indonesi‐ an Muslim communities in Sydney. As desc‐ Islam and Muslim in Australia ribed by Bourdieu, social capital means‘the The most common sources explaining the aggregate of actual or potential resources first encounter between Australian people which are linked to the possession of adu‐ and Muslims claim that Islam was brought to rable network’(Bourdieu 1986, p.248; Slama Australia by the Afghan cameleers in 1860s. 2011; Van Bruinessen 2012; Winamita 2012). However, Regina Ganter through her study This definition implies that assets for buil‐ at the Northern area of Australia, particular‐ ding social capital can be material, such as ly on the northern shores of Arnhem Land, resources and services, or non‐material, such and Kayu Java, the beaches on the Kimberley as support or prestige. Another social capi‐ coast and the off-shore islands of the Arafu‐ tal theorist, Roebert Putnam, has different ra Sea, revealed that since 1750s, the Mus‐ perspective in defining social capital, which lims from Makassar (the Sultanate of Gowa sees it as ‘social networks and the associated in South Sulawesi) had regular visit to that norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness’ place for collecting trepang or sea cucumber (Putnam 2000, 2007; Howell 2005; Poynting (Ganter, Martinez, & Lee 2006). These regu‐ 2006). It is clear that Putnam focuses on the lar visits had profoundly impacted on some normsand values which he suggests under‐ languages and cultures or traditions, such as pin effective networks, such as trust and ci‐ circumcision, which is widely practiced by vic participation. Although both theorists the aborigines(Akbarzadeh & Saeed 2001). do not included specifically on religious For some Australians, including the govern‐ aspect, but we can clearly see that religious ment, this predating time of the Whites in community also offers a dimension of social Australia seems hard to be acknowledged support and networks of relationship. The‐ because of the political reasons and to pre‐ UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas 8 (2) (2016): 169‐184 171 serve the class domination of the White countries, such as Bosnia, Afghanistan, and upon the Muslims. Therefore, the first view some Middle Eastern countries. Based on of the coming of Islam in Australia is more census in 2011, the number of Muslim in popular than the second one. Australia has reached 476.290. This number However, there is also interesting rea‐ increases 39.9% from the 2006 census, see son provided by the Australian government the Table 1. in supporting this first view. During the Although the total Muslims in Austra‐ highest season of camel transport industry, lia only represents 2.2 % of total populati‐ there were around 3000 Muslims from on in Australia, some Muslim leaders claim Afghan who worked for crafting water and that the actual number of Muslims in Aust‐ goods in the difficult terrain. Most of these ralia can be doubled because there are many camel drivers are believed to be the first who Muslims who do not want to state their re‐ build a Muslim community in Australia. ligious identity (as Muslims) because of se‐ With the end of camel transport industry in curity reasons, such as worrying upon some 1920s, followed by the restrictive of White discriminative treatments or loosing oppor‐ Australian Immigrant policy, started in 1901, tunity to get certain jobs. Based on above the numbers