Multiple Histories: The Archaeology, we will reaffIrm our Mayan ethnic identities Ethnohistory, Oral History, and within the context of the modem world" National History of ', (1991: 18). can construct their own histories; archaeology is not a necessary medium for their expression. However, given the relationship between Western countries and "developing countries," and the privileged position of Western archaeologists interpreting non-Western pasts, I would argue that Introduction ~rc?aeology must necessarily be informed by Whether or not the politics of research mdlgenous histories. This is not to say that every are made explicit, archaeology is political archaeological project must explicitly consider (Silberman 1995, Tilley 1989, Wylie 1992). The oral histories, but rather that the adoption of this influence of politics on research can occur in approach will allow the biases and limitations of different ways and to varying degrees. archaeology as it is currently practiced to be Researchers' political orientation and other acknowledged. biases influence their research designs and The scenario I envision for oral history interpretations, or the results of research can be and archaeology is similar to one that has already used politically. Often archaeologists do not begun for feminism and archaeology. In an foresee the possible political implications of their influential review of the relationship between research. However, this does not absolve them of evidence and political interests in archaeological the responsibility to consider the ways in which research, Alison Wylie has convincingly shown their research may be used, and to speak out that the explicit political agenda associated with when archaeology is used as a tool of oppression. feminist archaeology does not undermine Archaeology is conducted within a archaeology's commitment to neutrality and variety of theoretical frameworks. For example, scientific vigour, but "may well enhance the there have been nationalist, colonialist, conceptual integrity and empirical adequacy of imperialist, Marxist, positivist, relativist, archaeological knowledge claims" (Wylie processualist, post-processualist; feminist, and 1992: 15). Feminist archaeology has taken indigenous archaeologies. All of these forms of women and gender relationships into account, archaeology have had negative impacts on exposing untested assumptions and giving human lives in one way or another. Even women a in prehistory. Similarly, supposedly objective post-processual considering modem Maya oral traditions and archaeologies have, in their emphasis on views could bring a modem Maya "perspective" universal processes, served to devalue local into archaeology, leading to revisions of Western cultures and serve the interests of global assumptions and giving the Maya a voice in a capitalism (Trigger 1995). Despite these new medium. theoretical divisions, I feel that most Venezuelan archaeologist Iraida Vargas archaeologists today would agree that one thing Arenas has argued for a new kind of archaeology we need is rigorous, systematic, and serious in Latin America: social archaeology (Vargas research. From my perspective, the best way to Arenas 1995). She calls for a reconceptualization present rigorous historical (including of history as a continuous process, without pre- archaeological) research is to consider alternative and post-Hispanic divisions. Further, histories; in particular, indigenous histories. she argues that it is necessary for archaeologists When we use indigenous histories in our to work with communities and to expose the research, we also acknowledge the views of contradictions between various historical people who have often been systematically narratives, in order to challenge the devalued and marginalized. However, in the simplifications and distortions of 'offIcial' search for alternative histories we must be aware versions of history, which work to disempower that these histories can become defmed by, and indigenous people and legitimate the current indeed, reproduce, the categories and themes of social order. Maya scholars, such as Demetrio the dominant discourse (Wylie 1995). Cojti Cuxil, Luis Enrique Sam Colop, and Victor Victor Montejo, a Jakaltek Maya from Montejo have already begun to write their own western Guatemala, has written, "It is only if we histories to oppose official histories (Montejo are actors in and creators of our own history that 2002). American historian David Carey, Jr. (2001) has written a book on Kaqchikel

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t :upynght ~t~2lil):> TCITf·:\J: Th,: l;\\{) .I(>urnal of :\nthrnpoh,,l2.Y historical perspectives, in order to identifY capital of Guatemala, and modem Kaqchikel ethnocentrism and gaps in Western and Ladino sacred site. histories. Why should archaeologists join in this This paper will compare the multiple process? histories of Iximche': national, Ladino, According to anthropologist Kay Kaqchikel, and archaeological. Following Wylie Warren, many Maya are concerned that some (I995), I do not endorse a completely relativistic anthropologists do not consider it an obligation perspective, but neither do I hope to fmd a single to enter into a reciprocal relationship with Maya "master narrative" or "real" history. Indeed, no communities (Warren 1998). Sam Colop attempt will be made here to assess the identified several ethical failures of "accuracy" of the various histories. Rather, I will anthropologists in Guatemala, including not describe the alternative histories and discuss consulting with the community, not presenting a some of the possible motivations and biases fmal report to the community, not making the behind them, and potential uses of them. The large body of knowledge about the community purpose of this paper is to juxtapose different available to them, hiding other agendas, and histories of Iximche' in order to determine what taking the service of the community for granted kinds of things each form of history is missing, while only being concerned with fulfil1ing their and to evaluate the possibility of combining university requirements (Warren 1998:82). various histories within the context of a 'social' Although Colop's comments were in response to archaeology. the research of socio-cultural anthropologists and linguists, it seems logical that archaeologists should also be responsible to the people whose Ethnohistory past they study. Since archaeological research Ethnohistoric accounts of Iximche' were does not actually require interaction with summarized by Carey (200 I) and Nance et al. indigenous people, it may be easier for (2003). They were derived primarily from the archaeologists than for other researchers to Annals of the Kaqchikels, a history of the city neglect their responsibilities to local written by between A.D. 1524 communities. Certainly, some archaeologists and 1605, in the but using realize the political aspects of their work and the Spanish alphabet (Carey 2001, Nance et al. strive to give back to the communities they work 2003). Various Spanish colonial accounts were in. However, the Maya challenge to social also used (Nance et al. 2003). I chose to analyze scientists, according to Warren (1998:84) is to the ethnohistoric account presented by Nance et "decentralize the production of scholarship about al. (2003), which purports to be the fust and for Mayas." In other words, Maya people comprehensive summary of Kaqchikel want to actively participate in knowledge ethnohistory, rather than any of the primary production, not just as informants, but as sources. It should be noted, then, that biases and partners. Carey's study of the Kaqchikel omissions may be derived from either the reiterates these ideas: "they [Kaqchikels] refuse original account or the more recent to be viewed as passive participants in interpretation. Guatemala's history" and they "insist that their Ethnographic sources have various contributions to its past and present be perspectives due to the different authors and recognized" (Carey 2001:25). There is every historical contexts in which they were written. reason to believe a partnership between The Annals of the Kaqchikels was composed Kaqchikels and archaeologists would be useful to during a period of colonial domination and both; moreover, since archaeologists are in a conflict (Nance et al. 2003). Unlike the Popol position of "power" relative to local Vuh of the Quiche Maya, The Annals focus on communities, I would argue that it is an ethical political and military history rather than responsibility. mythological tales. This is obviously a deliberate This paper will focus on the histories of choice, and does not mean that prehispanic one specific, and rather special, locale: Iximche'. Kaqchikel society lacked a spiritual or religious lximche' is located in the highlands of aspect. The Annals were written by two direct Guatemala between and Lake descendents of the ruler of Iximche', who were Atithin, only five kilometres from the modem apparently motivated by the Spanish Crown's town of Tecpan Guatemala (Carey 2001). offer to award special cacique privileges to Iximche' is an archaeological site, national park, indigenous people who could demonstrate royal ancient capital of the Kaqchikel Maya, fust descent (Nance et al. 2003 :331).

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C,'i''''';.:hr " •. '.005 'fO'] T~\ [: Th, I 'WO .I,)\lrru I cd' .\mhrop"i, '.~\ been denied a role in their own history (for example, a university vice-chancellor claimed Oral History that the Popol Vuh is a mestizo rather than a A detailed account of Kaqchikel oral Quiche Maya document). Despite this exclusion, histories was presented by David Carey, Jr. Maya symbols are systematically employed as (200 I). Carey spent four summers and one full representations of the Guatemalan state: in 1975 year in Guatemala, living with Kaqchikel Miss Guatemala (a Ladina) won the national families and conducting over 400 interviews in costume division of the Miss Universe pageant the Kaqchikellanguage. The bulk of his research wearing Maya traditional clothing (Hendrickson was conducted in the towns of San Juan 1995); a national holiday celebrates the heroic Comalapa, San Jose Poaquil, Tecpan, San death of Tekun Uman, a Quiche Maya warrior Antonio Aguas Calientes, and Santa Catarina (Hendrickson 1995); in 1972 the Popol Vuh was Barahona. Of particular interest to me are the 44 declared the national book of Guatemala (Museo interviews he conducted in Tecpan Guatemala, Popol Vuh, n.d.). The appropriation of which is very close to Iximche'. indigenous symbols to construct national It should be noted that written versions identities is a common theme worldwide of oral histories lack a great deal of content and (Silberman 1995). context that were present in the oral tellings. The way that oral histories are arranged and interpreted within a publication affects the Archaeological History interpretation and understanding of these Archaeological work at Iximche' was histories. Thus, my interpretations of Kaqchikel conducted by George Guillemin between 1958 oral history are inherently limited to my and 1972, but he died before publishing a full understanding of what Carey (200 I) has report. In a recent book, Roger Nance, Stephen presented. Whittington, and Barbara Borg (2003) In general, Kaqchikel oral histories are summarized Guillemin's work and added their told with the understanding that the past is own skeletal and ceramic analyses. This book relevant to the present (Carey 200 I). The will be my primary source for describing the Kaqchikel are aware that they generally lack a archaeological history of Iximche'. voice in official Guatemalan histories, and they Archaeological interpretations were resent the inaccurate and sometimes racist made by Western scientists from an portrayals that occur in those histories. Although economically privileged, Western standpoint. Maya people constitute the majority of They can be characterized as post-positivist in (Warren 2002: 150), they that they represent a search for an objective, nevertheless occupy a subaltern position in accurate past but do acknowledge that other Guatemalan society. interpretations may be valid. Nance et al. (2003) acknowledge that their interpretations are limited, but they blame this on the lack of OfficiaVLadino History provenience of the material remains and the Interspersed between oral histories, relative scarcity of ethnohistoric documents Carey (2001) includes accounts from Ladino directly related to the Kaqchikel and Iximche'. historians as well. Although all Ladino histories are not 'official' histories, all official histories in Guatemala are Ladino. Official histories are Historical Themes those published by the government in public A single, linear, chronological history is media like monographs and school books. Since a Western form of organization. Kaqchikel oral I have relatively few specific descriptions of histories are generally organized thematically, them, both Ladino and official histories will be and exact dates are unimportant (Carey 2001). considered together. The content of the histories described in this Most Ladino histories from the past 500 paper will be presented thematically, because years construct the Maya as lazy, childlike, such a structure is amenable to all the types of uncivilized, and lacking the ability to take history that will be presented. It would be meaningful and significant action (Carey 200 I). impossible to summarize the complete content of The Maya are not ascribed any significant role in each type of history within this paper, but in the the development of the nation, and have even following sections I will describe histories

1'(Yil':.\l \(Jl J?> ~f.ln4":2IHI5 related to the origins of Iximche', conflict and modem Kaqchikel people because they play a ethnic relations, and politics and religion. role in shaping local Kaqchikel identity and connections with the ancestors. According to Origins of Iximche ' Hendrickson (l995:xiv), the Maya revitalization The ethnohistory of Iximche' described movement has even attempted to change the by Nance et al. (2003) is a tale of conflict and name of Tecpan to Iximche'. conquest. Immediately prior to the founding of The offtcial monograph of Tecpan Iximche', the Kaqchikel were part of an alliance described by Carey (200 I) does not address the with the dominant Quiche kingdom. At least one origins of Iximche', although it mentions the group of Kaqchikel distinguished themselves as archaeological centre, or ruins. It describes fearless (yet subordinate) warriors, and aided in Tecpan as the first capital of Guatemala, while the expansion of the Quiche kingdom. The Iximche' is acknowledged to have been the Quiche ruler Quicab elevated the status of four capital of the Kaqchikels. Nothing important is Kaqchikel warriors, causing jealousy among deemed to have happened at Iximche' until the Quiche nobles who pressured the king to have arrival of the Spanish in 1524; thus, it is the warriors killed. Instead, Quicab advised the unnecessary to describe the historical origins of Kaqchikel warriors to leave Utatlan (the Quiche the site. Carey argues that this document denies capital) and establish their own capital at any relevance of Iximche' to the present and Iximche'. This was done around A.D. 1465. "writes the Kaqchikel people out" of local Ethnohistoric accounts also explain that history. I would argue that it sets the arrival of the modem nation of Guatemala was named after the as the beginning of Guatemalan Iximche' (Nance et al. 2003). When Pedro de history. In line with this interpretation, one Alvarado first visited Iximche' he was Ladino historian from Tecpan considered accompanied by Nahua speakers from central Iximche' to be the site of fusion between the Old . In Nahua, the name for Iximche' is and New Worlds, and the origins of the Cuauhtemallan, and Alvarado referred to it as Guatemalan national identity (Carey 200 1:47). Guatemala in a letter to Heman Cortes. Alvarado However, according to Carey, some Ladino considered Iximche' to be the capital of one of histories do emphasize the importance of the most important empires in , Iximche', recognizing the sophisticated culture and therefore Guatemala came to refer to the that flourished there and the link between the larger region, and eventually the modem nation. ancient inhabitants and modem Kaqchikel Carey (200 I) discusses at length oral people. histories related to the ancient site of Iximche'. Archaeological investigations of Iximche' is generally regarded as the centre from Iximche' rely primarily on ethnohistoric which the Kaqchikel people originated. The accounts for information about the city's origins, word Iximche' is derived from ixim () and and assume that these accounts are essentially che ' (tree). Trees are considered to be givers of accurate (Nance et al. 2003). One reason for the life, while maize is a dietary staple and the lack of archaeological information about the material from which the first true people were site's origins is the lack of provenience for much made, according to the Popol Vuh (Tedlock of the archaeological material, due to the 1996). One Kaqchikel oral history tells of a tree excavation methods and Guillemin's untimely at Iximche' which bore com cobs as fruit, and death. Ceramics from the site were presumed to fed the first people to settle at the site when an be Late Post-classic, and a comparison with other early frost killed the farmers' own com (Carey sites supported this designation. Based on past 2001). While the details of other accounts differ, studies of directionality and ancient Maya all the variations of the etymology of Iximche' cosmology, Nance et al. (2003) suggest that the emphasize that it is life-giving and sustaining east-west orientation of the major canyons (Carey 200 I). surrounding the site was an important factor in Kaqchikel oral traditions recognize the choice of location. This supports, or is Iximche' as the capital of the first civilization in supported by, one of the oral histories described Guatemala, and also the first capital of the above. Guatemalan state (Carey 200 I). The location of Iximche' was selected for its militarily strategic Conflict and Ethnic Relations location (surrounded by canyons) and for its Conflict and warfare is a central theme spiritual significance (related to the four cardinal of the ethnohistoric accounts described by Nance points). The origins of Iximche' are important to et al. (2003). They describe conflict between the

TOT!':>.I,·,,1 I; 2!J!!4·.'.uOS (:<)pyrig-hl: \~ 2005 ·!'(rI·I:\f: "1"1.-."t ·\V() .J')llfTl:]l {Jf .\n[h!Opl:I.).:.,~ Kaqchikel and Quiche Maya groups, within the puncture wounds, and perimortem cuts provide Kaqchikel of Ixirnche', between the Ixirnche' further evidence of violence. Both males and Kaqchikel and other Kaqchikel groups, and females had these wounds. All the damage between the Kaqchikel and the Spanish. I will associated with warfare seemed to have been describe the ethnohistoric accounts of conflict caused by stone weapons, indicating that they (from Nance et al. 2003) in some detail. represent injuries from battles between Maya According to the ethnohistoric accounts, groups. No evidence of trauma from metal (i.e. conflict with Quiche nobles led to the founding Spanish) weapons was found, but other artifacts of Ixirnche' (as described above). There was associated with the Spaniards were found. peace between the Kaqchikel and Quiche until In contrast to the ethnohistoric and King Quicab died in A.D. 1475, after which archaeological accounts, many modern continuous warfare ensued. The Kaqchikel Kaqchikel oral histories construct the pre- always repelled Quiche attacks on Iximche', and Hispanic world as idyllic and peaceful (Carey the Quiche were forced to pay tribute after being 2001). Production was efficient and communal defeated in A.D. 1491. The Kaqchikel of ownership of land meant there was no need for Iximche' also began their own campaign of money. People were intelligent and used organic military domination, fighting rival Kaqchikel medicines to cure the sick. There were no groups in the area (there were three) and foreigners or Ladinos, and everyone treated eventually controlling all of them. In A.D. 1493, others with respect. A special place at Iximche' internal conflict at Iximche' over land ownership was reserved for the Quiche leader Tekun Vman. led to a revolt and subsequent expulsion of the Exploitation and abuse only began when the Tukuche' clan from Iximche. This event was so Spanish arrived. significant that Kaqchikel history, as recorded in Other Kaqchikel oral histories do the Annals of the Kaqchikels, was dated from describe conflict between Maya groups (Carey that day. 2001). Individuals from Tecpan describe war When the Spanish arrived in between the Iximche' Kaqchikel and the Quiche , the Kaqchikel formed an alliance due to differences in customs or desire for with them against the Quiche. However, after resources or military superiority. Kaqchikel from Kaqchikel warriors fought with the Spanish and the towns of Aguas Calientes and Barahona helped them defeat the Quiche, the Spanish describe a history of antagonistic relations with betrayed them. Alvarado established absolute each other, in relation to land ownership disputes control over the Kaqchikel kingdom, forcing that began in the 1700s or earlier. Kaqchikel oral large crews of Kaqchikel to pan for gold and histories from the town of Poaquil assert that assigning them weekly quotas. Eventually the Kaqchikel from Comalapa infringed on their Kaqchikel abandoned Iximche' and revolted rights and violated their dignity when the against Alvarado; Iximche' was burned. The Comalapans initially refused to grant permission Kaqchikel king, Kaji' Imox, was captured in for the town of Poaquil to be established. A.D. 1530 but was released and required to pay Nevertheless, most oral histories emphasize tribute "like a commoner" (Nance et al. current amicable relations between Maya groups 200 I :36). In A.D. 1540, after leading subsequent The conflicts described in oral histories uprisings, Kaji' Imox and many other Kaqchikel are mostly between the Maya and the Spanish lords were hanged. Kaqchikel communities were (Carey 200 I). Spaniards are portrayed as corrupt, dispersed into Spanish-style towns and many abusive, dishonest criminals, who were unable to Kaqchikel fled to remote areas. produce the beauty, wealth, and resources of The archaeological account of conflict Iximche' for themselves and therefore resorted to at Iximche' fits well with the ethnohistoric violence and deception. Relations between the (Nance et al. 2003). According to the authors, the Spaniards and the Kaqchikels were distrustful defensive position of the site reflects the and unequal. The Kaqchikel believe that their "bellicose behaviour of the citizens of Iximche'" ancestors acted with honour, intelligence, and (Nance et al. 2003:44). Skeletal evidence from dignity despite the Spaniards' debasement. They skulls and cervical vertebrae indicate a high emphasize Maya resistance to Spanish degree of interpersonal violence. Out of 69 total domination, and rarely if ever mention an burials, at least 29 (and possibly 50) alliance between the Kaqchikel and the Spanish. decapitations were identified, which were According to Kay Warren (1998), the Kaqchikel presumed to be sacrificed prisoners of war or "betrayal" of the Quiche to the Spanish is well- captive non-combatants. Lesions, fractures, known and a source of great stigma. This

r(Yr"F\\ \ull:' ~(ln·1"':7.(I{lS \ ";Jpynght '\,~:2(HI:) TCf['T·:\f: The l,;\V() f(,unial of :\nth:cnpolc.?y suggests that the omissions in the oral histories Although he was not writing about the described by Carey reflect deliberate efforts of Kaqchikels in particular, Nance et al. (2003) use avoidance rather than any lack of knowledge. his descriptions to structure their interpretations Some Ladino authors tell similar stories of material remains at Iximche'. Broken incense of Kaqchikel bravery and persistent resistance of burners, bird effigies, a depiction of auto- the Spanish, also de-emphasizing conflicts sacrifice, and quadrilateral symbolism provide between the Kaqchikel and Quiche (Carey 2001). evidence that religious ritual at Ixirnche' was According to Carey (200 1:78), Ladino historians important and resembled that at other ancient believe that living conditions at Iximche' were Maya sites. "praiseworthy and productive" prior to the In terms of political structure, The arrival of the Spanish. They glorify the ancient Annals clearly state that there were two primary Maya, but consider them to have been wiped out co-rulers ofIximche' (Nance et al. 2003). During by the Spanish. They believe that modem Maya the time of contact with the Spanish, the first belong to a different culture from that of the king was Kaji' Imox and the second was Beleje ancients, and that since the time of the conquest, Kat. There were also two additional rulers with the Maya have not played a significant role in considerably less power. These four rulers may Guatemalan national history. be correlated with the four Kaqchikellineages. In The official attitude toward Maya his original interpretation of the archaeology of resistance to the Spanish may be typified by an Iximche', Guillemin interpreted the two 'Great anecdote taken from the 'official' history taught ' at the site as residences of the two rulers in Guatemalan schools (Carey 2001, (Nance et al. 2003). However, recent analyses of Hendrickson 1995, Warren 1998). According to the architecture and ceramics led Nance et al. this story, the heroic Quiche leader Tekun Uman (2003) to argue that only one of these structures was killed because he did not understand that a was a royal residence while the other was a horse is an animal. Thinking that the horse was religious centre. an extension of , Tekun Carey (2001) states that the Kaqchikel attacked the horse, giving Alvarado ample who live near Iximche' today have extensive opportunity to kill him. Thus, the Maya warriors knowledge of historical Kaqchikel leaders. were brave in their resistance to the Spanish, but However, different oral traditions describe less intelligent and technically advanced. Tekun different numbers of rulers at Iximche'. Kaji' Uman is venerated as a national hero and the Imox is the most frequently mentioned ruler. symbol of the Guatemalan nation, and a national Beleje Kat was described as his secretary, who holiday is set aside to honour him (Hendrickson became king when he died. One man stated that 1995). when Tekun Uman arrived at Ixirnche' there was The Kaqchikel response to this story is already a Kaqchikel leader. These accounts seem complex. Carey (2001) identifies several to imply a single ruler. However, other oral versions of the story in Kaqchikel oral history. histories described as many as ten different Some oral histories tell the identical story to the 'kings' ruling the site simultaneously. official version. Others explain that Tekun Uman Unfortunately, Carey (2001) does not was defeated not because he did not know the describe any oral histories that relate to pre- difference between a man and a horse, but Hispanic religion. Kaqchikel oral traditions do because Alvarado's army had guns and shields discuss early Spanish Catholicism, and are while Tekun Uman's had bows and arrows. generally highly critical of it (Carey 2001). One Warren (1998) states that the story triggers elder stated that "Pedro Alvarado was a fme instant resentment among Maya from small Christian; he raped young women and had towns to national meetings. Further, she children with them ... [and took] their fathers' describes Mayan scholars' search for alternative supply of gold and silver" (Ka'i Aq'ab'al, quoted heroes, such as Kaji' Imox. in Carey 2001:49). The same elder also stated that priests made no effort to understand Maya Politics and Religion religion; indeed, they aided soldiers in attempts As mentioned above, The Annals of the to subdue the Maya. Other stories tell of the Kaqchikels emphasizes politics and warfare to Spanish forcing Maya to build churches and the exclusion of religious matters. In contrast, the learn their language. The oral histories sixteenth century priest Bartolome de Las Casas overwhelmingly focus on negative aspects of wrote more about religion than about any other priests' roles. Kaqchikel also recognize that aspect of Maya life (Nance et al. 2003:47). religious competition is one source of conflict

'!( )TI;.\I ·..,,1 1 j 211[1'1··.'.\)16 C')f"'r;,~h\.: .'.OOST(),lT.:\f: TI,<.I:WO J lUl1u1 of \",.hm,'oI. '.:';" within their communities today. Unfortunately, that the current political environment in Carey does not expand on this point either. Both Guatemala is similar to that of the early colonial Hendrickson (1995) and Fischer (2001) describe period, in which the Maya were struggling to religion as an important aspect of modem life in maintain their distinct identities by relying on Tecpan, with several different Christian and tradition, especially origin myths (Montejo traditionalist groups coexisting. Several authors 2002). (Carey 2001, Fischer 2001, Nance et al. 2003) Oral histories vary in their descriptions mention traditionalist Maya ceremonies taking of conflict and warfare. Many construct a kind of place at Iximche', but unfortunately none pre-Hispanic utopia, in contrast with the chaos describe the ceremonies or peoples' views of and corruption brought by the Spanish. However, them. some acknowledge conflict between Maya Fischer (200 I) does describe one groups. All the oral histories emphasize conflict ceremony performed in Tecpan in the context of between the Maya and the Spanish, paying a town festival. Ladino viewers appeared initially particular attention to the criminality of the amused and subsequently bored, but showed no Spaniards' actions. With Carey (2001), I would visible malice. Aside from this brief mention I argue that this focus on Spanish corruption is have been unable to fmd reference to official or both an act of resistance and a way of using past Ladino views of , ancient or relations (Kaqchikel-Spanish) to inform the modem. present situation (Kaqchikel-Ladino). Stories of corrupt Spaniards function as a way to remind people to be wary of exploitation. They also Discussion function as explanations of the current None of the histories described above unbalanced social order. deny that Iximche' originally belonged to the Montejo (2002) argues that the primary Kaqchikel Maya; indeed, the connection seems goal of Maya activists is not to romanticize their abundantly clear. However, there are differences past, but rather to revitalize their Maya identity. in what each history focuses on, and especially in While romantic notions do figure into some of what each history leaves out. the oral histories described above, I would argue Ethnohistory emphasizes the role of that the goal of identity revitalization is conflict in the origins of Iximche', and in paramount. Creating romantic versions of the relations between Maya groups and between the past can also be seen as a form of resistance to Maya and the Spaniards. As suggested by Nance domination, first by the Spanish and later by et al. (2003), the authors of The Annals may have Ladinos. As Ortner (1996) has discussed, been writing for a Spanish audience who would resistance is full of complexities and have been more impressed by tales of military contradictions that reflect the reality of lived might than by mythological stories. Since The experience. Oral histories of Iximche' reflect the Annals were written during and immediately background and lived experiences of each teller after the most significant battles between the as well as the complex motivations of asserting a Kaqchikel and the Spanish, the authors may also unique local identity, a pan-Maya identity, and have desired to highlight their former military possibly a national identity. Minimizing historic strengths, in response to their position of conflict between Maya groups has clear weakness vis-a.-vis the Spanish invaders. implications for pan-Maya solidarity, which is In contrast, oral histories focus on the particularly important within the modem context opposite of taking lives; that is, the life-giving of promoting indigenous rights in Guatemala aspects associated with Iximche'. This can be (Warren 2002). related to Kaqchikel attempts to maintain their The revitalization of Maya identity is distinct culture by highlighting its positive taking place in opposition to official histories aspects, and the strength that can be drawn by which have appropriated important Maya connecting with ancestors and places of origin. symbols (historical figures like Tekun Uman, In other words, the emphasis on life-giving archaeological sites like Iximche', and even aspects can be seen as a form of resistance traditional clothing) to create a Guatemalan against forces (Spanish and Ladino) that have national identity. Archaeology has been involved attempted to take away the lives of the Kaqchikel in this process since the foundation of the people through physical violence, disease, Guatemalan state, when the government exploitation, and cultural assimilation. Victor sponsored archaeological explorations of Montejo, a Jakaltek Maya and academic, argues Iximche' (as well as Copan and Utatlan) in a

nYrr'~\'l '.',-}Jl~ 7(l(L1···21111:) L(Jpynght 2.!il}:>T{ 1"11,),,:1':The l;\.X:"Cl !(1uHnl o!~ ;\r:.thrnpoh.,l('· conscious attempt to construct a national identity who the Iximche' Kaqchikel were fighting. based in part upon the achievements of the Archaeological interpretations highlight the ancient Maya (Chinchilla Mazariegos 1998). importance of religious ritual at Iximche', but Their explicit agenda was to learn about an unfortunately there is little mention of religion in ancient civilization which could be constructed the other histories. as the predecessor of the modem Guatemalan It is evident that each form of history is state. The irony in this is that while ancient Maya concerned with some topics at the expense of civilization is glorified and Maya symbols are others. The Annals focuses on politics and ascribed national significance, modem . Official Ladino histories focus on culture and Maya people are devalued, events that occurred after the arrival of the de legitimized, and denied relevance. Spanish. Oral histories focus on conflicts with Most oral histories describe Iximche' as the Spanish and other stories that have relevance not only the capital of the ancient Kaqchikel to their present lived experiences. Archaeological state, but also the first capital of Guatemala. This histories focus on oppositions between ritual and may be an attempt by modem Kaqchikel to assert secular activities and on interpersonal violence, their relevance, and that of their ancestors, to the health, and disease. present nation. In support of this argument, There is clear potential for these stories Carey (2001) states that the Kaqchikel identify to be combined as complementary accounts of with the state, believe they have made significant the history of Iximche'. None of the histories contributions to it, and wish to increase their alone provides a balanced story of the origins of involvement with and ownership of the state. Iximche'. Although life at early lximche' does Maya identify with their community and not seem to have been as peaceful and idyllic as language group but also consider themselves oral traditions suggest, it is just as unrealistic to Maya, indigenous, and part of the Guatemalan imagine that it was entirely consumed by war, nation (if not the national Ladino identity) politics, or religion. After all, the early (Carey 2001). The official government inhabitants of Iximche' had the time and monograph of Tecpan dismisses the pre-Hispanic resources to build and ballcourts, and origins of the Iximche' as historically irrelevant. doubtless participated in feasting and ritual as However, lximche' is universally recognized in well as the more mundane tasks of everyday life. Guatemala as the source of the country's name, and as such is linked with the origins of the Guatemalan state. This is another example of Refusal writing the Maya out of their own history while The purposeful omlSSlOn of certain usurping one of their important places as a aspects of description or analysis is sometimes national symbol. According to Wylie (1995), this referred to as refusal. "Thickness," or the process has occurred in post-colonial contexts consideration of the complexities and throughout the world. contradictions of lived experience, could be Archaeological interpretations of considered the opposite of refusal. Discussing Iximche' acknowledge the link between the ethnography, Sherry Ortner (1995) argues that ancient inhabitants of the site and the modem "thickness" is the only way to appreciate how Kaqchikel, but are not informed by Kaqchikel resistance is a creative and transformative oral traditions. Archaeology has little to say on process. She argues that many ethnographies the theme of site origins, aside from asserting the refuse to include "thick" descriptions but rather ideological and militaristic reasons for choosing sanitize politics (romanticize internal conflicts, the location of lximche'. Archaeological ignore gender politics), minimize the importance interpretations do offer some information about of culture, deconstruct subjects, and ignore the conflict: skeletal analysis has shown that most of "lived worlds" of those who resist. The histories the trauma in the Iximche' burials resulted from of Iximche' described above include several stone weapons; thus, there is more evidence of examples of refusal, which take place in conflict between Maya groups than between the multiple, complex contexts. I will highlight Kaqchikel and the Spanish. Although this is in refusals that are not based on any lack of contradiction to most of the oral histories, it evidence, but rather on what is chosen for corroborates the ethnohistories which detail inclusion or omission in a given history. extensive conflict and warfare prior to contact In relation to the archaeology of with the Spanish. Nevertheless, there is no Iximche', I believe the most serious omission is independent archaeological evidence suggesting the authors' refusal to provide a "thick"

T( rrF.\l "(·1 I) 2lJl!.L.o.()(JS c()p...~:.j~h!:'I".' .~005 "l'(),] 1-::\1: Ilil.. -f. ·\V() }mrrul {;~ .\nrbropnif):-;Y description of the relevance of their research to indigenous people. The refusal of the official the Kaqchikel people. While they should be Tecpan monograph to attribute any significance commended for mentioning the modern Maya at to pre-Hispanic activities at Ixinlche' may also all (most Mayanist archaeologists do not), their suggest that either most Ladinos know little comments are idealistic and romantic. They about the origins of Iximche', or that they do not mention positive aspects of Kaqchikel culture, care. Combining evidence from ethnohistories, Kaqchikel participation in the national archaeology, and oral histories could both government, a thriving market economy, folk art, counteract ignorance and contribute to an and entrepreneurial ventures, and Kaqchikel understanding that history did not begin with the willingness to share Iximche' with visitors arrival of the Spanish, but extends both farther (Nance et al. 2003). Moreover, they cite modern back in time and farther forward in time, through Kaqchikel use of Iximche' as part of the its relevance to the Kaqchikel present. motivation and justification for archaeological research, and they explicitly advocate the use of oral histories, but do not do so. In short, they Social Archaeology refuse to engage with Kaqchikel histories. There My discussion above suggests that a are many potential reasons for this refusal: the collaboration combining different forms of current research climate, assumptions about what history, especially archaeology and oral history, constitutes "valid" history, traditional inter/intra- would be beneficial in the case of Iximche'. disciplinary boundaries, time and money, and a However, it is also important to consider whether lack of precedent for collaboration of this type. such a collaboration would be desirable to the In my opinion, this "thinness" is both unfair to parties involved. Despite their "thinness" with the Kaqchikel people and harmful to respect to oral traditions, Nance et al. (2003) are archaeology, because it only gives lip service to enthusiastic about combining ethnohistory and the relevance of archaeological research in the archaeology, and explicitly advocate the use of present. oral history as well; clearly, they should be One of the most obvious omissions in willing to collaborate. both the ethnohistories and oral histories Despite the extensive discussion of oral presented here is a serious discussion of Maya histories of Iximche' in his book, Carey (2001) religion. This refusal is undoubtedly related more provides no indication of Kaqchikel attitudes to the bias of the recorders and the specific towards archaeological research at the site. audiences they are addressing than an actual lack However, when describing oral histories related of Kaqchikel religion. Hendrickson (1995) to a gold and silver mine near Iximche', for clearly states that both politics and religion are which there are no written records, Carey serious concerns for modem Kaqchikel in indicates that a group of Kaqchikel men asked Tecpan, and non-Kaqchikel ethnohistories him to contact an archaeologist who might be suggest that it was probably important for all willing to excavate the site and verify its ancient Maya groups in the past. The lack of religious use as a mine. This brief comment indicates that, references in these histories is particularly at least for these men of Comalapa, archaeology unfortunate from the perspective of archaeology, is seen as an acceptable means of validating local since religion (along with conflict) is one of the histories. Certainly, archaeology is not required few topics the archaeologists were able to to validate local histories, but it seems that these investigate. In my opinion, religion may be a Kaqchikels view it in a reasonably positive light; particularly fruitful topic for collaboration they actually made a request for archaeological between archaeologists and oral historians. work to be done. The probability that Kaqchikels Archaeology can suggest the existence of would be interested in collaboration with religious rituals at Iximche, while Kaqchikel oral archaeologists is supported by Carey's comment history can suggest some of the meanings and that the Kaqchikel "do not claim exclusive rights contexts related to the rituals. to the country's riches" but they do "insist that The most glaring example of refusal in their contributions to its past and present be official histories is the exclusion of Maya people recognized" (Carey 200 I :25) .. from historical accounts, by situating the Given that some kind of collaboration beginning of history with the arrival of the between archaeologists and Kaqchikel people Spanish. Among other things, this legitimates the would be beneficial and desirable to both, what history of Spanish domination and the current form should this collaboration take? Is a social unequal relationship between Ladinos and archaeology of the type described by Vargas

"C)"j"l,\l .;,)J I~ :::lli)·~·-·2jI(15 I .upynght :~-~:::'f,l):> T{ 11.1·:\1:The L\X:(} .!('Uffi;;.l ot .\r:thil;p01cIF3 Arenas (1995) an appropriate model in this case? called alternative histories actually reproduce the Two of the main goals of Vargas Arenas' social themes and structures of the histories they mean archaeology are to oppose official versions of to oppose. Wylie identified two main ways in history and to break down the traditional which attempts to implement alternative histories divisions of history into pre- and post-Hispanic have failed. The frrst is that colonial ties persist, periods. I will address each of these goals in rum. and the West remains in control of the direction First, should the archaeology of and disposition of research. The second is that Ixirnche' oppose 'official' histories? I would ethnicity, race, and culture are romanticized, answer yes. One of the themes of official essentialized, and dehistoricized, allowing for an histories in Guatemala is "writing the Maya out" inversion of the former social order in which of local and national history. This is totally oppressed becomes oppressor, but the unjustifiable. Archaeologists participate in the fundamental form of the history remains process of writing the Maya out of history when unchanged. That is, history is considered to be they create histories without considering the "dead", static, and disconnected from the present reality of the Maya people. Although present. archaeologists may acknowledge the relevance Wylie's analysis suggests that a useful of their work to the modem Maya, if they do not social archaeology would have to include incorporate discussions of context and relevance balanced, reciprocal relations between into their work it can very easily be used to archaeologists and indigenous people, and would perpetuate official discourses of discontinuity require the production of a history that is between ancient and modem Maya culture. In complex and dynamic. While it may be addition, attempting to formulate alternatives to impossible to overcome the asymmetry of a official discourse can aid in identifying biases collaboration between Western archaeologists and limitations in the original work. In the words and Kaqchikel townspeople, oral history does of Pakal B'alam, a Kaqchikel scholar,"do not hold great potential to highlight the ways that the argue the opposite of official histories for their history of Ixirnche' was dynamic, changing, own sake but rather seek truths that have not contradictory, and most of all, relevant to the been fully aired" (quoted in Warren 1998:149). present. Second, should the division between the One problem with this vision of social pre- and post-Hispanic periods be broken down? archaeology is that it is predicated on the idea Again, based on the histories of Ixirnche', that a more complete, balanced, detailed history Guatemalan attitudes towards history, and the is a better history. But is this an ethnocentric current situation of the Maya people, I would assumption? One could ask the same question argue yes. This division, referred to as the about Ortner's concept of "thickness." Is it Spanish conquest, figures prominently in both ethnocentric or unrealistic to expect archaeology, Ladino and Western histories. It is seen by ethnohistory, and oral history to be "thick"? Ladinos as the beginning of real, significant, According to Warren (1998), many high profile nationally relevant history, and it also represents Maya scholars have consciously used a divide between the noble ancient Maya essentialism as a tool to resist Spanish and civilization and the less developed, modem Ladino domination. These Maya argue that core Maya cultures. Why is it damaging? It promotes aspects of Maya culture have been retained, the exclusion of the Maya from national history, unaltered, since before contact with the Spanish; the devaluation of modem Maya culture, and the this is evidence of Maya cultural genius. This simplification of what was really a complex and essentialism, however, portrays a static culture continuous series of events, not a single that is counter to anthropological thought and a "conquest". Western archaeological histories are complex portrayal of multiple histories. It is guilty of perpetuating this conceptualization, clearly not "thick." In contrast, archaeology may most likely because it is a convenient temporal strive for "thickness," but ultimately it will be reference point. Reconceptualizing history, unattainable. The material constraints of the without a pre-Hispanic period or a conquest, archaeological record will always preclude would be a starting point in the process of "thick" interpretations; there is simply not validating Maya histories and the Maya role in enough evidence to archaeologically reconstruct history in Guatemala. all the complexities and contradictions of lived It may be useful at this point to consider experience. some potential problems with social archaeology. How can archaeologists, who would Alison Wylie (1995) has argued that many so- like to produce "thick" interpretations but

TOTr:\1 ",,11; 2f)fH·20IJS C"f":lighr '<.: .'.(105TOTl :\1: Th,.I:\VO .!. JUfTU 1 of .\nhro;'< ,1. ,;;:. cannot, collaborate with indigenous people, who may consciously reject thickness and prefer "thin" essentialism? Can archaeologists create Museo Popol Vuh n.d. The Popal Vuh. Pamphlet complex historical accounts in collaboration with obtained in 2001 from the Museo Popol Vuh. indigenous people even if indigenous histories Guatemala City: Universidad Francisco are to a greater or lesser extent essentialized? Marroquin. Victor Montejo (2002) identifies two reasons that the Maya essentialize their culture: Nance, C. R., Whittington, S. L., & Borg, B. E. first, they are proud of their ancient heritage, but 2003. Archaeology and Ethnohistory of Iximche. Ladinos consistently deny their relationship to it; Gainesville: University Press of . second, they want to write their own histories. If archaeologists affirm the continuity between Ortner, S. B. 1995. Resistance and the problem ancient and modem Maya culture and work in of ethnographic refusal. Comparative Studies in partnership with Maya people to create Society and History. 37:173-193. alternative or multiple histories, the need for essentialism should begin to break down. One of Silberman, N. A. 1995. "Promised lands and the most important values in Kaqchikel culture is chosen peoples: the politics and poetics of respect (Carey 2001, Warren 1998). I would archaeological narrative." In Nationalism, argue that the first steps for archaeologists who Politics, and the Practice of Archaeology, P. L. are willing to consider the political relevance and Kohl & C. Fawcett,(editors). pp. 249-262. context of their work are to attempt to employ Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. multiple histories through respectful partnerships with indigenous people, and to consider the Tedlock, D. 1996. Popol Vuh: The Mayan Book complex motivations and biases behind every of the Dawn of Life. Revised Edition. New York: form of history. Simon and Schuster.

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Montejo, V. 2002. "The multiplicity of Maya Warren, K. B. 2002. "Voting against indigenous voices: Mayan leadership and the politics of self- rights in Guatemala: lessons from the 1999 representation." In Indigenous Movements, Self referendum." In Indigenous Movements, Self Representation, and the State in Latin America, Representation, and the State in Latin America. K. B. Warren & J. E. Jackson, (editors). pp. 123- K. B. Warren & 1. E. Jackson, (editors). pp. 149- 148. Austin: University of Texas Press. 180. Austin: University of Texas Press.

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