The Bedford Community: Why and How It Fought the Dump, Built the Town And

The Bedford Community: Why and How it Fought the Dump, Built the Town and

Created a Place of Its Own

Stephen Loney

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the Degree of

Bachelor of Arts with

Honours in Sociology

Acadia University

April, 2015

This thesis by Stephen Loney

is accepted in its present form by the

Department of Sociology

as satisfying the thesis requirements for the degree of

Bachelor of Arts with Honours

Approved by the Thesis Supervisor

______

Dr. Ann Marie Powers Date

Approved by the Head of the Department

______

Barbara Moore Date

Approved by the Honours Committee

______

Dr. Anthony Thomson Date

I, Stephen Loney, grant permission to the University Librarian at Acadia

University to reproduce, loan or distribute copies of my thesis in microform, paper or electronic formats on a non-profit basis. I, however, retain the copyright in my thesis.

______

Signature of Author

______

Date

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Acknowledgements

The author would like to acknowledge the support and assistance of Dr. Ann

Marie Powers and Professor Toni Roberts along with the Department of Sociology at

Acadia University for all their guidance. I would also like to thank all those Bedford residents who shared their stories with me. Also thanks goes to the Residence Life Staff

Team of War Memorial House for allowing me the time and understanding to complete this project. I would like to deeply thank my parents for assisting me in pursuing this project and for your utter belief in its eventual completion.

Most of all I would like to thank the late John Robertson, a resident of Bedford who I wish I could have interviewed for this project. May the passion for our town that you instilled in me shine through in this thesis. You will always be missed by a grateful neighborhood and town, but never forgotten. Here’s to the ‘Mayor of Basinview’ and to the Town of Bedford; both that always strove “For the Common Good”.

Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... IV

LIST OF FIGURES ...... VIII

ABSTRACT ...... IX

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1

QUESTION ...... 1

CHAPTER 2: THEORY ...... 3

COMMUNITY ...... 3

Symbolic Construction ...... 3

The Maple Leaf ...... 4

Driving Change with Symbols ...... 5 The Structure of Community – Bernard ...... 6

Physical Nature of Community ...... 7 Tonnies ...... 8

Rurban ...... 9

HISTORY ...... 10

Custodian of Collective Memory ...... 10

Snapshot History ...... 11

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ...... 13

INTERVIEWING ...... 13

Selection ...... 14

Informed Consent ...... 14

Participants ...... 15

Participant a: Roger ...... 15

Participant b: Emma ...... 15

Participant c - Lynn ...... 16

ARCHIVES AND LOCAL HISTORY ...... 16 v

The Captain the Colonel and Me ...... 17

CHAPTER 4: HISTORY ...... 19

EARLY DAYS – 1749 -1921 ...... 20

The Manor House ...... 20

The Railroad and Industry ...... 21

Leisure Town ...... 22

George Lister’s Lots ...... 22

THE RATEPAYERS AND SERVICE COMMISSION – 1921 – 1975 ...... 23

The Ratepayers ...... 24

The Service Commission ...... 25

FIGHT THE DUMP – 1975-1980 ...... 26

The Town – 1980-1996 ...... 28

Becoming the Town ...... 28

Running the Town ...... 29

Planning ...... 30

Governing the Dump Fighters ...... 30

Celebrating Together ...... 31

THE HRM ...... 32

CHAPTER 5: SYMBOLS ...... 34

THE BASIN ...... 34

DeWolfe Park ...... 37

TOWN SERVICES ...... 39

Recreation ...... 39

The Police ...... 41

FIGHT THE DUMP ...... 43

CHAPTER 6: STRUCTURE ...... 48

THE BEDFORD SERVICE COMMISSION ...... 48

THE TOWN ...... 51

The HRM and Community Organizations ...... 55

CHAPTER 7: RURBANISM ...... 59

Physical Requirement ...... 59

Identity Requirement ...... 60

CHAPTER 8: THE HRM PROBLEM ...... 63

Fight the Jail ...... 67

CHAPTER 9: CONCLUSION ...... 70

REFERENCES ...... 76

vii

List of Figures

6.1 Bedford and Bedford Basin Total Population………..…………..50

6.2 Town of Bedford Map……..………………..………………..…..53

6.3 Population of Bedford or Corresponding Census Subdivisions….54

6.4 Map of Halifax Regional Municipality Electoral District Sixteen.56

6.5 Population of Bedford or Corresponding Census Subdivisions….58

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Abstract

The community of Bedford sits on the edge of the Bedford Basin located within

Halifax Regional Municipality (HRM) in the Province of Nova Scotia. This community has over a 200-year history from its beginnings as a small outpost surrounding Fort

Sackville to a modern-day community of over 20,000 people. In this thesis I will explore the community via interviews and historical analysis and how it has changed over time in relation to local governance, population growth, physical changes in size, economic changes within the community, and outside forces such as provincial and national governments. To do so, I will utilize Cohen’s and Bernard’s theories of community along with the classical theory proposed by Tonnies. These theories focus on the symbols of community, the power relations within, and the rural or urban nature of the community.

The research was conducted using both face-to-face interviews with participants in the community and archival research conducted in local archives held by the Fort Sackville

Association. Through this process symbols were found that represent the community such as the Bedford Basin, town police and a vibrant parks and recreation system. I will examine the civic power structure that existed in different eras. This research finds the community of Bedford alive and well within the Halifax Regional Municipality after undergoing massive change through the Bedford Service Commission era, Town of

Bedford era, and the current period of the HRM.

CHAPTER 1: Introduction

“Bedford is…a place so old by Canadian standards that it should be dead, but is very much alive and is young in spirit.”

- Elise Tolson

QUESTION

What the living no longer remember, the community soon forgets. Lessons of struggle, triumph, loss, and hope must be passed from one generation to the next and kept safe or they will be gone. This project will examine the growth and change over time of the community of Bedford, a suburban community located at the end of the Bedford

Basin in the Province of Nova Scotia, Canada. Bedford is one of many communities within the Halifax Regional Municipality (HRM) and is most easily denoted as HRM

Electoral District Sixteen. I will track population, governance, and boundary changes over time and investigate the community based on its symbols created by the interaction of its people with each other and with the outside world. I will also investigate the historic narrative that has brought it from the past to the present and toward the future, focusing on the period from 1970 until the year 2000 when the community underwent rapid growth and change. The project will focus on the history, symbols, structure and community identity in more depth in hopes of remaining relevant to the local community in 2015. My question, more explicitly, is how has community been produced within common discourses within a historical context of development.

This thesis will begin with a theoretical analysis, along with an outline of the methodology used to gather data. This will be followed by a history of the community of

Bedford with a focus on the more recent past including an analysis of symbols, identity, and structure of the community in a historical framework. The intention is to provide a greater understanding of the community of Bedford and how it has grown and changed in relation to its symbols and its identity throughout its history and how this has had an impact on the community located in Bedford today.

CHAPTER 2: Theory

To gain a better perspective of the topic and the theory used in the field, two keys terms, community and history, will be examined in detail to gain an understanding of the foundation on which this thesis is written, as well as the ongoing academic debate over the purpose and meaning of the two terms. It will serve to outline how this thesis will address the terms history and community placing them in the context of both historiography and sociology so that they may be actively used to better understand the topic.

COMMUNITY

The term community is central to this project and as such I will develop a working definition and theoretical framework for it. A community, in its most basic definition, is a group of people in a location who identify as a group, compared to others who do not identify as part of that group (Cohen 1985). This definition leaves much to be desired since it lacks concrete ideas of what binds a community together or how a community is formed to begin with. This section will outline differing theories on community presented by authors Jessie Bernard, Anthony Cohen, and Frederick Tonnies and then amalgamate them into one workable definition.

Symbolic Construction

Working under the assumption that communities are human creations, one way to understand them is proposed by Anthony Cohen in The Symbolic Construction of

Community where he argues that communities use symbols to create boundaries, both

physical and emotional, in order to show where they begin and where they end in relation to geography and membership (Cohen 1985). The foundation of his concept of community is finding the symbols of a social group that are used to create boundaries that differentiate the group from another social group and give meaning to its existence

(Cohen 1985). Cohen argues that the boundaries are created by the way that members of a community identify with symbols that are common to them and how they interact with each other in relation to those symbols (Cohen 1985). A symbol to Cohen could be anything such as a school, a river, a celebration, a shared label for a concept, or a widely held value (Cohen 1985). The symbol itself is not important, but rather that community members agree that the representation provided by that symbol shows their inclusion in the community. This premise is central to his theory of community and shows that Cohen is an interactionist. He focuses on the micro level interactions of a community as its members generate a symbol and then interact with the symbol on personally therefore creating community (Cohen 1985). For this thesis a new example using a red maple leaf has been created based on the examples provided by Cohen.

The Maple Leaf

In order to illustrate Cohen’s central symbolic idea, the reader should envision a red maple leaf. One group of people, say Canadians, might see this as a symbol of their nation. This Canadian community would have a boundary that encapsulates all those who agree this object is a national symbol. In this case the boundary is formalized as an international border, but this boundary does not need to be a legal or physical boundary.

Another group see this red maple leaf as a symbol of nature and not as a national symbol for Canada. This new community gives the leaf another label to indicate meaning. This

nature group might find themselves, according to Cohen, outside the symbolic boundary of the Canadian community due to the difference in symbolic identification but within their own boundary as the nature community (Cohen 1985). This difference in symbolic interpretation will erect a social boundary between the two communities, assuming there is no overlap in community membership. Those in the Canadian community now have the ability to look at outsiders from the nature community and understand that they have more in common with other Canadians than they do with those in the nature community

(Cohen 1985). This may lead to a physical separation of the two communities where members move to locations with other community from their community and create physical boundaries between the two communities of people. Through this symbol, an object that hangs off a tree and happens to be red, a boundary is created between groups denoting where communities begin and end. Ideas such as shared history, ethnicity, political views, or common goals function in the same way and become symbols that tie together a group and define the inside and outside of a community.

Driving Change with Symbols

The above information system of symbolic identification places Cohen in the camp of symbolic interactionism as he seeks to define community based on the production of meaning stemming from social interactions. The creation of insiders and outsiders through this interaction reinforces the existence of the community and allows those within it to become more secure within their role or place. Cohen has also dealt with what happens when a community begins to crumble and fail. When a member of a community sees that they no longer share in a common symbol, or that they share a common symbol with another group of people currently on the outside of the community,

they may leave the original community to join another (Cohen 1985). He uses the example of relations between Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom to demonstrate this kind of breakdown. Cohen states that as Scots feel that they have less and less in common with the English, or other parts of the UK, they may feel they have more in common with some of the former colonies who have declared there independence from the United Kingdom (Cohen 1985). The Scots may see themselves more like Canada, or Ireland or even far away Fiji than like the English (Cohen 1985).

This is due to the Scots identifying with symbols of these former colonies more so than they do with those of the United Kingdom or England. This change in symbols, from a

United Kingdom to a colonial/nationhood perspective, is an example of the way one community can change based on its understanding of common symbols.1 This engagement with new symbols or disengagement with old ones opens the door for a new community to form, such as a community of Scots in an independent Scotland as part of the Commonwealth of Nations (Cohen 1985). These changes occur due to the different symbolic interactions of many individuals followed by a macro level shift in community identification. In this way communities can be viewed as fluid and changeable and small interactions can generate a large impact on one or more communities.

The Structure of Community – Bernard

Cohen provides an analysis of the symbols of community but he deals relatively superficially with the internal power structure that develops within these communities.

Bernard addresses this topic, along with the topic of the physical structure of

1 Though this paper references a possible Scottish referendum it is noteworthy that during the completion of this project a Scottish referendum took place where the people of Scotland voted to remain part of the United Kingdom by a margin of 55% to 46% (Elections Scotland 2014). 6

communities in The Sociology of Community. She explores the power relationships that exist within a community and allows for the definitions of the symbols that are representative of the community to be created and upheld (Bernard 1973). Bernard argues that many factors place pressure on the people in a community to behave in one way and not in another. This is what creates the cohesive community that observes common symbols as seen in Cohen’s model (Bernard 1973). By addressing the environment and geography of a community’s location along with the ethnic background of the people, and external power factors such as national governments, Bernard envisions a picture of a community where power relations play a pivotal role in self-identification (Bernard 1973).

In this picture those in positions of power due to wealth or social influence have the ability to influence symbols of community and its structure in order to benefit themselves.

It is also noteworthy that outside factors such as provincial or federal governments also hold this power but exist outside the bounds or encompass of the community they impact.

By taking power into account Bernard builds on Cohen’s ideas of boundaries, illustrating the internal and external power structures that create these boundaries and maintain them.

Physical Nature of Community

Bernard makes a very important contribution when theorizing about the physical nature of a community and its connection to the identity of the people living within that community. Bernard looks at the physical space, its shape, size, and land use to better understand the community as a whole (Bernard 1973). Through her observations she envisions two patterns of community development. The first is the center axis pattern where the community grows outwards from an urban center with sectors surrounding the center for different uses such as residential or commercial (Bernard 1973). Bernard

argues that the location and size of these sectors is governed by the cost of transportation to the urban center (Bernard 1973). The other theory Bernard proposes is the multi- centered pattern. This pattern is where one larger community has sub-centers in each sector to act as the basis for community organization in that sector; however, they work together to achieve common goals held by the community at large (Bernard 1973). Using the multi-centered and center-axis approaches the present project examined the physical construction and nature of the community of Bedford. Examining both power structures and the physical nature of community, Bernard's ideas have a central role in the analysis of the data from Bedford.

Tonnies

No discussion of community would be complete without a discussion of the theories of Tonnies and a proper evaluation of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft communities. For Frederick Tonnies these two terms define the two types of societies that exist in our social world, the traditional and the modern. The Gemeinschaft community is a traditional close knit society where kinship bonds and micro social interactions are of great importance (Thomson 2010). This type of society is seen by Tonnies as rural and non-industrial, small in size and scale and where personal relationships play keys roles in day to day interactions (Thomson 2010). The second type of community Tonnies proposes is a Gesellschaft community. It is a contractually-based and modernized community with industry and urbanization (Thomson 2010). In this type of community social bonds have been replaced with litigation and systems (Thomson 2010). This society of contracts seems to represent most broadly the society of today where kinship and personal networks mean less and a contract on a desk means everything. This is

represented by larger urban centers, such as Halifax, as compared to smaller communities, such as Wolfville. Though these seem to be opposites, they can be brought together in a concept that Bernard explores in his book as she expands on the work of Tonnies and proposes another type of community, a rurban one.

Rurban

A rurban community is one where individuals live in an urban or suburban setting but seek to live in a rural community and enjoy the tenants of a Gemeinschaft society that they see as positive (Bernard 1973). It is simply the state of living in one type of community while aspiring to live in the other type. These values are seen by Bernard in local voluntary organizations, or locally inspired celebrations and in the interactions between people that attempt to maintain personal non-contractual networks (Bernard

1973). To be designated as a rurban community, a community must be sufficiently urban while trying to maintain the characteristics of a rural community through the interactions of its people. This idea coincides with Cohen’s ideas regarding the symbols of community, as a rurban community identifies with symbols that are rural in nature while being characteristically urban in reality. These issues will be explored in a separate chapter due to the complex nature of rurbanism and its relationship to the Bedford community.

By applying these diverse concepts, a definition of community can be created based on symbols, interactions, and the internal power structures within a community.

The evaluation of these symbols can provide a greater understanding into the mindset of the local community and its relation to urban, rural or rurban attitudes.

HISTORY

Another important term that needs to be placed firmly in a theoretical framework is the term history. History can be understood as the idea of knowing what happened in the past, but history becomes a much more complex task of understanding the past and its relationship to the present once an investigation begins. History requires careful examination and the collection of different points of view before a judgment can be made on its function. In this section, two different theories of the usefulness of historical data and history will be presented, evaluated, and discussed, in order to analyze the community of Bedford.

Custodian of Collective Memory

In the study of history many different approaches exist as to how to gather and then interpret the information in a meaningful and relevant way. In “History as a Social

Science” the Behavioral and Social Sciences Survey Committee sum up the importance of recording the past writing that, “history is the custodian of collective memory”

(Behavioral and Social Sciences Survey Committee 1971). This is the view that it is the goal and the duty of history to understand what was going on, why it was going on, and then to preserve both the reasons and facts for future generations. An example of such preservation is found in, “On Doing Local History” by Carol Kammen. Her arguments can be summed up as follows: “historians preserve the memories of the old for the benefit of the young” (Kammen 2003). This idea of preservation marks the importance of this relationship between the past and the present along with the importance of making the past relevant. The present project uses this idea of history, relating the local community that exists today in the Bedford area to the community of the past in order to provide a

better understanding of the past and present. This relevance-based view of history will play an important role as this paper relates the community’s past and the actions that were taken that are important to its present. One must take into account that only those able to write the history have their ideas and perceptions preserved, and I acknowledge that this is a central problem in writing and producing history. By using interviews of people who have lived though the period I hope to uncover the unwritten perspectives and shed light on them so that they may also be added to a broader historical perspective.

Snapshot History

Another perspective on history raises questions about what history is and how it relates to the present or even if it should. While the above idea of history focuses on socially relevant collective memory, the central idea explored in Brooks’ (1969) Research in Archives is less about relating to today and more about capturing a part of culture frozen in time. The idea is that history is a snapshot of the past and that we should not link it into the present but rather study it as a time that no longer exists in its own context

(Brooks 1969). This provides a challenge to ideas about learning from memory and forces one to reconsider how we use history for our own purposes in today’s society as opposed to treating it like a museum piece – something that is to be seen and analyzed but not brought from the past into the present.

Though this is a challenge it can produce a more complementary position when we consider history as an event or an object in relation to the social construction of its own time, relating it to the present day outcomes of its existence, positive or negative.

Thus the old remembering for the young can unlock these snapshots of frozen culture and bring them back to relevance while still seeing them as time-stamped events in their own

right. By looking at history this way I will explore the past of the Bedford community with the assumption that the actions taken in those snapshot moments will reverberate to the present community, thus making each and every snapshot a living part of the present as well as a valued and respected part of the past.

CHAPTER 3: Methodology

For this project two different research methods have been used: archival research and semi-structured one-on-one interviews with Bedford community members. This chapter will outline the methods used to generate the data that will be analyzed in the remainder of this project. The collection method along with other relevant details will be discussed along with how the data will be evaluated in relation to the theories presented above. By looking at both historical primary documents and recording community members’ oral statements the data will be both historically relevant as well as relevant in the present.

INTERVIEWING

One key component of this project was the face-to-face interviews with Bedford community members. Each interview was conducted using the same interview guide and remained committed to the same topic. Due to the semi-structured nature of the interviews much of the content of the interview was created in the exchanges between the interviewer and the interviewee. Thus all the interviews varied in length and topics covered. By using this approach each interviewee was allowed to best guide the conversation to their area of expertise or to their personal experience in the community of

Bedford. By asking questions of these people it made it possible to reach into their memories and gain an understanding of the symbols of community and the power relationships, as outlined by Bernard, that exist or existed in the community at that time.

After the data was collected, coding was conducted searching for common symbols and

ideas that emerged in all interviews or reputably in one interview. This was done using a color-coding system for each symbol or topic on a program called AudioNote. With this qualitative data I drew conclusions that informed much of the analysis section of this project. The following section details how the interviews were conducted by outlining participant selection, the process of informed consent, and biographies of each participant.

Selection

In order to ensure that the interviews that were conducted could address the time period I seek to understand, the participants were purposively selected. They were not selected randomly but rather with the assistance of the Fort Sackville Association, a local historical society, and with input from community members who have had knowledge of the local community within the last twenty-five to thirty years. After participants were selected, I made contact with them and set up times for interviews. One challenge was making contact with some members of the community who were unwell or who had unwell family members and thus were unable to participate. In the end, I was able to conduct three interviews involving four participants with each interview lasting between forty-five minutes to one hour.

Informed Consent

The interviews were completed in a semi-structured style with an interview guide that allowed the conversation to be somewhat guided, but allowed the participant to speak freely on any issues they wished to bring up. The interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed into a text document and stored on a password-protected computer. Before each interview, I reviewed the consent form with the participant to ensure awareness of his or her rights with respect to the project. After the interviews were completed, their

questions were answered to ensure that the participants understood the dates and process to withdraw from the project and where the finished work would be available. After the completion of the project all data will be destroyed in April of 2015. Consent form details are found as Document 1.1 in the appendix.

Participants

Participant a: Roger

Participant A is a long time Bedford resident who has taken on various roles in both community organizations such as the Bedford Yacht Club and the Bedford Business

Association, as well as a member of the local government. Born in Bedford, Roger has spent his entire life as a member of the community and worked in the private sector as well as holding public office. Roger was active during the period before Bedford was a town, the Town of Bedford and the HRM. He presently lives in Bedford with his family.

Participant A will be referred to by the pseudonym Roger throughout this text.

Participant b: Emma

Participant B is Emma, a long time Bedford resident who grew up in neighboring

Sackville and has lived in Bedford for most of her adult life. This participant has been active in community organizations including the Bedford Days Organizing Committee,

Bedford United Church, and local political organizations supporting provincial political parties, town and municipal candidates as well as running for public office. This participant remains an active member of the community while being a parent and grandparent. Participant B will be referred to by the pseudonym Emma throughout this text.

Participant c - Lynn

Participant C is Lynn, a retired teacher who came to Bedford after completing an education degree at Acadia University. This participant is a parent and a grandparent within the community and raised a family throughout the period in question. Lynn taught at Sidney Stephen High School as well as Sackville High School and later was employed by the recreation department of Bedford and remains active in recreation at present. Aside from professional commitments, Lynn has sat on many Town of Bedford boards covering topics such as zoning, parks, recreation, and waterfront development, as well as being active in many youth sports organizations. Participant C will be referred to by the pseudonym Lynn throughout this text.

Participant d - Joy

Participant D is Joy, a member of the community who has lived in Bedford her entire life. She was an employee of the former Town of Bedford as well as the Halifax

Regional Municipality. Joy is active in many community organizations including the

Bedford Residents Association. She is currently a parent of school-aged children who attend local schools in the Bedford area and is involved in minor sports organizations as a volunteer. Participant D will be referred to by the pseudonym Joy throughout this text.

ARCHIVES AND LOCAL HISTORY

The second research method used to complete this project was the use of primary resources from archives that relate to the Bedford community that outline historical events that took place within or that affected the Bedford community. The main archive used was the Fort Sackville Association Archive with other material coming from the

Halifax Regional Municipality Archive and the Government of Canada. In these

databases information was found that complemented the data from the interviews as well as providing information that allowed for a more robust understanding of local history.

Items such as meeting minutes, campaign material, pictures, and newspaper articles provided a unique window to the past not available in published or edited materials. One important collection that was used was the newspaper clipping collection compiled by

Marion Christie and held by the Fort Sackville Association at the Scott Manor House. It contained many newspaper articles that had reference to Bedford and were organized into years and major events. This one resource was a key component of the historical research as it provided a wealth of data. These items opened up another angle to the Bedford community and made an important contribution to this project along with one-on-one interviews.

The Captain the Colonel and Me

The other important source for this text is the local history book The Captain, the

Colonel and Me written by local historian and long time Bedford resident Elsie Tolso in

1979. The book is based on Tolson’s research into the history of the local area using archives from around the province and interviews with residents of the town. She collected many oral histories that had been passed through local families to ensure that they would be saved and documented, along with the many myths and tales of the

Bedford area. This text provides much of the background information on the community from the years 1743 to 1979.

More importantly this text also provides a jumping off point for the present project. Tolson’s history text ends in 1979 as Bedford entered its period of township from

1980-1996. She addressed the possibility of township in fleeting references, but the book

contained almost no reference to history after 1975 (Tolson 1979). This text has provided not only the important details of history but is also the inspiration for my project as it continues where Mrs. Tolson left off and records the time period from the mid-1970s to the year 2000.

CHAPTER 4: History

“They saw what we could do, and they had to stop us.”

- Emma

To gain a deeper appreciation of the community that exists today in the Bedford area one must understand the history that led the community to the state that it finds itself in today. This chapter explains the history of the town in a concise manner in order to provide the reader an overview of a very long and detailed history.

In order to better summarize over 300 years of community history, it is divided into four different sections with a focus on the later period from 1970-2000. The sections presented below are arbitrary divisions based on major events and changes in the function, makeup, and nature of the community such as population growth, economic change or local governance reforms. The events that took place within the area before 1749, when the area would become known as Bedford, such as habitation by aboriginal peoples, the beaching of a fleet of warships, and farming activities by a local Acadian population, although important, will not be described as they do not share a chronological connection to the present Bedford community (Tolson 1979). I will begin my history with the timestamp denoted by Tolson in her book as the beginning of the Bedford community as the year 1749 with the construction of Fort Sackville and the arrival of the British to the central Nova Scotia (Raddall 2007). I chose this period as it shows the beginnings of the

British colonial and later Canadian community that remains on the shores of the Basin at

Bedford today.

EARLY DAYS – 1749 -1921

In 1749 the British came in force to the area that would later become Halifax in order to control Nova Scotia and take it away from the French and Acadians that had been living in the area (Raddall 2007). Building the town of Halifax was motivated by imperial interests and the ebb and flow of international politics (Raddall 2007). The harbour that later became Halifax was identified as a good port for the British Royal

Navy to use in its attempt to control the North Atlantic for purposes of trade and war. At the end of the large Minus Basin behind the Halifax Harbour a man by the name of John

Gorman, a New England Ranger, was sent to establish a fort at the mouth of a river, later called the Sackville river (Tolson 1979). Construction of this fort, named Fort Sackville, began on September 11, 1749 (Tolson 1979).

The Manor House

In 1771 a land grant was made to British Colonel Joseph Scott that entitled him to ownership of “all the lands at the head of the Minus Basin” (Tolson 1979). This land grant included much of the area now known as Bedford. With this single stroke of a pen

Bedford had become a farming estate for the Colonel and his family (Tolson 1979).

Tenant farmers began to work the estate’s lands as the Scott Manor House was built directly behind Fort Sackville occupied by British regulars. After the American colonies gained independence Fort Sackville began to fall into disuse as larger and more powerful defenses were built near the mouth of the Halifax Harbor to defend from the new

American threat (Raddall 2007). After Scott’s death in 1800 much of the land was sold to the tenant farmers who established a farming community consisting of twenty inhabitants on lands of the Sackville Estate (Tolson 1979).

Bedford was now a farming community at the intersection of the road to

Dartmouth, Windsor, and Halifax, quickly becoming a stopping place on the way to and from the city of Halifax. Major changes that would fundamentally alter the community occurred between 1830 and 1900. In 1830 stagecoach and boat service begin operating between the Bedford area and the City of Halifax (Tolson 1979). This allowed for rapid and efficient transportation, opening the door for more effective transportation to arrive only a few years later.

The Railroad and Industry

Lynn tells us that by 1854 the local railway ran from Halifax to the edge of the

Sackville River at Bedford and then stopped due to the geographic challenge of a large river with steep embankments (Lynn 2014). The railway cut along the front of the Basin and then directly through the town. Trains soon began stopping in this growing community giving the community access to the wealth, goods, and people that moved about on this rail line (Tolson 1979). The Bedford area could be farmed and milled goods could be sent to the city of Halifax quickly and efficiently bringing opportunities for mills to grow on the Basin’s shoreline. After 1856 many different mills opened including a paper mill, a lumber mill, and a wool mill along with the corresponding facilities to ship the goods out from the end of the Basin (Tolson 1979). This led to a drastic change in the community as non-farming jobs were beginning to become available, opening up a market economy. It took only a year before the railway built a truss over the Sackville

River and continued its push out into rural Nova Scotia and later into the rest of Canada

(Ness 2014). This rail line would become the line for the Dominion Atlantic Railway and later for Canadian National Railways as it remains today (Ness 2014). Though this

industry was important, only the railway would last until the present while the other industries would fade away as Bedford changed. This was when the leisure industry took over more of the town’s economic activities.

Leisure Town

While industrial production was important to Bedford, a leisure industry began to develop in the area and have an impact on its growing community and gained it international fame. Scott's Inn on the Bedford Highway was opened and became the first inn located within the community along the road to Windsor, Nova Scotia (Tolson 1979).

This was followed by Nine Mile Inn and Fultz Inn initially and then later by the grander

Bellevue and Fitzmaurice Hotels (Tolson 1979). These hotels and inns were accompanied by the start of the Bedford Leisure Club where tennis, swimming, sailing, and later golf would develop, creating a leisure hub for the people of Halifax (Tolson 1979). Bedford was easily accessible, located close enough to Halifax to reap the city’s rewards but far enough away to benefit from the rural nature of the area, although soon the nature of the community again shift to a new market, real estate.

George Lister’s Lots

In 1856, George Lister was the owner of a plot of land hemmed in between the

Scott Manor House, Parkers Brook and the Bedford Basin (Tolson 1979). The land was divided down the center by the new railway that crossed the Sackville River, continuing on to Windsor Junction, Nova Scotia and then further out of the province (Tolson 1979).

George Lister divided his land into 59 different smaller pieces of land each meant to be of sufficient size for a home for one family, without farmland surrounding that home and no room for businesses (Tolson 1979). Lister also created new streets allowing for easy

access to each and every personal lot (Tolson 1979). This included First Street, Second

Street, and Wardour Street, all still in existence in the Bedford community (Tolson 1979).

The lots were sold off for between £40 and £80 each to families who built vacation or permanent homes on the land and who became some of the founding members of a great wave of population growth that was soon to sweep over the area (Tolson 1979).

The mills, the hotels, the leisure clubs, the railway, and George Lister’s lots were all responsible for rapid changes and development in the Bedford community, and for the creation of the Bedford identity that was beginning to emerge at this time as seen through the creation of its first voluntary organizations. These associations would rise to give a representation of feelings of collective identity and allowed the community to enter a new era. In this era the community would grow in size and population allowing issues of local political control of the community to be pushed to the forefront of its existence. In the same period the leisure and industrial marketplace shrunk in the Bedford area and a housing boom took off.

THE RATEPAYERS AND SERVICE COMMISSION – 1921 – 1975

In 1917, Bedford took control of part of its own community management for the very first time. The Street Lighting Commission was created to build and light the streets inside the community (Matheson n.d.). This first step was one in a long list of steps that would lead Bedford to increased self-determination. This self-governance became a key feature in the community’s self-identity and symbolism. This section outlines the steps taken by the different organizations that represented political and social responsibility within the community from 1921 to 1980 that led to the formation of the town as well as the formation of a community identity. After the Street Lighting Commission, the next

step was the Bedford Ratepayers Association, forerunner of the Service Commission that later took over the town’s services and governing responsibilities.

The Ratepayers

The Ratepayers Association began in 1921 when the owner of the local general store posted a sign-up sheet by his store counter and encouraged people to come to a public meeting on Feb. 2nd, 1921 at Bedford Central School (Matheson n.d.). Though few people came to this meeting the Bedford Ratepayers Association was formed with the goal of advocating for community issues and of providing recreation in the local area

(Matheson n.d.). The first actions of this small committee were to host four lectures for community residents to fundraise for other efforts such as building a war memorial

(Matheson n.d.). This organization was a very important step in community self-advocacy and it ensured that the people of the local community had some control over more than just the streetlights. It also showed that a local identity had formed as people began to take a great and greater interest in this type of governance. It began to build physical symbols of the community. Most amazingly the Ratepayers Association was able to successfully lobby the Canadian National Railway to stop trains including The Ocean (a long distance train from Halifax to Montréal) at the Bedford station. This showed the

Association’s effectiveness in advocating for Bedford to larger organization such as the railway company (Matheson n.d.).

The Ratepayers Association would continue during the Great Depression of the

1930s, but would be dealt a major blow during this time as it did not have the power to tax the community to raise resources for its activities (Matheson n.d.). The Association relied on fundraising and donations to fund its actions, lobbying and events and this

funding source mostly dried up as unemployment rose (Matheson n.d.). Many of the community’s donors were unable to give any money to the Ratepayers Association any longer. Without money the organization became ineffective and would remain so throughout the 1930’s and the Second World War (Matheson n.d.).

The Service Commission

As the Second World War drew to close in the mid 1940’s focus began to shift back to the floundering Ratepayers Association (Matheson n.d.). A proposal from community members was made to Halifax County in 1944 to unite the Streetlight

Commission, The Ratepayers Association, and the Bedford Fire Service Commission into one organization, The Bedford Service Common, that would be responsible for the duties of all three previous commissions. Importantly, this single organization would have the power to levy a mandatory area rate tax over the Bedford community (Matheson n.d.).

On January 4, 1945, the Bedford Service Commission was created with Allan Duffus as its first chairperson (Matheson n.d.). This gave the Bedford community power over its local essential and recreational services, as well as commercial and residential zoning and land development (Matheson n.d.). The Bedford Service Common, or BSC, was an important step in the growth of self-determination in the Bedford community and in the creation of the community's identity. It gave an official voice to the community and was essentially a town government in almost all but name. The BSC would see its power and influence grow over time as it took on more and more responsibility for services in the village and expanded the services that it provided (Roger and Emma 2014). It is not an understatement to say that the BSC built the town of Bedford both figuratively within the minds of its residents and physically through the building of infrastructure such as fire

stations, community centers and parks (Roger and Emma 2014). The BSC fostered a sense of activism and community identity that encouraged those within the community to take ownership of their future. This attitude would later become evident in one of the greatest fights that the small community would wage: an all out struggle known as Fight the Dump.

FIGHT THE DUMP – 1975-1980

In 1975 the governments of Dartmouth, Halifax, and the County of Halifax had a problem. The garbage dump located in Sackville needed to be replaced with another

(Christie 1975). To do this the Metro Service Council, made up of representatives from all the above communities, would have to choose a new location and get the blessing of the provincial government for its construction (Christie 1975). A site near Juniper Lake in the city of Dartmouth was selected as the first site for the new dump. However, mayor

Eileen Stubbs of Dartmouth used her power as mayor to veto the decision (Christie 1975).

After the veto, a new site needed to be chosen as the problem of where to dump the metro area’s garbage still remained. Metro Area Service Council proposed a site for the dump located near Jack Lake (Christie 1975). This land was unoccupied but was surrounded by homes in Bedford’s growing Basinview area and the Hammonds Plains area, and was also located inside the BSC management area. The province, led by Premier Gerald

Reagan, himself a Bedford resident, moved forward with the plan for the Jack Lake dumpsite and work began on the site in late 1975. The County of Halifax agreed with the plan over the objections of the Bedford member of the County Council and the BSC

(Christie 1975). The Bedford Service Commission was told by the County of Halifax and later a provincial justice that it did not have the right to make any decisions on the issue

as it could not challenge choices made by the county or provincial government (Roger and Emma 2014). The stage was now set for a show down between the people of Bedford

(including the BSC) and the municipal and provincial governments.

In October of 1975 the community began to take action. At a meeting of the

Village of Bedford a vote was taken by community members, and a decision was made to fight the dump with $1000 authorized for advertisements and $5000 authorized to begin investigation of legal actions using the BSC funds that were generated by the area rate

(Christie 1975). Phone lists were created and politicians were repeatedly called in a phone blitz. Protesters went to Province House (the legislative building) in downtown Halifax and to distributed sessions of the provincial government. A pile of tires was burned on the dump site as a sign of total and utter defiance from the Bedford community (Christie

1975). These acts of defiance were in addition to an un-ending stream of ads purchased in local newspapers such as the Chronicle Herald, Bedford Sackville News and the Daily

News. Ads proclaimed “Bedford Says No!” or “Bedford Asks Why,” listing supporters who wanted the dump out of Bedford (Christie 1975). These actions also showed that the dump had become of symbol of the community around which residents could rally around focusing on a common opponent.

In March of 1976 the BSC took the provincial government to court, paying over

$20,000 to have its case heard at the Supreme Court of Canada in Ottawa. On December

14th, 1976 the case was decided in favour of the community of Bedford. The court ruled that the community had the right to challenge the location of the dump to the Public

Utilities Board of the Province of Nova Scotia, a claim that had previously been denied

by the province (Christie 1975). Now Bedford not only had the impression that it was a community but it had won the right to assert itself at the Supreme Court of Canada.

On May the 27, 1977, the province announced it was looking for a new site for the dump to be built and the project at Jack Lake was cancelled permanently (Christie 1975).

Bedford had won a massive victory that bolstered its community pride and led to a powerful feeling of victory and self-determination. The community had fought the dump and won. Now it was time for round two.

The Town – 1980-1996

In the 1960’s a failed drive for township ended at a meeting of the BSC when members voted not to pursue the idea any further. After the fight over the dump drew to a close, it left the BSC feeling empowered and the community was ready to take on more responsibility for its own affairs than ever before. After the victory and with a feeling that the County of Halifax was not looking out for their best interests, the people of Bedford were ready to try again in the late 1970’s (Lynn 2014).

Becoming the Town

The first steps towards town status were votes at the BSC meetings on March 8th and March 22nd, 1977, to hire consultants to look into the possibility of township and what it would mean for taxes and services, and how the BSC would fit into a new local government structure (Christie 1980). After the report was completed and made public, it was apparent that it was possible for Bedford to become a town, remain financially stable and be able to provide services to its population (Christie 1980). Requests were then made to the province of Nova Scotia and a hearing at the Public Utilities Board (PUB) was scheduled. The hearing began on July 28th, 1978, and was led by Francene Cosman

who was the local County of Halifax Councillor and an organizer of the Fight the Dump

Campaign (Roger and Emma 2014). Cosman declared in many editorials that the County of Halifax no longer met the needs of the growing community of Bedford and that urban city or town governance was required. (Christie 1980). The PUB agreed with the BSC that township was possible and set the date for the beginning of Township at July 1st

1980 (Christie 1980). On this date, at 2:00 pm in the Charles P. Allen High School gymnasium, Francene Cosman, now Mayor of Bedford returned from Halifax with the town charter in her hand (Christie 1980). A celebration was held including the Lt.

Governor and many other political leaders representing different levels of government

(Christie 1980). The new town and council meant that the BSC was no longer needed and on the same date it dissolved itself, ending over 63 years of commission administration of the Bedford community (Matheson n.d.). Now that the Town of Bedford was a reality it became necessary to build a viable way to govern it. This was the next great adventure that the community embarked on.

Running the Town

After the town was created much work had to be done to build the system of government to run the town. Many of the participants interviewed for this project played keys roles as politicians or as active community members in this process. Three main issues needed to be addressed: planning for residential development, determining how to govern a rebellious population in order to ensure another fight the dump incident would not take place within the context of the town and Bedford also needed to find ideals and symbols to help the new town’s residents celebrate together.

Planning

Interviewee Lynn spoke to me at length about the creation of the Bedford

Municipal Planning Strategy. She outlined how Bedford counselor Dr. Loncarevic was placed in charge of creating the development plan and how he reached out to community members to create it.

He (Loncarevic) was, somehow charged with doing the planning strategy. He thought, well, there would be a section on this and this and this. So there was a big open house and people were invited to come input ideas and discuss. There was an invitation to sign up in the area where you are interested. So I signed up with Parkland and Zoning and Parks and Parkland. There were many - must have been hundreds of people, then 150 people involved in writing the policies for the planning strategy. (Lynn 2014)

This shows that the leadership in the town was willing to entrust a very active and engaged population with the creation of the policies and planning rules that would guide the town forward. This approach was historically important as the BSC and Fight the

Dump had arisen out of the lack of consultation with the Bedford community. Lynn acknowledged that after the initial period township, participation in community originations and politics generally declined. She noted that many town members were engaged in the social construction of the town through this municipal plan and credits this as a reason for its years of success (Lynn 2014).

Governing the Dump Fighters

Interviewee Roger addressed the role of the new local government in the administration of town matters and how the Town Council system worked. Roger was a member of the town government serving as both a councillor and as the mayor of the town at different times. Roger noted that the town council was able to control much of the physical development of the town of Bedford along with how tax money was spent.

The reason Bedford became a town, we all knew we had enough money to, within limits, do what we wanted. We could add to Range Park [a local baseball field], fix up the rink, plan the size of the schools. We could put computers into them [the schools]. We had enough [money] to do that. (Roger and Emma 2014)

With the ability to make these choices the town council was empowered beyond anything that had been previously experienced in the community. As it also had the responsibility for emergency services, the Town Council established rules for the fire and police departments and how they operated. Roger noted that each year the police and fire departments would present budgets to the town with the understanding that they must be able to reach every corner of the town within four minutes of being notified of an emergency (Roger and Emma 2014). The council continued to govern the town until

1996 and over that time had multiple elections where members of the Bedford community directly elected councillors and the mayor. These elections happened every three years as planned until the date of amalgamation when a town council election was held despite the impending end of the Town of Bedford (Roger and Emma 2014).

Celebrating Together

Interviewee Emma spoke of the community events that were created to unite the people of Bedford. One event that had been created before the town, but was enhanced by its existence was Bedford Days (Roger and Emma 2014). This event still occurs in the week leading up to Canada Day celebrations and is a celebration of community that was fostered by Emma through work on its organizational committee with other community members (Roger and Emma 2014). Emma and Roger (2014) state:

The origin [of Bedford Days] was that we wanted an event. We did a couple other things, 88-90 I was involved when I was Mayor. I started up a winter skate at Papermill Lake just to have a community event. The Bedford Days grew around the end of the time of the Service Commission.

What began as a small parade on Shore Drive in the 1970’s just to have an event quickly grew. “In the mid 70s and they really started to crank it up, the business starting getting involved and they would shut down the street and it became a couple of days”

(Roger and Emma 20104). The event’s growth demonstrates its importance to the community. It remains a key element of Bedford today as a legacy of the town period as

Bedford transitioned into the HRM.

Although the town was being run successfully by its local government, the winds of political change were blowing outside the Town of Bedford. Thus Bedford embarked on yet another transition in local government and entered into a new era. This era became the political and social organization of the present day (2015) Bedford Community.

THE HRM

While the Town of Bedford took root, the provincial government of Nova Scotia in the early 1990’s had begun to reduce the number of municipal governments in the province by amalgamating them into single governing units (Assembly 54, Session 4

1996). Projecting efficiencies in the running of the local governments the province began to move unilaterally to amalgamate the Town of Bedford, the City of Halifax, the City of

Dartmouth, and the Municipality of the County of Halifax into the Halifax Regional

Municipality (Roger and Emma 2014). The residents of all affected communities were given the chance to vote in a plebiscite where over 90 percent of Bedford residents rejected the deal in the early 1990’s (Lynn 2014). After the plebiscite the legislation was tabled in Province House. The Member of the Legislative assembly for Bedford along

with the governing Liberal party voted to amalgamate the communities into the Halifax

Regional Municipality beginning on April 1st, 1996 (Assembly 54, Session 4, 1996).

On April 1st, 1996, the Town of Bedford ceased to exist – what had taken over 60 years to build was gone in an instant as all that had been the town, all its assets, celebrations, organizations and employees became that of the HRM (Lynn 2014). As one participant put it, “They saw what we could do, and they had to stop us” (Roger and

Emma 2014). The community now took on a status as part of the Halifax governing unit and became a community within the HRM having one Regional Councillor sitting on the

Regional Council located within the City of Halifax. (Lynn 2014).

CHAPTER 5: Symbols

“Pride in the police. Pride in the recreation. Pride in the fire department. Pride in taking care of our own zoning.”

- Lynn

A symbol represents a community to its members and allows for one to see others as outside of the community (Cohen 1985). A symbol can be anything: a game, story, place, building, or physical landscape so long as it carries a collective meaning to all members of a community (Cohen 1985). The symbols that will be discussed are symbols of the community of Bedford that project participants identified as holding importance to them and having meaning to the community at large. Though not all symbols were unanimous across the four interviewees, a selection of those symbols mentioned will be explored to better understand how they represented the community of Bedford.

THE BASIN

One of the symbols of community is the Bedford Basin. This large saltwater bay opens north of the narrows of the Halifax Harbour and includes the mouths of the

Sackville and Nine Mile rivers (Tolson 1979). Though with the research that was conducted I cannot claim that the basin is a universal symbol of Bedford it was identified by three out of four participants as a symbol of Bedford. Thus it is seen by those involved in this project as a very important symbol of the community (Roger and Emma 2014).

Firstly the name of the Basin holds clues to its importance. Originally named Minus

Basin and then later Torrington Bay, the name change to Bedford Basin came only after the community named itself Bedford, linking the two forever (Tolson 1979). This name

change to match the community growing on its shores shows that the symbolism of this bay is seated in a history of Bedford’s people claiming it as their own.

Though the Basin was important, it was sometimes objects on its shoreline that held greater importance as symbols. When asked about symbols of the town Lynn stated,

“The Basin, the water front, railway bridge, the big green one. Building it was big stuff…and I like Eagle’s Nest Park, the one on the shoreline. It’s not well known and it has ticks, so lots of fear. Those would be my symbols.” (Lynn 2014). This shows a deep connection to the waterfront. Every item Lynn listed is a symbol with a connection to the waterfront and the Basin itself. The railway bridge, referred to as the green one, is sometimes known as the viaduct that crosses at the mouth of the Sackville River. It is a visible landmark when viewing Bedford from the Basin. The Leisure Club, as well as the first housing lots were built around the waters edge, along with parks and a whole host of access points to give community members the ability to get to the Basin regardless of land ownership (Tolson 1979). This shows the deep importance of the Basin and the drive for community members to own sections of the shoreline. This act can be viewed as confirmation of the symbolic importance of the Basin as it shows that people in the community would expend resources to buy waterfront land in order to gain a more intimate connection with the basin. The Leisure Club’s location on the side of the

Bedford Basin also speaks to the hierarchical nature of water access in the era before the parks were built. The houses along the basin are often owned today by wealthy or mutigenerational Bedford families and remain some of the most expensive houses in the community.

The Leisure Club grew into the Bedford Yacht Club, both catering to those with large amounts of disposable income (Tolson 1979). This can be seen as a way that a class system has developed with the identification system of symbols in this community. In the eras before the public shorefront parks only those with the money to gain access to the waterfront community symbol would be able to do so. It was a scarce resource and only accessible to the upper classes in the community as they could purchase the land on the

Basin’s shoreline as prices grew and taxes increased. This problem was identified widely by participants and by the BSC and Town whose actions would change this situation and somewhat remove the class element to symbol access through the creation of public boat ramps, parks and access points on the Basin shoreline (Bernard 1973). Those who had control of symbolic importance in this community were those who could afford to use and live on the basin and would ensure that the symbols remained a desired symbol, though one that would become more and more accessible as I will outline below.

After the construction of the railway through Bedford in 1854 much of the shoreline of the Bedford Basin was cut off from the town (Tolson 1979). The rest of the shoreline was then purchased by private owners during the sale of George Lister’s lots and further expansion along the shoreline (Tolson 1979). The Bedford Service

Commission purchased one of these lots in the 1970’s for $42,000 from the local family who owned it and built a pool and playground with financial support from the Lions Club so that the people of the community could have one free way to enjoy the Basin at anytime (Joy 2014). The park and pool became known as the Lions Playground and still serves as a local recreation facility in 2015. This small park returned just a sliver of shoreline to the public but it shows how this symbol was important enough that the

BSC’s political and economic capital was used to make it possible. It also demonstrates a way that Bedford was beginning to moderate the difference in class and social status within the context of land ownership between those who lived on the basin and those who did not. Now a public space was opened on the water for public use, a change in land use that would indicate a shifting perception of the use of community symbols away from those who had the money to a more egalitarian model of symbolic importance. Now everyone in Bedford could see, touch, feel and swim in the Basin and participate in the identification and production of this community symbol.

This process continued under the governance of the town as more of the shoreline land was returned to public use when the town chose to buy Admiral's Cove and Eagle’s

Rock lands and create parks (Lynn 2014). This return of shoreline showed that many in the Bedford community saw this as a symbol to rally around and that they were willing to spend money from the BSC and Town budgets in order to regain the ability to see and use the Basin. The next park project would take this issue to a new level and re-affirm

Bedford’s belief in the symbolic importance of the Bedford Basin.

DeWolfe Park

While other parks were being created on the shore of the Basin much of it remained in private ownership or was separated from the community by the rail line. An idea to develop an area of infill by dumping rock fill into the Bedford Basin came to the

Bedford Service Commission with the opportunity of free fill from the acidic slate disposal program in Nova Scotia (Lynn 2014). The province agreed this was a possibility and created the Bedford Waterfront Development Corporation to build a new waterfront area near Millcove and Nine Mile River (Lynn 2014). This corporation's responsibility

was to develop residential and parkland area with the fill provided (Lynn 2014). Both

Lynn and Joy’s spouses have played active roles in this corporation as board members with the task of managing the growth of the waterfront (Joy 2014).

As the new development was created from infill, interest in the new park space began to peak and different ideas about the name began to be suggested to the Bedford

Service Commission and the Corporation. Those organizations were approached by members of the Haida association, a group of naval men who served under Vice Admiral

Harry DeWolfe who was a decorated Canadian war hero, born and raised in Bedford

(Lynn 2014). The corporation agreed and named the park after the Admiral, making it a symbol of Bedford that is forever linked to one of its local heroes.

The park has become a symbol in its own right and is linked to the annual Bedford

Days and Canada Day celebrations as well as continued casual use by many community groups. Residents identify it as a local community-gathering place during the Bedford

Days events. The symbolism of this park was identified from the very beginning of its creation as a symbol. Lynn said,

I think everyone is so pleased with that waterfront park and with the development. I think people take great pride in it. The little motto was ‘Bringing Bedford Back to the Basin’ as all the land on the Basin had houses, everywhere, at that point. That was the phrase we used in the community. (Lynn 2014)

This slogan shows that the leading members of the community understood the importance of the Basin and used its importance and leverage to complete the waterfront project and to return as much parkland as possible to the people of Bedford when it was finished. It also shows that this understanding of the Basin and the Park were intertwined as the park, a symbol on its own, could unite the people with another symbol, the Basin.

DeWolfe Park is now one of the most identifiable symbols of Bedford stretching across much of this waterfront and allowing the public direct access to a highly revered community symbol, the Basin. The amount of time, effort and money that went into the creation of these parks demonstrated Bedford’s appreciation for the Basin and its communal need to use its resources to provide the public with access to the symbolic and literal water’s edge.

TOWN SERVICES

When the Town of Bedford came into existence it took responsibility for many services that had been provided by the County of Halifax or the Bedford Service

Commission (Joy 2014). Taking on these services brought the people of the town pride and gave both the people in the area and the services themselves an identity that was different from the county or the cities of Halifax and Dartmouth. The services themselves became symbols of the town and the community of Bedford.

Recreation

Before Bedford was an incorporated town, responsibility for recreation passed from the hands of the county to the Bedford Service Commission and became a symbol of the Bedford community. The creation and execution of the recreation program became a source of pride, as Bedford was able to provide well-rounded and community-centered programming to its people, including the building of the facilities needed for their delivery. As noted by Roger the first recreation department was set up in the mid 1970’s by the BSC; “They used the old Baptist church and used it as the headquarters and they would set up programs. Swimming at their Lions playgrounds, and Paper Mill [Lake] and they would have ball fields in the Rifle Range area” (Roger 2014). All of these locations

became physical symbols of community for those involved in the local swimming and youth sports associations or for those who had involved children. Lynn stated that in those days,

What they [the children] got involved in, you volunteered [in]. I was there doing figure skating, in cubs or brownies. I was the badge chairman, and I was the test chairman in skating. I was always keenly interested in parks and rec so I became a member of the rec commission. (Lynn 2014)

This shows the symbolic value of the recreation department and how it became a symbol for the community by providing space for children’s programs then drawing in adults who volunteered at the programs. This also extended to adult recreation in the community as in the 1970s Lynn was invited by the BSC recreation department to teach women's fitness classes. She agreed to do so and has played an active role in the provision of recreation services from that point forward (Lynn 2014). These gatherings provided a place for the mirco level interactions that Cohen sees as important in establishing the bonds of community through the agreement of symbols. In this way the recreation department and its services were a symbol to the Bedford community.

Another important development in the recreation department was the building of the physical facility that grew to mean recreation for the Bedford area and became a symbol of the community. This building was constructed in the 1970’s and named the Dr.

Gerald Lebrun Centre, housing the main recreation office, rink, gym and a meeting facility (Lynn 2014). The center was built through a massive community fundraising effort that included sponsored walks, donations and many Lions Club fundraisers to support it (Lynn 2014). After it was built, the center became home to Bedford Minor

Hockey, Bedford Minor Ringette, summer recreation programs, the Bedford Lions Club and the local Charles P. Allen High School hockey teams along with many other

community groups (Lynn 2014). With so many groups and people using this building, it quickly became a symbol of the community due to its heavy use.

The LeBrun Centre remains in use as a part of the HRM recreation system. It became a powerful symbol for the community to rally around in a time of upheaval in the

1970s when public meetings for Fight the Dump were held in the center (Christie 1975).

The Bedford Volunteer of the Year awards take place there each year to this day demonstrating its continued place of great importance to the community (Roger and

Emma 2014). It is widely identifiable by residents, thereby meeting Cohen’s requirements as a symbol of the community.

The Police

Few services in a community are as visible as the police as they enforce laws and engage with community members. The local police force became a symbol of the community of Bedford and changed over time becoming more and more localized before rejoining a larger force in 1996 (Roger and Emma 2014). During the years of Halifax

County government the RCMP provided police protection (Roger and Emma 2014). This was one service that the BSC never took control of; it was left in the hands of county government until 1980 when the Town of Bedford came into existence (Roger and Emma

2014). Upon the incorporation of the town, the RCMP lost the contract and the Bedford

Town Police was created to provide policing services to the community (Roger and

Emma 2014). These town police officers became symbols of the town of Bedford for many reasons. Firstly, their very existence showed how the town could control how it was policed. The Town Police afforded Bedford a great deal of local control over the

Bedford Highway, a major transportation artery in the Halifax area. It also meant that the

quality of service could be determined by the town council without influence or pressure from an outside force. This was a key piece of the importance of the town to Roger who felt that this was lost during the amalgamation process. Roger, on the topic of the police and the towns ability to manage its own affairs describes the loss of quality service;

See that’s when you can say to yourself, this is what I want, then you go pay for it. It the same as buying a car, you choose the one you want then you pay for it. That was the standard. After HRM, one night a police car came along and stopped. He said I’ve got to go up though Clayton Park all the way up through Clayton Park and part of Fairview. We [Roger and Emma] were talking to a policeman that we knew from Bedford over here by the playground. “Hear that? The cop going in there?” he said. ‘That means I’m the only police officer left in Bedford.” (Roger and Emma 2014)

These participants saw the police as a symbol of the town’s right to self- determination and ability to manage itself effectively when quality of service was no longer in their control as only one police officer remained inside the community of

Bedford. The participants believed that this would not have happened during the days of the Town of Bedford and its police force as only Bedford had to be looked after.

Concerns outside the Bedford area were not the concerns of the town police as the decision had been taken by the local community to create and fund the town police. Thus leading to better service. The story above demonstrates the key loss that was perceived when this ended showing its symbolic importance.

Emma noted that not only did Bedford have its own town police they also had a unique coloured uniform, different from the RCMP and the Halifax and Dartmouth city police forces. The Bedford baby blue police cars and uniforms were used as opposed to the darker blue uniforms of the Halifax city police or the tan of the RCMP. The cars were also painted a similar light blue making this force stand out as different and as symbols of the community not only to town members but also to those outside the community (Roger

and Emma 2014). This coloration made them identifiable from other police forces and areas and caused people to identify them as a service of the community controlled by the community, reinforcing the police as a powerful symbol of the town of Bedford.

Upon amalgamation the Bedford Town Police became a part of the Halifax

Regional Police whose color was dark blue and the identifiable baby blue cars and uniforms were phased out (Joy 2014). According to all interviewees, people in the community could not identify these police as being members of the community but rather simply as officers passing through while conducting a job for the municipality (Roger and

Emma 2014; Lynn 2014; Joy 2014). This was another way of showing the powerful impact that the Town Police had as a symbol of the Bedford community and how the

Halifax Regional Police were unable to fulfill the same role. Community members viewed the Halifax Regional Police as outside the bounds of the community, assuming they did not identify with the symbol of Bedford. As such the police force was an important symbol for the town of Bedford that no longer played that role when the community was served by the Halifax Regional Police.

FIGHT THE DUMP

Few symbols united the community of Bedford like the proposed dump at Jack

Lake. Emma stated, “You know why Bedford became a town right? Because of the dump!” (Roger and Emma 2014). As outlined above from 1975 to 1977 the community of Bedford fought the provincial government in order to stop the construction of the new dump within the boundaries of Bedford as controlled by the Bedford Service Commission

(Christie 1975). This fight to stop the dump and the dump itself remain strong symbols for members of the Bedford community. (Roger and Emma 2014). They are symbols of

the community’s ability to mobilize and to create change as they wanted to see it. This was important to many people given the scale of the movement that was needed to fight the dump.

One way to view the dump as a symbol of the community of Bedford is through the community protest movement over the course of two years. These protests were generated by a town of just 7000 people who used many different tactics in an attempt to change the minds of provincial and civic officials to move the dump out of the Jack Lake area (Christie 1975). After the Bedford Service Commission (BSC) meeting in 1975 where an agreement was made to fight the dump, protestors began holding small scale pickets (Christie 1975). The Bedford Business Association placed many full-page newspaper ads in local newspapers proclaiming “Bedford Asks Why?” Or “Don’t Dump on Me” along with burning a pile of tires on the dumpsite and throwing garbage on

Premier Regan’s lawn to show the dissatisfaction with the decisions being made by the provincial and municipal governments (Christie 1975). These final actions were officially condemned by political leaders in the community but they showed that community members were willing to take action, as the dump had become a symbol of resistance for the Bedford community. Emma recalls, “The Ratepayers [Bedford Service Commission] kept on going, but a couple of things happened. It morphed into the fight the dump committee” (2014). This drew more and more people into the protests and they grew as the community became more and more angry towards all levels of government. Lynn when addressing the dump protest movement says, “Through the community coming together to fight the dump there was a ground swell of people with leadership and so it

[the protest movement] just went from there” (2014). This shows how the people of

Bedford began to recognize the power of their own leadership and demand action from higher levels of government and shows a recognition on Lynn’s part that the community began to band together in order to achieve one common goal. These actions and attitudes showed how the dump and its creation became a symbol of community and rallied those to a cause who may not have previously shared in some of the other symbols of the community.

The last protest was to charter buses and descend upon Province House with signs, banners and bumper stickers, demanding the dump be moved out of the Bedford community. One bumper sticker that read, “Don't dump on me. I'm from Bedford.” was placed on the door of the office of the premier, himself from Bedford, as a fitting sign of protest by an unknown member of the Bedford community (Christie 1975). The protesters from this community succeeded in disrupting the Legislative Assembly of

Nova Scotia and demanded that they be heard. By doing this they showed a collective identity as Bedford that had grown as the community wanted to be heard and was confortable with the representation it was receiving from leading members of the BSC.

(Lynn 2014). All of these actions reinforced the dump’s role and the fight against it as an empowering symbol of the community of Bedford. Its significance was clearly defined by

Emma who said, “Everyone was full of piss and vinegar. You wanted to take charge of our own affairs. Take it from the county” (Roger and Emma 2014). Though this protest movement became a symbol it was ultimately unsuccessful, as it did not stop the construction of the dump as the later court case would. The movement had succeeded in creating an independent minded community ready to fight the dump and more. The community now had to look for other options rather than protest to stop the dump.

A Nova Scotia judge had told the community of Bedford early in the fight that as a non-legal entity, the BSC and the community had no right to challenge the decision made by the provincial government. The people of Bedford then went to court against the provincial government taking the case to the Supreme Court of Canada. It was seen as such an important symbol to ensure the dump stay out of Bedford but also as a fight for the rights of communities to be heard by the provincial governments (Christie 1975). In this case Bedford would be ultimately victorious in gaining the right to challenge the provincial and municipal government (Roger and Emma 2014). This is an important material victory but also an important symbolic victory as Bedford made national headlines as the community that beat the province, thus becoming a symbol itself for local self-determination in Canada (Roger and Emma 2014). Emma and Roger noted that at that time the Province was not acting in a very constructive manner but rather was trying to ram decisions down communities’ throats without their consent. The dump put a stop to this by creating the precedent that the local communities deserve to be consulted – a powerful legacy and symbol of the Bedford area (Roger and Emma 2014). This united the people in a common cause and was identified by Lynn as the catalyst for the movement towards township in 1980 (2014).

Interestingly you can also find othering in the issues surrounding the dump almost exactly as expressed by Cohen. Cartoons were created during this protest movement showing rats from Sackville making their home in Bedford and discussing how they would ruin the community as they had ruined Sackville, vilifying Sackville’s residents.

(Christie 1998). These cartoons showed that some in the Bedford community were willing to use any means in order to portray to others, reasons why the dump could not be

present in the community. Bedford was less concerned with the positions of the Sackville community on the issues of the dump as it was viewed as outside the borders of the community as Sackville found itself identifying with different symbols then Bedford. The community of Sackville had hosted the previous dump and some residents in that community saw the new dump going into Bedford as a long required remedy for hosting the dump in their community while Bedford remained exempt from these tasks (Christie

1998). This clearly showed that the members of Sackville did not identify the Jack Lake dumpsite as a problem that must be stopped but rather as justice for hardships that

Sackville residents had to endure. This different identification with the physical symbol of the dump meant that they were part of a different community that existed outside of the

Bedford community.

CHAPTER 6: Structure

While investigating the social history of this community it was important to note that many changes had taken place over its long history. These changes included its physical structure, the power structure of both local government and community organization, along with the creation and retention of the symbols with which Bedford identified. In this chapter the issues of physical land footprints, population, and local governance will be outlined and discussed during three different time periods: The

Bedford Service Commission Era (BSC), the Town of Bedford era and the Halifax

Regional Municipality era (HRM). By understanding the internal power structure along with the size and shape of the community Bernard’s theory on the physical nature of community will be applied to Bedford.

THE BEDFORD SERVICE COMMISSION

The Bedford Service Commission was an elected village committee responsible for running the Bedford community’s local services such as fire, recreation, and street- lighting along with parks and zoning (Matheson n.d.). It existed from 1945 to 1980 when the town government took over its responsibilities (Matheson n.d.). The BSC was an elected group but it also required public village votes on many issues and this meant that the village was in a small way a direct democracy, as the local population had the power to build and change symbols in the town by accepting or rejecting BSC ideas (Matheson n.d.). According to Roger, Bedford Village Meetings run by the BSC were held yearly.

This is when voting took place on issues or when elections of residents to the commission to manage the affairs of the community were held (Roger and Emma 2014). This power

structure favored local control and was an identifiable factor of the Bedford community that would later be seen in the Fight the Dump campaign and in the drive for township.

The physical boundaries of the community at this time were the most ambiguous during the period examined in this project. Many descriptions of the space known as

Bedford exist, indicating the land between the Nine Mile and Sackville Rivers but also including areas further down the Basin to the borders of the cites of Dartmouth and

Halifax (Tolson 1979). The importance of these boundaries increased when the Service

Commission was handed the powers to levy a mandatory area rate on the community.

This gave financial meaning to being inside or outside the bounds of the BSC area and therefore the Bedford community. It also determined those who had votes at the BSC meetings and thus gave local power to only those within the rate area. This allowed those within the bounds of the area rate to have control of the community and create the symbols they wished to see associated with Bedford.

Population at this time was growing at a slow pace but in the later stages of the

BSC it picked up greatly. From 1901 to 1941 the Bedford population was difficult to track as the community was in the Bedford Basin census tract area. This area stretched around the edges of the Basin far past the recognized community boundary (Government of Canada 1912). This means that the recorded census population was most likely greater than the total population of the Bedford community within its not yet established bounds.

Between 1951-1971 the censuses of the area of Bedford was divided and joined to the

Sackville or Fall River population counts, making it impossible to estimate the population of Bedford. In the 1976 census the community re-emerged as Bedford making the community population count more accurate toward the end of the BCS period.

“Bedford” and “Bedford Basin” Total Population 5000

3750

2500

1250

0 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1976

Figure 6.1 – Population of the Bedford Area as based on the census division of Bedford Basin. No population can be determined from 1951-1971 due to a reorganization of census divisions that did not allow for the Bedford community to be represented independently (Government of Canada 1912, 1942, 1977).

Though the population is hard to track, we can note the population was always increasing – the question is by how much each year? In figure 7.1 the growth of the community from 220 people in 1901 to 2115 people in 1941 was visible (Government of

Canada 1912). Approximately 1000 people lived within Bedford when the Ratepayers

Association and Street Lighting Commission came into existence in 1921 and 1917 respectively (Tolson 1979). Population growth continued through the 1920s to 1940s as business grew in the area. Local restaurants, hotels, stores and mills increased and other local industry remained in operation for a net positive growth in the economy of the area

(Tolson 1979). These industries along with the expansions of old and creation of new subdivisions could have been one driver behind the upward trend in population. Growth began to increase after the 1941 census as the population in the area almost doubled from

2115 people to 4078 people in from 1942 to 1977 (Government of Canada 1942, 1977).

Population growth was prominent during this time period and can be corroborated by the creation of the Eaglewood housing lots and the expansion of George Lister’s original lots on Shore Drive along with the new housing areas of Bedford Hills and the beginnings of

Basinview Estates off Meadowbrook Drive (Forund 2007). This growth in population was already changing the community and creating an identity along with the growth of the BSC.

The community at this time fit into Bernard’s physical model of community as an outlying area in a single centered model (Bernard 1973). Bedford was economically close enough to a single center in Halifax for it to grow and prosper but it lacked a center of its own to make it one sector of a larger single center model.

THE TOWN

The next stage of development in the community was the Town of Bedford period from 1980 until 1996. In this era there was an organized internal political system made up of a town council with Councillors at Large along with a mayor and then many committees with citizen advisory positions to allow for public input into the more formalized government (Lynn 2014). The town council created more of a hierarchy than had existed under the BSC but it also allowed for a representative style of democracy where the people could call on those who represented them to advocate for issues rather than doing so personally at a public meetings (Lynn 2014). It was noted by Lynn that this local government was most effective as it allowed a resident to call any councillor with an issue due to the fact that the town was not divided into districts. One could deal with the councillor whom they most liked or knew best or whom they thought could resolve

issues (Lynn 2014). These changes gave the town a more formalized power system to govern itself and allowed those on council a greater degree of control over what symbols were important to Bedford along with creating a local political class of multi-term councillors and mayors.

Figure 6.2 – Map of the Town of Bedford from the Bedford Municipal Development Plan (Halifax Regional Municipality and Town of Bedford 2015).

The physical bounds of the town were very easy to determine as can be seen in figure 6.2, as they were defined by the town charter and made official by the province of

Nova Scotia. The town was granted its official boundaries by the Public Utilities Board coming into force on July 1st, 1980 (Halifax Regional Municipality and Town of Bedford

2015). The boundaries run from Duke Street and Provincial Highway 102 to Provincial

Highway 101 and then to Kearney Lake Road near the community of Hammonds Plains

(Halifax Regional Municipality and Town of Bedford 2015). Along the water, the town extended from the outward edge of Magazine Hill on the Dartmouth side and to the border of the City of Halifax on the shore of the Bedford Basin often denoted by the location of the local Clearwater store and offices (Halifax Regional Municipality and

Town of Bedford 2015; Roger and Emma 2014). These boundaries were important as they ensured Bedford had the financial ability to support itself with its own taxes and area rates. This gave the town the ability to self-govern and to spread its symbols and beliefs over the area that was provincially recognized.

Population of “Bedford” or Geographically Corresponding Census Subdivisions 14000

10500

7000

3500

0 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996

Figure 6.3 – Population during the time of the Town of Bedford from the 1976-1996 Canadian Census (Government of Canada 1977, 1987, 1992, 1997).

While the town secured its borders and set itself up, the population of the area expanded at a very fast rate. In figure 6.3 the population growth from the town era is represented by each census recorded from 1976 to 1996, the last census taken during the existence of the town. In 1976 there were 4087 people living in the Town of Bedford, by

1996 there were 13099 people living in the town. This marks an increase of 9012 people or 320% in twenty years, a massive rate of population growth that had an impact on the community. One impact that this growth had was that it forced the town to create new community services such as the Fire Hall, the Basinview Drive Community School and the Water Treatment Plant (Roger and Emma 2014). The waves of growth can also be explained in the changes that took place in the town as industries moved out of the

Bedford area and it became a residential community with most of its people commuting to Halifax for work each day (Tolson 1979).

In this time period many new subdivisions were developed and expanded. These included Basinview Estates, Oakmout, Ridgevale, and Admirals Cove Estates. The expansion allowed for many family homes to be built and for the town’s housing footprint to grow in accordance with population.

The town became a fit for Bernard’s single centered model of community by itself due to a social and physical construction where each different neighborhood was built out from the main street area on the Bedford Highway. Bedford had become one area with many parts. It fits this physical model, as many subdivisions, such as Ridgevale, have single streets for entering and exiting the subdivision, thereby cutting them off from others outside the subdivision and allowing the formation of communities within

themselves at controlled access points. This era would come to an end in 1996 with the creation of the HRM and the end of the Town of Bedford.

The HRM and Community Organizations

The current governance structure in the community of Bedford began in April of

1996 when the Halifax Regional Municipality came into existence. The physical area of the community of Bedford is now considered to be electoral district sixteen as defined in the 2012 Halifax Regional Municipality Electoral Boundary Review (Halifax Regional

Municipality 2012). Bedford has one councillor who sits on Halifax Regional Council and represents the interests of the community to the larger Halifax area. This councilor is the only elected official for the Bedford community to the HRM. Roger and Lynn addressed the role of the councilor as being one that is less responsive than had been the case during the town era but still doing a very good job and looking out for the interests of the town of Bedford in HRM. (Roger and Emma 2014; Lynn 2014). This idea of working for the community remains strong in this new context. A representational system of formalized democracy with voting every four years remains important and valid to community members as it was in the town era.

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r s a u tv nd o D rd R ie m rn R R n w i ho e Bedford - Wentwoe rth d D u ll A r r os D R T v o B s r d e h re s r C e ge k trig ne a u e La B L Kearney O ott ro arl V wn ladin r r Ch ic A a La Lake r D D t t v P n utte ard r or e e C o C r i m rb lt a 2012 Polling District e ta u D R G e S ira d Estate Crt n t m h La r A e nc C liev Ly s l n l n u nb i a ha Gree ank sm S C m rt d This map was produced for the internal use of Halifax Regional Municipality(HRM). lm d

R e n t d H ve R i HRMA sdhoe Ls anokte guarantee the accuracy of any representation on the map. For further Fathom Crt r s Co C ht W ry ig O information on Street Name or Community(GSA) data please contact HRM Civic Sent r T l W h an Addressing at 490-5347 or email [email protected] d or d a 10 n C e Merchant hi r h C ll t t t rt D s r V r a C e Except for the purposes of Election, these boundaries do not become effective n ic Hobsons M C t a t r Cr L o until November 6, 2012. Inquiries, please contact the Municipal Clerks Office r o ier r Ù D z i 12 g a m P at 490-4212 or email [email protected] Lake so in n ri ss R S ra n u d a T c a sk e g a s e to D Date of map is not indicative of the date of data creation. o r W n D 1 D a 11 Printed: January 2012 r e ay lk w g igh r d H D o k L ar Hobsons e P ve garet v ld Charlies A Mar B A fie t ss l ll h Pond n ce vd e ig Lake e Prin d H K d a W

Figure 6.4 – Map of Halifax Regional Municipality Election District Sixteen Bedford- Wentworth as of the 2012 HRM Electoral Boundary Review (Halifax Regional Municipality 2012).

An important change in the HRM era was a shift back to community organizations that had fallen by the wayside during the town period and the rise of new organizations to push for the interests of Bedford. The Bedford Business Association was reinvigorated after amalgamation. Roger has been highly involved with it from its rise to greater importance within the community during the HRM era after the end of the Town of Bedford (Roger and Emma 2014). This organization shows its community engagement by holding annual volunteer awards called the Bedford Volunteer of the Year to honor local residents. The HRM does not honor citizens in this manner. The association also holds public meetings at the Bedford Legion Hall where problems are addressed in a similar format to the BSC era (Roger and Emma 2014). This shows the community’s vested interest in local organizations by having some measure of control over the path the community is taking even within the HRM.

Another example of the new organization created during the HRM period is the group known as Bedford Education Stays Together (BEST). Its goal was to advocate for students to remain within the community for the duration of their education and graduation from high school (Walls 1999). During periods of overcrowding in local schools BEST made it clear that bussing students to Dartmouth for school was not a viable solution – it wanted to see schools built in the community (Walls 1999). BEST was successful and Bedford South School was built to alleviate overcrowding in Bedford Jr.

High and Basinview Drive Community School (Walls 1999). This community organization showed its importance as formal control shifted away from the local community to another amalgamated structure, the Halifax Regional School Board, an amalgamated structure of the school boards of Halifax and Halifax County. BEST rose to advocate for the people of Bedford.

Population of “Bedford” or Geographically Corresponding Census Subdivisions 24000

18000

12000

6000

0 1996 2001 2006 2011

Figure 6.5 – Population in Bedford during the HRM period from the 1996- 2011 Canadian Census (Government of Canada 1997, 2002, 2007, 2012).

The population growth that had begun in the town era continued as seen in figure

6.5 between 1996 and 2011. In this period the population grew from 13,099 to 23,019

people (Government of Canada 2012). This growth in population was accompanied by the creation of new subdivisions including The Ravines of Bedford and the still growing

Bedford West division (Halifax Regional Municipality and Town of Bedford 2015).

Another large development is the residential area near Larry Uteck Boulevard. According to Roger while the area is seen by many as being part of Bedford, it is outside of the traditional and former boundaries of the Town of Bedford (Roger and Emma 2014). This begs the question, are the people living in this area community members or not? This area is within the HRM electoral district called Bedford-Wentworth yet it is clear that the debate continues over what its place is in the Bedford community. This is a question that has not yet been settled and is the next hurdle in defining the boundaries of the community in the HRM era.

In this era Bedford fits into the multi-centered model of Bernard’s theory, but for different reasons. Bernard states that each sector with its own center will grow to have a purpose and that the sectors will interact with one another to allow for a viable community (Bernard 1973). Bedford now plays the role of the residential sector to the larger HRM and its center focuses on this kind of growth while other areas provide jobs for those living in the Bedford community since it lacks any industry and has very little commercial activity.

CHAPTER 7: Rurbanism

Bedford’s identity has been formed from both the symbols with which its people identify and its history. Over the last sixty years massive growth has taken place in the community and its population size has rapidly expanded from little more then a few thousand people to over 20,000 community members. Even so, a common identity remains, although it has undergone many changes as outlined in the previous chapter.

This suburban community has begun to develop along a different trajectory that is separate from that of the center axis or multi centered models and better outlines the community’s physical and identity based understanding of itself. Bedford is developing according to rurbanism, a theory developed by Jessie Bernard to describe the state of many communities that bridge the gap between being exclusively urban or rural (Bernard

1973). To be rurban a community must meet a set of criteria. It must be somewhat urbanized while holding values that do not correspond to the physical living arrangement as displayed through its expression of self identity and the aspirations of its inhabitants

(Bernard 1973). Bedford will now be analyzed for the physical requirements and for the identity requirements of a rurban community as developed by Bernard.

Physical Requirement

The community of Bedford is home to approximately 23,000 people and connected to Halifax by Provincial Highways 101 and 102, the Bedford Highway and

Dartmouth Road. Bedford was a farming community with a small industrial base but that declined in favor of housing developments (Tolson 1979). From the 1970’s onward

Bedford became a residential town where development progressed very quickly and the population rocketed upward (Government of Canada 2012). According to Lynn, during 59

the 1960’s there were only approximately 3000 people in the town of Bedford. By the

1970’s that number has increased to 7000, and by the census in 2011 the numbers added to over 23,000, more then tripling the number of community members in this time period

(Government of Canada 2012; Lynn 2014). This rapid growth caused urbanization including the construction of large projects such as the Bedford Place and Sunnyside

Malls along with over-use of community infrastructure such as schools, recreation centers, fire departments and police facilities (Roger and Emma 2014). New facilities needed to be built to accommodate more people. These facilities expanded on the success of old local facilities with newer, larger Halifax Regional Municipality facilities such as the

BMO Centre complex taking the pressure off the now aging Lebrun Center. Other services such as schools were also expanded to keep up with a growing population. The community saw the construction of Bedford South and Basinview Drive Community

Schools replacing Bedford Central School and expanding capacity greatly but still not keeping up with demand (Walls 1999). With more people and the need for larger scale facilities Bedford fits the first tenant of rurbanism since it has transitioned from a rural community to a suburban one with a larger population.

Identity Requirement

The second requirement of rurbanism is that the people living in a physically urban community think they live in, or strive to live in a rural community where kinship ties are important and personal relationships bind the community together (Bernard 1973).

It is a general belief that the rural model of life is preferable to that of the urban life style allowing residents to enjoy the benefits of urbanization while seeking to eliminate or hide the negative consequences of urban living.

All the interviewees in this project expressed, in some way, the importance of

small town or small community ideals over the ideas of a larger urban center. Roger

spoke about the development policies that he ensured were put in place during the Town

era to make sure Bedford remained a smaller community or at least one that had low

density population as it grew (Roger and Emma 2014). These policies would put less

pressure on infrastructure and contribute to a more rural quality of life. He identified the

end of these rules as an important loss and one that made him fearful of the growth he

was seeing in the HRM era. He stated that, “I have driven on the Don Valley Parkway (in

Toronto, Ontario) and I don't want that” (Roger and Emma 2014). This expression of not

wanting to drive in heavy traffic while living in an area that does suffer from traffic

congestion shows the goal of maintaining a rural atmosphere while sometimes not

accepting that Bedford’s traffic issues are more alike then different to those of larger

cities like Toronto or urbanized parts of Halifax. This is an example of the rurban mindset.

Another example of pining for the rural while living in the urban came from

Emma who discussed the relationship of the former Town of Bedford Police and the community. Her views centered around her memories of a local paper carrier coming back from a camping trip on Spruce Island, a small island in the Bedford Basin. A town constable found her going to get her papers near Emma’s home. The participant recalled;

She was all dirty and going to pick up her papers and he [the constable] knew her. He [the town police officer] saw her and asked, “Kelly are you OK?” The next month the HRM people [referring to the Halifax Regional Police] would not know where that island even was. The police who came to Bedford had no idea where side streets were. They were in the general mix and they [the old Town Police staff] got shuffled. I think it mattered. I think it matters (Roger and Emma 2014).

In this statement, that participant recalls a time when it was possible for the police to have personal relationships with local people as a positive aspect of the town. This aspect is seen as lost when the town ended and the HRM became an impersonal reality, a transformation from rural to urban that is viewed negatively in relation to the police force.

Most interestingly the participant recognized that the Halifax Regional Police were some of the same people as the town police. Those working for Bedford were simply hired by

HRM, but it was very clear the service had changed as they were now also policed by other HRM officers. Residents blamed the HRM for the loss of the personal relationships and thus unwanted urbanization (Roger and Emma 2014).

Given its identity and physical characteristics, Bedford is most definitely a rurban community that has since left behind its former rural nature and replaced it with many of the tenants of urbanization, some of which are viewed positively and some negatively. It seems both requirements of Bernard’s ideas have been fully implemented in this community’s self-identification. This is of importance as it explains some of the symbols and attitudes held by the community that view the rural qualities to be more positive than urban ones. It well may hinder further expansion or urbanization due to community traditions of resistance and protest.

CHAPTER 8: The HRM Problem

Though this project focused on the Bedford community one issue that was raised by all participants was the challenge to the community created by the HRM and its impact on the Town of Bedford both immediately and in the HRM period up to the year

2000. The HRM was created on April 1st, 1996 and as noted above by amalgamating the

Cities of Halifax and Dartmouth along with the Town of Bedford and the Municipality of the County of Halifax (Nova Scotia Legislature Hansard 1996). This new super city led to a feeling of powerlessness and disassociation of the new political structure along with a wish to return to the good old days of the Town of Bedford. These attitudes are seen is many different statements made by the participants in this project and is a common theme that can be woven through many of the symbols identified above, along with the idea of rurbanism. This also had an impact on the data that was collected for the project, as much of the Bedford community was described in relation to its deterioration in the HRM period. This had an impact on what was available for analysis and for symbol identification that did not involve the HRM.

The first issue that occurred with respect to the HRM problem was the way amalgamation was executed by the provincial government. Lynn says,

Amalgamation was happening against the wishes of, I think there was a vote, I can’t remember if it was ‘92 or ’94, against. It was in the 90s. [Bedford] voted against amalgamation. But it was a done deal. I thought this is not democracy! How can you force when 94% of Bedford residents said, “No, we don’t want to.”

In this statement Lynn sums up the issues showing that the community valued its ability to make decisions for itself and that a rejection of the HRM was an important decision that was made. It also reinforces the idea that the Town was a symbol of itself as 94% of

Bedford residents, according to Lynn, said that they preferred the status quo over the change to a larger urban center. Lynn also brings up the key idea that what was done was not in the tradition of democratic values of Canadian society and rather was the antithesis of democracy showing the need for power local and self determination as symbols of the community.

The next part of the HRM problem as described repeatedly in the interviews was the transfer of what community members considered to be Bedford’s physical and monetary assets out of the community to other parts of HRM. Those who were tasked with the creation of the new regional government also wanted the cancellation of capital construction projects that were going to be undertaken by the community. These HRM actions created feelings of loss of both tangible community components and loss of self- control with a predictably defiant reaction. During the run up to amalgamation Bill

Hayward was tasked by the provincial government to oversee the creation of the HRM and gave instructions to the municipal governments of the area:

Roger: When Bill Hayward said, ‘You can’t build that as the legislation [to create the HRM] is coming in 1994.’ Bill said, ‘You have no more capital projects as there is not going to be a great rush. You can’t spend all your money before you leave and become HRM.’ We went ahead and built the fire hall and he never shut it down. I’m sure if you look in Bill’s report he still calls us things. Emma: And they took our motorboat [used for police work], and the computers from the schools. Roger: The transition was very encumbered and very clumsy.

Firstly the transfer of the projects and items to the HRM was seen as a loss and a negative event in the community. The loss of control of capital projects referred to above was one theme that returned many times in the interview and was a striking blow to

Bedford’s self determination. But the move was also seen as an attempt to ensure that the

Bedford treasury remained large so that the HRM could inherit a large sum of money from this small town (Roger and Emma 2014).

Another example of loss felt by the community was the removal of school computers. Though these objects are not symbols in themselves, the importance of providing them for the youth of Bedford was not lost on participants as they watched the computers taken for use in other schools in the HRM. Though these items may seem trivial they are symbolic of a loss of educational opportunity for Bedford youth. Loss of control and an end to self-determination added to growing resentment toward amalgamation in the Bedford community.

A large issue that arose after the creation of the HRM was the level of service received by the Bedford community under the new plan in relation to its output of tax dollars. Roger summed up the feelings expressed by all participants when he said, “The idea of the HRM is that everyone is equal so the lowest common denominator is where you all go” (Roger and Emma 2014). This was one frustration that manifested itself in this growing community as population continued to rise but services did not keep pace and no new funding of projects in Bedford was realized despite the increasing tax dollars to the HRM from this new urbanization. The lack of benefits from urbanization had an impact on this rurban community as the residents saw a loss of the rural nature and no compensation, but rather spending Bedford’s money without their input in other parts of the HRM along with a deterioration of service in their own community (Roger and Emma

2014). This brings up concerns that relate to class relations as Bedford has a high average income compared to other parts of the HRM and did not want to see its community reduced to the perceived lower income level of the HRM despite the growth and tax base

in the area (Government of Canada 2012). This also brings up relations between Bedford and other parts of the HRM. Though Bedford is able to pay for its services and needs as referenced many times by participants it was also noted that other parts of the city are not able to do so. This reality has led to frustration of those within the Bedford community as noted above in Rogers’ quote as those is Bedford do not want to see the community deteriorate due to a lack of resources in other parts of the HRM. This fear drives some forms of class-based relations, i.e., classism, that see Bedford locked into a corner with a need to defend itself from the outside forces of the Regional government as resources are transferred outside the community such as the computers from their school, the motorboat from the Town Police and even the tax dollars themselves. This may be viewed as a classed-based issue that has risen between the communities of the HRM, some amalgamated against their will and may be a source of tension between different parts of the municipality. The community of Bedford has no interest in sinking to the lowest common denominator as stated by Roger and echoed by other participants and as such,

Bedford defends the resources it has retained in the amalgamation process after its loss of self control and physical objects as outlined above. The actions of both the regional government and the Bedford community are congruent with Bernard’s ideas of the power structure of community where outside forces may seek to force the community into actions it does not want to take, i.e., the loss of assets for the education of youth and protection of citizens and tax dollars along with lost self determination led to resistance, a general dislike and mistrust in the HRM.

Though Bedford became a part of the Halifax Regional Municipality the community seeks to maintain an identity separate from the HRM and continue being

Bedford though the former town no longer has legal standing. This issue is an issue of symbols, as the people who participated in the project do not associate themselves and their identity with anything in relation to the HRM, not the logo, not the city, not a symbol at all. This shows exactly what Cohen sees as the break down of the community where one person, or persons cannot connect with the symbols created by the power structure and therefore find themselves outside of the community (Cohen 1985). Though this may be the goal of some in the Bedford community it means that they remain outsiders to the larger city they now live in and do not play as significant a role in the function of the regional government. Though the HRM has only played a governing role for the last period of life in the Bedford community it does elicit strong emotional responses. Its very existence is often connected with issues of the past that have become intertwined in the community’s collective memory and therefore in its symbols.

Fight the Jail

Though Bedford had become part of the HRM it retained much of its independent spirit. This would manifest itself when some of the issues from this section would come to a head and combined themselves with symbolic issues of the past in a movement known as Fight the Jail. In this fight the community sought to avoid the impacts of urbanization, such as the requirement for larger incarceration facilities as the population grew in the municipal area. Bedford was also looking for confirmation that within the

HRM community it would retain the voice that they had before the HRM period.

By 1996 the provincial correctional facility located in Sackville was old and overcrowded. The provincial government sought to build a new jail for Halifax on the land that was now vacant after the fight and its defeat over the dump in 1977 (Christie

1998). After the choice of the Jack Lake site Bedford began to mobilize under the leadership of HRM Regional Councillor Peter Kelly to fight against the jail (Christie

1998). Public meetings were held at Basinview Drive Community School and protest marches were organized against the jail showing similarities to the Fight the Dump movement, proving that the community had remained strong (Christie 1998). In the 1999

Nova Scotia Provincial Election Peter Christie was elected as Bedford MLA along with a new Conservative government that promised to move the jail to another location. Bedford was spared the jail when it was built in Burnside, an industrial park (Christie 1998). In this instance the community refused to recognize its urbanization or the possibility of accepting the existence a new facility with the community of Bedford thereby demonstrating its rurban nature. As in previous eras, Bedford responded with protests to what the community saw as dangers to its children and threats to its community (Roger and Emma 2014). This protest movement would be the last of the 20th century for this community. The community held rallies and public meetings, as well as, agitated the

HRM though the Regional councilor and also organized protest marches in Bedford and in Downtown Halifax (Christie 1998). It was again successful in ensuring that the symbols of the community remained safe and unchanged by urbanization and that the community’s self-determination remained safe from the HRM or provincial infringement.

It also demonstrated that the people of the former town still believed in their right to self- determination even within the context of the HRM. They were willing to voice contrary opinions in order to gain such control. This final fight summed up much of the research that I have conducted on the existence and nature of the community in the Bedford area.

This community rejected the decision of the provincial government twice, created the

first town in more than fifty-six years in Nova Scotia, built a recreation system befitting a larger city, decided that developers could not dictate zoning or density, and when it was amalgamated into the HRM it rose again as a community organization. This can be seen in the final showdown over the jail that echoed the Fight the Dump movement and protests.

CHAPTER 9: Conclusion

Local historian Elsie Tolson wrote “Young people are insatiable in their demands to learn something about Bedford's past” (1979). By reading through the past seventy pages the reader has proven Elsie correct.

Some key questions were asked at beginning of this project: Was Bedford a community? Did it have an identity? If so what was that identity? The simple answer is it was and is a community with an identity. Even in the period of the HRM when the town formally ceased to exist and Bedford became part of a municipality, its community survived. Bedford is a community laced with symbols and meanings that have been understood by community members even as the town expanded and changed. The participants’ stories illustrate Cohen’s notion that symbols create community, though they are not all physical symbols like the Lebrun Center or DeWolfe Park. Rather in the minds of its people, as ideas, there are powerful symbols of unity. The idea that every person in

Bedford should have access to its Basin at all times, the idea that Jack Lake should be a park and not a dump, and most importantly the symbol of self-determination – that the people of Bedford should have the right and the ability to make decisions over their future. These were the symbols that have been noted and that have had a huge impact on the community in all of its phases.

By applying Cohen’s theories I have identified many symbols of great importance to the Bedford community that play a role in creating this diverse and unique community that exists on the edge of the Bedford Basin. This project tracked some of Bedford’s physical and ideological symbols such as the Basin, town services, or the Fight the Dump movement that have formed the basis for many of the central ideas that govern the town’s 70

ideology and community. Cohen also explains the creation of a boundary setting mechanism through the process of othering that pushed some out of the community while keeping others inside helping to reinforce common identification with the community symbols. Though these symbols do not provide evidence alone for the existence of community they do support the actions of those who live in the area to act collectively as one voice as opposed to acting individually or functioning simply as a part of the larger

HRM. Further research using Cohen’s theories could examine other communities within

HRM. By doing this one could compare and contrast the symbols of these communities to those of the Bedford area thus giving a greater picture of how the communities and their people are interrelated yet also separated by their collective history. Though beyond the scope of this project, such research could provide insights into understanding the political and social issues of each community.

Bernard’s theories give a better understanding of how the Bedford community has developed and provides insight into the physical structure and power relations found there.

They help us understand how the town took control of its own destiny through the actions of the Bedford Service Commission and later the Town Council and shed light on how the large committee system worked to establish the symbols that are seen as so critical to the creation and maintenance of community. Bernard’s theories on power relations are also important as they show the impact of the many different forms of local government over different eras from 1917 to 2015. These theories show how some of the symbols that are important to the community were entrenched and engraved by those in positions of power in the Bedford Service Commission or the Town Council. By applying these

theories this project has been able to uncover some of the key ideas that were not obvious from simple historical facts of the Bedford community.

The symbols, the power structure, the shared experiences of the participants in the interviews and the local archives all demonstrate how Bedford has a strong and distinct community. Its history as a military outpost turned estate started to give the community its key characteristics as it diverged from the historical trajectory of many other places in the Halifax Regional Municipality and in Nova Scotia generally. With its many transitions to its current state as a suburban and rurban community, Bedford has experienced many changes in economic and social structure. Though its early history made it unique, its more recent past from 1970-2000 shows its distinctness as a strong community willing to fight for its rights and exercise them by fighting the dump and then building the town. What is most interesting about the strong community of Bedford today is how one does not require a knowledge of the past to feel a part of it. This feeling for many is a simple by-product of the celebrations of community such as Bedford Days, the

Light Up Bedford Parade, and other community events, organizations, and gatherings.

This is the unique power of the Bedford community as it bring its people into a history that they do not need to know but can grow to understand thanks to a culture that socializes everyone with its symbols.

Though much of this thesis involved history, that history is relatively recent. The community of Bedford remains strong and vibrant. This is echoed in Tolson (1979) who wrote, “Bedford is…a place so old by Canadian standards that [it] should be dead, but is very much alive and is young in spirit” (8). It is alive and well in its people as they interact with each other and with the symbols that have come to define the community. It

is active and living and waiting for newcomers as it has been for over 200 years on the lands of the old Sackville Estate where the train tracks brought prosperity and growth.

Appendix A

Interview Consent Form September 3rd, 2014

Community and Local Government in the Community of Bedford

Researching Student’s name: Stephen Loney 313 War Memorial House 23 Westwood Ave 902-585-3459 or 902-430-3291 [email protected]

Acadia University Thesis Supervisor Dr. Ann-Marie Powers Telephone number: 902-585-1107 email address: [email protected]

I, ______, understand that I am being asked to participate in an interview that forms part of Stephen Loney’s required coursework for the creation of an Acadia University Honours Thesis in the Bachelor of Arts Program. The project will be printed and placed in the Acadia University Sociology Department, The Fort Sackville Society Collection and personal copies made for the student.

I understand that this interview will focus on questions about the formation and function of community and local governance in the community of Bedford Nova Scotia located within the Halifax Regional Municipality and will be conducted at a place and time that is convenient to me. I will be asked to answer personal questions to establish the length of my involvement in the community of Bedford and then further questions relating to the above research topic. It will take approximately 45 min of my time.

It is understood my participation in this project is completely voluntary and that I am free to decline to participate, without consequence, at any time prior to or at any point during the interview. I also understand that thirty days after the interview takes place it will no longer be possible to remove any data collected from the interview I participate in.

With my permission, this interview will be audio recorded and that any information I provide during the interview will be kept confidential, used only for the purposes of completing this thesis, and will not be used in any way that can identify me without my written permission. All interview notes, tapes, or records will be kept in a secured environment and all raw data such as tapes, transcripts, notes, and electronic files will be destroyed within three months of the completion of the thesis.

I understand that there are no known risks or harms involved in participating in this activity, beyond those risks experienced in everyday life. I also understand that there are no potential benefits involved in participation in this interview and that I do not waive my right to legal recourse in the event of research related harms.

I have read the information above. By signing below and returning this form, I am consenting to participate in this project in a face-to-face interview as designed by Stephen Loney for the purpose of collating the information mentioned above.

Participant name (please print): ______Signature: ______Date: ______

Please keep a copy of this consent form for your records. If you have other questions concerning your participation in this project, please see the contact information below:

Student name: Stephen Loney 313 War Memorial House 23 Westwood Ave 902-585-3459 or 902-430-3291 [email protected]

Acadia University Thesis Supervisor Dr. Ann-Marie Powers Telephone number: 902-585-1107 email address: [email protected]

Chair, Research Ethics Board, Acadia University Dr. Stephen Maitzen Email: [email protected] Telephone: 902.585.1407 Facsimile: 902.585.1096

Thank you for agreeing to participate in my project.

Form Adapted from Dr. Lesley Frank SOCI2003 Example Consent From 2012

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