CHAPTER 2

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS

A very global way of approaching politeness is from the angle of social appropriateness, as illustrated by the Longman dictionary of contemporary English, where politeness is defined as “having or showing good manners, consideration for others, and/or correct social behavior.” There are several theories that are used such as theory of Betawi , theory of conversation style and the theory of politeness. In politeness theory there are including the definition of Face, Face Threatening Act (FTA), Politeness Strategies which is subdivided into four parts: bald on record, positive politeness, negative politeness and off record. Choice of Strategy is defined in the last part of this chapter.

2.1 History of Betawi ethnic

The original inhabitants of with its main characters using as the mother tongue live and thrive in Jakarta and surrounding areas. Betawi was formed around the 17th century and was the result of a mixture of several ethnic groups such as , , Chinese, and Portuguese (Muhadjir, 2000). Betawi ethnic comes from different social and cultural backgrounds. They tried to find a common identity in the form of the lingua franca of the which eventually formed homogeneous society naturally. The tribe also called orang Betawi or orang Jakarta .

One of identity of Betawinese is Muslim, there is even the quotation "He is not Betawinese if he is not Muslim". It shows that is very attached to the . In addition, most of the traditional ceremonial is largely based on the religion of Islam. The traditions ceremonies of Betawinese such as aqiqah, sunatan, khatam al- Quran and so on. The ceremonies contained lesson that people should always be grateful and help each other.

The name "Betawi" is derived from the word "Batavia". The name was given by the Dutch in colonial era. Jakarta is located on the coast or coastal, in the course of time become a city of trade, administration center, the political center, education center and a

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cultured city. Since Jakarta has become the arena of cultural assimilation of immigrants from various ethnic groups. They come with a variety of causes and interests and of course the cultural background of each, so that it become a new culture for residents of Jakarta, and supporters of the new culture that called itself "The Betawi".

Members of ethnic or foreign nation (outside Jakarta) had started to dwell in Jakarta at different times. The first entrants were , Javanese, Balinese, Bugis, Sundanese and then followed by members of other tribes. Foreigners who came from the beginning were Portuguese, Chinese, Dutch, Arabic, Indian, English, and German. Cultural elements of ethnic group or nation that assimilated and give birth to a new culture which appeared in language, arts, beliefs, way of dressing, eating, etc. (Muhadjir, 2000).

2.2 Betawi Language

In there are more than 30 Malays which is to distinguish, they are called the local Malay language. The dialogue of Betawi is never used in formal situation such as speeches or serious writing. (Ikranagara, 2009). Every Malay has different characteristics like in the Betawi Malay, but they still have the similarity in lexical and grammatical forms, the only difference between Malay language and Betawi language is in phonological term (Muhadjir , 2000:60). “Besides Indonesian local such as Javanese and Sundanese, Betawi Malay is one of the most important everyday language that is spoken in Jakarta…… the language is a language of an intergroup society that is concerned in diglossia: the use of Malay-Jakarta limited according to the situation.” (Grijns, 1991; 124)

The most prominent difference between Betawi language with other Malay language is the number of vowel è of the Betawi language such in the vocabulary of apè, adè, ayè and so on; the second many final syllables ending è (pepet ) with consonants such dateng, bekel , bareng and so on .

In the use of Indonesian is very distinctive characteristics such as replacing the prefix me- in Indonesian with only nasal such ngambil ‘mengambil’ (take), ngambek ‘marah’ (mad), and so on. Second, the present of suffix -in in the Betawi language 7 such ndatengin 'mendatangi' (come), ngumpetin ‘menyembunyikan’ (hide), and so on (Muhadjir, 2000).

In the field of vocabulary among others, the personal pronoun gue and lu . Many particles such as dong , deh , kek , si , kok . Due to the large population of Chinese in Jakarta, Betawi language at the time of the formation of the 18th and 19th centuries, it was expected that the Chinese language had an influence on the Betawi language vocabulary field, because, the Chinese population both socially and politically are separated from other Indonesian. (Grijns, 1991). For example, in everyday conversation Betawi people usually use Chinese calculations such as cepek, gopek, ceban, goban etc. They are said to have developed a Chinese Malay dialect which shows the influence of Chinese and the Betawi language.

The variety of Malay language that exists in Indonesia have their own characteristics. For instance, in the Minang Malay language suffix /a/ is replacing with suffix /o/, as well as the Riau Malay dialect or Malaysian who uses the vowel /e/ in the word endings (Muhadjir, 2000). Similar to Riau Malay or Malaysian Malay, the Betawi Malay pronunciation is ended with a vowel è such as apè, dimanè, kenapè, iyè, gilè, and so on. The following are characteristics of Betawi language which is compared with the characteristics of Indonesian.

According to the examples that already mentioned above, the words apè, dimanè, kenapè, iyè, gilè when it is spoken in the Indonesian equal to apa (what), dimana (where), kenapa (why), gila (crazy). The difference rule applies for most other words of Betawi language. In addition, Betawi language does not recognize the double vowel or diphthong such ai, au . Thus, the words in the in which pronounce with diphthong, in the Betawi language is spoken by è or o, for instance in the words of cerai (divorce) and pulau (island) will be pronounced with the cerè and pulo by the Betawinese. (Muhadjir, 2000).

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2.2.1 Coverage region of Betawi language

Betawi Malay dialect besides spoken in Jakarta, it is also spoken in some surrounding areas such as , and . However, the difference of Betawi Malay dialect with the native dialects or other languages is not clear. (Muhadjir, 2000). The speakers of Betawinese are only 50% who living in the midst of Jakarta, many of them are ratcheted because of the migrants who come to Jakarta. The native speaker of the dialect is called as Betawinese, although ethnic Betawi itself is the result of a mixture of various ethnic immigrants.

A phenomenon has recently occurred in Jakarta that the city has become ' a dream city' of people who live in other regions, and it surely gives an impact which results in the marginalization of Betawi community. Moreover, buildings in Jakarta have increasingly widespread. Betawi language that they use starts to mix with other regional languages, including Sundanese and Javanese. One example is sub-dialect of Betawi suburb language that is spoken on the outskirts of Jakarta such as Cawang, Condet, and Pasar Minggu. Betawi language that is spoken there is called Betawi Ora. Muhadjir (2000) mentioned that it illustrates that there are many in sub-dialect absorbed the vocabulary of the language. One example of a form that is absorbed from the is the word ora and bocah, it can be seen from the following sentences.

“Sambil menurunkan bocah nya dari bale-bale bininya Bang Duloh berkata lagi: “Tapi lu pada ora percaya ‘ngkali: nih si Enok ora apah-apah, eh bapanyah kaget pisan waktu nempo orang-orangan dari batu, nyang ‘njogrog di deket pintu, ampe dia nyebut bari nepok-nepok dada: bangun-bangun makan nasi ama jengkol!” (Muntaco, 2006)

Betawi Ora is much influenced by Sundanese, because, it is based on the geographical location of use. The use of Betawi Ora region is closer to the region of , for example, is an area of Bogor Sundanese-speaking community. Even today, speakers of Betawi Ora has begun to shift to the region Bojong and Depok, West Java. This was due to their presence in Jakarta increasingly marginalized because of the development in Jakarta. 9

2.2.2 Differences between Two Geographical Sub-dialect

Geographical differences, there are many differences between Betawi Mid language and Betawi Suburb language. Muhadjir (2000) provides some features that are really stand out, especially the characteristic of its pronunciation system.

Characteristics that are pronunciation system is a hallmark of the Betawi language Mid dialect. Firstly, different from the characteristics of the suffix vowel è does not apply to Betawi language Suburb dialect. According to Muhadjir (2000), Suffix vowel è especially in Indonesian is spoken as a, in the Suburb dialect spoken by a' or ah . So the word (s)aye is pronounced with sayah or saya’ ; Ape is pronounced with apa atau apah , gue become gua or guah and so on.

The second, similar with the vowel pronunciation system, consonant h is contained in the final word, in Suburb dialect remains the same as in Indonesian, such as patah , susah , sembuh and so on. Thus the words like darah dan susah those are contained in Mid dialect are spoken by the darè, susè, belè, while the Suburbs dialect is still pronounced like pronunciation in Indonesian.

The third characteristic of pronunciation system that stands out is voiced consonant pronunciation: b, d , and g. in Mid dialect such words uttered be silent. The consonants contained in the words of bedug and maulud are pronounced as in Indonesian, noiseless pronounced such as “uruk” and “mulut”, while in Suburb dialect the words are spoken as bedug and urug

Another characteristic is the difference of vocabulary. The most prominent feature of the vocabulary is the word ora or “tidak” in the Betawi Suburb language, the word comes from Javanese and it is not exist in the Mid dialect. It is used by the Suburb Betawi to mark them with the name Betawi Ora . Especially, it was designated by the Betawi Mid. The next vocabulary contained in the Suburb Betawi absorbed many of the Java language. The words like bocah, lanang, kulon, wetan . Those words are not used in the Mid Betawi dialect. Javanese vocabulary is more dominant in a rural area, although it does not mean there is no Javanese word in the Mid Betawi dialect.

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2.3 Conversational Style

According to Ervin-Tripp (1972:235) that is defined in Tannen’s (2005) style as “the co-occurrent changes at various levels of linguistic structure within one language”. Robin Lakoff (1979) notes that style refers to all aspects of a person's behavior that are popularly thought of as "character" or "personality". In communication, participants are required to say the truth, be relevant and try to be as clear as possible (Yule, 1996).

“Each person's individual style as a combination of features learned in interaction with others (hence, social) plus features developed idiosyncratically.” (Tannen, 2005; 16). So, the style of each individual will look very unique because of the good combination of features of social learning and the development of formal learning. As Yule (1996) defined, there are two kind of conversational styles; high involvement style and high- considerateness style whereby when someone speaks with a relatively fast (very active) without giving the other person a chance to speak or even frequently interrupt the others’ turn of speaking then it belongs to high involvement style. Different criteria occurred in high considerateness style in which if someone speaks relatively slower, do longer pause and do not interrupt the other’s turn of speaking.

A one-sided conversation would happen if the other person uses a different style. For example, a speaker tends to high considerateness style but the interlocutor accustomed to use high involvement style and vice versa. It will make a conversation as if controlled by one side. Moreover, people will see the conversational style as personality traits of someone. People who typically use high considerateness style will be seen as people who do not like talk too much, shy, boring even fool, while the others use high involvement style is clearly seen as an active people, noisy, domineering and even selfish. (Yule, 1996:76)

“Lakoff observes that speaker regularly and intentionally refrain from saying what they mean in service of the higher goal of politeness in its broader sense, that is, to fulfill the social function of language.” Lakoff in Tannen’s (2005) and the three principles of politeness (Distance, Deference and Camaraderie) are mentioned by Lakoff is basic consideration for determining a person's linguistic choices in which should be applied in interaction. 11

In the system, Distance (do not impose) is typically applies in formal setting. The term distance refers to the separation that exists between speakers and their subject. For instance if someone asks to his guest, “Would you like something to drink?” then the guest replies, “Thank you, it would be nice”, the reply is using a strategy, in other words, he wants the offer of a drink but do not want to seem pushy. He still maintains behavior by selecting the "distance" as a language technical language.

Deference refers to a style that seemed doubtful, because of the clue of this principle is "Give options". Speaker will give an interlocutor to provide a referral to something against them. In addition, this principle give impression that the speaker does not know what they want so they need help from others in decision making. For example when asked, ‘Would you like to drink?’ a person employs a deferent strategy might reply, ‘Whatever you’re having,’ or ‘Don’t go to any trouble.’ (Tannen, 2005:18).

The last principle that is stated by Lakoff in Tannen’s (2005) is Camaraderie , this principle respects the equality of norms. For example, when a person walks around someone’s house and stop there and he says "I’m thirsty, do you have any juice?" it is typically the principle of Camaraderie in which "be friendly" even to people who met at the first time. But, as explained by Tannen's (2005), the selection of linguistic strategy will depend on the extent to which a person assesses the polite thing to do in certain situations.

2.4 Politeness

Politeness is a linguistic study about how to choose appropriate language in order to keep the hearer feel comfortable when he has conversation with someone. Moreover, politeness is also used as a tool for solidarity in social interaction. According to Yule (1996: 60), politeness is showing awareness of another person’s face; it is related to social distance or closeness. Politeness refers to the emotional and social sense of self that everyone else to recognize. For Leech in Watts (2003), politeness is a strategy of conflict avoidance calculated on the basis of costs and benefits. Moreover, according to Brown and Levinson that is defined in Watts (2003) “view politeness as a complex system for softening face threatening acts’ (Watts, 2003:50), it means speaker can

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speaks rationally or in the other words speakers would think first before they speak which enables them to select the most appropriate strategy.

2.4.1 Face Wants

According to Brown and Levinson in Watts (2003) Face is an ability of language users to make a comfortable conversation which enables between the speakers and the hearers to achieve reasonable goals of their conversation. (Watts, 2003:85)

Brown and Levinson (1987) argue that each member of society is endowed with face. “the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself” (Watts, 2003:66), because, any human interaction or speech acts will always be potentially do face threatening act to the hearer. So, it is in the best interest of each speaker to protect the other’s face by softening or avoiding the impact of face threatening acts.

2.4.2 Positive and Negative Face

Face as a noun in the dictionary can be interpreted as the appearance, surface or look while the face as a verb means facing. However, in the technical term face has the meaning of public self-image of a person. According to Goffman’s (1967) that is defined in Watts (2003), Face is a described a person's desire and need to be appreciated and accepted is positive face, speaker also notice the hearer’s interest, goods, and wants i.e., ‘Jim, you’re really good at solving computer problem” (Watts, 2003). Moreover, the need not to be imposed upon or disturbed is called negative face.

2.4.3 Face Threatening Act

Face Threatening Acts are acts and strategies which could harm or threaten the positive or negative face of one’s interlocutors’ (Brown and Levinson, 1978 & 1987). These are five possible strategies performing FTAs according to Brown and Levinson (1987):

 Do the FTA on record without redressive actions (the least polite) 13

 Do the FTA on record with redressive action addressing positive face  Do the FTA on record with redressive action addressing negative face  Do the FTA off record  Don’t do the FTA (the most polite strategy) (Brown and Levinson, 1987)

The strategies are based on the extent to which they threaten the hearer’s face. The most threatening strategy is performing the act bald on record (e.g., Wash the dishes), and the least threatening linguistic strategy is performing the FTA off record, such give a hint indirectly (e.g., I wonder if we have any clean dishes.). Moreover, two strategies that bit extremes are Bald on record FTAs, which use either of two kinds of redressive action: positive politeness, emphasizing positive face wants, or negative politeness, emphasizing negative face wants. Positive politeness strategies emphasize solidarity with the hearer.

2.4.4 Politeness Strategy

Brown and Levinson in Watts (2003) outline four strategies that speakers can use in performing a face threatening act (FTA), arranging them based on the extent to which they threaten the hearer’s face. Here are the possible strategies for doing FTA:

Lesser Without redressive action (BALDLY)

On record Positive Politeness Do the FTA With redressive action Off record Negative DON’T DO Politeness THE FTA

Greater

Figure 2.1 Possible strategies for doing FTA (from Brown and Levinson 1987)

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 Bald on record : This strategy provides no effort by speakers to reduce the impact of the FTAs. It sort of will shock the hearers and embarrass them, or make them feel a bit uncomfortable. For example:

a. Give me a pen.

b. Lend me your pen

(Yule, 1996)

In addition, another choice of words to reduce the severity of face threatening act that is done by the speaker can use mitigating devices such as ‘would you?’ and ‘please’. The mitigating devices will be appropriate in the words of direct command or imperative, because direct command or imperative used by people who have a high solidarity (Yule, 1996).

 Off record: In this strategy, the speakers expressed his desire indirectly. They might be using a statement as a "hint" for the hearers. For example:

a. Uh, I forgot my pen.

b. Hmm, I wonder where I put my pen.

(Yule, 1996)

 Positive politeness: This strategy used to minimize the distance between speakers and hearers by expressing friendliness and solid interest in the hearer's need to be respected (minimize the FTA). For example:

a. How about letting me use your pen?

b. Hi buddy, I’d appreciate it if you’d let me use your pen. (Yule, 1996).

 Negative politeness: The main focus for using this strategy is to assume that you may be imposing on the hearer, and intruding on his space.

a. I’m sorry to bother you, but can I ask you for a pen or something? 15

b. I know you’re busy, but might I ask you if--em-if you happen to have an extra pen that I could, you know-eh-maybe borrow?

(Yule, 1996)

2.4.5 Choice of Strategy

In communication, two ways process of mutual interdependence is the best interest of each speaker to protect the other’s face by softening or avoiding the impact of face threatening acts. A tendency to use positive politeness forms, emphasizing closeness between speaker and hearer is called solidarity strategy, while deference strategy has a tendency to use positive politeness forms, emphasizing the hearer’s right to be free and independent. (Brown and Levinson,1987). Moreover, a solidarity strategy will be marked via exclusive terms such as “we” and “let’s” as in the party invitation, “Come on, let’s go to the party. Everyone will be there. We’ll have fun”. It is different in deference strategy which usually called as ‘formal politeness in which a tendency to make hearer’s freedom, such in this utterance “There’ is going to be a party, if you can make it, it will be fun”. (Yule, 1996: 66)

2.4 Relation Status

Holmes (2008) mentioned that sociolinguistics is a term that refers to the study of the relationship between language and society, and how language is used in multilingual speech communities. Sociolinguists are interested in explaining why people speak differently in different social contexts. In addition, the effect of social factors such as social distance, social status, age, gender, class on language varieties. They are concerned with identifying the social functions of language and the way they are used to convey social meanings.

Social relationships among people in society are based on some rules, values, etiquette, etc. In communication, for instance, people are ordered by rules (of

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speaking), they are guided by values (of how to behave in a good manner) than can be conducted through etiquette (of using a language).

This means that one has to apply “regulation” of using his or her language. Moreover, in using a language someone has to consider to whom he or she speaks. By considering the person to whom he or she speaks, he or she will determine what language or its varieties he or she wants to use to speak. According to Holmes (2008), the consideration is not only based on to whom he or she speaks, but also on when or where he or she speaks. The language speaker will consider the setting of time and place.

The language use is determined by social dimensions which are social distance scale (how well the interlocutors know each other), a status scale (high-low status in social life; superior-subordinate status), a formality scale (formal-informal; high-low formality) and the functional scale (the purpose or topic of interaction) (Holmes, 2008: 10).

Social structure may either influence or determine linguistic structure and behavior. The age grading phenomenon is the evidence. In this relation, for instance, young children speak differently from other children. Moreover, children speak differently from mature. Consequently, there are some varieties of the same language (dialects, style, speech levels, etc.) and ways of speaking, choices of words and rules for conversing. Linguistic structure and behavior may either influence or determine the social structure.

2.6 Previous Studies

Many research has been done on the Betawi language. One example is a research that was conducted by Filia (2012) entitled “Alih Bicara Dalam Bahasa Indonesia Dialek Betawi". In her study, she focuses on the speaker turn and examines how next speaker recognize the turn-yielding in Bahasa Indonesia conversation among speaker of ethnic Betawi. She uses qualitative as the methodology and the way she collects the data is by recording the daily conversation of Betawi ethnic in 17

Sawah (Srengseng Sawah). She found phonological variant of particle Indonesian phatic like yak, ye, si . Rising intonation at the end of the speech tends to be used. Moreover, turn talk given is identified with high intonation. The tendency to rise or high intonation is not interpreted as a lower level of politeness. The second research is conducted by Prima Gustiyanti (2011) which entitled ”Interferensi Bahasa Betawi dalam Pemakaian Bahasa Indonesia di dalam Surat Kabar Pos Kota ”. In her study, she found that the interference in the Betawi language usage in the Indonesian newspaper Pos Kota occurs at the level of morphological, syntactical and lexical. She also mentions that the factors that cause interference in the three levels is due to the habit of Betawi language use in Indonesian language, the need for synonyms, the desire to expand the expression and the lack of equivalence in Indonesian. In addition, another factor that affects the interference is the mix of the use of language that allows other factors that affect the Betawi language interference in Indonesian.

The last is research from Heuven, Rossman, and Zanten. The research which is entitled “ Betawi Malay Word Prosody “ (2008) says that Betawi Malay is an Austronesian language with no word based stress, but has phrasal accent. They conducted the research by recording four speakers (two male, two female), who produced target words in utterance-medial and utterance-final position, and with the target words in or out of focus. They also present a detailed acoustic analysis of the pitch patterns realised on the focused of target words. The results show that both the shapes and the positions of the pitch configurations are highly variable. They also explain that the choice of a particular variant is governed by gradient rules, the presence of schwa in the pre-final syllable and an utterance boundary following the target.