The Pogroms of 1881 Author(S): OMELJAN PRITSAK Source: Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Vol

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The Pogroms of 1881 Author(s): OMELJAN PRITSAK Source: Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Vol. 11, No. 1/2 (June 1987), pp. 8-43 Published by: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41036239 . Accessed: 19/10/2014 07:27

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This content downloaded from 198.0.229.73 on Sun, 19 Oct 2014 07:27:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Pogromsof 1881*

OMELJANPRITSAK

To Marc Raeff

The pogromsthat began in theRussian Empire in April1881 in thecity of Elisavetgrad(now called Kirovohrad)are rightlyregarded as a watershedin thehistory of modernJewry.1 Scholars have been unableto elucidatethe causes of thesedeplorable events. The specializedliterature suggests three sets of questions. The firstset asks how the disturbancesstarted, who startedthem, and whetherthey were planned or spontaneous.2The second setof questionsdeals withthe character of thedisturbances, that is, whether theywere a ruralor urbanphenomenon.3 Finally, the third set inquiresinto thecircumstances leading to theoutbreak of thepogroms. Were theycon- ' ditionedby 'historicalgeography,"4 or werethey sparked by theaccelerat- ingurbanization and industrializationof a backwardsociety?5 The "historical geography"hypothesis proposes two basic catalystsfor the pogroms:

This is a revisedversion of a paperpresented on 14 December1980 at theconference com- memoratingthe 100thanniversary of thepogroms, arranged by theCenter for Jewish Studies, HarvardUniversity. I use thisopportunity to expressmy thanks to ProfessorsEzra Mendel- sohnand Marshall Shatz for their contribution in editingthis version. 1 The basic literatureincludes: Iulii Gessen,"Pogromy v Rossii," Evreiskaiaèntsiklopedìia, vol. 12, cols. 611-18; ShimonDubnov, Historyof theJews in Russia and Poland, trans.I. Friedlander,vol. 2 (Philadelphia,1918), especially pp. 247-51; idem,Evrei v Rossii i Zapad- noi Evropev antisemitskoireaktsii (Moscow and Petrograd,1923), especially pp. 11-15; Mina Goldberg,"Die Jahre1881-1882 in der Geschichteder RussischenJuden" (Ph.D. Diss., Universityof Berlin 1933; hereaftercited as Goldberg);Mark Vishniak,"Antisemitism in TsaristRussia," in K. S. Pinson,ed., Essays on Antisemitism,2nd ed. (New York,1946), pp. 121-44; Yehuda Slutsky,"Ha-geografiya shel praot1881," He-avar 9 (1962): 16-25; Slut- sky,"Pogrom," Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971), vol. 13, cols. 694-701; Hans Rogger,"The JewishPolicy of Late Tsarism:A Reappraisal,"Wiener Library Bulletin, 25, nos. 1-2,n.s. 22-23 (1971), pp. 42-51; J. MichaelAronson "Geographical and Socio-economicFactors in the1881 Anti-Jewish Pogroms in Russia," RussianReview 39, no. 1 (1980): 18-31. 2 Archivalmaterial published in 1923 absolvesboth the imperial government and revolution- arycircles from complicity, but not (as is shownhere) from covering up. 3 An urbanorigin is suggestedby J. Michael Aronsonin his "Geographicaland Socio- economicFactors." 4 Elaboratedby Yehuda Slutsky, "Ha-geografiya shel praot 1881." 5 The second view has been defendedby J. M. Aronsonin his "Geographicaland Socio- economicFactors. ' '

This content downloaded from 198.0.229.73 on Sun, 19 Oct 2014 07:27:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE POGROMS OF 188 1 9 the alleged traditionalrebelliousness of the local (Ukrainian)masses, and theiralleged tradition of anti-Jewishhatred and persecution,going back to theseventeenth and eighteenthcenturies.

Two groupsof primarysources on the 1881 pogromshave been published: officialdocuments from the archivesof the Departmentof Police of the Ministryof the Interiorin St. Petersburg,and privatepapers. The documentswere published soon afterthe revolution of 1917 (whenfor a short time researchershad access to the state archives)by G. la. Krasnyi- Admoni.6They consist of twoparts: telegrams and reports,mainly from the local authoritiesto theimperial government; and a collectionof memoranda and informationreceived or compiledby thestate-appointed investigator of thepogroms, Major-General Pavel IppolitovichKutaisov, dispatched to the southon 12 May 1881. The Kutaisovpapers date from approximately May 1881 to February1882. The instructionsto Kutaisov,signed on May 12 by boththe Minister of theInterior, Count N. P. Ignat'evand thechief of the Departmentof Police, V. K. Plehve,required Kutaisov to visitall places wheredisturbances had occurred,to presentan accountof events,and to analyzewhat conditions caused the unrest. The officialdocuments list places and dates of thedisturbances. In the majorityof cases theyalso describeand estimatethe value of thedestroyed property.They do not,however, always give exact numbersof eitherthe victimsof the disturbancesor of the rioters.Data aboutthese groups are oftenincomplete. In 1929 theUkrainian historian Volodymyr Rybyns'kyi maintainedthat the materials published by Krasnyi-Admonidid notexhaust all documentsrelating to thepogroms of 1881 in thearchives of thepolice departmentin St. Petersburg.Also, Krasnyi-Admonidid not deal at all withdocuments in theprovincial archives, including those in theKiev Cen- tral HistoricalArchives, where - according to Rybyns'kyi- Ukrainian documentsthat never reached the tsarist capital are stored.7

6 Materialydlia istoriiantievreiskikh pogromov v Rossii, vol. 2: Vos midesiatyegody (15 aprelia 1881 g.-29 fevralia 1882 g.), editedand withan introductionby G. la. Krasnyi- Admoni(Petrograd and Moscow, 1923). Hereaftercited as Admoni. 7 VolodymyrP. Rybyns'kyi,"Protyievreis'kyi rukh r. 1881-ho na Ukraini,"Zbimyk prats' ievreis'koiistorychno-arkheohrajichnoi Komisii I Vseukrains'ka Akademiia Nauk. Zbimyk Istorychno-FilolohichnoViddilu 73.11 (1929), 139-40. Hereaftercited as Rybyns'kyi.

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In additionto thepublished documents, a descriptionof theElisavetgrad pogromis amongmaterials prepared at thedirection of BaronG. Ginzburg forthe use of Pahlen's Commission(1882). The description,written by a Jewishgroup, was laterpublished by ShimonDubnov.8 Mostother publications and privatepapers relating to eventsin Elisavet- grad are not concerneddirectly with the pogrom.9There are two excep- tions:the reminiscences of a Russianpublic figure and publicistunder the pseudonymP. Sonin-M.,published in Evreiskaiastarina in 1909,10and a studyby VolodymyrRybyns'kyi, published in Kiev in 1929,of thediary of a Ukrainianeyewitness of theElisavetgrad pogrom, Opanas Mykhalevych, townphysician and Ukrainianpolitical activist.11

On 1 March1881, Alexander II was assassinatedby members of therevolu- tionaryorganization Narodnaia volia ("People's Will"); amongthe con- spiratorswas a Jewess.12During the latter half of Marchan intensiveanti- Jewishcampaign was launchedin the Russian right-wingpress, spear- headedon March20 by Novorossiiskiitelegraf published in Odessa.13The pressspread rumors that the Christian population of Novorossiia(New Rus- sia) was planningto mountanti-Jewish pogroms during the Easter holidays to avengethe killing of the "beloved Tsar." The cityof Elisavetgradwas namedas thestarting point for the actions. Naturallyenough, Elisavetgrad Jewsasked the local policeto takeaction to protectthem. They also started to buyarms.

8 Dubnov,Evrei v Rossii,pp. 13-14; foran Englishtranslation, see his Historyof theJews, 2:250-51. 9 I have in mindthe followingdocumentary editions: Die Judenpogromein Russland.ìm Auftragedes zionistischenHilfsfonds in London,2 vols. (Cologne,1909- 10); "Antievreiskoe dvizheniev Rossii v 1881 i 1882 g. (Iz zapiski,prednaznachennoi dlia PalenskoiKommissii)," Evreiskaiastarina, 1909, pp. 88-109, 265-76; S. Dubnov,ed., "Zapiska ob antievreiskikh pogromakh1881 goda," Golos minuvshego1916, no. 3, pp. 243-53; N. M. Gelber,"Akten- stueckezur Geschichteder Judenpogromein Russlandim Jahre1881," Menorah 5, no. 7 (1927): 7-13; idem,"Di rusishepogromen onheyb di 80-ervorn in sheynfun estereikhisher diplomatisherkorespondents," Historishe shriftnfun Yivo 2 (1937): 466-96; E. Tscherikover, "Naye materialnvegn di pogromenin Ruslandonheyb di 80-ervorn," Historishe shriftn 2 (1937): 444-65; IsraelBartal, ed., Ha-sufot ba-negev 1881-1882 (Jerusalem,1975). 10 P. Sonin-M.,"Vospominaniia o iuzhnorusskikhpogromakh 1881 goda," Evreiskaiasta- rina l,no. 14 (1905): 207-81, especially207- 11. Hereaftercited as Sonin. 11 Rybyns'kyi,pp. 171-82. 12 Hessia Helfman(1855-82). 13 See Evreiskaiaèntsiklopediia, vol. 12,col. 612, andAdmoni, pp. 226, 230, 241.

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On aboutMarch 15, the chief of theElisavetgrad city police, II' ia Petro- vich Bogdanovich,received a strangevisitor, who claimedto be a retired statecouncillor. He surprisedthe police chief by his stronganti-Jewish sen- timents,and he spokeabout an impendingJewish pogrom in Elisavetgrad. On aboutMarch 20, the statecouncillor departed, but his hotelroom was takenby two youngvisitors, one fromSt. Petersburgand the otherfrom Moscow. One was clad as a fashionablemerchant, the otheras a coach- man. They visitedlocal tavernsand otherestablishments selling beer and liquor,and fraternized with the clientele.14 Followingthe instructions of thegovernor-general of Odessa, thegover- norof Khersonordered, on April10, thatall police districtchiefs exercise special vigilance duringthe Easter holidays.15Consequently, the city administrationof Elisavetgrad asked the commander of themilitary unit sta- tionednearby, General Kosich, to place someof his troopsat thedisposal of thechief of the city police for the duration of Easter. The Easterholidays, April 12-14, passed withoutincident. The police and the militarymaintained order in the city. In the fair grounds {moskovskielavki), the vodka tavernsremained closed. Meanwhile,some twentyyoung strangers arrived in town,laden withmoney and attiredlike theirtwo predecessors from the capitals. Theymingled with the local people and werenoted in differentparts of thecity.16 Since Easterhad passed by withoutincident, on Wednesday,April 15 thechief of police informedGeneral Kosich thatthere was no longerany need to maintainthe state of alert. Citylife returned to normal:it was the firstmarket day afterEaster, and theprohibition against selling vodka was lifted.Peasants from the surrounding villages started to arrive;surprisingly, manyof themwere pullingempty carts.17 Around 2:00 p.m. the military retiredto theirbarracks. The chiefof police senta telegramto thegovernor of Khersonwith the assurance that life in Elisavetgradhad returnedto normal.

14 Sonin,pp. 207-210. 15 Admoni,pp. 20, 241-43. The followingpresentation is based mainlyon documentspub- lishedby Admoni, Sonin, and Rybyns'kyi. 16 See Sonin,pp. 212-13, and Rybyns'kyi,p. 176. Theywere thought to be (and probably were)youths from Moscow, since in thesources they are severaltimes referred to as "Moskvi- chi" (fellowsfrom Moscow). See Admoni,pp. 77, 80, 400, and Rybyns'kyi,pp. 165, 176. 17 Admoni,p. 211. The pogrom'sorganizers regarded the peasants as incapableof starting disturbances.They were only summoned to cometo thecity with empty carts to takeaway the Jews' propertyonce it lay in the streets.This was the typicalrole of peasantsin an urban pogrom. Compare,for example,the situationin Kiev (Admoni,p. 403) and Pereiaslav (Admoni,p. 114).

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Two hours later,around 4:00 p.m. thatsame April 15, disturbances brokeout in themarketplace. In a tavernowned by a Jew,a local drunk brokea vodka glass, whichprompted the proprietorto strikehim. Other drunkpatrons let out cries of "the Jewsare beatingour people," "the Jews have bribedthe police," and "the Jewshave purchasedfirearms." Havoc brokeout. It spreadto the surroundingtaverns. Their patronsand the marketgoersturned into a mob. Theyrobbed and destroyedJewish shops andhouses, throwing everything they found within them into the street.18 The mob in themarketplace was estimatedby eyewitnessesto number about one thousand. Simultaneously,bands of about fortypeople each sprangup in differentparts of thecity, led by thestrangers from the capitals.19The mob includedwomen of highsociety (some of whompartici- patedin thedrunkards' orgies) and children,so thepolice, some of whom werealso heavilyintoxicated, avoided using force. The chiefof policeper- sonallymade futileefforts to stopthe mob. At his order,some fifteento twentyactivists were arrested(the strangersfrom the capital were not caught). The police chiefnow demandedhelp fromGeneral Kosich, and soon one detachmentof hussarsarrived. With the hussars' help, order was partiallyrestored in thecenter of thecity by evening.Only the synagogue was stillbeleaguered by themob, which claimed that Jews were shooting frominside the building. The disturbancescontinued throughout the night. In one tavernan elderlyJew was founddead, the only fatalityof the Elisavetgradriots. At about 7:00 a.m. on the morningof Thursday,April 16, the mob startedto reappearin small groups,joined by peasantswho continuedto arrivefor the post-Easter market. Many, as mentionedabove, were pulling emptycarts - an unusualcircumstance. The newlyarrived peasants did not activelyparticipate in the riots,but some of themstarted to collect the "ownerless"goods in thestreets. The militaryand thepolice had received no specificinstructions on how to act. Now also organizedinto small units, theyremained passive; some even acceptedlooted gifts, such as watchesor sweets. Many of the policemenhad alreadybeen treatedto vodka.20In some instancesthe mob preventedthe military from arresting rioters. The passivityof thelocal police and militaryunits, under the inept command of GeneralKosich, gave rise to the idea thatin factthe actionsagainst the

18 See thediary of Mykhalevych,in Rybyns'kyi,pp. 173-75. iy Sonin,pp. 210-211. zu Some policemenvoluntarily pointed out Jewish homes to therioters so as to spareChris- tianhouses and possessions. See Rybyns'kyi,p. 174.

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Jewswere not a crime,but to thecontrary had been instigatedor weresup- portedby thegovernment. The riotscontinued into late eveningthroughout the city,except in its center,where rich Jews and Christianslived; that quarter was well guarded by themilitary. General Kosich demandedmore troops. Only afterthree cavalrysquadrons of theOl'viopol' regimentarrived, at about 11:00 p.m., did themilitary start to act professionally.The citywas dividedinto several militarysectors and placed undertight control. The peasantsalready in the citywere not allowed to leave withlooted goods. Sentriesat thecity gates preventeda new wave of peasants fromentering. Finally order was restored,just before the arrival of thegovernor of Kherson,A. E. Erdeli,on themorning of Friday,April 17. But thedamage had alreadybeen done. On Thursday,April 16, forthe firsttime, the looting and beatingof Jewsby a citymob had takenplace in thepresence of thepolice and militarywithout their appropriate interven- tion. Thatday is responsible,in a sense,for the entire subsequent wave of pogromsin theRussian Empire. On thatday was bornthe misguided con- victionthat the tsar's subjects had a dutyto beatJews.

Ill

The riotsin Elisavetgraddirectly ignited a totalof fivepogroms (and one failed attempt),all in places along the railway. These occurredin two waves, on April 16-18 (Elisavetgrad,Znam"ianka [Znamenka],Holta [Golta], Oleksandriia [Aleksandriia])and on April 16-17 (Anan'iv [Anan'ev] and Berezivka [Berezovka]). The largestone took place in Elisavetgraditself; it claimed one victimand caused extensivedamage. The secondlargest pogrom took place at Berezivka,a townwith a Jewish majority.The remainingthree occurred on a much smallerscale. One attemptedpogrom, at the city and railroadstation of Oleksandriia,was aborted.21All in all, forty-eightanti- Jewish disturbances occurred in Kher- son guberniiabetween April 15 and April28 of 1881. Six tookplace in citiesand towns,and forty-two,the clear majorityof them,in villagesand hamlets. These starkfigures impressed the imperialgovernment. The officialview concerningthe pogroms of 1881, thatof the Ministerof the

21 The analysisof thisand theother Elisavetgrad-centered pogroms is based on thematerial in Admoni(especially pp. 1-34, 226-316, 468-79, 530-39). See also theappendix and the map at theend of thisarticle. In the appendix,the Russianplace namesused by the tsarist administration,which are providedin parenthesesin the text,are in the firstcolumn. The nineteenth-centuryform Elisavetgrad is usedthroughout for present-day Kirovohrad.

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Interior,Count Nikolai Pavlovich Ignat'ev, was thatthey were essentially a ruralphenomenon, provoked by Jewisheconomic exploitation of the illit- eratepeasantry. His view was sharedby thecontemporary Russian intelligentsia.The idea spread,due to theimpact of populisttheories, the blind disregardfor the urban proletariat, and, above all, thesuperficial analysis of statisticaldata. Contraryto theofficial statements, the disturbances of 1881 did notburst out spontaneouslyand simultaneouslyin differentplaces. They were all importedfrom Elisavetgrad. Two incidentsdescribed in theofficial reports are typical. In the firstcase, threepeasants from the village of Mala Mamaika (Malaia Mamaika) (10 km. northeastof Elisavetgrad)who had witnessedthat neither the police northe army had intervenedin thebeating of Jewsand lootingof theirproperty, were persuaded by agitatorsthat the tsarhad issued an order(ukaz) to undertakea pogrom. Having arrived home (on the nightof 16/17April) these three peasants immediately de- stroyedthe local Jewishtavern and, withsome fortyother villagers, pro- ceededto theneighboring village of VysokiBairaky (Vysokie Bueraki) (12 km. northeastof Elisavetgrad).There theymobilized some local people and vandalizedthe Jewish taverns. On thenext day, April 17, peasantsin the neighboringvillage of Mar"iivka (Mar'evka) (some 11 km. northof Elisavetgrad)demolished two taverns owned by Jews,one in theirown village (Mar"iivka)and theother in Oleksandrivka(Aleksandrovka).22 In a second instance,a peasantfrom Sofiivka (Sofievka), in the Vitia- zivka (Vitiazevka)volost', on his way to thetown of Brats'ke (Bratskoe), witnessedon April21 anti-Jewishdisturbances in the townof Vitiazivka (77 km. southwestof Elisavetgrad).Believing in theexistence of an order fromthe tsar to beatJews, he decided- underthe influence of alcoholcon- sumedin Vitiazivka- to takean activepart in thispatriotic activity. Con- tinuinghis journeyto the village of Antonopil'(Antonovka/Antonopol) (some 90 km. southwestof Elisavetgrad),he assembledthe village elders, treatedthem to vodka,and proclaimedthat as the tsar's messengerand a memberof thesecret police, he was entrustedwith the destruction of Jewish propertyin theregion. He invitedthe local authoritiesto cooperatein his undertaking,assuring them that he was in possessionof a copyof thetsar's decree (ukaz). The self-styledimperial agent failed to provokea disturbance in Antonopil'because the local tavernowner had a reputationof beinga "good Jew." So thepeasant from Sofiivka, assisted by theAntono- pil' villageauthorities, proceeded to thevillages located further out. In two of them,Katerynivka (Katerinovka) and KhutorGavrilenkov, he was

22 Admoni,pp. 23, 252,477 -78.

This content downloaded from 198.0.229.73 on Sun, 19 Oct 2014 07:27:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE POGROMS OF 1881 15 contentto forcethe innkeeperto providehis partywith vodka, but in the third,Kam"ianuvatka (Kamenovatka), the drunken "crusaders" destroyed the local Jewishtavern. The spree ended when the partyarrived in Brats'ke, wherethe drunken adventurer was himselfarrested.23 These two well-documentedinstances prove beyond any doubtthat the pogrom-likedisturbances in each localitywere not spontaneous,snowbal- lingpeasant movements. The incidentsoccurred at the instigationof outside agitatorsclaiming to be executingthe tsar's will. An analysisof the chronologyand geographyof theElisavetgrad-centered disturbances shows thatthe unrest was importedfrom the urban center along railway lines and thenalong water and landroutes. Illiterate peasants participated in thedisturbances,not due to an allegedtraditional rebelliousness, but because mis- guidedby agitators from the cities, they believed themselves to be faithfully implementingthe orders of their patrimonial tsar.24 Disturbancesin thecountryside around Elisavetgrad were minor, and the numberof bothinstigators (between one and eight)and "fellow-travelers" (betweenfive and forty)was insignificant.There were, in fact,no real "pogroms"in thecountryside, but rather forty-two relatively mild "disturbances." In onlya fewof thevillages in whichdisturbances occurred were thereany resident Jews (and even then,usually only a few);in manyof the villages,there were Jewish taverns but no residentJews (see theappendix). Whereasin Elisavetgraditself 418 housesand 290 shops,with a totalvalue of 1,938,209rubles, were destroyed, in theentire Elisavetgrad uezd of 619 villagesand hamlets,only twelve houses, eleven shops,and twenty-three tavernswere damaged, with a totalvalue of 29,157rubles. In theforty-two hamletsand villageslocated in the guberniia'sthree uezds (Elisavetgrad, Oleksandriia,and Anan'iv)that underwent turmoil, damage was also com- parativelylow: forty-threehouses, nineteen shops, and thirty-twotaverns, fora totaldamage claim of 59,665rubles. These figures(see theappendix) confirmthat the Elisavetgrad-centered disturbances had no homebase in the villages. My detailedstudy - hereand in theappendix - is limitedlargely to thosewaves of thepogroms that were centered in Elisavetgrad,because

23 Admoni,pp. 249-50, Al5 -11. 24 Mykhalevychcites one case in Elisavetgradwhere peasants willingly spared an elderly Jew,but since they were afraid not to have obeyedthe tsar's order, they pretended to have pil- laged his home(Rybyns'kyi, p. 175; see also Admoni,p. 471). In some instancesChristians willinglyconcealed Jewish property during days of crisis;see Rybyns'kyi,pp. 141-42. The peasantsof Abramivka(Abramovka) (Kirovohrads'ka oblast') gave protectionto Jewsfrom the hamletof Poklitarivka(Poklitarovka). Controversy arose around an armyofficer's excessively severepunishment of severalof Poklitarivka's peasants for their attacks on Jews;see Admoni, p. 250.

This content downloaded from 198.0.229.73 on Sun, 19 Oct 2014 07:27:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 16 OMELJANPRITS AK onlya microanalyticinquiry into the first instance of thephenomenon can facilitatethe study of thewhole.

The Elisavetgradregion was stillcolonial territory during the firsthalf of the nineteenthcentury. It came underRussian rule piecemealduring the secondhalf of theeighteenth century, when the tsarist empire absorbed the formerstates of theZaporozhian Sich (Host) and theCrimean Khanate. All cities,towns, and thegreat majority of villageswere new settlementsestab- lishedthere from the secondhalf of the eighteenthto the firsthalf of the nineteenthcentury. The cityof Elisavetgradwas foundedas a Russianmili- tarystronghold. Its firstbuildings were constructed between 1754 and 1757 as partof a line of fortificationagainst the Turks. The regionwas called Nova Serbila (New Serbia), since it was originallysettled by Serbo- Croatianmercenaries from the Ottoman Empire.25 Around the fortress there soon settlednon-military people of variousorigins. By 1757 the town comprised128 dwellings,and by 1788 thatnumber had increasedto 1,062 dwellingswith 4,746 inhabitants.Between 1788 and 1823 thesenumbers doubled. In 1803 therewere already 574 Jewslisted in themunicipal regis- ter,and by 1861 theirnumber increased to 8,073 (out of a totalpopulation of ca. 23,000). The 1897 census records23,967 Jewsin Elisavetgrad,or about39 percentof thetotal population of 61,488. Manyother nationalities werealso representedin thecity: apart from Ukrainians and Jews,the in- habitantswere Moldavians, Bulgars, Germans, Poles, Russiansand others. The Ukrainianswere clearly in theminority. The comparativelyrecent origins of Elisavetgradand the verymixed characterof its populationwould argue againstthe importanceof geo- graphicor ethnicfactors in explainingthe outbreak of thepogroms.26 Nei- thera traditionalrebelliousness among the local "masses," nor an anti- Jewishhatred going back to the Khmel'nyts'kyiera (1648) and the Haidamakuprising (1768) existedin or aroundElisavetgrad. Although repeatedin manyscholarly and popularbooks, this thesis is simplywrong.

25 On the colonizationof Elisavetgradand the southernUkraine, see E. I. Druzhinina, luzhnaiaUkraina v 1800-1825 gg. (Moscow, 1970); idem,Iuzhnaia Ukrainav periodkrizisa feodalizma1825-1860 gg. (Moscow, 1981); D. S. Syvolap,ed., Kirovohradska oblast' Istoriiamist i sil Ukrains'koiRSR (Kiev, 1972),esp. pp. 81 -93. On thepre- 1897 historyof Elisavetgrad,see also "Elisavetgrad"in Evreiskaiaèntsiklopediia, vol. 7, cols. 513-14; and AlekseiN. Pashutin,Istoricheskii ocherk g. Elisavetgrada(Elisavetgrad, 1897). 26 * Slutsky, 'Ha-geografiyashel praot 1881."

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The anti-Jewishexcesses of July 1648, a time before Bohdan KhmeFnyts'kyi consolidated his power,occurred in thewestern part of the Cossack territories(the polky,or the districtsof Bratslav,Kal'nyk, Bila Tserkva[Belaia Tserkov'],and Uman').27They did notextend to theterri- toryof the laterKherson guberniia, the largerpart of which was then includedin the Chyhyryn(Chigirin) polk (the otherpart remained within theCrimean Khanate). Chyhyrynwas Khmel'nyts'kyi'shome. If the traditionsof the hetmán and his slogans were preservedanywhere, it was in Chyhyryn.Small wonderthat General Kutaisov, the imperial special investigator of the 1881 pogroms,was surprisedto learnthat in thetown where, as he putit, "the soil was bestprepared" for anti-Jewish excesses, no disturbanceswhatso- everoccurred.28 The Haidamakrebellion was limitedto the Ukrainianterritories within thePolish Commonwealth; it did notextend to thoseunder Russian rule, or to the lands thenpart of the CrimeanKhanate.29 The nineteenth-century uezds of Elisavetgradand Oleksandriiain theKherson guberniia were part of theRussian Empire in 1768 and theAnan'iv uezd was partof the Cri- meanKhanate until 1791. The largestsingle group in Elisavetgradwas the Jews;other residents were,as mentioned,colonists varying in ethnicorigin. In 1881 onlysome 55 percentof thecity's inhabitants had been bornin thecity itself;30 about 25 percentwere immigrants,mainly from the neighboringUkrainian and CentralRussian territories.

27 Detailsin MykhailoHrushevs'kyi, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy, vol. 8, pt. 3 (Kiev and Vienna, 1922),pp. 28-50. Importantis theopposition between the leader of themob, whom the Cos- sacks called Maksym Kryvonos(according to a contemporary[1649] Germanaccount, Gründlicheund denkwürdige Relation der Newlie hen Cosaken-Revoltewider die Cron-Polen unterCommando gen. Chmielnicki. . . , p. 7, "der gen.Major Krziwanos"was a mercenaryof Scottishextraction), and thenobleman (szlachcic) Bohdan Khmel'nyts'kyi, who was onlythen emergingas the Cossack's leader.A new analysisof "The HebrewChronicles on Bohdan Khmel'nyts'kyiand theCossack-Polish War" was undertakenby BernardD. Weinryb,Har- vardUkrainian Studies 1, no. 2 (June1977): 153-77. 28 Admoni,p. 416. 29 AleksandrLola, Haidamatskyi rukh na Ukrainiv XVIII st.: Zbirnykdokumentiv, ed. Ivan Butychand Fedir Shevchenko(Kiev, 1970); WtadystawSerczyk, Koliszczyzna (Cracow, 1968); Serczyk,Hajdamacy (Cracow, 1972); Zenon E. Kohut,"Myths Old and New: The HaidamakMovement and the Koliivshchyna(1768) in Recent Historiography,"Harvard UkrainianStudies 1, no. 3 (September1977): 359-78; OmeljanPritsak, "Ukraine as theSet- tingfor the Emergence of Hasidism,"Israel and theNations. Essays. . .in Honor of Shmuel Ettinger(Jerusalem, 1987), pp. lxvii-lxxxiii. 30 Kirovohradska oblasf , p. 86.

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Severalrallying cries chanted during Elisavetgrad' s pogroms were noted and recorded;none refereither to Khmel'nyts'kyior to the Haidamaks. The constantand mostvehement cry heard in 1881 was contemporary,not historical,in nature:"The Jewskilled the emperor.There is an orderto beat them. The local authoritiesare hidingit."31 This slogan was often combinedwith one givingvent to financialgrievances: "The Jewsare our bloodsuckersand predators."32Various versions arose: "Beat theJew, and pillagehis property,"33 or "Why,it is Jewish-owned,therefore seize it."34

The historical-geographicalexplanation for the pogromsin the Kherson guberniiahas been based on falsepremises. The pogromsand disturbances of 1881 werenot a rural,but an urbanphenomenon. They were not conditionedor facilitatedby historicalgeography, since the territory in question knewneither the traditionof rebelliousnessnor that of anti-Jewishhatred and persecution.Moreover, there was no spontaneityin the "waves" of pogroms.They were artificially instigated via a newlybuilt communication network- the railroad- and theytraveled from one city,and its adjacent towns,to the next. Elisavetgradwas probablychosen to be the starting pointfor the pogroms because it had a largeJewish population, was located centrallyin relationto othercenters of Jewryin the south,and was con- nectedto themby rail. It maybe thatthe disturbances (relatively mild) in ruralvillages and hamletswere a cover-upmeant to strengthenthe Russian intelligentsia'smyth about the peasants' explosive,self-generated, anti- Jewishsentiments. The publishedofficial data aboutthe rioters arrested in Elisavetgradand otherplaces in Khersonguberniia are veryincomplete. Of the 607 riot suspectsarrested in Elisavetgrad,data on thesocial statusof only498 and on theoccupation of only363 are available.35Also, theofficial statistics say nothingabout the young "visitors" from the capitals. Even so, theofficial documentscontain vital information. The majorityof riotersarrested were Orthodox (562); amongthem were 181 townsmen,130 "retiredsoldiers," 6 foreigners,1 honorary nobleman, 3 "others," and 177 peasants. The unusuallyhigh numberof "retired

31 Admoni,pp. 254,481. 51 Admoni,p. 479. 33 Admoni,pp. 477-78, 481. ^ Admoni,pp. 244-45; see also 252, 476. 35 Admoni,pp. 536-37.

This content downloaded from 198.0.229.73 on Sun, 19 Oct 2014 07:27:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE POGROMS OF 188 1 19 soldiers"arrested is puzzling:who were they,and whywere theyamong therioters? The ratioof peasantsto non-peasantsis also surprising:177 to 321. This figurealone contradictsthe assumption that the pogroms of 1881 wereessentially a peasant-perpetratedphenomenon. Of the 181 townsmen,only 69 were local people fromElisavetgrad. Who were the other112, and what was theirplace of residence? The officialdata give information about only eight rioters from outside Elisavet- grad,all of whomwere residents of Ukrainian towns: Kremenchuh 3 Kherson 2 Myrhorod 1 Tarashcha 1 Chyhyryn 1 The majorityof arrestedpeasants were strangers in Elisavetgrad:105 of the 117 peasantsarrested claimed residenceoutside the city. There is officialdocumentation for only 14 of the105: (a) Peasantsfrom the Ukraine: Kiev region 1 Podilliaregion 1 Chyhyrynregion 1

3 (b) Peasantsfrom Russia: Kaluga region 4 Kursk 3 Tula 2 Penza 1 Riazan' 1

11 Of theeighty-four rioters arrested in theOleksandriia uezd - forwhom, surprisingly,detailed data are available- onlyabout one-third were Ortho- dox Christians;the majority were Russian sectarians.36 Of the 118 persons (includingtwenty females) arrested in the town of Anan'iv, ninety-two ' were townsmen,twenty were 'retiredsoldiers," and only five were peasants.37In thetown of Berezivka,of the 120 personsarrested sixty-four ' were townsmen,sixteen were 'retiredsoldiers," and forty- or exactly one-thirdof thosearrested - werepeasants.38

36 Admoni, p. 538. ■" Aümoni,p. sjy. 38 Admoni,p. 538-39.

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As noted,information about the rioters arrested in Elisavetgradis incom- plete;occupations are notedfor only 363 people.39Strangely enough, large numbersof them were eitherunskilled workmen (102), day laborers (eighty-seven),or domestics (thirty-three)- all part of the incipient proletariat.There were also six prostitutesand thirteenunemployed people. The numberof non-peasantswas 288. Thatis, onlyseventy-five of the363 rioterswhose occupation is knownwere peasants, or onlyabout one-fifth of thetotal number arrested.40 Fortunately,there were veryfew fatalitiesduring the disturbancesand pogroms- one elderlyJew41 was found dead in Elisavetgradand the mutilatedbodies of two Jewswere foundin Berezivka.42The documents publishedby Krasnyi-Admonigive some detailsabout the social statusand theoccupation of a numberof Jewsvictimized in Elisavetgrad.It is clear thatmost of thembelonged to theclass ofpoor townsmen. The pogromdid not touchJewish financial potentates in Elisavetgrad; thetwenty-one Jewish-owned industrial plants in thecity were not disturbed at all,43nor were the fashionable villas of theirowners harmed. The same situationprevailed in Anan'iv.44Apparently, the Elisavetgrad pogrom was notinstigated with the aim of directlyharming Jewish lives and/or financial interestsin thecities, but rather to senda message(see p. 29), and to create theillusion of ruralanti-Jewish popular ire.

Whatwas theattitude of theauthorities?45 The Elisavetgradregion was part of theguberniia of Kherson,in turna componentof thegeneral-government of Odessa. As in all otherparts of theempire, the maintenance of law and

39 Admoni,p. 537. 40 Mina Goldbergconcludes: ". . .die ortsansässigenBauern zu den Ausschreitungengegen die Judenlediglich verleitet worden. ... im Pogrom von Elisavetgradwaren die meisten Plündereraus den großrussischenGouvernements zugezogene Bauern und Arbeiterscharen. . . . Die innereEinstellung der Bauern Südrußlands zu denPogromen läßt sich durch die erhobenen Protesteder einzelnenBauerngemeinden gegen die Plünderererkennen. ..." (Goldberg,pp. 38-39). 41 Admoni,p. 22. 42 Admoni,p. 92. 43 Admoni,p. 494. 44 Admoni,p. 255. 45 On the problemin general,see Nikolai P. Eroshkin,Istoriia gosudarstvennykhuchre- zhdenii dorevoliutsionnoiRossii, 3rd ed. (Moscow, 1983); P. A. Zaionchkovskii, Pravitelstvennyi apparat samoderzhavnoiRossii v XIX v. (Moscow, 1978); F. Stein, Geschichtedes russischenHeeres (Hannover, 1885).

This content downloaded from 198.0.229.73 on Sun, 19 Oct 2014 07:27:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE POGROMS OF 188 1 21 orderin theurban areas was thejob of imperialpolice officers,whereas in hamletsand villages(after 1864) it was theresponsibility of locallyelected peasantofficers, supervised by thepolice. The imperialpolice was headed by thechief of theDepartment of Police, a subdivisionof theMinistry of theInterior. In 1881 theimperial police was understaffed46and unprepared to combaturban riots. The local peasantofficers were usually uneducated and lackedprofessional training. Whensuddenly confronted with a large-scaleriot, the inexperienced Po- litseimeisterof Elisavetgrad,Cavalry Captain I. P. Bogdanovich,47lost his head and failedto specifyorders properly to thedivision commander, Gen- eral Kosich. Kosich receivedmuddled instructions, too, fromhis other superiors,especially from the governor-general of Odessa and thegovernor of Kherson.Kosich, inexperienced in urbanunrest, remained more or less immobilefor two crucialdays. The resultwas two unrestraineddays of lootingand destructionof property.Only afterthe governor-generalof Odessa dispatchedseveral more experienced officers, including the gover- norof Kherson,to thetown, and thecommander of theSeventh Corps sum- monedadditional troops - one battalionof infantryand threesquadrons of ulans,which arrived in Elisavetgradon themorning of April17 - werethe riotsquelled. In general,peasant elders responded positively to thesummons of their police officers.In some instances,however, an uneducatedstarosta fell preyto anti-Jewishagitators and led the riotersor otherwisecooperated withthe instigators.In two cases, starostasfled their villages. Punitive mountedpatrols, usually one squadronof fifteento eighteenmen, were sent to quell villageriots. The imperialauthorities - especially General Kosich, who came under the severe criticismof special investigatorKutaisov - were not very efficientin managingthe Elisavetgradevents, but theydid tryto restore peace and order.To spareOdessa (and Kishinev),the governor-general of Odessa unhesitatinglycalled up a detachmentof the awesome Don Cos- sacks; he also sent his chief of gendarmesto exposed Berezivka and Anan'iv. Whenword spread about the cooperation of militarytroops with riotersin Elisavetgrad,the matter was immediatelyput under police investi- gation. w In thetrade and industrialcenter of Elisavetgrad(43,000 inhabitantsin 1881) therewere onlysix seniorpolice officers and eighty-onepolicemen. The otheruezd centersof theguberniia thatexperienced disturbances had even smallerpolice forces,each employingfour senior officersand nine to twelvepolicemen. See Admoni,p. 488. 4/ Pashutin,Istoricheskii ocherk, p. 33.

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The imperialauthorities were as surprisedby the outbreakof the pogromsas weregovernment officials on thelocal level. It is impossibleto suspectthem of organizingthe pogroms or of complicityin them.But once thedisturbances began, the authorities did theirbest to coverup theactions of thenon-peasant ringleaders. Some blatantexamples are discussedin the followingsection.48

VII

It has alreadybeen shownthat the Elisavetgrad pogrom was neithera spon- taneousmovement nor a ruralphenomenon. Nor was it conditionedor facilitatedby so-calledhistorical geography. The onlyexplanation remain- ing to be consideredis thatthe pogroms were theresult of an urbancon- spiracy. The historianHans Roggerformulated the vitalquestion well in 1971, givingit two components:"Who werethose roving bands of youngmen fromSt. Petersburgor Moscow whoseappearance in Ukrainiantowns and citiessupposedly presaged a pogrom,and who,if anyone, had sentthem on theirugly missions?"49 The answerto bothparts of Rogger's questionmay be foundin thedocu- mentsrelating to the Zhmerynkapogrom which occurred at the end of April:first, the 1881 pogromswere apparentlyplanned by Moscow merchants;second, the hiredexecutors of theirdesigns were demonstrably membersof theartels of highly mobile railroad workers. Zhmerynka(Zhmerinka), a regional center in theVinnytsia oblast' of the UkrainianSSR, is locatedin Podillia(Podolia), forty-seven kilometers from thecity of Vinnytsia.50The towngrew around a railroadstation established in 1865,when the Kiev -Balta line was built. Due to its strategiclocation, thestation became, over the next ten years, an importantrailroad junction of EuropeanRussia. In 1871 Zhmerynkabecame connected to thewestern frontierstation of Volochys'k(Volochisk), and thusgained controlover trafficto theAustrian Empire. But of stillgreater importance for Zhmeryn- ka was theconstruction of theOdessa -Kiev rail line in 1866-1871,which meantthat Zhmerynka was now linkedon theone side to Odessa, and on theother to Kiev,and via Kiev-Konotip(Konotop)- Kursk, to Moscow.

48 A typicalexample: GovernorA. E. Erdeligranted his permissionfor the organization of a reliefcommittee to helpthe arrested rioters; Admoni, p. 28 1. 49 Rogger,"The JewishPolicy of Late Tsarism,"p. 45. 5U See A. F. Oliinyk,ed., Vinnyts'kaoblast' (Kiev, 1972), p. 217; "Zhmerynka,"in Radians'ka entsyklopediiaistorii Ukrainy (hereafter REIU), vol. 2 (Kiev, 1970),p. 150.

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On 27-28 April 1881, therewas a pogromin Zhmerynka.51It was per- petratedby an artelof railroadworkers. The twomain instigators were the technicianAleksandr Paderin, head of thefifth division of theSouthwestern Railroad,and Ivan Glazkov,supervisor of the artelof carpentersworking forthe railroad. Of importanceis Glazkov's statementto the local police officer(uriadnik) on April27 that"the Moscow merchantrysent several hundredworkers to beatJews, and said thatthose who beatJews would not be [held] responsiblefor their actions, since thereis nothingagainst the governmentin it."52 Everytime there was a lull in the rioting,Paderin would appear and rousethe lootersonce again,treating them to vodka withthe cry: "Boys (rebiata),you do notwork properly - you shouldhave morevodka!" As a result,the railroad workers destroyed ninety-five Jewish houses and shops, valuedat 95,000rubles.53 On the nightof April 28, the militaryarrived, and ninety-ninerioters were arrested,among them the two instigators.Early in the morningof May 1, theprocurator of theOdessa juridicalchamber, which had authority overZhmerynka, arrived and startedinvestigations. Of theninety-nine persons arrested,sixty-three were sentenced.Paderin received a three-month prison sentence. But then a surprisingthing happened: the governor- generalof Kiev, GeneralAleksandr Romanovich Drentel'n, ordered that Paderinimmediately leave theUkraine ("the Southwesternterritories").54 Strange,too, is thatGeneral Drentel'n gave no detailsabout the Zhmerynka pogromor resultingtrials in his telegramsand reportsto theMinister of the Interior.Information about thesematters comes only fromthe papersof Kutaisov. Fastiv (Fasto v), likeZhmerynka, owed itsimportance to theconstruction of theKiev -Odessa railline, whereupon it becamea railroadjunction.55 In 1876, a line connectingFastiv with Znam"ianka (Znamenka), near Elisavetgrad,was built. One of thestations on thatline was thesmall town (mestechko)of Smila (Smela), whichhad a Jewishmajority. No detailsare availableabout a pogromknown to have occurredat theFastiv railroad station.56There is some information,however, about a violentpogrom that occurredin Smilaon May 3-4; theresome 6,000 people,mainly newcomers

51 Detailsin Admoni,pp. 292-95;417-21. 52 ' Admoni,p. 292. 35 Admoni,p. 292. Comparethe totaldamage claim of 59,665 rublescaused by the rural riotersin all Elisavetgrad-centereddisturbances (p. 15). 54 Admoni,p. 420. 55 M. F. Rudych,ed., Kyivs'ka oblast' (Kiev, 1971),pp. 679, 683; REIU 4 (1972): 377. 56 Admoni,p. 12 (doc. 36).

This content downloaded from 198.0.229.73 on Sun, 19 Oct 2014 07:27:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 24 OMELJANPRITSAK fromthe Central Russian provinces, rioted, four people werekilled, thirty- fivewounded, and about800 Jewssuffered loss of propertyamounting to 200,000rubles.57 Three individuals were found to be themain instigators: AristidMikhailov Gievskii, secretary of the Fastivrailroad; Dr. AdolfL. Bernshtein,a Jewishconvert and directorof Smila's Sophia Hospital, belongingto thecounts Bobrinskii (owners of severallocal sugarfactories); and Ivan I. Monastyrskii,an officialof the Fastivrailroad, whose father was in the serviceof the countsBobrinskii.58 The documentsdo not say whetherthe three instigators were punished. On May 5-6, therewas a pogromat the frontierrailroad station of Volochys'k.59Whereas telegrams to theMinister of theInterior repeatedly call therioters "peasants,"60 special investigator Kutaisov referred to them as "drunkenrailroad workers."61 Locatedat theother end of theUkrainian territories, on theKiev -Kursk line leadingto Moscow,was therailroad junction of Konotip(Konotop).62 On April 27, two hundredrailroad workers, including some supervisors, stageda pogromin Konotip.63Again governmentaction was surprising: thegovernor of Kharkiv(Kharkov), General Sviatopolk-Mirskii, stated in a telegramof May 27 to theMinister of theInterior that most of thesuspects werereleased because of lack ofevidence against them.64 The dangercoming from the directionof Kursk (Moscow) was fully realizedby the directorof the Kursk-Kharkiv -Azov railroad,who, in a letterto thegovernor of Kharkiv,dated May 7, informedhim about a suc- cessfulpreemptive pacification of his workforce of 1,325(employees, mas- ters,foremen, and workers).All thesemen, after having stated that they had no financialor othercomplaints, were induced to swearnot to partici- pate in any riotsor anti-Jewishactivities.65 The textsof two supporting documentswere appended to thedirector's letter, and are preservedamong thepapers of Kutaisov.66

57 Admoni,p. 28 (doc. 65), pp. 107- 11, 208-19, 534. 58 Admoni,pp. 108- 11. The otherinstigators were rich and influentialtownsmen, the broth- ers Grigoriiand Amos Ivanov (alias Sysenkov,Sysoenko), the telegraphist(sic!) Aleksandr IvanovSergeev, and Efim Gusev, son of a richmerchant (sic!). Admoni,pp. 102, 112. 59 On Volochys'k,see M. I. Mekheda,ed., KhmeV nyts ka oblasf (Kiev, 1971),pp. 145-47. 60 Admoni,p. 31 (doc. 71), 32 (doc. 72), 35 (doc. 85), 36 (doc. 87). ° ' Admoni,p. 42 1; see also p. 53 1. ^ un Konotip,see l. MaKuKnin,ea., òumsKa ooiast ^íev, ív/^j, p. zdz; kziu z: 4oz-oj. w Admoni,p. 11 (doc. 35), pp. 13-14 (doc. 41). 64 Admoni,p. 17 (doc. 54). 65 Admoni,pp. 295-96 (doc. 26). 00 Anotherimportant railroad junction was Kremenchuhin Poltavaguberniia. On thatcity, whichhad a largeJewish population, see I. T. Bulanyi,ed., Poltavs'ka oblasf (Kiev, 1967),pp. 463-70; REIU 2:501-502; Evreiskaia èntsiklopediia,vol. 9, cols. 832-33. Afterthe

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The data assembledhere prove beyondany reasonabledoubt that the highlymobile railroad workers were the main executors of thepogroms in 1881. The data tell us also about the strangebehavior of the imperial authoritiesand establishment.After a certainpogrom or disturbance occurred,the authoritiesdid theirbest to wipe out all trace of the true ringleaders,usually the "stars" fromthe capitals (stolichnye gosti). True, theauthorities did notinitiate the pogroms, but they certainly were culpable of coveringup and destroyingthe "smokingguns." This was due mainly to theirindoctrination and thebrainwashing effect of thefashionable popu- listdogma that the pogroms were a ruralphenomenon, allegedly the expres- sion of "popularire" againstJewish economic exploitation. The authorities not only subscribedto this artificialconstruct, but also sympathized withthe pogrom activists and ringleaders.Seldom wouldthey arrest such personagraia, and whenthey did, they would not persecute them seriously (see thecase ofPaderin, above). It was also redundant:the lesser authoritiesconscientiously falsified theirreports in orderto mollifytheir superiors. Instead of namingthe true culprits- the railroadworkers and otherrepresentatives of the incipient urbanproletariat - the reportsincluded the usual face-savingformulas - "peasants" and "popularire."67

VIII

Whatwas therole of theMoscow merchantsin the 1881 riots? The Mos- cow merchants,the largest single group among the merchants of theempire (see thereference to themoskovskie lavki, above), were of theoriental, very conservativetype. Even in thenineteenth century, they traded on thestreets and in open air markets(the city of Moscow had forty-onesuch markets, varyingin size); as in theNear East, "traderows" (lavki),or separatepas- sageways,concentrated on particularspecialties. They vehemently opposed Westerninnovations, like bankingor commercialexchange, until 1886, pogromsin Kiev and Konotip,the governor of Poltava,Bil'basov, summonedto Poltavathe 35thBrians'k Infantry Regiment, despite the Jewish population's complaints about the incon- venienceof havingan occupyingarmy in theircity. See Admoni,pp. 29-30 (doc. 68). On the roleof railroadsand railroadworkers in the 1881 pogroms,see Admoni,pp. 40-41 (doc. 99). Evidenceabout that role surprisedthe imperial administration, which expected peasants to be themain perpetrators. 67 See also thestatement by Goldberg:"Da die Spurender Rädelsführer und die derProvo- kationder Beamten von den Behördenvöllig verwischt wurden, ist es unmöglich,einen direk- tenZusammenhang zwischen einzelnen Urhebern der Pogrome zu rekonstruieren"(Goldberg, p. 39).

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whenthe governmentordered the demolitionof the lavkiin the Moscow Kitai-gorod.68 In the centurybetween 1750 and 1850-61, the Moscow merchants encounteredthree types of competitors.69Two types- thenoble industrial- ist and the serf-peasanttrader - were of domesticorigin and therefore manageable. But the thirdcompetitor was foreign,and so posed a real danger. The foreigncapitalist and producerof goods,the merchant of the new West Europeantype, was a threatwith which Moscow merchants, encounteringthem first through the CongressKingdom of Poland,had to come to grips.The catalystfor conflict, which developed from the 1840sto the 1880s, was the activityof Polish-Jewishmerchants and industrialists, centeredin Warsaw/Lódz70and in Odessa, expandinginto the Ukrainian territoriesof the RussianEmpire, until then the preserveof the Moscow merchants.71 The Ukrainianterritories that were partof the Russian Empirein the nineteenthcentury comprised the following four zones. Each had a unique historicalpast beforeit was incorporatedinto the empire:72(1) Sloboda Ukraine/Left-BankUkraine, with its centerof Kharkiv;(2) Malorossiia/ Het'manshchyna,with centers in Chernihiv(Chernigov) and Poltava; (3) Iugo-ZapadnyiKrai, withcenters in Kiev and Berdychiv(Berdichev); (4) Novorossiia/SouthernUkraine, with its center of Odessa. The Sloboda Ukrainecame intoexistence in the 1630s, as a colonial enterpriseof UkrainianCossack and peasantrefugees from the Polish Com- monwealthwho submittedto the tsar of Muscovy. It was incorporated (moreor less) intothe Muscoviteeconomic system during the eighteenth

68 See RobertGohstand, "The Shaping of Moscow by Nineteenth-CenturyTrade," in MichaelF. Hamm,ed., The Cityin RussianHistory (Lexington, Kentucky, 1976), pp. 160-81, especially163, 165, 171; idem,"The Geographyof Trade in Nineteenth-CenturyRussia," in JamesH. Buterand R. A. French,eds., Studies in RussianHistorical Geography, vol. 2 (Lon- don, 1983),pp. 329-72. 69 See AlfredJ. Rieber, Merchants and Entrepreneursin ImperialRussia (ChapelHill, N.C., 1982),pp. 40-79. 70 This was especiallytrue after the abolition in 1851 of thetariff border between the King- domof Poland and therest of the empire. 71 On the competitionbetween Polish and Russian merchantsand industrialistsin the Ukraine,see OleksandrOhloblyn, Ocherki istorii ukrainskoi fabriki: Predkapitalisticheskaia fabrika(Kiev, 1925), reprintedin O. Ohloblyn,A Historyof UkrainianIndustry (Munich, 1971). *7O"■ ■■-. 1 • rf» . • "ÏT11 TTII.»!*!-«! »I • . • * T 7 1 ' > Ï • ror generalinrormation, see: voioaymyrnoiuouts Kyi, tLKonomicnna istorua u /cramskoi RSR. Dozhovtnevyiperiod (Kiev, 1970); F. Los', ed., Istoriiarobitnychovo klasu Ukrains'koi RSR, vol. 1 (Kiev, 1967); Ivan Hurzhii,Rozvytok tovarnoho vyrobnytstva i torhivli na Ukraini (z kintsiaXVIII st. do 1861 roku)(Kiev, 1962); idem,Ukraina v systemivserosiis' koho rynku 60-90kh rokivXIX st. (Kiev, 1968). See also A. Shevel'ev,ed., Istoriia Ukrains'koi RSR, vol. 3 (Kiev, 1978).

This content downloaded from 198.0.229.73 on Sun, 19 Oct 2014 07:27:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE POGROMS OF 188 1 27 century.Even in the nineteenthcentury, despite the Ukrainiannational revivalin Kharkivguberniia, for instance, 64 percentof themerchants were Russians.73The formerHetmán State (1648-1785), or Malorossiia,was incorporatedinto the empire only between 1764 and 1785,but it startedlos- ing economicindependence soon afterthe defeatat Poltava (1709). The imperialgovernment assumed the rightto regulateMalorossiia' s imports and exportsto thebenefit of theMoscow merchantsby meansof prohibi- tionsand special tariffs.74Beginning in the 1830s the Moscow merchants unexpectedlymet with fierce competition there, coming from the Congress Kingdomof Poland.75This and the rebirthof the Ukrainianmerchant class76changed the economic picture, so thatby 1897 therole of Russian merchantsin Malorossiiahad decisivelydeclined, to 25 percentin theCher- nihivand Kiev guberniiasand 13 percentin thePoltava guberniia.77 The Iugo-ZapadnyiKrai (Polish: Podóle, Wolyñ,Ukraina; during the nineteenthcentury the general-government of Kiev, Podillia[Podolia], and Volhynia)became part of theRussian Empire as a resultof thesecond and thirdpartitions of Poland(1793, 1795). Consequentlythe imperial adminis- trationregarded it as a Polishterritory until the Polish uprising of the1860s. Onlyat thattime, under the impact of Slavophileideology, did theimperial bureaucracychange its policy and begin to de-Polonizethe "aboriginal Russian" land. The urbanand mercantilepopulation of theIugo-Zapadnyi Krai was basicallyJewish, centered in themestechki (shtetl) or towns. The economiccenter for these mestechki was Berdychiv,78then the second larg- estJewish community in theempire: in 1847,Jews numbered 32,761 out of a totalpopulation of 41,000. In 1855,the city's guild members numbered 2,812Jews and 70 Christians.Berdychiv also houseda branchof thePolish StateBank.

73 Rieber,Merchants and Entrepreneurs,p. 93. /4 See KonstantynKononenko, Ukraine and Russia: A Historyof Economic Relations betweenUkraine and Russia,1654-1917 (Milwaukee, 1958); Ohloblyn,History of Ukrainian Industry,esp. pt. 1: "Ocherkiistorii ukrainskoi fabriki: Manufaktura v Getmanshchine" [originally publishedin Kiev in 1925]; idem,Narysy z istoriiukrains'koi fabryky: Kripats'ka fabryka(printed in Kharkivand Kiev in 1931,then confiscated). 75 See above,fn. 68. 76 On the Ukrainianindustrial region, see W. L. Blackwell,"The HistoricalGeography of Industryin Russia duringthe Nineteenth Century," in Studiesin RussianHistorical Geogra- phy2: 402-10. 1' Rieber,Merchants and Entrepreneurs,p. 93. '" un tíerüycniv,see u. b. Uiornobryvtseva,ed., Lhytomyrska omasi (Kiev, 1973), pp. 164-67; RE1UX(1969): 123.

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Novorossiiabecame a colonialterritory of theRussian Empire after the incorporationof the territoriesof the ZaporozhianSich and the Crimean Khanate.79Economic leadership was soon assumedby thecity of Odessa (builtin 1794),80due to itsextraterritorial status as a freeport (üince 1817). Untilthe 1860s Odessa's tradeand commercewere dominated by Mediter- raneanmerchants, mainly Greeks and Italians. CatherineII encouraged Jewishsettlement in Novorossiia.Jews flocked there both from the Iugo- ZapadnyiKrai and fromAustrian Galicia. By 1828, 4,226 Jewslived in Odessa, or 12 percentof the city'stotal population at the time. By 1855 theirnumber had increasedto 17,000(21 percent,including 477 merchants and families). By the 1840s mostof the bankersand moneychangersin Odessa wereJewish, and duringthe early 1870s Jews took control of grain exports,Odessa's main tradecommodity. The Greek responsewas the pogromthat took place in Odessa in thespring of 1871. The Kingdomof Poland,in unionwith the Russian Empire through the personof itstsar, was theproduct of theCongress of Vienna(1815). As a resultof theinitiative and visionof thekingdom's finance minister, Count KsaweryLubecki-Drucki, the relativelysmall ethnicPolish lands,which had neverbefore excelled in economicaffairs, suddenly developed greater economicprowess than the immense Russian Empire.81 By themid- 1880s, theKingdom of Polandwas producingone-fifth of all theempire's textiles, one quarterof itssteel, two-fifths of itscoal, and one-fifthof itssugar. Half thePolish production was sold in theempire, mainly in theIugo-Zapadnyi Krai and in Novorossiia.82This developmenttook place because Lubecki- Drucki,taking advantage of the Kingdom'sstatus as a free-trade zone, encouragedforeign investors, mainly Germans (including many German Jews)and Frenchmen,and made daringuse of WestEuropean technology and know-how.Thus, he establishedin 1828 in Warsaw the firstState Bank in EasternEurope. Withina fewyears this comprehensive economic programturned Congress Poland into the most industrializedcountry in continentalEurope, second only to England.

79 On thecolonization of Novorossiia,see Druzhinina,luzhnaia Ukrainav 1800-1825gg.; idem,luzhnaia Ukraina v period krizisa feodalizma 1825-1860 gg. 5U On Odessa, see L. V. Hladka,ed., Odes ka oblast (Kiev, 1969), pp. 85-102; KtlU 5 (1971): 264-65;Patricia Herlihy, Odessa: A History,1794-1914 (Cambridge, Mass., 1986). 81 MieczyslawAjzen, Polityka gospodarcza Lubeckiego (1821-1830) (Warsaw,1932). See also theEnglish version of theclassic studyby Rosa Luxemburg,The IndustrialDevelopment of Poland (New York, 1977); I. I. Ianzhul,Istoricheskii ocherk razvitiia fabrichno-zavodskoi promyshlennostiv Tsarstve Pol'skom (Moscow, 1888); I. Edlickii,"Gosudarstvennaia pro- myshlennost'v Tsarstve Pol'skom v XIX v.," in Geneziskapitalizma i promyshlennosti (Mos- cow, 1963),pp. 278-304. See also W. L. Blackwell,"Historical Geography," pp. 390-96. 82 Rieber,Merchants and Entrepreneurs,p. 66.

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Soon theKingdom's Jewish urban masses (in 1841 numbering179,000, or 40 percentof thetotal urban population)83 - newlyemancipated, following theGerman maskilim ("enlighteners"), with whom they now entered intoeconomic cooperation - tookpart in theseexciting ventures. By 1897 Jewsaccounted for 73 percentof all thoseengaged in tradeand industryin the Kingdomof Poland whichby 1880 was steadilyexpanding into the Iugo-ZapadnyiKrai and Novorossiia.84Herein lies clear motivationfor the Moscowmerchants to resentJewish economic activities in theUkraine.

Fromthe 1840s,Ivan SergeevichAksakov was activein Moscow as a jour- nalist,administrator, duma member,Moscow entrepreneur,and, interest- ingly,student of theUkrainian markets.85 His rolein themilitant Slavophile movementwas unique: he was not a theoretician,but an eminentpracti- tionerwho, as a pan-Slavistcrusader, enjoyed tremendous popularity.86 Afterhis deathin 1886,Aksakov's friends and admirersin Moscow col- lectedand published his numerousarticles in sevenvolumes. Volume three of thecollection is entitled"The PolishQuestion and WestRussian Affairs: The JewishQuestion, 1860-1886."87 The articleswere originally published in theMoscow journals Den , Moskva,Moskvich, and Rus' . Connectingthe Polish questionwith the Jewish question and the dates 1860 to 1886 were certainlynot accidental. "Aksakov," writesStephen Lukashevich,"at first,linked the Jewishproblem with the problemof Polonismin the westernregion: [according to Aksakov,O. P.] the Poles were bothexploiters and invadersof Russian nationality;the Jewswere leecheswho weakenedthe population by drainingtheir economic vitality, thuscreating favorable conditions for Polonization."88

83 Evreiskaiaèntsiklopediia, 15, col. 745. 84 Evreiskaiaèntsiklopediia, 15, col. 757. See Rieber,Merchants and Entrepreneurs,p. 185. 83 It was IvanAksakov who wrote the basic descriptionof thefairs (iarmarki) in theUkraine: Issledovanieo torgovlena ukrainskikhiarmarkakh (St. Petersburg,1858). On thisfigure see StephenLukashevich, Ivan Aksakov,1823-1886: A Studyin Russian Thoughtand Politics (Cambridge,Mass., 1965). 86 S. Vengerov,Kritiko-biograficheskii slovaf russkikhpisatelei i uchenykh,vol. 1 (St. Petersburg,1889), 335-36. 8/ SochineniiaI. S. Aksakova,vol. 3: Pol'skii vopros i zapadnorusskoedelo: Evreiskii vopros.1860-1886 (Moscow, 1886). 88 Lukashevich,Aksakov, pp. 96-97.

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Aksakovillustrated what he consideredto be therapaciousness of Jewish exploitationin forceful,vivid, and virulentterms. Struggle against exploi- tationbecame the main slogan of his anti-Jewishpropaganda. Aksakov wrote: Onefinds in the western provinces a degree of exploitation that cannot be compared tothe exploitation ofthe worker by any factory-owner orlandowner. There, [Jew- ish]exploitation, like a boa,is strangulatingthepopulation. Itdrains all theblood of thepeople and keeps them fettered in sucha horriblebondage that no workeror peasantin Jew-free Russia can have an ideaabout it. . . .Itis so muchmore insulat- ingbecause the exploiters belong to another race and another creed.89 Aksakov'sreaction to thepogroms of 1881 speaksfor itself. In an arti- cle devotedto thoseevents, he had nota wordof compassionfor the vic- tims. 'The man," he wrote,"who has visitedeven once our southernand westernborder provinces. . .[the Ukraine],where Jews live unhampered, and who has seen withhis own eyes the oppressionof the local Russian [Ukrainian]population by Jewry(we have been theremany times) will knowthat the popular movement [sic! - O. P.] is notonly natural, but even quiteunsurprising."90 It is in Aksakov'sMoscow circlesthat one can seek out theideologists who stimulatedthe Moscow and St. Petersburgmerchants to organizethe "spontaneous,"popular anti-Jewish pogroms in the Iugo-ZapadnyiKrai andNovorossiia in 1881.91 The pogromin Odessa, mastermindedby thatcity's Greekmerchants, had occurredin thespring of 1871. The timingof thepogroms of 1881 was perhapsnot accidental: it markedthe tenthanniversary of the Odessa pogrom,and it had thesame economic-religiousbackground. One plausi- ble hypothesisis thatthe Moscow merchantsfollowed in thefootsteps of

89 Englishtranslation quoted in Lukashevich,Aksakov, p. 97. " 90 I. Aksakov, 'Liberaly' po povodu rozgromaEvreev" (Rus' June 1881), in his Sochineniia,vol. 3 (Moscow, 1886), p. 719. Aksakov'swork was continuedby a symbolic duo,the Moscow merchantD. I. Morozovand thenobleman Prince D. N. Tsereteli.The latter was editorof Russkoeobozrenie, financed by the former.About that journal Rieber writes: "The journalchampioned the demands of Moscow's economicinterests against all foreignand ethniccompetitors along the periphery from the Pacific Maritime provinces to Persiaand the Balkans. Its favoritetargets were what was called 'the Lodzistnest' [referringto thePolish industrialcity of Lodz] and 'the aggressiveJewish-Germany enemy.' Anti-semiticpolemics reacheda newheight, culminating in suchprovocative comments as 'theJews are stronger than " thelaw.' Rieber,Merchants and Entrepreneurs,p. 185. 91 An Odessa rabbistated clearly in his memoto Kutaisovthat the Russian merchants were themain instigators of thepogroms in 1881; Admoni,pp. 299-300. See also Rybyns'kyi,p. 179.

This content downloaded from 198.0.229.73 on Sun, 19 Oct 2014 07:27:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE POGROMS OF 188 1 31 theirGreek merchant co-religionists.92 To implementtheir ugly "program" theyemployed roving bands of seasonalrailroad workers, mostly from the Russianguberniias,93 the incipient proletariat.

HarvardUniversity

92 Mykhalevychnotes in his diarythe connectionbetween the pogromsof Odessa and Elisavetgrad.Rybyns'kyi, p. 179. 93 This has alreadybeen detectedby Goldberg,pp. 22-23, 38-39: "Resümierendist zu sagen,daß judenfeindlicheIntentionen vornehmlich der russischenBourgeosie für den Aus- bruchder Pogrome von großer Bedeutung waren. . . ." (p. 23).

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Abbreviationsused in the appendix

c = celler(of wineand/or whiskey) d. = derevnia(village) dnl = datanot listed E, W, N, S = thecardinal points (usually from Elisavetgrad) g. = gorod (town/townlet) h = house(s) inh. = inhabitants KO = Kirovohradska oblasf, éd. D. S. Syvolap(Kiev, 1972) m. = mestechko(formerly privately owned town/townlet) MO = Mykolaiivs'ka oblasf, ed. V. O. Vasyl'iev(Kiev, 1971) mp = movableproperty obi. = oblasf 00 = Odes'ka oblasf, L. V. Hladka(Kiev, 1969) Orth. = Orthodox-Christian s. = selolselenie(large village) sh = shop(s) t = tavern(s) v. = volosf (ruraldistrict)

Noteto themap

The map of theElisavetgrad-centered pogroms and disturbances(1881) is based on themap in KO, pp. 8-9. In thedocuments published by Krasnyi-Admoni,the names of localitiesare often misspelled,making their identification and localizationdifficult. Examples: 2. misspelledCherliakovk- (p. 23); 6. misspelledPoliktarovk- (p. 23); 7. misspelledSisovk- (p. 477); 8. incorrectlynamed Semenovka (p. 530); 8. misspelledDolivovk- (p. 477); 20. misspelledKamenovodk- (p. 249); 24. misspelledBoeraki (p. 23); 25. misspelledMardevk- (p. 478); 27. misspelledAdzanka (p. 5); Adzhlik(p. 23); 28. misspelledKrasik-Iar (p. 23); 32. misspelledDolin-Kalilik- (p. 23), Dolina-Kamenka(p. 530); 34. misspelledKalinovka (p. 530); 44. misspelledStrunov- (p. 256); 45. incorrectlynamed Berezovka (p. 530).

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~~THE ELISAVETGRAD-CENTEREDPOGROMS (1881)~~

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