Collective Memory: History, Memory, and Community
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*For All Comprehensive Exam Sections, DO NOT Attempt Answering a Question Unless You Really Know the Answer
*For all comprehensive exam sections, DO NOT attempt answering a question unless you really know the answer. You will be much less likely to pass if you provide information that does not actually address a question (even if the information you provide is technically accurate, and could be used to answer another question). Also, most questions (except Statistics) will require you to cite original sources to support your arguments, but please do not cite a textbook. Cognition and Learning Section This exam is tied most directly to PSY 620 and 621. You are not allowed to attempt this exam until you have passed both of these courses. You will see questions covering such topics as (in no particular order of importance): perception, attention, working memory, episodic versus semantic versus procedural long- term memory, implicit versus explicit memory, automatic versus controlled processing, categorization, social cognition, metacognition, theories of learning and behavior, eyewitness memory, language, decision-making and problem-solving, expertise, and developmental/age issues concerning memory. By far the most important thing to study is an undergraduate textbook in cognitive psychology (e.g., Goldstein; Reisberg; Robinson-Riegler; Sternberg), as well as notes and materials from PSY 620. Below is an example question (no longer used) with a good student response. It will give you an idea of the level of detail needed for a good response, and how to cite original sources to support your statements. You are an eyewitness to a crime in which a man robs a liquor store. He does so in under 5 minutes while pointing a gun at the clerk, is not wearing a mask or anything else to hide his face, and he quickly runs away after the robbery. -
Collective Memory from a Psychological Perspective
Review Collective Memory from a Psychological Perspective 1, 2 3 William Hirst, * Jeremy K. Yamashiro, and Alin Coman Social scientists have studied collective memory for almost a century, but psy- Highlights chological analyses have only recently emerged. Although no singular approach Collective memories can involve small communities, such as couples, to the psychological study of collective memory exists, research has largely: (i) families, or neighborhood associa- exploredthe social representations of history, including generational differences; tions, or large communities, such as nations, the world-wide congregation (ii) probed for the underlying cognitive processes leading to the formation of of Catholics, or terrorist groups such collective memories, adopting either a top-down or bottom-up approach; and (iii) as ISIS. They bear on the collective explored how people live in history and transmit personal memories of historical identity of the community. importance acrossgenerations.Here,wediscussthesedifferent approaches and Many studies focus on either the repre- highlight commonalities and connections between them. sentation of extant collective memories or the formation and retention of either extant or new collective memories. Memories Held Across a Community Members of a community often share similar memories: Germans know that their country Those interested in the formation of participated in the mass murder of Jews; Catholics, that Jesus fasted for 40 days; and a family, collective memories can approach ’ that grandfather immigrated from Ireland. Such collective memories can shape a community s the topic in a top-down or bottom- up fashion. ’ identity and its actions. Germany s struggles to come to terms with its troublesome past, for fi instance, de ne to a great extent how Germans see themselves today as Germans [1]. -
How Self-Relevant Imagination Affects Memory for Behaviour
APPLIED COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 21: 69–86 (2007) Published online 10 July 2006 in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI: 10.1002/acp.1270 How Self-Relevant Imagination Affects Memory for Behaviour AYANNA K. THOMAS1*, DEBORAH E. HANNULA2 and ELIZABETH F. LOFTUS3 1Colby College, USA 2University of California, Davis, USA 3University of California, Irvine, USA SUMMARY Research has demonstrated that imagination can be used to affect behaviour and also to distort memory, yet few studies have examined whether the effects of imagination on behavioural estimates and memory are related. In two experiments, the effects of imagination on self-reported behaviour and subsequent memory for that behaviour were investigated. A comparison of behavioural estimates collected before and after imagination demonstrated that reported estimates of behaviour changed after imagination. In addition, memory for the original estimates of behaviour was also affected, suggesting that imagination may impair one’s ability to remember originally reported behaviour. Experiment 2 demonstrated that the observed changes in reported behaviour were accompanied by the largest errors in memory for originally reported behaviour when participants generate images based on self-relevant scenarios. On the other hand, memory distortion was minimized when participants read but did not imagine self-relevant scenarios. These results have direct application to clinicians and researchers who employ imagination techniques as behavioural modifiers, and suggest that techniques that are self-relevant but do not include imagery may be a useful alternative to imagination. Copyright # 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. For decades, researchers have been interested in whether imagination, or mental simulation, can influence how we plan, perform, study and behave. -
7.1 Memory Systems
Psychological Science – Chapter 7: Memory 7.1 Memory Systems • Memory is a collection of several systems that store information in different forms for differing amounts of time. • The Atkinson-Shiffrin Model o Memory is a multistage process. Information flows through a brief sensory memory store into short-term memory, where rehearsal encodes it to long-term memory for permanent storage. Memories are retrieved from long-term memory and brought into short-term storage for further processing. o The Atkinson-Shiffrin model includes three memory stores: sensory memory, short-term memory (STM), and long- term memory (LTM). o Stores retain information in memory without using it for any specific purpose. o Control processes shift information from one memory store to another. o Some information in STM goes through encoding, the process of storing information in the LTM system. o Retrieval brings information from LTM back into STM. This happens when you become aware of existing memories, such as what you did last week. • Sensory memory is a memory store that accurately holds perceptual information for a very brief amount of time. o Iconic memory is the visual form of sensory memory and is held for about one-half to one second. o Echoic memory is the auditory form of sensory memory and is held for considerably longer, but still only about five seconds. o Iconic memory can be detected in a memory experiment: the whole report and partial report conditions. In the whole report condition, researchers flash a grid of latters on a screen for a split second and participants attempt to recall as many as possible – the whole screen. -
Dissociation Related to Subjective Memory Fragmentation and Intrusions but Not to Objective Memory Disturbances
ARTICLE IN PRESS Journal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry 36 (2005) 43–59 www.elsevier.com/locate/jbtep Dissociation related to subjective memory fragmentation and intrusions but not to objective memory disturbances Merel Kindta,Ã, Marcel Van den Houtb, Nicole Buckb aDepartment of Clinical Psychology, University of Amsterdam, Roetersstraat 15, 1018 WB Amsterdam, The Netherlands bDepartment of Medical, Clinical and Experimental Psychology, Maastricht University, The Netherlands Abstract The present study was a replication of Kindt and Van den Hout (Behaviour Research and Therapy 41 (2003) 167) with several methodological adaptations. Two experiments were designed to test whether state dissociation is related to objective memory disturbances, or whether dissociation is confined to the realm of subjective experience. High trait dissociative participants (Nexp:1 ¼ 25; Nexp:2 ¼ 25) and low trait dissociative participants (Nexp:1 ¼ 25; Nexp:2 ¼ 25) were selected from normal samples (Nexp:1 ¼ 372; Nexp:2 ¼ 341) on basis of scores on the Dissociative Experience Scale (DES). Participants watched an extremely aversive film, after which state dissociation was measured by the Peri-traumatic Dissociative Experience Questionnaire (PDEQ). Memory disturbances were assessed 4h later (Exp. 1) or 1 week later (Exp. 2). Objective memory disturbances were assessed by a sequential memory task, items tapping perceptual representations (Exp. 1), or an open question with respect to the remembrance of the film (Exp. 2). Subjective memory disturbances were measured by means of visual analogue scales assessing fragmentation and intrusions. The two experiments provided a fairly exact replication of an earlier experiment (Behaviour Research and Therapy 41 (2003) ÃCorresponding author. Fax: +31 20 6391369 E-mail address: [email protected] (M. -
How Big Is Human Memory, Or on Being Just Useful Enough
Downloaded from learnmem.cshlp.org on September 29, 2021 - Published by Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press REVIEW Yadin Dudai How Big Is Human Memory, Department of Neur0bi010gy or On Being Just Useful Enough The Weizmann Institute of Science Reh0v0t 76100 Israel We are, in many respects, what we remember. But how much do we do? So far, science has provided only a very partial answer to this riddle. The magical number seven, plus or minus two, seems to constrain the capacity of our immediate memory (Miller 1956). But surely its constraints dissipate when memories settle in long-term stores. Yet how big are these stores? If we combine all of our factual knowledge and personal reminiscence, childhood scenes and memories of the past day, intimate experiences and professional expertisemhow many items are there, that, combined together, mold us into unique individuals? The answer is not simple, and neither is the question. For example, what is an item in long-term memory? And how can we measure it, being sure that we unveil memory capacity and not merely the occasional ability to tap it? Such theoretical and practical difficulties, no doubt, have contributed to the fact that the capacity of human memory is still an enigma. Yet, despite the inherent and undeniable complexities, the issue deserves to be retrieved, once in a while, from the oblivions of the collective memory of the scientific community. (For a selection of earlier discussions of the size of human long-term memory, see Galton 1879; Landauer 1986; Crovitz et al. 1991.) Folk Psychology and When confronted with the issue, many tend to provide an intuitive Early Views estimate of the size of their memory, based either on belief or introspection or both. -
Collective Memory from a Psychological Perspective
Int J Polit Cult Soc (2009) 22:125–141 DOI 10.1007/s10767-009-9057-9 Collective Memory from a Psychological Perspective Alin Coman & Adam D. Brown & Jonathan Koppel & William Hirst Published online: 26 May 2009 # Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009 Abstract The study of collective memory has burgeoned in the last 20 years, so much so that one can even detect a growing resistance to what some view as the imperialistic march of memory studies across the social sciences (e.g., Berliner 2005;Fabian1999). Yet despite its clear advance, one area that has remained on the sidelines is psychology. On the one hand, this disinterest is surprising, since memory is of central concern to psychologists. On the other hand, the relative absence of the study of collective memory within the discipline of psychology seems to suit both psychology and other disciplines of the social sciences, for reasons that will be made clear. This paper explores how psychology might step from the sidelines and contribute meaningfully to discussions of collective memory. It reviews aspects of the small literature on the psychology of collective memoryandconnectsthisworktothelargerscholarly community’sinterestincollectivememory. Keywords Social contagion . Memory restructuring . Collective memory . Collective forgetting General Comments Contextualizing the Study of Collective Memory Why not has psychology figured prominently in discussions of collective memory? For those in social science fields other than psychology, the methodological individualism of The first three authors contributed equally to this paper. The order in which they are listed reflects the throw of a die. A. Coman : J. Koppel : W. Hirst (*) The New School for Social Research, New York, NY 10011, USA e-mail: [email protected] A. -
Crashing Memory 2.0: False Memories in Adults for an Upsetting Childhood Event
UC Irvine UC Irvine Previously Published Works Title Crashing Memory 2.0: False Memories in Adults for an Upsetting Childhood Event Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6vx8w81s Journal Applied Cognitive Psychology, 30(1) ISSN 0888-4080 Authors Patihis, L Loftus, EF Publication Date 2015 DOI 10.1002/acp.3165 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Applied Cognitive Psychology, Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 30:41–50 (2016) Published online 15 September 2015 in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/acp.3165 Crashing Memory 2.0: False Memories in Adults for an Upsetting Childhood Event LAWRENCE PATIHIS1* and ELIZABETH F. LOFTUS2 1University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg, USA 2University of California, Irvine, USA Summary: Previous crashing memory studies have shown that adults can be led to believe they witnessed video footage of news events for which no video footage actually exists. The current study is the first to investigate adults’ tendency to report memories of viewing footage that took place when they were children: the plane crash in Pennsylvania on 11 September 2001. We found that in a computer questionnaire, 33% indicated a false memory with at least one false detail. In a more detailed face-to-face interview, only 13% of the group described a detailed false memory. Familiarity with the news story, fantasy proneness, alcohol use, and frequency of negative emotions after 9/11 were all associated with a Persistent False Memory. Participants who had received prior suggestion were more likely to later report false memories in the subsequent interview. We discuss our novel results and the importance of the paradigm. -
Memory Reconsolidation
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Elsevier - Publisher Connector Current Biology Vol 23 No 17 R746 emerged from the pattern of amnesia consequence of this dynamic process Memory collectively caused by all these is that established memories, which reconsolidation different types of interventions. have reached a level of stability, can be Memory consolidation appeared to bidirectionally modulated and modified: be a complex and quite prolonged they can be weakened, disrupted Cristina M. Alberini1 process, during which different types or enhanced, and be associated and Joseph E. LeDoux1,2 of amnestic manipulation were shown to parallel memory traces. These to disrupt different mechanisms in the possibilities for trace strengthening The formation, storage and use of series of changes occurring throughout or weakening, and also for qualitative memories is critical for normal adaptive the consolidation process. The initial modifications via retrieval and functioning, including the execution phase of consolidation is known to reconsolidation, have important of goal-directed behavior, thinking, require a number of regulated steps behavioral and clinical implications. problem solving and decision-making, of post-translational, translational and They offer opportunities for finding and is at the center of a variety of gene expression mechanisms, and strategies that could change learning cognitive, addictive, mood, anxiety, blockade of any of these can impede and memory to make it more efficient and developmental disorders. Memory the entire consolidation process. and adaptive, to prevent or rescue also significantly contributes to the A century of studies on memory memory impairments, and to help shaping of human personality and consolidation proposed that, despite treat diseases linked to abnormally character, and to social interactions. -
Durkheim and Organizational Culture
IRLE IRLE WORKING PAPER #108-04 June 2004 Durkheim and Organizational Culture James R. Lincoln and Didier Guillot Cite as: James R. Lincoln and Didier Guillot. (2004). “Durkheim and Organizational Culture.” IRLE Working Paper No. 108-04. http://irle.berkeley.edu/workingpapers/108-04.pdf irle.berkeley.edu/workingpapers Durkheim and Organizational Culture James R. Lincoln Walter A. Haas School of Business University of California Berkeley, CA 94720 Didier Guillot INSEAD Singapore June , 2004 Prepared for inclusion in Marek Kocsynski, Randy Hodson, and Paul Edwards (editors): Social Theory at Work . Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Durkheim and Organizational Culture “The degree of consensus over, and intensity of, cognitive orientations and regulative cultural codes among the members of a population is an inv erse function of the degree of structural differentiation among actors in this population and a positive, multiplicative function of their (a) rate of interpersonal interaction, (b) level of emotional arousal, and (c) rate of ritual performance. ” Durkheim’ s theory of culture as rendered axiomatically by Jonathan Turner (1990) Introduction This paper examines the significance of Emile Durkheim’s thought for organization theory , particular attention being given to the concept of organizational culture. We ar e not the first to take the project on —a number of scholars have usefully addressed the extent and relevance of this giant of Western social science for the study of organization and work. Even so, there is no denying that Durkheim’s name appears with vast ly less frequency in the literature on these topics than is true of Marx and W eber, sociology’ s other founding fathers . -
Imagination Reduces False Memories for Everyday Action Sentences: Evidence from Pragmatic Inferences
ORIGINAL RESEARCH published: 20 August 2021 doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.668899 Imagination Reduces False Memories for Everyday Action Sentences: Evidence From Pragmatic Inferences María J. Maraver *, Ana Lapa , Leonel Garcia-Marques , Paula Carneiro and Ana Raposo CICPSI, Faculdade de Psicologia, Universidade de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal Human memory can be unreliable, and when reading a sentence with a pragmatic implication, such as “the karate champion hit the cinder block,” people often falsely remember that the karate champion “broke” the cinder block. Yet, research has shown that encoding instructions affect the false memories we form. On the one hand, instructing participants to imagine themselves manipulating the to-be-recalled items increase false Edited by: Rui Paulo, memories (imagination inflation effect). But on the other hand, instructions to imagine Bath Spa University, United Kingdom have reduced false memories in the DRM paradigm (imagination facilitation effect). Here, Reviewed by: we explored the effect of imaginal encoding with pragmatic inferences, a way to study Marie Geurten, false memories for information about everyday actions. Across two experiments, University of Liège, Belgium Marek Nieznan´ski, we manipulated imaginal encoding through the instructions given to participants and the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyn´ski University, after-item filler task (none vs. math operations). In Experiment 1, participants were either Poland Naveen Kashyap, assigned to the encoding condition of imagine + no filler; pay attention + math; or Indian Institute of Technology memorize + math. In Experiment 2, the encoding instructions (imagine vs. memorize) and Guwahati, India the filler task (none vs. math) were compared across four separate conditions. Results *Correspondence: from the two experiments showed that imagination instructions lead to better memory, María J. -
Durkheim's Sui Generis Reality and the Central Subject Matter of Social Science
DURKHEIM’S SUI GENERIS REALITY AND THE CENTRAL SUBJECT MATTER OF SOCIAL SCIENCE Eric Malczewski ABSTRACT Purpose À The purpose of this chapter is twofold: one, to shed light on the nature of the central subject matter of social science; and, two, to demonstrate that E´mile Durkheim’s theory of collective representations identifies this subject matter. Design/methodology/approach À Durkheim’s methodological and theo- retical framework is assessed and compared with influential readings of it so as to show that Durkheim’s main theoretical contributions have been overlooked and to draw out insights of use to contemporary theory. Findings À Defining the nature of human social reality and the central subject matter of social science forms the core of Durkheim’s project. Durkheim saw the central subject matter of social science as a single order of reality. Social Theories of History and Histories of Social Theory Current Perspectives in Social Theory, Volume 31, 161À175 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 0278-1204/doi:10.1108/S0278-1204(2013)0000031004 161 162 ERIC MALCZEWSKI Research limitations/implications À This argument draws attention to the methodological and theoretical coherence of Durkheim’s thought, thereby helping to resolve the debate over how to interpret the work of this central figure and contributing a view of use to contemporary theory. Originality/value À In rendering palpable the nature of the essential rea- lity that is the object of Durkheim’s work, the argument advanced in this chapter resolves what are interpreted as anomalies in Durkheim’s thought and draws out the implications for better understanding Durkheim and the order of reality that traditionally has been referred to as culture or society.