2018 Journal

The texas Undergraduate Research

VOLUME 17 NO 1. journal SPRING 2018 VOLUME 17 NO. 1 Undergraduate Research journal 2018

The Texas Undergraduate Research Journal is a student-run multidisciplinary journal of undergraduate research and is sponsored by the University Writing Center at The University of Texas at Austin. FACULTY REVIEWERS Niyi Afolabi Jonathan C. Brown Don Carleton Rob Crosnoe The Texas Undergraduate Research Journal Todd Curtis Lauren DePue Lee Fuiman This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Laurie Green Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. Charlotte Herzele Eun Joo Kim Randolph Lewis To view a copy of this license, visit creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Hitoshi Morikawa or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042, Robert Oppenheim USA. Trish Roberts-Miller Circe Sturm Shirley Thompson Inquiries should be addressed to: Lauren Yeager [email protected]

Volume 17, Number 1 Spring 2018 The Texas Undergraduate Research Journal is sponsored by the University Writing Center. The University Writing Center is part of the Department of Rhetoric and Writing at The University of Texas at Austin. The views of the authors do not necessarily reflect the views of the University. ACKNOWLEDGE Journal designs and layout by Annie L. Zhang. he Texas Undergraduate Research Journal offers Tspecial thanks to the Office of the Vice President for Research, the Office of Student Affairs, and the University Co-Op for their continued support of our MENTS mission. We are also very grateful for generous financial contributions from the College of Liberal Arts, Cockrell School of Engineering, College of Pharmacy, Moody College of Communications, Jackson School of Geosciences, and the Waggoner Center.

We would like to recognize the support of the Uni- versity Writing Center, which has agreed to be our on-campus sponsor from this year forward after we spent nearly 15 formulary years under the Senate of College Councils. Dr. Trish Roberts-Miller and Ms. Michele Solberg have been instrumental in guiding this transition.

Lastly, we would like to recognize the feedback of our faculty reviewers in this publishing process. We also honor the authors themselves, who labored with care and diligence to produce an excellent array of research works. Table of From The . .

MANAGING EDITOR CONTENTS Poornima Tamma THE TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL EXECUTIVE EDITOR Editor Diane Sun (fall) Kyungseok Jung (spring) SHADHI MANSOORI, Abraham Peek (spring) EDITOR-IN-CHIEF SENIOR DIRECTORS n behalf of the 2017-2018 staff, I am honored to introduce this year’s edition ON THE COVER: Kierra Boyle 1 XAVIER DURHAM | SOCIAL SCIENCE of the Texas Undergraduate Research Journal (URJ). Throughout the past 17 Untitled, 11"x 14" Keerthana Chakka O Mixed Media by Racialized Surveillance, Policing, and Social Control in Brazil Annie Zhang years, the URJ has been privileged to publish the works of over 120 undergraduate Diane Sun. Created researchers at The University of Texas at Austin. The dedication and creativity of for the URJ's call for SENIOR EDITORS 14 S. BROWN, E. SCHATTLE, A. NELSON| NATURAL SCIENCE the URJ’s student editors and directors has spurred growth in the organization and papers campaign in Kayley Hoag 2015, this illustration Surveying and 3D Mapping of Seagrass Beds to Monitor the Venkat Tirumula a deep desire to support the undergraduate research experience in ways that have remains emblematic Heather Yarrish encouraged campus participation and community gatherings. By hosting research of the multidisci- Impact of Tourism in Akumal Bay, Mexico plinary focus of the ASSISTANT DIRECTORS networking events and panel discussions with industry professionals and academ- Journal. 28 BRYSON KISNER | HISTORY Aparna Kambhampati ic researchers, the URJ has encouraged students to take the first steps in life-long Religion and the Restructing of Guatemala Under Ríos Montt: John Lin pursuits of their intellectual curiosities. Justinne Pineda Catholicism, Costumbre, Protestantism, and the State's War for Kavya Rajesh Guatemala's Souls Kelly Walsh In this volume, you will find a great representation of the variety of research topics Rebecca Wang that students pursue across the Forty Acres. Among the subjects you can explore 44 Z. DEBEURS, J MALDONADO, J.H. SUH | NATURAL SCIENCE Anna Xu include President Lyndon B. Johnson’s Vietnam War peace talks, the impacts of Tracy Zhang Synthesis, Characterization, and Optimization of Dendrimer tourism on seagrass beds in Mexico, and the use of surveillance technology in Encapsulated Nanoparticles ASSISTANT EDITORS criminalizing Afro-Brazilians. One student explored the effects of sugar-sweet- Pranshu Adhikari ened beverages on children’s health and another revealed the relationship between Shannon Carey 49 MARISSA KESSENICH | SOCIAL SCIENCE Alex Guerro religion, culture, and political oppression in the Guatemalan Civil War. I am con- White Female Identity-Building in Colonial Africa Megan Li fident that after reading these works, you will be pleasantly reminded of what you Brendalys Lebron can stand to learn from undergraduates at this university. 60 ALEXA MASON | HEALTH Freya Preimesberger Sarika Sabnis Addressing the Impact of Sugar-Sweetened Beverage Intake Sofia Tafich After much consideration, the URJ has decided to cease printing physical copies of on the Health of U.S. Children our journals and is moving to an online-only publication starting with Volume 17. We are excited about this decision because it allows us to expand the length of our 74 NATHAN CALDWELL | SOCIAL SCIENCE & HISTORY journal, publish more research, and focus on circulating our volumes to a wider Playing Politics with Peace: Political Concerns in the Final Chap- breadth of readers across varying communities. ter of Lyndon Johnson’s War

It has been a privilege to lead this organization and work with some of the Univer- 87 JADA FRASER| SOCIAL SCIENCE & PUBLIC POLICY sity’s best talent, and I look forward to seeing how the URJ evolves in the future. If Refugees as Minorities: Protecting the Cultural Identities of you are curious to learn more about our mission or read our past volumes, please America’s Most At-Risk Population visit texasurj.com. Happy Reading! Sincerely, Shadhi Mansoori Xavier Durham Racialized Surveillance, Policing, and Social Control in Brazil ABSTRACT For many surveillance theorists, technology erodes bureaucratic control as information becomes more accessible to a general population and is no longer concentrated within an institution such as the State. Unfortunately, dominating interpretations of surveillance standardize white experiences and reinforce colonial hierarchies. Recognizing colonial influences on racial subjugation, I examine racial control in Brazil to test the validity of western surveillance theory and to illuminate a new dimension of anti-Black stratification. A key component of this discussion is the “Correction House,” which initially marked an era of criminal justice that focused on prisoner reform but later rein- troduced violence to isolate criminalized Black bodies from a modernizing Brazil. This discovery not only corroborates the racialized limitations of surveillance theory but also questions Foucault’s theory on bureaucratic power. The need for violence bleeds into the modern era with white populations’ increasing anxiety over national security, consumption of surveillance technology, and penal control of Black populations. In order to epitomize racial surveillance and violence, the Jacarezinho favela’s 2001 self-surveillance project and the 2015 Cabula Massacre in Salvador, Bahia demonstrate statutory bias against Afro-Brazilians. Given that these instances shed light on the vol- atility and continuity of state backlash, I argue that current surveillance practices contribute to the containment, control, and brutalization of Afro-Brazilian populations. Key terms: Surveillance, policing, CCTV, violence, Brazil, anti-Blackness

HEORIZATION AROUND SUR- endures unwavering, structural perse- veillance technology heralds it as a cution cemented by the same process of power equalizer in data access and colonialism. For this paper, my use of the Ta key factor in the erosion of bureaucracies term “Black” will encompass populations of social control. Some arguments within of African descent as a way of bridging the claims about the equalization of sur- racial classification amongst populations veillance even omit power altogether (Ball represented in the African Diaspora. By 2005; de Lint 2000; Haggerty 2006; Hag- framing Blackness as descent, the terms gerty and Ericson 2000; Lyon 2007; Mann Afro-Brazilian and Black will be used in- 2013; Marx 2016). However, surveillance terchangeably. The focus on descent more theorists ignore this technology’s inter- than cultural belonging serves to justify sections with race and unknowingly stan- the application of racialized surveillance dardize the white subject as the normal theory based on the Global North into the body and in opposition to the less-than- Brazilian context. White normalcy under- normal Black body. While the former en- girds broader systems of structural dis- joys a normalized existence bolstered by crimination and exposes persistent crimi- centuries of colonial supremacy, the latter nalization of Black peoples (Browne 2015;

The Texas Undergraduate Research Journal Vol. 17 No. 1 | Available online at texasurj.com 1 2 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 3

Fiske 1998). meant to curb police brutality. Finally, I will large populations as it requires less resources surveillance is configured for white observers In addition to ignoring the observational link the growing consumption of surveillance and time to carry out (Foucault 1979). who then determine who is watched. Based on consequences of race, dominant surveillance technology and anti-Black violence, a trend ex- Disciplinary control dominated surveillance his argument, surveillance in the criminal jus- literature is limited to the Global North, namely emplified by the 2015 Cabula Massacre in Salva- theory until the turn of the millennium, when tice system is inherently racialized in terms of Canada, the United States, and Europe. In order dor, Bahia. The combination of prison control, scholars felt that panopticism was not as salient, both which populations are observed and which to broaden the racial critique on surveillance privatization, state backlash, and violence bol- especially with the rise of digital technology. populations have the power to observe. Simone theory and take it out of the dominating region- sters my overarching claim that surveillance re- Even more curiously, Haggerty (2006) notes Browne builds upon this position by claiming al contexts of surveillance literature, this paper inforces the criminalization, containment, and that Foucault did not incorporate surveillance that “racism and anti-Blackness undergird and will focus on the multi-racial Brazil. Analyzing brutalization of Afro-Brazilian populations. technology into his theory on panopticism de- sustain the existing surveillances of our pres- Brazil, in particular, will test the relevance of spite living during a time where the technology ent order,” with the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade modern surveillance theory and make sense of SURVEILLANCE AND RACE existed. Instead, Foucault focused on a com- serving as the initial push towards observing how a surveillance framework of colonial ob- Surveillance is a process of data collection parative historical analysis which failed to in- Black bodies (Browne 2015:9). Stemming from servation helps to conceptualize the stratifica- that upholds existing power structures (Gilliom corporate modern technology altogether. Fou- this era of colonial observation, Parenti (2003) tion of Afro-Brazilians. By placing surveillance and Monahan 2012). Some theorists try to de- cault’s omission of technology, such as cameras, claims that controlling enslaved African popu- as a critical component of structural discrimi- flect this power-laden interpretation of surveil- further diminishes the validity of observational lations was the genesis of modern surveillance nation rooted in colonial control, I argue that lance in favor of a neutral data flow that breaks control across institutions. Instead, critics argue technology, with developments such as slaves surveillance is a tool that influences the crim- with narratives such as Foucault’s “panopti- that surveillance technology extends surveil- passes, slave patrols, and lantern laws; these sys- inalization, containment, and brutalization of cism” (Ball 2005; de Lint 2000; Haggerty 2006; lance beyond the idealized prison and equalizes tems rendered the Black body visible at all times Afro-Brazilians. Haggerty and Ericson 2000; Lyon 2007; Mann data access between the observer and the ob- and thus easier to control. Fiske, Browne, and This piece will begin with an analysis of ex- 2013; Marx 2016). Panopticism is the cultiva- served. But even if we were to acknowledge an Parenti’s emphasis of race in surveillance reveals isting surveillance theory and its intersections tion of the docile subject through persistent ob- era where data is more accessible for the general a glaring disparity in the broader literature on with race. My project addresses the duality of servation and regulation of activities. Panoptic population, the fact that we cannot observe all surveillance theory. More specifically, the dis- this literature by focusing on the racialized power operates to the point wherein one is con- of those that observe us implies a dichotomy of parity is marked by contemporary theorists as- country of Brazil to challenge the validity of vinced their actions and behaviors are of their control that is divided between who is watching suming that a white subjectivity is somehow a surveillance theory and conceptualize how sur- own volition. In actuality, one’s behaviors and and how, if at all, they are being watched back. universal experience. veillance affects racial stratification. The second attitudes are the result of a carefully-construct- This ability to watch is rooted in hierarchical By assuming a white subjectivity, surveil- section will focus on the “Correction House,” the ed social bureaucracy that spans a multitude of control because, although data is more accessi- lance effectively normalizes whiteness in soci- first modern prison in Rio de Janeiro that signi- institutions and is not merely constricted to the ble, observation is still limited to particular par- ety. At the same time, this process of normal- fied Brazil’s attempt to reform both its criminal state. Panopticism marks the ultimate transition ties. Therefore, the narrative of surveillance as a ization turns surveillance into a tracking device justice system and the prisoners it processed. from the use of sovereign power to that of dis- tool of control and regulation persists in the face for social deviance and corroborates Parenti’s The prison will be examined through how its ciplinary power. Sovereign power involves the of claims that it is becoming equalized between claims. In the context of this paper, social de- implementation of capital punishment influ- use of force or authority to impose the will of institutions and everyday people. Building a cri- viance is understood as the body’s collection of enced perceptions of national insecurity vis-à- an individual or group upon others and to deter tique on the supposed absence of power dynam- social, phenotypical identities that increasingly vis Afro-Brazilians. The third section will trace further, collective dissent (i.e. imprisonment of ics, this notion of data-driven equality breaks deviates from the normalized body. The nor- the increased consumption and privatization of political enemies at will and public executions). down even further in the face of racialization, malized body itself is the white subject (Browne surveillance technology and police that rein- Otherwise known as “negative power,” sover- specifically the observation and containment of 2015)1. For example, a white man is less likely force the use of capital punishment and urban eign power negates the will of its subject. On the Black populations. to be criminalized than a Black man even in a exclusion. The fourth section will explore the other hand, disciplinary power cultivates one’s Referencing patterns of criminalization and supposedly “post-racial” society (Bonilla-Silva racial hierarchy of observation and analyze the will to suit the state’s needs. This form of pow- policing of Black populations in the United 2015; Lowe, Stroud and Nguyen 2017). In the use of surveillance technology in the Jacarezin- er is known as “positive power” as it “produc- States, John Fiske (1998) argues that modern greater context of a normalized white society, ho favela. Specifically, I will look at how the state es” the subject’s desire to conform to existing demonizes a majority-Black population’s use of hierarchies. According to Foucault, the latter 1Shepard, Nicole. 2016. “5 reasons why surveillance is a feminist issue.” Retrieved June 18, 2017(http://blogs. surveillance technology, a residential project is more economical in regards to conditioning lse.ac.uk/gender/2016/06/02/5-reasons-why-surveillance-is-a-feminist-issue/). 4 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 5 this phenomenon can be explained by the need modern prison in Latin America has faired dif- over a population. Over time, the public spec- 800 people, the population rapidly exceeded ca- to monitor the deviant Black body, or as Fiske ferently than its Northern counterparts in the tacle of capital punishment became a source of pacity (Bretas 1996). Excess incarceration was, puts it, “what needs to be seen” (Fiske 1998:68). mid-19th century. This contrast is most appar- shame more than entertainment, gradually re- due in part, to the facility’s retention of every While Browne, Fiske, and Parenti do introduce ent in Brazil because of the centrality of race in ceded behind the walls of the prison, and be- individual that came through even without in- the importance of race in surveillance theory, determining how prisons would operate, who came a private matter of the state. Decline in criminating evidence (Chazkel 2011). Even to they still frame race in the context of the Global would be contained within them, and what public displays also led to a push for penal tac- this day, Brazilian prisons exceed their capacity North, a trend still common to surveillance lit- would be done with prisoners upon removal tics that were more “humane,” meaning without throughout the country (Alves 2016). erature. from the public sphere. Ironically, the Brazilian physical punishment (Foucault 1979:109). The Dominant narratives of race and policing My research will address this literature gap elites saw the removal of capital punishment as a new punishment was achieved by placing pris- heavily influenced criminal justice reform as by taking racialized surveillance out of the necessary step towards modernity even though oners under constant observational scrutiny to Brazil pursued the prison as a marker of de- Global North and applying it to the Global slavery would continue for approximately four cultivate an internal self-regulation, a process mocracy and civilization. Given that the ab- South. As the second largest multi-racial coun- more decades. Inspired by the success of pris- known as “panopticism.” As a result, the prison olition of slavery did not come to Brazil until try in the Americas, Brazil serves as a perfect ons in the United States and Europe, regulation became a symbol of modernity and the state’s 1888, the Correction House was established staging ground for surveillance theory and its was the next step in controlling a burgeoning growing monopolization of violence and bu- decades before slavery’s end. The continuity intersection with race. Portuguese Brazil was wave of criminals that seemingly threatened na- reaucracy (Foucault 1979; Tilly 1985). The Fou- of slavery allowed plantation owners to be key the largest importer of enslaved African peo- tional stability. This anxiety demanded stricter cauldian theory on the evolution of power is figures in guiding the direction of penal re- ples, quickly outpacing the African popula- methods of social control and an overhaul in the main process that I will contest through my form and statutory discipline. Not surprisingly, tions of colonial peers such as Great Britain and penal reform that initially favored reforming analysis of the Brazilian penal system during the many plantation owners favored private meth- Spain. Brazil was also the last country in the incarcerated peoples. However, the influence colonial era. ods of discipline than those of the state; as a re- Western Hemisphere to abolish slavery in 1888 of plantation owners caused the project to re- The modern prison appealed to Latin Amer- sult, police officers would take lost or escaped (Silva and Paixão 2014). Despite differences in gress into violent measures of control, specifi- ican states in their push to modernize and en- Afro-Brazilians to plantations for disciplinary colonial development, the socio-economic out- cally capital punishment (Salvatore and Aguirre ter the global economy in the 18th and 19th measures. In other instances, both free and en- comes of Afro-descended populations in both 1996). In this section, I argue that racism and centuries. Brazilian elites attempted to mimic slaved Afro-Brazilians in Rio entered the prison the United States and Brazil are still comparable the return to capital punishment influenced the the Global North by constructing the “Casa de at some point (Chazkel 2011). The dehumaniz- to this day even after considering differences in development of prisons and informs contempo- Correção” or “Correction House” in the city of ing process of enslavement depleted reformers’ systems of racial classification (Andrews 2014: rary practices of surveillance and policing vis-à- Rio de Janeiro (Salvatore and Aguirre 1996). hopes of assimilating indigenous and African Skidmore 1993; Telles 2004). In linking colonial vis predominantly urban, Afro-Brazilian spaces. Although prisons had been operating in Rio de populations because they were “unfit” for Bra- enslavement and modern observation of Black I will demonstrate this by focusing on the peri- Janeiro since its founding in 1565, the growing zilian society. With their hopes dashed, elite populations, surveillance plays a role in the op- od of operation of the Correction House and its preference for prisoner reform required a new supporters of the initial prisoner reform model pression of Black populations across the diaspo- treatment of inhabitants. First, I will revisit the kind of facility. Opening in the early 1850s, the positioned Black and indigenous populations as ra and within each unique cultural contexts. By regulating effects of panopticism and its contri- Correction House had the initial purpose of parts of a barbaric, criminal class that needed analyzing the case of Brazil, my work will both butions to Brazil’s initial thrusts towards crimi- reforming prisoners through labor sentencing to be controlled. Political figure Raimundo Nina test the validity of surveillance theory outside nal justice reform and modernization. Second, I proportional to their crime(s). Clerks would log Rodrigues even advocated for entirely different of the Global North and explore how surveil- will argue that while the Brazilian elite favored admits’ biometric information (i.e. skin color penal codes between white and non-white pop- lance helps us to understand racial stratification the correctional model necessary to regulate and height) before placing them in a cell. In re- ulations; the latter would be punished more se- and control in Brazil. To begin this analysis, I prisoners, the end result was not regulatory, as viewing these metrics, Chazkel (2011) argued it verely (Salvatore and Aguirre 1996). This devel- will explore the construction of the “Correction they eventually opted for methods of contain- was indisputable that a majority of the prisoners opment broke with Foucault’s ideas surrounding House” the first prison that reflected the Brazil- ment via capital punishment. brought in were Afro-Brazilian. Supporters of panopticism because “humane,” disciplinary ian state’s modernization campaign in the mid- Opening with the execution of attempt- the facility believed that hard labor was the best power was now slipping towards sovereign pow- 19th century. ed-regicide Robert-François Damiens, one of shot at reforming those who were incarcerated er when it came to non-white populations. The the last public executions in France, Foucault’s and would rent their labor to neighboring plan- Brazilian state’s attempt to recreate panopticism THE CORRECTION HOUSE book “Discipline and Punish” emphasizes the tations (Chazkel 2011; Jean 2017). Even though in the traditional sense had failed because stat- From its inception, the development of the waning role of sovereign power and its influence the prison was meant to hold approximately utory violence and punishment became more 6 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 7 about containment than they were about obser- thermore, it validated the “necessity” of violence by a call for violent deterrents against urban ban areas of Brazil. The Brazilian constitution vation and self-regulation. This push to control to control these populations. It is this fact that criminality. The most prevalent method of vio- does not grant citizens a right to privacy in pub- the criminal, non-white populations has been cements race as the focal point for state surveil- lent subjugation of Black populations manifests lic spaces, meaning that any individual or group consistently obscured as Brazil entered into the lance and not class discrimination. This means itself as police violence. that owns a camera can collect information 20th century. that even though segregation policy was never Still bathed in the shadows of a military dic- in public spaces without legal repercussions Published in 1933, Gilberto Freyre’s book formally codified, the racial overtones of con- tatorship, Brazilian police forces remain mil- (Firmino and Duarte 2016; Firmino and Trevis- “Casa Grande e Senzala” (The Masters and the trolling non-white populations were embedded itarized and resist efforts to democratize state an 2012; Magrani 2014). These cameras observe Slaves) praised the “wonders” of miscegenation into the state’s efforts to curb criminal activity. control. This resistance led to tremendous vi- public spaces as a means of deterring criminal and collective Brazilian identity, later deemed Building off of this legacy of containment and olations of human rights, as the Brazilian state behavior and protecting property in consum- “racial democracy” by his contemporaries (Tell- violence, the next section will look at the growth sought to eliminate the “enemy:” namely poor, er space and gentrified residences (Kanashiro es 2004). Racial democracy is characterized by of insecurity and surveillance technology across Afro-Brazilian populations (Amnesty 2015; Ha- 2008). What goes unsaid, however, is the fact that a professed celebration of racial mixing that is the state, private, and residential sectors of Bra- thazy and Müller 2016; Macaulay 2007; Vargas this technology is also put in place to primarily otherwise “colorblind” to race-based structural zilian society. 2006; Wacquant 2008; Watch 2016; Willis 2014). bar impoverished populations from accessing inequalities. Through this lens, racial disparities Paradoxically, public opinion is still greatly in urban areas, effectively criminalizing their pres- are only a result of class conflicts as Brazilians INSECURITY AND THE GROWTH OF favor of the use of violence as a deterrent for ence (Ursin 2016). Even though Ursin’s article themselves “cannot be racist.” Even though Bra- SURVEILLANCE TECHNOLOGY crime and even questions the authority of the focused on class exclusion, a majority of impov- zilians dismiss claims of racial discrimination, As Brazil pushed towards modernization, police when violence was not used in a crimi- erished Brazilians are dark-skinned and/or Af- it was still very much embedded across insti- it was marked by a significant uptick in per- nal situation (French 2013; Vargas 2006). This ro-Brazilian, meaning that the exclusion of poor tutions and still influences the outcomes of Af- ceptions of insecurity, primarily influenced by expectation has led to a demand for violence Brazilians is more than likely synonymous with ro-Brazilian populations today. But like other white Brazilians’ growing anxiety over urban in confrontations with assumed criminals and the exclusion of dark-skinned Brazilians (Telles Latin American countries, Brazilians will cite criminality. Relationship-wise, the insecurity has even cost officers their jobs when violence 2004). For example, by keeping poor Brazilians the absence of codified segregation policy to white populations experienced was the result was not used. Such a demand has grown more under observation at “crossing points” between affirm that race has no impact on the longitu- of increasing levels of criminal activity in urban intimidating over time as officers themselves -re poor, often Black, areas and consumer spaces, dinal, socio-economic outcomes of Brazilians. areas, a common trend amongst Latin Ameri- port that peers threaten their lives should they police can send officers to these zones to -in (Alves 2014; Amar 2013; Centeno 2010; Da can countries starting in the early 1980s. In Bra- not agree to inflict physical harm against per- tercept their movement and force them off the Costa 2016; Dulitzkey 2005). zil, fear for personal safety had even overtaken ceived criminals (Watch 2016). Despite the real- consumer space and back into the Black one. In the same vein, racial discourse is imme- concerns involving economic factors such as ity of compulsory violence, this framing is by no The exclusion of race points to the continuity of diately silenced. Vargas (2004) claims that this employment (Macaulay 2007). However, was means a plea for “good cops,” as they still partic- racial democracy as the disembodied criminal trend has given rise to both a hyperconscious- this growing wave of criminal activity real? The ipate within an anti-Black system of control by has no particular profile. But given a history of ness and negation of race. In conversation with supposed increase of insecurity was not just virtue of the position they occupy. One’s role as criminalization, it is more than likely that the this dialectic, Brazilians are not only hyper- the byproduct of inundating society with re- an officer in Brazil embodies the state’s brutal- criminal body is Black. In total, the state, private aware of race but are also just as quick to negate ports of criminality. In fact, the Brazilian state ization of Afro-Brazilians regardless of intent. sector, and residents colluded to control urban its presence in discussions of inequality, police played a major role in not only creating the The campaign against a manufactured enemy space through their use of surveillance technol- brutality, etc. This persistence of colorblindness criminal population but also racketeering the did not stop with the police as surveillance tech- ogy. This privatization of surveillance has also is difficult to justify on the state level because urgency necessary to combat them (Chevigny nology flooded the market, allowing residences resulted in an alarming privatization of the po- the very inception of penal reform involved the 2003; Tilly 1985; Wacquant 2008). For Brazil, and businesses the power to observe as well. lice themselves. overt control and brutalization of the Afro-Bra- the Afro-Brazilian population was this enemy Going into the 21st century, Brazil has be- Huggins (2000) notes that the state has slow- zilian population, a population that couldn’t and their containment became essential to the come one of the largest consumers of surveil- ly lost its monopoly on violence as the private be assimilated into humanity (Alves 2014). To security of Brazilian society. Referring back to lance technology - specifically Closed-Circuit sector continues to employ officers of the state. further this point, and deflect any inclinations the Correction House, the need to contain Black Television (CCTV) cameras (Firmino et. al The “rent-a-cop” system proves quite profitable towards a discourse of class and not race, the populations was deeply influenced by the state’s 2013). The use of CCTV cameras has not been for the officers involved, as they are tasked with Correction House was built decades before the current approach to curbing Black criminality. limited to the state, as it has also been taken up protecting businesses and other private entities abolition of a majority of Afro-Brazilians. Fur- Furthermore, this need to contain was answered by the private sector and households across ur- from criminalized populations. This trend re- 8 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 9 flects an earlier period where state-sanctioned By installing CCTV cameras and constructing assumption supports the earlier claim that sur- the officers to soccer players who had only a death squads were tasked with taking out popu- gates, the community became its own make- veillance theory is based on a white subjectivity. few seconds to “make a goal,” blatantly liken- lations that were deemed a threat to private en- shift, gated condominium. Afro-Brazilian resi- The intersection between violent suppression ing murder to scoring points in a game (Soares terprise. In other words, assaulting Black pop- dents claimed they were protecting themselves and surveillance of Afro-Brazilian populations 2015). However, autopsy reports and eye-wit- ulations was almost synonymous with business against police brutality. Unfortunately, both the crystallizes with the Cabula Massacre in Salva- ness accounts contradict the department’s claim protection. state and media considered the act subversive dor, Bahia. about the events that occurred. While no longer officially recognized by the to authority and was only put in place to pro- From the personal accounts of friends and state, death squads still exist to this day. Death tect criminals. Residents removed the cameras THE CABULA MASSACRE neighbors that live in Cabula, the deaths of squads are often composed of off-duty officers, and gates soon after (Vargas 2006). As previous- The 2015 Cabula Massacre exemplifies the these men and boys were not the result of a vigilantes, and military veterans that murder or ly mentioned, the Brazilian constitution does intersection between societal criminalization firefight but an execution. Neighbors claimed abduct Afro-Brazilians at will and without in- not afford the protection of privacy in a public and control of Black populations in modern that plain-clothes officers went door to door tervention or investigation from the state. (Am- space. Therefore, the act of putting up cameras Brazil. On the early morning of February 6th, looking for men and boys; the reason for this nesty 2015; Smith 2015). Even though death is not subversive when it comes to Brazilian au- 2015, nine Bahian military police officers -re search is unknown, but it can be inferred that squads are no longer a sanctioned practice, thority. However, the state and media saw this portedly had a shootout with 30 Afro-Brazilian the officers wanted to preempt the supposed Huggins notes the rent-a-cop system has for- project as a threat to national security because men and boys in the majority-Black neighbor- robbery. By shifting from the officer’s account to mally made the two entities interchangeable in a population, criminalized by the state, due to hood of Cabula. Of the 30 men and boys in- the community’s account, the vagueness of the practice (Smith 2015:120). Without state efforts the overwhelming majority of Black residents, volved, 12 were killed while four survived and tip instantly points to racialized criminalization to combat the open season on Afro-Brazilians, was attempting to counter the state’s oversight. managed to escape; officers transported the of the majority-Black community. With the tip they have legitimized the use of vigilante terror For surveillance theory, this act was subversive bodies to the local morgue at the Roberto Santos as an embodiment of statutory data collection, as they lose their monopoly on violence (Cal- as it challenged existing orders of surveillance Hospital. Once there, the officers took pictures surveillance played a role in which bodies were deira 2000; Smith 2013). This development is a on who has the power to watch. of the corpses. With the bodies dressed in mili- criminalized and had to be contained or exe- continuation of the Correction House’s legacy; According to Mann (2013), the process of tary attire, officers indicated the dead men and cuted. The need for coercion remained intact to Black populations must be contained through watching the state stimulates a more democratic boys were part of an organized criminal group. protect private interests, much like the privat- violent means. The persistent threat of vio- flow of information as the watcher can now be The officers claimed that they were responding ized police and death squads. lence and the growth of surveillance technolo- regulated by the public. But, there are instanc- to an informant tip that men in the area were Based on neighbor’s claims, 16 men and gy, namely CCTV cameras, have grown into a es in which the observing entity can prevent a planning on robbing a bank (Globo 2015a). The boys were taken in total, 12 of whom were broader assemblage of surveillance that draws population from watching back, a decisive move officers confronted a suspicious group of men killed. Online website “Causa Operária” states invisible boundaries, creating spaces inaccessi- that sustains a hierarchy. In this case, we see that near the alleged bank. The men left after being that marks around the knees of the victims ble to Afro-Brazilian populations (Ursin 2016). the state actively worked to stop a majority non- approached by the officers and were followed to were consistent with ones normally found on Now that both the state and private entities white space from collecting information on a local makeshift soccer field. Based on the -of bodies that have been executed. It then goes on control surveillance technology, CCTV has ef- their dealings, mainly by using brutality against ficers’ recounting of events, their investigation to claim that, in total, 88 bullets were found in fectively become another pair of eyes that fa- residents. Compare this to majority-white, gen- turned into a firefight with approximately 30 the bodies of the men and boys. One resident cilitates the application of violence against Af- trified neighborhood’s use of private surveil- men and boys in total that left 12 of them dead seemingly expressed their doubts of the offi- ro-Brazilian populations. Observation helps to lance technology to curb criminality on their and four of them injured (Varela 2015). After cers’ story by saying: “It is surreal that a group mark Black bodies for violence or exclusion that own, an act the state never denounced (Firmi- the incident, the department released a picture of 30 men exchanged fire with 9 police officers is then carried out by the state or private enti- no and Duarte 2016). The limitation of Mann’s of the alleged weapons and drugs that the men and only scratched a sergeant.” Other neighbors ties. The racialized access to surveillance is more claim comes down to assuming that every pop- were carrying at the time of the confrontation claimed that the officers executed the 12 youth apparent with state reactions to majority-Black ulation has the ability to exercise its own sur- (Bahia 2015). The Bahian court system found on their knees, took them into nearby bushes, spaces’ usage of the very technology that crimi- veillance measures and offset authority abuse. the officers innocent and labelled their actions and changed their clothes before carting them nalizes and restricts them. In actuality, his current definition does not take as legitimate defense. Many Brazilians that lived off to the hospital. Residents found the clothes In 2001, the majority-Black favela of Jaca- Blackness into account when determining ob- outside of Cabula saw the officers’ actions as jus- after the bodies were collected. Residents dis- rezinho attempted to curb police brutality and servational reciprocity (Browne 2015). In limit- tified and necessary to keep Brazil safe (Hafiz covering the clothes remains plausible given the counter urban exclusion on their own terms. ing the gaze of a non-white population, Mann’s 2016). Bahian governor Rui Costa compared state collected little evidence, through a shoddy 10 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 11 investigation, and rushed to close the case. But flict. In response to the sergeant’s injury, it may see if the Global North’s framework was still appli- through the development of the modern Brazilian even with the lack of evidence, Judge Marival- not have been serious enough to even require cable but also how uncover how said framework penal system and the need to contain and control da Almeida Moutinho cleared the officers of all admittance or treatment. Therefore, a combina- helps to conceptualize racial inequality in a social Black populations through coercion and brutali- charges. The full exoneration was surprising, as tion of skill and the explanation for such minor context that is otherwise “colorblind.” Through an ty. The dichotomy between consumer spaces and the state of Bahia’s prosecutor agreed that the men damage would bolster the officers’ story. However, analysis of the modern Brazilian prison, growth impoverished areas marks the boundaries where were assassinated and not killed as a result of a the idea of a firefight seems unlikely because even of insecurity and surveillance technology con- violent containment is necessary and is further firefight. Since the officers were cleared, Reaja and if we were to entertain the possibility of erratic sumption, and the continued violence against reified through the introduction of death squads other self-described Black militant groups have gunshots from a collection of untrained shooters, Afro-Brazilian populations, this paper found that and later private police. Highlighting the need for held annual community gatherings in memoriam there were no stray bullets reported nor damage mass urban surveillance ultimately streamlines violence between consumer and impoverished of the slain black man and boys They have also to nearby buildings in the immediate area. This anti-Black sentiments and state violence. spaces, Bahian officers executed 12 Afro-Brazil- been pressuring the Bahian state to conduct a full, lack of collateral damage suggests that there was The Correction House was Brazil’s first -at ian men and boys who supposedly occupied a federal investigation of the killings. From August no firefight to begin with. Instead, the Bahian state tempt to modernize their criminal justice system space where they didn’t belong; their lack of be- 2015 onward, a marker stands at the site of the had systematically executed these men and boys and shift from sovereign to disciplinary power longing fell upon their skin. Emboldened by an massacre, calling for an end to violence against and then fabricated a story to cover their tracks. in the mid 19th century. Ultimately, the project anonymous tip and thus a decentralized point of Black populations across the African Diaspora.2 To support this claim, 80% of homicide cases in failed as the state returned to violent measure- observation, the majority-Black community of Such an instance of Afro-Brazilian death Bahia never receive an investigation, police-relat- ments of control for Afro-Brazilian populations. Cabula was specifically targeted and further laced points to the state’s criminalization of Blackness, ed or otherwise (Smith 2016). As demonstrated In the Brazilian context, race was explicitly in- surveillance with this inherent criminalization. an association that negates the validity of Black by the ruling on the officers involved in the Cab- volved in designating which populations were Despite a faulty investigation, an unsubstantiated life (Alves 2014; Smith 2013). Furthermore, the ula Massacre, police-related homicides often go kept under strict surveillance. This development story, and a confirmation from the Bahian pros- anonymous nature of the police tip points to a de- unpunished even if the officers are in the wrong. shows a breakdown in the regulatory capacity of ecutor that it was an execution, the officers were centralized, persistent surveillance of Afro-Bra- Localized to Rio de Janeiro, Amnesty (2015) also surveillance as it assumes a white subjectivity. exonerated. Following the case, the officers were zilian populations, where even observational sus- reports that many police-related homicides are The rise in the need to control Afro-Brazil- praised as heroes for killing criminals that threat- picion brings about violence. This criminalization not even reported as homicides; they are usually ian populations contributed to white populations’ ened Bahian society. The use of violence against is most obvious through the state’s justification of reported as resisting arrest. Given the pervasive- growing anxiety over national security. Spurred the criminalized body as both a deterrent and a violence against the Cabula 12. For example, the ness of anti-Black violence across urban Brazil, by the need for personal safety and the protection necessity is racialized in itself as the Afro-Bra- nine officers involved crafted a narrative in which these findings prove even more troubling and may of property, Brazil grew to become one of the larg- zilian population was long criminalized prior to they fired at and killed approximately 30 Black even hint at the undocumented police brutality in est consumers of surveillance technology, namely abolition. With the accumulation of statutory men and boys out of self-defense. Based on the Salvador. Unfortunately, this series of violence is Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) cameras over- criminalization, disparate access to surveillance guns that were recovered, the supposed gang had not unique to any one urban space and extends all. By virtue of the Brazilian constitution, indi- technology, and the continued use of violence to a great deal of weaponry at their disposal yet in- across Brazil, further detracting from the human- viduals have no right to privacy in public spaces quash these populations, modern surveillance in flicted comparatively minimal damage. This dis- ity of Afro-Brazilians who continue to live under and are thus subject to a regulatory gaze from all Brazil is an inherently anti-Black tool that influ- crepancy is even more suspect as officers did not an oppressive, white gaze (Smith 2013). sources of data gathering. The main goal of this ences the criminalization, containment, and bru- report damage of any kind when it came to their data collection process is to restrict the move- talization of Afro-Brazilian populations. equipment or person. The only report of injury CONCLUSION ment of criminalized Afro-Brazilian populations. was being scratched by a bullet, but the sergeant Given the limited inclusion of racial identi- White anxiety spread further to encompass the ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS was not admitted to Roberto Santos Hospital for ty in prevailing surveillance theory, the shadows privatization of the police themselves and has I would like to begin by thanking Dr. Christen treatment. A counter to this speculation comes of colonial hierarchy cannot be adequately dis- ultimately compromised the state’s monopoly on Smith for introducing me to Brazil, Black feminist down to a matter of training. missed, nor can surveillance serve as an adequate violence. We see that the ability to watch is also theory, and critical race studies during my sopho- If the opposing gunmen were not trained social equalizer. In order to challenge the wide- racialized based on the state’s reaction to a major- more year. Not only did her class engage my interest to use their weapons, the officers would have ly-accepted, neutral approach to surveillance, this ity-Black space’s attempt to gather information on in research but it also inspired me to study abroad in Rio de Janeiro during the Summer of 2016. In re- a marked advantage in the outcome of the con- paper explored the multi-racial Brazil to not only the police and offset police brutality. While common, the persistence of police gards to the program, I would like to thank Dan- 2Causa Operaria. 2016. “Um ano do Massacre do Cabula, onde a PM executou 12 jovens.” Retrieved June 26, brutality is influenced, in part, by the historical iela Gomes, Raiye, Dr. João Vargas, and Carla Sil- 2017(http://causaoperaria.org.br/blog/2016/02/16/um-ano-do-massacre-do-cabula-onde-a-pm-executou-12- criminalization of the Afro-Brazilian population va-Muhammad for selecting me to participate and jovens-negros/). immersing me in the culture that would compose 12 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 13 the entire corpus of my work. ries from Rio de Janeiro’s Prison.” Pp. 101 – 122 in The Birth mata-80-mais-em-2014-do-que-no-ano-anterior-em-sao- Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. For my mentors, I would like to thank Dr. Sim- of the Penitentiary in Latin America: Essays on Criminolo- paulo.html). 43. Salvatore, Ricardo D. and Carlos Aguirre. 1996. “The one Browne, Dr. Miguel Centeno, Dr. Marcelo Paix- gy, Prison Reform, and Social Control, 1830-1940, edited by 28. Hafiz, Jihan. 2016. “The Cabula 12: Brazil’s police war Birth of the Penitentiary in Latin America: Toward an Inter- R. Salvatore and C. Aguirre. Austin, TX: University of Texas against the black community.” Retrieved June 26, 2017(http:// pretive Social History of Prisons.” Pp. 1 – 43 in The Birth of ão, Dr. Darren Kelly, and Dr. Almeida Jacqueline To- Press. america.aljazeera.com/watch/shows/america-tonight/ar- the Penitentiary in Latin America: Essays on Criminology, ribio. They have all been critical supporters for my 12. Browne, Simone. 2015. Dark Matters: On the Surveillance ticles/2016/2/25/the-cabula-12-brazil-police-war-blacks. Prison Reform, and Social Control, 1830-1940, edited by R. work for this piece and during the graduate school of Blackness. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. html). Salvatore and C. Aguirre. Austin, TX: University of Texas application process. I cannot begin to express how 13. Caldeira, Teresa. 2000. City of Walls: Crime, Segregation, 29. Haggerty, Kevin D. 2006. “Tear Down the Walls: On De- Press. much they have all been in my corner from writing and Citizenship in São Paulo. Berkeley, CA: University of molishing the Panopticon.” Pp. 23 – 45 in Theorizing Sur- 44. Silva, Graziella Moraes and Marcelo Paixão. 2014. “Mixed California Press. veillance: The Panopticon and Beyond, edited by D. Lyon. and Unequal: New Perspectives on Brazilian Ethnoracial Re- letters of recommendation to helping me sort out 14. Centeno, Miguel. 2010. “Discrimination in an Unequal Willan. lations.” Pp. 172 – 217 in Pigmentocracies: Ethnicity, Race, my future. I hope I will make you all proud. World.” Pp. 1 – 26 of Discrimination in an Unequal World, 30. Haggerty, Kevin D. and Richard V. Ericson. 2000. “The and Color in Latin America, edited by E. Telles. Chapel Hill, And most importantly, I would like to thank edited by M. Centeno and K. Newman. Oxford, UK: Oxford Surveillant Assemblage.” The British Journal of Sociology. NC: University of North Carolina Press. my family for supporting me throughout my under- University Press. 51(4): 605 – 622. 45. Skidmore, Thomas E. 1993. “Bi-Racial U.S.A. vs. graduate career. As a first-generation student, I was 15. Chazkel, Amy. 2011. “Research Notes from the Under- 31. Hathazy, Paul and Markus-Michael Müller. 2016. “The Multi-Racial Brazil: Is the Contrast Still Valid?” Journal of going at most of this alone. But at each step, they world: The Entry Logs of the Rio de Janeiro Casa de De- Rebirth of the Prison in Latin America: Determinants, Re- Latin American Studies. 25(2): 373 – 386. tenção, 1860-1969.” Latin American Research Review. 46(2): gimes, and Social Effects.” Crime, Law, and Social Change. 46. Smith, Christen A. 2016. 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Achattle, Ashley Nelson THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 15 Surveying and 3D Mapping of Seagrass in proximity to coastlines are the root cause of indicate that even in protected ecosystems, the major seagrass declines, threatening the ecolog- effects of tourists swimming and snorkeling in Beds to Monitor the Impact of Tourism ical support and ecosystem services they pro- seagrass beds can lead to downstream declines vide (Cabaco et al., 2007; Eckrich & Holmquist, in the populations of other organisms that feed in Akumal Bay, Mexico 2000; Herrera-Silveira, et al. 2010; Kenworthy et on or live within the grasses, as well as endan- ABSTRACT al., 2002; Mutchler, et al. 2007; 2010; Orth et al., ger the ecosystem services these areas provide 2006; Travaille et al., 2015; Waycott et al., 2009). to humans. In the system of Akumal Bay, Mexico, tourism has become a major threat to the structure Loss of seagrass beds not only directly decreases One such area threatened by increasing tour- and composition of the seagrass beds that serve as critical habitats for coastal ecosystems primary production, carbon sequestration, and ism is Akumal Bay, Mexico. The seagrass beds and local ecosystem services. This study aimed to determine whether seagrass beds in nutrient cycling in coastal areas, but also threat- in Akumal Bay are composed of three species: high-use, unrestricted areas are in worse condition than those in deeper areas with fewer ens to decrease the net secondary production of Thalassia testudinum, Syringodium filiforme, snorkelers. Currently, there is an increased effort to regulate tourist activity within one of adjacent habitats, like coral reefs (Waycott et al., and Halodule wrightii. These grasses attract sev- the major seagrass beds behind Hotel Akumal Caribe (HAC). However, no regulation is 2009). eral species of sea turtles, which, along with cor- being implemented further south behind Secrets Resort (SEC), which spiked in popular- Anthropogenic inputs such as nutrient and al reefs, attract many snorkelers to the bay. The ity in 2017. Detailed 3D maps were created by systematically photographing the seafloor sediment runoff affect the condition of sea- number of tourists has steadily increased as new along transects with a GoPro™ and using Structure-from-Motion photogrammetry to re- grasses indirectly, but humans also cause direct accommodations have been built to support construct the topography. Sampling seagrass physical parameters along transects behind physical damage to seagrasses. For example, the growing ecotourism industry (Figure 1). the two resorts and monitoring the number of tourists in each area daily revealed signif- in popular tourist destinations, swimmers and icant differences in overall percent cover and species composition of seagrass. The sam- snorkelers cause damage and destruction to pling revealed differing patterns in canopy height that indicated that boating and tourism seagrasses by trampling, kicking with flippers, activity within the beds is potentially impacting sea turtle grazing and seagrass growth and pulling on grass blades to orient themselves patterns. HAC, which has lower tourist density, had higher total percent cover and a high- in the water. These activities can disturb, dam- er T. testudinum/S. filiforme:H. wrightii ratio compared to SEC. Increases in faster grow- age, and destroy rhizome and root systems and ing species like H. wrightii could indicate succession shifts in species composition due leaves (Eckrich & Holmquist, 2000). Studies to declining environmental factors, which can negatively impact the ecosystem services have also shown negative correlations between seagrasses provide. Continued monitoring is necessary to ensure proper regulations are tourist activity and seagrass biomass. For exam- put in place for the protection and conservation of this system. ple, Eckrich and Holmquist (2000) found that as the intensity of tourist trampling increased, Key terms: human development, tourism, snorkeling, seagrass disturbance, algae, resort the biomass of seagrass leaves and rhizomes decreased. Furthermore, the time it took these beds to recover was more than seven months, eagrass beds play a crucial role in sequestration of carbon has been estimat- and in some cases, heavily trampled grass beds supporting complex coastal ecosys- ed to amount to a global aggregate value of remained indistinguishable from surrounding tems. They provide both people and services provided at 90 billion dollars per beds 14 months after trampling had stopped. Smarine wildlife with important ecological year, valued in 2007 dollars (Waycott et Other studies indicate that high tourist presence services. In addition to being a foundation al., 2009; Cullen-Unsworth & Unsworth, in shallow coastal areas has significant negative species and major food source for marine 2013; Costanza et al., 2014). effects on the physical condition and growth of herbivores, seagrasses provide habitats for Despite seagrasses’ functions in fun- seagrass beds, including seagrass shoot count a diverse range of benthic organisms and damentally supporting ecological interac- and blade length, compared to those in un- nursery habitats for fishes. They also pro- tions and ecosystem services, anthropo- visited locations (Herrera-Silveira et al., 2010; vide ecosystem services to human popu- genic activities have been found to cause Travaille et al., 2015). Tourists indirectly im- lations. Their support of commercial and declines in their physical condition and Figure 1. Aerial images from Google Earth from pact seabed growth by increasing suspended subsistence fisheries, nutrient cycling, sed- abundance. Evidence from a number of 2005 (left) and 2016 (right) show increased building sediment, which shades leaves and lowers pro- iment stabilization, storm protection, and studies indicates that human communities and resort development along the coast of Akumal ductivity (Cabaco et al., 2007). These examples Bay.

14 The Texas Undergraduate Research Journal Vol. 17 No. 1 | Available online at texasurj.com 16 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 17

Understanding how the increased human pres- seagrass beds. eraged to determine canopy height for each ence at Akumal Bay can damage seagrass beds is 2.2 Survey and Mapping Boundaries quadrat. Presence of algae within the quadrat essential to the protection of this fragile coastal MATERIALS & METHODS Thirteen 50-meter transects (n=13) were was recorded with either a yes or a no. ecosystem. For example, one study conducted Tourist counts were conducted over the 2.1 Study Site mapped and surveyed in Akumal Bay at the by Kenworthy et al. (2002) in the Florida Keys, two sites. The transects were parallel to the research period through a collective effort us- Our study location was Akumal Bay, Mex- which also contains the same three seagrass spe- shore and about 15 to 20 meters apart. The ing mechanical counters and GPS marked lo- ico, located on the eastern side of the Yucatan cies found in Akumal Bay, reported that physi- seagrass bed at HAC continues further off- cations that divided Akumal Bay into twelve Peninsula in the state of Quintana Roo, Mexi- cal damage to the seagrasses resulted in slower shore than the SEC bed, but the lengths of the bins, five of which were located in the vicini- co. The bottom habitats of Akumal Bay include recovery times for T. testudinum, the favored transects were restricted by regulations and ties of our transects (Figure 3). Every tourist the Mesoamerican Barrier Reef that lies on the food source of herbivorous sea turtles. This sug- boat traffic. The bed at SEC was much narrow- in the water was counted and recorded as be- outer edge of the bay, 150 to 200 meters from gests that physically damaging or disturbing er than the bed at HAC and was unrestricted, ing located either within 50 meters of shore shore, and seagrass beds that lie between the seagrasses can shift the relative abundances of so the transects were placed where the entire or greater than 50 meters from shore for each shore and the outer reef. The seagrass beds con- the three species, in addition to causing general length of the bed could be surveyed. bin. declines in biomass due to damage. sist of three species: Thalassia testudinum, Hal- The research suggests that in order to pro- odule wrightii, and Syringodium filiforme. The coastline adjacent to Akumal, Mexico consists 2.3 Survey Procedures tect the fragile ecosystem that supports the tour- This study aimed to see how seagrass cov- ism-based economy of Akumal, the condition of a highly-developed resort area with tourist activity historically higher in the northeastern erage, species composition, canopy height, of seagrass beds should be monitored and pro- epiphyte cover, and blade discoloration differ tected from additional damage caused by tour- end of the bay and decreasing southward. Tour- ist traffic has recently changed due to a new between two distinct areas with varying regu- ism. In order to monitor any future changes in lations and tourist activity. To collect seagrass the seagrass beds, it is important to understand resort opening on the south end of the beach in 2016 and increased regulation of swimmers parameters along each of the thirteen tran- the condition of the seagrass now. However, we sects, a transect line was deployed with five know of no published research to date that has and snorkelers on the north end, which started in March 2017. Mapping efforts and data col- meter increments marked in brightly colored conducted visual surveys, mapped the seagrass tape. A 0.25 m2 quadrat subdivided into 100 beds in Akumal Bay, or correlated grass cover lection occurred over six days in the field (May Figure 3. Map of transects at both sites within Akum- cells was placed on the beginning of the tran- al Bay based on GPS coordinates recorded every five or species distribution with tourist density in 24-May 26 and May 28-May 30) at two different sect line and then every five meters to mea- meters along each transect, with overlaying tourist specific areas of the bay. Visual surveys along sites: Hotel Akumal Caribe (HAC) and Secrets Resort (SEC) (Figure 2). sure seagrass percent cover, species compo- count bins. HAC 1-7 are colored yellow, green, red, transects are a useful way to gather basic infor- sition, epiphyte cover, percent discoloration, purple, orange, blue, and dark blue, respectively. mation about species composition and percent and algae presence (n=143). An estimate of cover in select locations, but the limited mea- percent seagrass cover was visually estimat- surements taken may not accurately represent ed using the cells in the quadrat. While mea- 2.4 Mapping Procedures the larger scope of seagrass bed conditions or suring percent cover, each species of seagrass Detailed 3D maps of the seagrass beds in dynamics in response to pressure from human within the quadrat was identified and quan- Akumal Bay were created by systematically use and activities. tified by percent composition. Percent cover photographing the seafloor while snorkeling However, the relatively new method of con- of epiphytes and percent brown discoloration north to south along two-dimensional tran- structing underwater three-dimensional (3D) within the quadrat was also estimated visual- sects with a waterproof GoProTM Hero 4 maps may provide a data-rich supplement to ly as a percentage of the present seagrass. For Silver. The camera was mounted to a snorkel traditional visual surveys, in which data are lim- every species identified within the quadrat, mask and time-lapse photo parameters were ited in resolution and spatial scale (Burns et al., three seagrass samples were pulled from the set to continually take photos at a rate of two 2015; Pizzaro et al., 2016; Raoult et al., 2016). center of the quadrat (n=891). The length of images per second at 12 megapixels resolu- Figure 2. Map of Akumal Bay and SEC (red) and This method can provide a more accurate char- each seagrass blade was measured in the field tion. The images were recorded as the snor- HAC (green) survey sites. acterization of the current state of seagrass beds with a ruler, starting at the photosynthetic keler swam slowly at the surface in an attempt in Akumal Bay and allow off-site studying of the tissue near the bottom of the shoot, and av- to get a 60% overlap of consecutive images to 18 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 19 prevent gaps in the imagery. An average of sects (1-4) and SEC transects (all) when con- 3B (Table 4). 130 photos were collected for each transect, trolling for distance from shore (t = 2.574, except for SEC 1B, for which there was no df = 80.517, p-value = 0.01188). On average, data. GPS and depth measurements were re- HAC had a higher percent cover than SEC corded every five meters along the transects (HAC: mean = 62.80%, standard error = 5.92; to coordinate the GoProTM images with SEC: mean = 44.38%, standard error = 4.02). their physical locations. The images were pro- ANOVA results indicated a difference in at cessed in Agisoft Photoscan Standard Edition least one mean within transects at HAC (F (APS) software in an attempt to employ Struc- = 11.373; p-value = 7.79e-09) and SEC (F = ture-from-Motion (SfM) photogrammetry 15.231; p-value = 1.20e-09). Percent covers to reconstruct the seafloor topography into between transects were significantly different a high-resolution 3D map of each transect. only when comparing the barest transects for Figure 5. (Left) Averaged percent cover of seagrass speciesT. testudinum (tt), H. wrightii (hw), S. filiforme (sf) and bare sand for HAC 1-4. Figure 6. (Right) Averaged percent cover of seagrass species T. testudinum The images were aligned by GPS coordinate both sites. Transect 1 at HAC averaged about (tt), H. wrightii (hw), S. filiforme (sf) and bare sand for SEC. tags in order to construct a point map, and 84.9% bare and transects 1B and 3B at SEC multiple aligned images were used to create averaged 94.5% and 72.9% bare, respectively. coordinates that serve as the foundation for While depth linearly increased with distance the 3D image model. Due to the higher cost from shore for both HAC and SEC, it only of the Professional Edition of APS, only the ranged between 0.6 and 2.3 meters, so there standard version of APS was used. was no significant relationship between seagrass percent cover and depth (Figure 4). 2.5 Statistical Analysis Statistical analysis was completed using RStudio and the significance p-value thresh- old was set at 0.05. A one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was run to test the difference in means between transects within each site for seagrass percent cover, species composition, canopy height, epiphyte cover, and discoloration. Tukey post-hoc tests were then run on the significant results to determine which transect means differed. T-tests ANOVA results showed there was at least Species composition in SEC was more Figure 4. Linear relationship between depth and dis- one significant difference between percent consistent than in HAC, with one significant were run to see if mean percent cover, spe- tance from shore at HAC (green triangles) and SEC cies composition, epiphyte cover, and discol- (red circles). cover means for all three species in both sites exception; T. testudinum was higher in 2B oration varied between sites. The t-tests were (Table 2). Within HAC, there were significant than 1A (Figure 8). performed using all SEC transects and only 3.2 Species Composition differences between some transects for each HAC transects 1-4 so that the results con- Species composition differed significantly species (Table 3). At HAC, species composi- 3.3 Canopy Height trolled for distance from shore. between sites for all three species of T. testu- tion was comprised of mostly T. testudinum Canopy height differed significantly -be dinum, H. wrightii, and S. filiforme (Table 1). and S. filiforme closer to shore (transects 2-4) tween sites for all three species, T. testudi- RESULTS Species percent cover at HAC was dominated and H. wrightii farther from shore (Figure num, H. wrightii, and S. filiforme (Table 5). 3.1 Percent Cover by a combination of T. testudinum and S. fili- 7). There were also significant differences be- Average canopy height in HAC transects 1-4 tween transects in SEC, but only one of the Mean total percent cover of seagrass sig- forme, while SEC had a higher average of H. was taller than SEC transects for all three spe- significant comparisons did not include at nificantly differed between the HAC tran- wrightii (Figures 5 and 6). cies (Table 6). least one of the mostly bare transects, 1B or 20 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 21

There was also some significant variations -1.8289, df = 14.966, p-value = 0.08742; SEC: in average transect canopy height for each t = -0.97346, df = 27.976, p-value = 0.3387). species within HAC and SEC transects (Ta- bles 7 and 8). For both sites, T. testudinum 3.6 Algae Presence and S. filiforme had taller canopies closer to Algae was present in approximately 80.4% the shore, where differences in height were of the quadrats surveyed. There was not significant. H. wright canopy height did not enough data collected on quantity or identity vary significantly between HAC transects, of the algae to determine what relationships but the significant difference found in the are present between the seagrass cover, com- SEC transects continued the trend of taller position, height, epiphytes, or discoloration seagrass canopies being found closer to shore. and algae in this system.

3.4 Epiphyte Cover & Discoloration 3.7 Mapping Epiphyte cover was significantly different Only two 3D maps were produced from between sites (t = 5.061, df = 53.536, p-val- 12 sets of transect images (13 total transects, ue = 5.94e-06) with higher average coverage but -no image data for SEC 1B). Top-down in HAC (33.9%) than SEC (8.9%) (Table 9). views of these 3D maps were converted to There were also significant differences be- PNG files for display here (Figures 9 and tween transects in both HAC (F = 4.6226; 10), but both interactive 3D maps produced p-value = 6.10e-04) and SEC (F = 3.885; in APS can also be accessed online (https:// p-value = 0.005082) (Table 10). Percent dis- sketchfab.com/Ashy/models). coloration was not significantly different -be Figure 7. (Top Right) Percent species composition for every five-meter mark from 0-50 meters of each Upon zooming into the map of SEC 2A, transect at HAC. Figure 8. (Lower Right) Percent species composition for every five-meter mark from 0-50 tween sites (t = -0.37082, df = 85.623, p-value the yellow transect line is visible running meters of each transect at SEC. = 0.7117) or between transects at HAC (F = along the center. Distortions in some areas of 1.339; p-value = 0.2537), but there were sig- alignment of the transect rope are also visible nificant differences between transects at SEC and these areas coincide with curved areas of (F = 5.9971; p-value = 2.37e-04) (Table 11). the map. Distinct variation in the background Percent epiphyte coverage within HAC color from green to brown to light blue is vis- was variable among and within transects. Ep- ible along the length of the transect. A sting- iphyte coverage in SEC was much lower and ray is visible near the lightest blue end, which less frequent with the majority occurring in coincides with the south end of this transect. transects 1A and 3B. Discoloration in HAC This light blue area appears to be mostly bare and SEC was low and similar, with no dis- sand while darker patches of grass are visible cernable pattern between or within transects. in dense clumps. Sparse and even coverage of grass that generally increases in density 3.5 Tourist Counts is seen towards the south end, and less bare Tourist counts from SEC bins 6-8 were sig- sand and denser grass coverage is visible at the nificantly different than from HAC bins 4-5 (t north end. The 3D map of SEC 3A (Figure 10) = -5.6872, df = 19.332, p-value = 1.644e-05) appears shorter and wider than that of SEC with a higher mean in SEC (Table 12). Neither 2A. Although the general color of this map set of bins had significant differences between appears green, much of this area appears to close to shore versus further out (HAC: t = only have sparse or patchy grass, except 22 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 23

for the central area where grass is denser and position and canopy height more than they darker than the bare sand elsewhere. At the influence overall seagrass distribution, which wider southern end of the transect, a 0.25 m2 is more strongly impacted by light and nutri- quadrat was left on the 50 m mark. This -ap ent availability. pears clearly as a small white frame, but the The higher percentage of H. wrightii at yellow transect rope seems to disappear at the SEC compared to HAC could be due to high- narrower north end. er disturbance in that area from tourists. An- thropogenic influence can cause successional DISCUSSION shifts from T. testudinum to faster growing The two study sites within Akumal Bay species like H. wrightii (Kenworthy et al., experience different levels of activity, use, 2002). This shift could compromise sediment and regulations. The area in front of Hotel retention and underground carbon seques- Akumal Caribe (HAC) has increased swim- tration of the seagrass because H. wrightii ming and snorkeling regulations as of March have a less developed rhizome system than T. 2017, as well as boat parking for local fisher- testudinum (van Tussenbroek et al., 2014). Figure 9 (top). SEC2A. North (left) to South (right). Figure 10. (bottom) SEC3A. North (left) men and dive shops. The area in front of Se- Species composition did vary between to South (right). crets Resort (SEC) is not regulated and has transects, especially at HAC which covered a experienced an increase of tourism from the greater distance from the shore. The trend of opening of the resort in early 2016. As ex- increasing H. wrightii and decreasing T. testu- pected, the tourist counts show a little over dinum and S. filiforme could be from a suc- twice as many tourists on average in the SEC cession shift from sturdy species to the fast- area versus HAC during this study. Higher er growing foundation species (Kenworthy seagrass percent cover in HAC compared to et al., 2002; van Tussenbroek, 2011). During SEC could be a result of the limited foot traf- the study, we noticed the sea turtles grazing fic in the area caused by regulations and boat typically on H. wrightii, rather than their his- traffic, which deter tourists from swimming torically preferred seagrass T. testudinum. and snorkeling in HAC. Total percent cover This change in diet could be attributed to the did not vary with distance from shore except Akumal Bay system approaching carrying ca- for the barest transects, which represent the pacity for grazing, causing T. testudinum to edges of the beds at each location. In HAC, decrease and early seral species H. wrightii to the seagrass bed continues another 50 meters become more abundant, as well as H. wrightii beyond transect 7, our furthest survey site, being younger and in better condition than T. before reaching the coral-seagrass interface, testudinum (Hernández & van Tussenbroek, while our furthest SEC transects represent 2014). the edge of the bed. Since depth directly in- Taller canopies of all three species at HAC fluences seagrass growth and distribution, versus SEC could indicate the influence of in- this spatial difference in edge patterns could creased tourism. Tourist trampling and kick- be related to depth, which increases at an ac- ing through the seagrass while snorkeling can celerated rate as distance from shore increases cause physical damage to the blades, decreas- at SEC. Since percentage cover does not vary ing overall canopy height. However, the tall within the boundaries of the seagrass bed, it canopies of T. testudinum closer to shore in is likely that effects from regulations, boating, HAC may be caused by the influence of boat and tourism are influencing the species com- traffic on turtle grazing. With boats moving in 24 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 25 and out of this shallower area close to shore, Algae presence was fairly consistent with- While the map was generally of good dense patches. This is also reflected in the -re turtles may be deterred from grazing on the in our survey and the lack of trends shows quality, the yellow transect rope that is visible sults recorded in Figure 8. Additionally, the grass, which would allow for it to grow undis- that more data should be collected to con- all along the length appears significantly dis- white 0.25 m2 quadrat placed at the south turbed, especially in this regulated area that sider the effects of algae on seagrass habitats torted approximately 10-15 m near the north end of this transect is clearly visible even at experiences lower foot traffic. Turtle grazing and their role as an indicator for shifting bed end of the transect and to a lesser degree in the greatly reduced scale and resolution of the could also be influencing canopy heights of conditions. Quantification and identification other locations along the transect. This indi- PNG images presented in these figures. How- H. wrightii, which significantly differed be- of algae types, such as increasing filamentous cates errors in the alignment of images that ever, while we know that the yellow transect tween beds but not within the HAC transects. algae, could show whether a bed is shifting compose these regions of the map. These mis- rope is present all along the length of each If boat traffic does affect grazing, then the composition due to environmental stressors, alignments correlate with an artificial curve transect we recorded, it seems to disappear shorter canopy height at SEC, where there is such as increased nutrient loading (van Tus- appearing in the composite image. While about midway through this composite image. no boat traffic, could be due to higher graz- senbroek, 2011). some of this curvature is explained by impre- In this case, it is what we cannot see that indi- ing by turtles that have developed a prefer- Data on canopy height, epiphyte cover- cise deployment of the transect line, we do not cates misalignment of this area. ence for this species. This can also explain the age, discoloration, and algae presence could believe the curvature occurred to this degree Both of these composite images contained one instance of significantly taller H. wrightii potentially have been biased by local under- during the deployment or recording process. helpful visual information about the current closer to shore in transect 1A compared to ground water sources that input nutrients Such misalignments in the APS program can state of the seagrass beds in these two tran- 3A further out in SEC, where turtles are more from land into the bay. If only one site was be repaired in two ways before the 3D map sects, but both also contained photo mis- likely to graze. exposed to water table nutrient sources, the is constructed: by manually assigning several alignments that caused aberrations of the im- Differing epiphyte cover could be indic- data for that site could produce inflated num- tie points between pairs of misaligned images, ages that could cause misinterpretation of the ative of differences in turtle grazing which bers for any of the seagrass quality parame- or by assigning GPS points to each image in data. Our goal was to produce these maps for may be higher in SEC, where boat traffic is ters. the set. However, since these features are only all 13 transects, but photo alignment (the first lower. When a bed is consistently cropped by Although one of our main objectives was available in the APS Professional Edition, we step in 3D map construction) could not be grazing, epiphyte growth is reduced. Howev- to produce 3D maps for a visual representation were not able to perform these adjustments to satisfactorily completed for any other image er, the patches within beds that had higher of the current state of seagrass beds in Akum- the alignment. data set that we attempted. There are a num- percentages of epiphyte cover are more likely al Bay, we experienced significant problems The 3D map that represents transect SEC ber of potential causes for the failed attempts caused by natural groundwater seeps that are with processing our data and produced only 3A is of higher quality than the map of tran- at aligning images. Problems arose in both randomly located throughout the bay. These two 3D maps (SEC 2A and SEC 3A, Figures 9 sect SEC 2A. Here, any sideways distortions data collection and data processing. seeps release cool, nutrient-rich freshwater and 10). However, the maps that we were able are indistinguishable, and there is no arti- APS performs optimally with clear, sharp from the local cenotes on the mainland into to construct in APS are of good quality, and ficial curve on the map. On the other hand, images with significant overlap containing the bay, which promote the growth of epi- the location and density of grasses in each the dimensions of this map appear relatively subjects with distinct geometrical shapes and phytic algae on the nearby seagrass (Frankov- transect are easy to recognize. In the SEC 2A shorter and wider than the map for SEC 2A. textures. However, the quality of our images ich & Fourqurean, 1997). The seagrass-eating map image, the locations of bare sand, dense This could be due to the increase in depth was generally not as good as we had hoped. sea turtles in the area, Chelonia myda, prefer patches of grass, and thin-to-gradually-thick- from 2A to 3A (Figure 4), or it could be an The natural movement of waves during image to eat younger shoots of grass because they ening carpets of grass are easily distinguish- artifact of the images being misaligned due collection caused unwanted movement of the are more easily digested and more nutritious able. This pattern of grass coverage is support- to too much overlap in the north-south di- camera, the grass blades, and the transect rope, than older shoots (Slader, 2014). Because ed by the results of our visual transect survey rection. This may also imply that some visu- often causing a blurred effect. We also expe- we found older, discolored grass throughout in Figure 8 representing species composition. al data was rendered imprecisely or not at all rienced turbid water conditions that affected both beds, we can conclude that the turtles While the species that are present along the relative to actual locations of seagrass beds the clarity of images collected. The movement are not grazing in those discolored areas. map of this transect cannot definitively be and bed density when this data was processed and lower visibility of the water collectively Lack of grazing in that area could be detri- identified, bare sand versus grass coverage is into the map image using the APS software. caused difficulty matching consecutive imag- mental to the seagrass and to future grazers clearly visible all along the length. However, Despite this, sandy areas with little grass are es in APS. Yet, even with calm conditions and because grazing increases the nitrogen and neither discoloration of leaf blades, epiphyte clearly stretched along both ends of this map clear water, the homogenous appearance of protein content and decreases the lignin con- cover, nor algal presence can definitively be with the exception of the central area, where many locations along transects made photo tent of the grass by 50% (Dawes et al., 1979). distinguished from grass cover. the carpet is denser and there are a few more alignment difficult due to the inability of the 26 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 27 program to find sufficient matching points in sea turtle population in this area, which has S., Turner, R.K. (2014). Changes in the global Critical Habitats of Environmental Change. overlapped images. In some consecutive im- switched to a H. wrightii-dominated diet, the value of ecosystem services. Global Environ- CRC Press. 283 pp. ages, there was no marker visible on our tran- effects of this shift can be detrimental to the mental Change. 26:152–8. 13. Orth, R.J., Carruthers, T.J.B., Dennison, sect line. The surrounding grass was dense ecosystem services provided by these sea- 5. Dawes, C. J., Bird. K., Durako, M., God- W.C., Duarte, C.M., Fourqurean, J.W., Heck, and appeared of a homogenous texture with grass beds. The shift may lead to decreased dard, R., Hoffman, W., McIntosh, R. (1979). Jr. K.L., Hughes, A.R., Kendrick, G.A., Ken- no distinctive features in the frame. sediment stabilization, nutrient cycling, and Chemical fluctuations due to seasonal and worthy, W.J., Olyarnik, S., Short, F.T., Way- There are two key features of APS that carbon sequestration into belowground bio- cropping effects on an algal-seagrass commu- cott, M., Williams, S.L. (2006). A global would have made it possible to solve some of mass. Continued surveying and mapping nity. Aquatic Botany. 6:79-86. crisis for seagrass ecosystems. BioScience. 56 these problems with image recognition and of the seagrass beds in this system is instru- 6. Dunton, K. & Jackson, K. (2010). Tier 2 (12): 987-996. alignment. Geotagging each of the images, mental in monitoring these shifts in species Field Protocols. 14. Raoult, V., David, P.A., Dupont, S.F., either automatically with certain cameras or composition and patch dynamics within the 7. Eckrich, C. & Holmquist, J.G. (2000). Mathewson, C.P., O’Neill, S.J., Powell, N.N. & manually within the program, would have bay and implementing regulations that help Trampling in a seagrass assemblage: direct Williamson, J.E. 2016. GoPros™ as an under- sped up processing and increased the likeli- to protect and maintain this crucial habitat. effects, response of associated fauna, and the water photogrammetry tool for citizen sci- hood of matching points. The placement of Future work in this system should repeat the role of substrate characteristics. Marine Ecol- ence. PeerJ. 4:e1960. consecutive images would not have to be cal- methods used in this paper to monitor the ogy Progress Series. 201:199-209. 15. Slater, K. CEA/Operation Wallacea imma- culated. Even without GPS points associated seagrass beds in front of HAC and SEC in ear- 8. Frankovich, T. & Fourqurean, J. (1997). ture green sea turtle monitoring report 2014. with each image, problems with alignment ly summer, measuring percent cover, species Seagrass epiphyte loads along a nutrient Wallace House. (2014). could be greatly helped if the operator was composition, canopy height, epiphyte cover, availability gradient, Florida Bay, USA. Ma- 16. Travaille, K., Salinas-De-León, P., Bell, J. able to manually choose matching points be- and discoloration as well as tourist density. rine Ecology Progress Series. 159:37-50. (2015). Indication of visitor trampling im- tween overlapping images that the program Monitoring these factors over time will pro- 9. Hernández, A. M. & Tussenbroek, B. V. pacts on intertidal seagrass beds in a New could not detect. Both of these are features vide insight into changes to the seagrass beds (2014). Patch dynamics and species shifts in Zealand marine reserve. Ocean & Coastal that are only available in the Professional Edi- and will allow us to determine if those chang- seagrass communities under moderate and Management. 114:145–50. tion of APS at a prohibitive cost. es can be attributed to anthropogenic causes. high grazing pressure by green sea turtles. 17. van Tussenbroek, B. I. (2011). Dynamics Higher tourism levels can increase tur- Marine Ecology Progress Series, 517, 143- of seagrasses and associated algae in coral bidity through sediment resuspension from ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 157. reef lagoons. Hidrobiológica 21(3): 293-310 physical disturbances in the water. This phe- Appreciation is extended to Dr. Kenneth 10. Herrera-Silveira, J.A., Cebrian, J., Haux- 18. van Tussenbroek, B.I., Cortés, J., Collin, R., nomenon is mainly caused by boaters and Dunton for the facilitation of the trip and well, J., Ramirez-Ramirez, J., Ralph, P. (2010). Fonseca, A. C., Gayle, P. M., Guzmán, H. M., snorkelers, as well as through increases in guidance, and to Meaghan Cuddy for the Evidence of negative impacts of ecological Weil, E. (2014). Caribbean-Wide, Long-Term coastal development, which can increase continual guidance and advice along the way. tourism on turtlegrass (Thallasium testudi- Study of Seagrass Beds Reveals Local Varia- runoff into the system. Turbidity can nega- num) beds in a marine protected area of the tions, Shifts in Community Structure and Oc- tively impact seagrass growth and distribu- REFERENCES Mexican Caribbean. Aquatic Ecology. 44:23- casional Collapse. PloS one 9(3): e90600. tion within the bay by increasing light attenu- 1. Burns, J., Delparte, D., Gates, R., Tak- 31. 19. Waycott, M., Duarte, C.M., Carruthers, ation. Higher nutrient levels can cause a shift abayashi, M. (2015). Integrating struc- 11. Mutchler, T., Dunton, K.H., Townsend- T.J.B., Orth, R.J., Dennison, W.C., Olyarnik, to higher aboveground biomass ratios and ture-from-motion photogrammetry with Small, A., Fredriksen, S. (2007). Isotopic and S., Calladine, A., Fourqurean, J.W., Heck, Jr., changes in species composition. Tourists can geospatial software as a novel technique for elemental indicators of nutrient source and K.L., Hughes, A.R., Kendrick, G.A, Kenwor- also cause direct damage to seagrass through quantifying 3D ecological characteristics of status of coastal habitats in the Caribbean thy, W.J., Short, F.T., Williams, S.L. (2009). pulling, kicking, and trampling. More im- coral reefs. PeerJ. 3:e1077. Sea, Yucatan Peninsula, Mexico. Estuarine Accelerating loss of seagrasses across the portantly, activity in these waters can influ- 2. Cabaco, S., Santos, R., Duarte, C.M. (2007). Coastal and Shelf Science. 74:449-457. globe threatens coastal ecosystems. Proc Natl ence sea turtle behavior and grazing patterns, The impact of sediment burial and erosion on 12. Mutchler, T., Mooney, R.F., Wallace, S., Acad Sci USA. 106(30):12377-81. which directly affects seagrass growth and seagrasses: A review. Estuarine, Coastal and Podism, L., Fredriksen, S., Dunton, K.H. patch dynamics. Shelf Science. 79:354–66. (2010). Origins and Fate of Inorganic Nitro- While successional shifts from T. te- 3. Costanza, R., Groot, R.D., Sutton, P., Ploeg, gen from Land to Coastal Ocean on the Yu- studinum to H. wrightii seem to benefit the S.V.D., Anderson, S.J., Kubiszewski, I., Farber, catan Peninsula, Mexico. Coastal Lagoons: Bryson Kisner THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 29 Religion and the Restructuring of Gua- restructuring as conflicts between political gime’s victims remains elusive and debated. ideologies and cultures. The state and its sup- Truth commissions installed after the war’s temala Under Ríos Montt: Catholicism, porters claimed that Ríos Montt’s brutal an- end documented over 400 massacres of civil- ticommunism and counterinsurgency were a ians during this administration. Ruthless and Costumbre, Protestantism, and the defense of religion.2 But the military regime systematic brutality distinguished these mas- State’s War for Guatemala’s Souls only defended the religious sects it perceived sacres and other acts of state violence: torture, ABSTRACT as state-friendly, and it assaulted all others. sexual violence, the framing of Marxist guer- For its short and brutal seventeen-month rillas for government killings, and the use of From March 2, 1982 to August 8, 1983, Brigadier General José Efraín Ríos reign, the Ríos Montt government actively burial, blades, and bare hands to kill Maya Montt ruled Guatemala as the president of a right-wing military regime. Similar and intentionally fought to control and re- villagers. Organizations including Human administrations had fought a war against leftist insurgencies since the nineteen fif- shape the religious landscape of Guatemala Rights Watch, the United Nations, and the ties that had only intensified by the time Ríos Montt assumed the presidency. Insur- and thereby cement its control over both state Catholic Church consider this war, at least gents primarily resisted the regime from Guatemala’s altiplano region, rural high- and society. The ensuing violence nearly de- under the Ríos Montt regime, genocidal.4 lands inhabited by Guatemala’s Maya population. Ríos Montt sought to win the war stroyed the unique spiritual culture of Gua- While some scholars apply the term La through brutal and methodical violence, which primarily targeted ethnically Maya temala’s Maya population, who practiced a Violencia to the regimes and practices of oth- populations. Allegations of genocide against the Maya by Ríos Montt and his mil- distinct blend of Catholicism and traditional er Guatemalan dictators during the nation’s itary remain controversial, considering that the regime spared, and even assisted, belief (costumbre), resulting in what can le- decades-long war between the right-wing Maya who conformed to strict regime supervision. However, an analysis of the Ríos gally be labelled genocide. military government and leftist insurgencies, Montt regime’s treatment of Guatemala’s religious traditions–fiercely independent Before examining the role of religion in others employ it to denote the particular form Catholicism, Maya costumbre, and largely apolitical Protestantism–shows that the La Violencia and the Ríos Montt regime, it that state-sponsored violence took during regime attempted to destroy the religious and cultural traditions of the Maya. This is necessary to elaborate on the Guatemalan the Ríos Montt administration.5 During this effort to destroy the cultural identity of the Maya, while not necessarily an attempt Civil War in its entirety. From 1960 to 1996, time, scorched-earth counterinsurgency tech- to destroy the Maya physically, fits the legal definition of genocide used in intera- an estimated 200,000 civilians, of whom niques directed at the civilian Maya commu- tional courts. 170,000 were ethnic Maya, died in the war nities in regions of guerrillero (guerilla) ac- Key terms: civil war, costumbre, genocide, Guatemala, Maya, religion between right-wing Guatemalan govern- tivity led to what many activists and scholars ments and Marxist insurgents; 93 percent of label as genocide against many of Guatemala’s rom March of 1982 to August the altiplano, where most of the fighting these killings were committed by government indigenous Maya peoples, such as the Ixil, if of 1983, Brigadier General José took place. The Guatemalan Civil War forces.3 A military coup against an elected not the Maya as a whole. This formed the ba- Efraín Ríos Montt ruled Guate- and its atrocities, which largely defined leftist president precipitated the conflict. The sis of Ríos Montt’s conviction of genocide in Fmala as the dictatorial head of a military Ríos Montt’s regime, were euphemisti- U.S. backed the coup and provided counter- a Guatemalan court in 2013. While scholars, junta. His 17-month reign, an interreg- cally called La Situación (the Situation) insurgency training to the Guatemalan mil- Guatemalan politicos, and international law num between more traditional (though at the time. Its contemporary name is itary during the ensuing conflict. The war’s experts continue to argue whether the legal hardly more democratic) presidencies, much more fitting:La Violencia (The violence peaked during the brief Ríos Montt term genocide is truly appropriate, it is in- is one of the most controversial, san- Violence). During La Violencia, Ríos administration, under which tens of thou- arguable that the military deliberately and guinary, and transformative periods Montt’s military regime tried reconfig- sands died; a concrete number of that re- methodically annihilated Maya communities in Guatemala’s turbulent history. Ríos uring what historian Arturo Arias called Montt’s administration inherited a civil “the ideological-integrative structure of 1Arturo Arias, “Changing Indian Identity: Guatemala’s Violent Transition to Modernity,” In Guatemalan In- dians and the State, edited by Carol A. Smith with the assistance of Marilyn M. Moors (Austin: University of war pitting right-wing military govern- Guatemalan society.”1 Through such re- Texas Press, 1990), 230. ments and their paramilitary supporters structuring, Ríos Montt hoped to finally 2Comisión de Esclarecimiento Histórico (CEH), Guatemala: Memory of Silence, Tz’Inil Na ‘Tab ‘Al: report of against Marxist militias. The insurgents win the war against leftist insurgencies the Commission for Historical Clarification, Conclusions and Recommendations (Guatemala: CEH, 1998), 19. drew much of their support from indig- and resolve the underlying ideological 3Ibid., 17. 4 enous Maya communities of Guatema- conflicts that fueled it. Religion was just Human Rights Watch, "Human Rights Testimony Given Before the United States Congressional Human Rights Caucus," (Press release), 16 October 2003. la’s northern highlands, a region called as important to the regime's social 5 Virginia Garrard-Burnett, Terror in the Land of the Holy Spirit: Guatemala under General Efraín Ríos Montt, 1982-1983 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 3.

28 The Texas Undergraduate Research Journal Vol. 17 No. 1 | Available online at texasurj.com 30 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 31 in Guatemala’s altiplano simply because they gin such a massive reorganization of Guate- ants to be subjected to direct government su- state. The strategy more or less succeeded. were Maya or belonged to a specific subgroup malan society by assisting the new adminis- pervision and violence. Fusiles y frijoles was The guerrillas were permanently crippled in of Maya. The regime considered all Maya sus- tration on a particular front of the Guatemalan the primary component of a larger military 1982 and 1983, though they managed to hob- pect or subversive, and it indiscriminately la- Civil War. The first was a general anti-cor- strategy called Plan de Campaña Victoria 82 ble along for more than a decade until the end beled Maya as pro-insurgent, leftist, or simply ruption campaign aimed at urban areas, (Plan for a Victorious Campaign 82), with 82 of the war in 1996. anti-government. which attempted to reign in the notoriously referencing the year 1982. The titular beans Most Maya were not insurgents, though Yet Ríos Montt was not merely concerned unscrupulous bureaucracy and succeeded in came in the form of so-called “model villag- they were sympathetic to leftist agendas, par- with defeating insurgents. Prior to his ascent halting the terrorism of right-wing paramil- es” in which the government resettled and fed ticularly land reform. But the regime did not to power, he converted from Catholicism and itary groups. These paramilitaries targeted those who accepted an offer of amnesty and distinguish between leftist insurgents and po- became a born-again Protestant, or evangéli- insurgents, leftist sympathizers, and other provided the displaced villagers with access to tential leftist sympathizers. The wholesale -de co. Specifically, he was a Pentecostal attending suspect persons with deadly violence. Their typically Protestant-run relief organizations. struction of political challenges to right-wing the Church of the Word, also called Verbo, in activity, likely state-directed, victimized the Fusiles referred to matazonas—killing fields military government was key to the president’s Guatemala City, which had approximately ladino (Spanish, mixed heritage, or Hispan- where civilian casualties were themselves a attempt to rebuild Guatemala. Ríos Montt’s 600 members and was a satellite of the Cali- icized) populations of Guatemala’s lowlands. military tactic.11 The military systematical- desired social reconstruction, however, also fornia-based evangelical organization Gospel Their unpredictable and unchecked violence, ly destroyed agricultural lands in the mata- had a spiritual aspect. He claimed that God Outreach.6 His rhetoric and policies as head- though tacitly approved by past regimes, ter- zonas, starving those peasants spared from had appointed him to save Guatemala from of-state reflected his own personal transfor- rified urban civilians. Ríos Montt ordered the the bullets and blades of government troops. itself and framed himself as a charismatic mation and ideology as he aspired to build a paramilitaries to cease their activities almost Maya peasants had a choice: either stay in the evangelist. He even preached to his subjects Nueva Guatemala by purging the nation of its immediately upon assuming office in an -ef combat zone and face indiscriminate govern- on Sundays in broadcasted “sermons” con- sins—leftism, insurgency, corruption, disor- fort to restore law and order—or at least the ment killing and starvation or throw them- cerning “patriotism, morality, local politics derliness. After dismissing his junta co-rulers, appearance of it. That the paramilitaries ac- selves to Ríos Montt’s mercy. Fusiles y frijoles and the revelations of divine wisdom.”14 These he declared“[t]hank you, my God. You have tually obeyed the president confirmed their resulted in nearly two-dozen crowded mod- broadcasts also called for guerillas and rural put me here.”7 Ríos Montt framed himself as support of the new regime. el villages, more than 600 destroyed villages, Maya to surrender and accept military am- a prophetic hero and relied on a charismat- The second program fusiles y frijoles tar- tens of thousands dead (more than 80 per- nesty. He identified the various enemies of ic leadership style reminiscent of Protestant geted the other front of the Guatemalan Civ- cent of whom were Maya), and approximately the state in these sermons: leftists, the insuf- preachers.8 His supporters even among the il War—the Maya altiplano region, which 1.5 million displaced civilians by the end of ficiently Guatemalan Maya populations that Maya began to view him as a modern saint.9 contained most of the insurgent activity. The 1983.12 Before Ríos Montt, many Maya com- supposedly supported them, and Catholic As a result, the military justified its every ac- Maya of the Guatemalan highlands were a munities had avoided the Civil War’s violence leaders who still held sway over large swathes tion no matter how violent “[u]sing the name distinct cultural entity. The state believed by proclaiming loyalty to whichever faction of Guatemala’s citizenry and often allied with of G o d .” 10 Ríos Montt fervently believed he this cultural identity to be directly support- controlled their village at the time and avoid- secular dissenters. All of these groups chal- was destined to rebuild Guatemala as a state ive, or at least amenable to, leftist ideology ed taking up arms themselves. The army’s lenged or resisted the government’s attempts and a society in accordance with God’s will. and rebellion. The regime enacted a policy of fusiles y frijoles policy forced Maya peasants to manage the state and had done so for de- The Civil War became a crusade. scorched-earth warfare called fusiles y frijoles to choose between them and the guerrillas.13 cades. Two programs allowed Ríos Montt to be- (guns and beans), which forced Maya peas- For their own safety, they largely chose the Ríos Montt believed each of these chal-

6Robert Lindsey, “Church Denies it has Political Goals in Guatemala,” The New York Times, August 14, 11Jennifer Schirmer, “Whose Testimony? Whose Truth? Where Are the Armed Actors in the Stoll-Menchú 1983. http://www.nytimes.com/1983/08/14/world/church-denies-it-has-political-goals-in-guatemala.html?r- Controversy?” Human Rights Quarterly 25.1 (2003): 58. ref=collection%2Ftimestopic%2FR%C3%ADos%20%Montt%2C%20 Efra%C3%ADn. 12Victoria Sanford, “The Silencing of Maya Women from Mamá Maquín to Rigoberta Menchú.”Social Justice 7Spencer Davidson, “Guatemala: God’s Man on Horseback,” Time, June 21, 1982, 50. http://content.time.com/ 27.1 (2000): 141; Virginia Garrard-Burnett, Jerusalem Under Siege: Protestantism in Rural Guatemala (Austin: time/magazine/article/0,9171,925470,00.html?iid=sr-link6 Institute of Latin American Studies, University of Texas at Austin, 1989), 5. 8Garrard-Burnett, Terror in the Land of the Holy Spirit, 54. 13Schirmer, “Whose testimony? Whose Truth?”, 58. 9David Stoll, Between Two Armies: in the Ixil Towns of Guatemala (New York: Columbia University Press, 14George Russell, “Guatemala: Surprise in the Sermon,” Time, May 23, 1983. 1993), 94. http://www. nytimes. com /1983/08/13/world/guatemala-and-us-newsanalysis.html? rref= collection%2F- 10CEH, Guatemala: Memory of Silence, 11. timestopic%2FR%C3%ADos%20Montt%2C%20Efra%C3%ADn&action=click&c ntentCollection=timestopics®ion=stream&module=stream_unit&version=search&co tentPlacement=46&pgtype=collection. 32 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 33 lenges to the rightist Guatemalan state must mary body of this large, vocal liberal faction themselves particularly at the army’s meager Americans or American-taught and support- be eliminated. He intended the ladino-domi- of clergy and laity, and it was the principal mercy. ed, were increasingly active both in Guatema- nated Guatemalan government to become the opposition to the state save for the guerrillas. The Church itself was crumbling by the la’s ladino lowlands and cities as well as the sole power structure and cultural institution Though originally meant to instill orthodoxy early eighties: Catholic administration had indigenous highlands. Protestant pastors also through his own divinely inspired guidance.15 in Maya Catholics, Catholic Action swiftly fled several regions and teetered in others. reinforced the Catholic-as-rebel-and-leftist His regime thus targeted both conservative underwent indigenization.17 It assisted vari- Members of the Church’s liberal faction, led narrative that the anticlerical army itself of- and liberal Catholics as a non-state power ous campesino (peasant and typically Maya) by a bishop whom the army had apparently ten proclaimed, along with the notion that structure. Additionally, indigenous Maya re- organizations focused on social and political planned to assassinate, fled Guatemala and es- Protestants were anti-communist and loyal ligion and its practitioners suffered as part issues such as land reform. The social justice tablished the Guatemalan Church in Exile in to the state.23 Ladinos and Maya found the of the Ríos Montt regime’s vicious assault on concerns of Catholic Action clergymen, cat- Costa Rica safe from violent persecution. The emotional and physical security these Protes- their purportedly un-Guatemalan ethnic and echists, and activists brought them into con- Church in Exile actively called on Catholics tant churches offered appealing. Many former cultural identity. All the while the regime fa- tact with various leftist opposition groups to “present” and “solidarize” with the strug- Catholics now occupied Pentecostal pews. cilitated the growth of apolitical or palatably in the nineteen-sixties and seventies; some gle against the government.20 One Church in Nonetheless, the vast majority of Guate- political Protestant sects even as it quashed members even worked alongside or joined Exile priest who attempted to return in 1981 malans remained Catholic. Therefore, as part less desirable Protestant groups and sup- guerrilla factions. The Catholic hierarchy was was quickly murdered.21 Other Catholic hier- of his effort to restore law and order and curb ported select Catholic groups that mimicked either unable or unwilling to limit their ac- archs remained in Guatemala in support for, the activity of death squads, Ríos Montt halt- evangélico practices. La Violencia was thus tivity. By the nineteen-eighties the state was or in fear of, the military. Yet they were not ed Lucas García’s targeting of Catholic priests. not only an ideological and ethnic conflict–it more or less at war with a large portion of the trusted by the Guatemalan regime, with the Though many bishops were pleased by the was a religious war as well. Catholic Church. The military thus “consid- possible exception of Ríos Montt’s own cler- newfound sense of security in ladino urban Spirituality was not a new element in ered Catholics to be allies of guerrillas.”18 gyman brother. These conservative Catholics Guatemala, the reality in the heavily Maya Guatemala’s civil conflicts. The Catholic The state’s response to Catholic activism were also mistrusted in the altiplano where altiplano was less hopeful. Ríos Montt’s re- Church had proven troublesome for various was vicious: Ríos Montt’s predecessors target- they had repeatedly failed to address doc- versal of Lucas García’s policy only applied to regimes and administrations for generations. ed liberal Catholics, particularly those asso- trinal concerns in indigenous communities. Church leadership, and the army still targeted Prior to the Ríos Montt administration, the ciated with the Catholic Action movement, These communities still practiced traditional laity as subversives. Additionally, much of the Church held greater legitimacy than the state with violence at the hands of the military and religious ceremonies alongside Catholic rites, Church remained in exile. The new admin- in the Maya highlands.16 Past regimes had government-condoned death squads. The and could not guarantee Maya parishioners istration’s Protestant leaders, including Ríos been unsuccessful at eroding the power of al- Spanish Embassy burning in 1980 is the most safety from counterinsurgency violence. The Montt and several of his key advisors, still tiplano Catholicism, and the activist wing of infamous incident, wherein six catechists erosion of Catholic influence in Guatema- conflated Catholicism with communism and the Catholic Church had long been a thorn died alongside thirty of their fellow campes- lan society culminated in the collapse of the insurgency. in the side of the military. Much of this was ino activists while protesting the authoritar- Church’s political party during La Violencia. Ladino laity, however, were not the due to the influence of Liberation Theolo- ian regime from within the Spanish Embas- Protestant churches capitalized on the regime´s primary targets. Catholic Maya and gy, a theological school popular in Central sy with the ambassador’s approval.19 General chaotic state of Catholicism. The omnipres- their communities were the primary victims America that incorporated Marxist critiques Fernando Romeo Lucas García, Ríos Montt´s ent violence reflected the apocalyptic teach- in the systematic decimation of La Violencia. of Capitalism into Catholic thought. An or- predecessor and president at the time, or- ings of many Protestant pastors.22 Evangélico 626 Maya villages in the altiplano region were ganization called Catholic Action was the pri- dered the assault. Priests in rural areas found missionaries offered emotion-infused faith destroyed, along with their inhabitants during as the only hope for escaping worldly woes. the Civil War, primarily during the scorched- 15Garrard-Burnett, Terror in the Land of the Holy Spirit, 64./content.time.com/time/magazine/arti- These evangelical ministers, many of them earth campaigns of the Ríos Montt years.24 cle/0,9171,925470,00.html?iid=sr-link6 16Stoll, Between Two Armies, 170. 17Arias, “Changing Indian Identity”, 234 20Guatemalan Church in Exile, “Fraternal Letter,” Translated by the Guatemala Information Center, San José, 18 Costa Rica: Guatemala Church in Exile, August, 1980, 2. CEH, Guatemala: Memory of Silence, 20; Democratic Front Against Repression, “Genocide in El Quiche: A 21 Testimonial of the Persecuted Church,” Translated by the Guatemala Information Center, Frente, November Stoll, Between Two Armies, 169. 22Garrard-Burnett, Terror in the Land of the Holy Spirit, 132. 1, 1980. 23 19 Ibid., 113. Democratic Front Against Repression, “Genocide in El Quiche: A Testimonial of the Persecuted Church,” 24 Translated by the Guatemala Information Center, Frente, November 1, 1980. CEH, Guatemala: Memory of Silence, 34. 34 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 35 These villages were not targeted merely for personal rather than communal salvation; Protestant churches, despite their typically or at least manage, a substantial indigenous the presence of Catholics—any real or imag- some Renewalists, reflecting Pentecostals Catholic backgrounds. population in a firmly ladino society and so- ined association with guerillas could invite a such as Ríos Montt, even taught that the Civ- The Catholic Church, however, was not the cial hierarchy. During La Violencia, Maya government assault—but Catholicism was a il War’s violence was divine punishment for only spiritual influence amongst Guatemala’s were thus not only considered less than Gua- symbolic target in many of these massacres. Guatemala’s sins.26 Renovación Católica be- Maya. Catholicism’s relationship with the in- temalan, but less than human. The head pas- Government troops often burned Catholic came an alternative to Protestantism; it was digenous Maya was a complicated one. Maya tor at Ríos Montt’s own Verbo church called churches, sometimes filled with the town’s effectively a safe form of Catholicism. In com- observed Catholic rite, ritual, and hierarchy Indians “devils” and associated their pseu- inhabitants, Catholic or otherwise. Catholic munities with few Protestants, the military both as communities and individuals, but the do-paganism with their supposed commu- priests, as public and supposedly subversive appointed Renewalists to civic leadership po- traditional practices and gods of the Maya re- nism and insurgency.32 This same pastor also leaders, were killed in particularly brutal dis- sitions. For instance, in the Ixil Maya town of mained inseparable from everyday religious compared the president to the Israelite king plays of state power. Such actions alarmed the Chajul, Renewalists and evangelicals served practice and expression. Traditional Maya David who purged ancient Israel of foreign Catholic Church. In fact, Catholic bishops as mayors during the Ríos Montt reign.27 This spiritual leaders served their communities gods and polytheists.33 were the first to use the term “genocide” to movement effectively divided Guatemalan alongside, and often in harmony with, Catho- La Violencia was the climax of Guatema- describe the mass killings in the altiplano in Catholics along theological and ideological lic priests and catechists, as well as Protestant la’s Indian Problem. While the Lucas García 1982.25 Catholic condemnations of state vio- lines into those the state could support and ministers (though Guatemalan Protestants regime had mandated that Maya customs be lence, however, only reinforced the military those the state could target. were generally less tolerant of non-Biblical, respected when possible, Ríos Montt’s did regime’s notions of Catholic sedition. The Yet the Ríos Montt government made traditional beliefs). This coexistence and con- not. Instead, the “subversive” Maya were clas- Lucas administration’s association between its greatest assault against Catholicism not vergence of pre-Columbian and Catholic sys- sified as a “collective enemy” of the state.34 Catholic and communist did subside un- through violence itself, but in its aftermath. tems in both religion and social hierarchy was Maya cultural identity, their recent history der Ríos Montt. Affiliation with the Catholic As part of its reversal of Lucas García’s an- called costumbre. For many Maya, costumbre of activism, and the membership of Maya in Church became increasingly dangerous in ti-Catholic policy, the Ríos Montt regime was proper Catholicism.30 Much of costum- the guerrilla forces had convinced the mili- the war-torn altiplano. Maya villagers feared severely limited the activities Catholic orga- bre centered on the activity of saint-worship- tary that it needed to reshape the Maya as they might find themselves, if not their entire nizations could take part in.28 Any Catholic ping societies (cofradias), which draw heavily a culture and society.35 This project was the village, as the next entry on the government’s involvement in social justice was too rem- from traditional Maya polytheism. Costum- least explicit but the most important aspect body-count. iniscent of Catholic Action. Therefore, the bre also differed from mainstream ladino Ca- of Ríos Montt’s Nueva Guatemala. Military Meanwhile, the growing popularity of Church was prohibited from entering the tholicism in its reverence of corn, the sanctity officers parroted theirgeneralissimo’s flowery Protestantism, particularly charismatic Pen- model villages into which the government of saintly idols and the buildings that house sermons with simpler euphemisms: the New tecostalism, began to influence Catholics. funneled altiplano Maya displaced by fusiles them, and other practices with non-Christian Guatemala required a “sanctioned Maya” to Catholic catechists, either rebelling against y frijoles.29 While local Catholic churches origins. Costumbre remains integral to Maya supplant traditional Maya social forms and dogmatic constraints placed on them by su- were allowed to aid the refugees swamping culture and daily life. Yet because of such be- identity.36 periors, sensing the appeal of the energetic their own towns, only Protestant organiza- liefs many Guatemalans argue that Maya are Maya spirituality and spiritual identi- and seemingly miracle-producing (talking tions were allowed to direct funds, supplies, not proper Catholics.31 ty thus became a military target. The farm- in tongues, faith healings, etc.) services of and personnel into these ramshackle refugee The idea that Maya are not truly Catho- lands, essential to Maya spiritual and cultural Pentecostals, or both, began imitating Protes- communities. Partly in an effort to garner fa- lic factors heavily in many ladinos’ belief that identity, became essential objectives for the tant styles of worship. This movement called vor and supplies, and partly due to the pro- Maya are not proper Guatemalans. Guatema- scorched earth mechanics of fusiles y frijo- Renovación Católica (Catholic Renewal) also found emotional and spiritual trauma and la’s primary historical concern has been the les and Victoria 82. Government soldiers de- distanced itself from the Catholic hierarchy, disillusionment they had endured, the refu- so-called “Indian Problem”: how to integrate, stroyed sacred crops of corn even after those especially Catholic Action and its leftist ties. gees began turning en masse to these gener- 30 Like Protestants, they preached a message of ous, politically safe, and spiritually energetic Stoll, Between Two Armies, 320. 31Recall the original purpose for Catholic Action’s creation. 32Garrard-Burnett, Terror in the Land of the Holy Spirit, 162 25Garrard-Burnett, Terror in the Land of the Holy Spirit, 14 33Ibid., 162. 26Stoll, Between Two Armies, 104. 34CEH, Guatemala: Memory of Silence, 23. 27Ibid., 105. 35Schirmer, “Whose Testimony? Whose Truth?”, 71. 28Garrard-Burnett, Terror in the Land of the Holy Spirit, 129 36Ibid., 71. 29Ibid., 129. 36 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 37 who would have harvested them were slain. God whom Maya conflate with their tradi- Guatemalan Protestantism—often evangeli- self. Until very recently, he was an incredibly The holy spaces of thecofradias became hold- tional supreme deity.38 Corn is the spiritu- cal, Pentecostal, and premillennarianist (ac- popular figure in Guatemalan society and ing chambers for prisoners, stripped of their al and physical life-force for the Maya; “real tively anticipating the seemingly imminent politics,including among the Maya. While statues and relics.37 Like mainstream Catho- food” contains corn, and anything else is spir- apocalypse), hence the use of the term evan- his regime was brutal, it was disciplined. The lics, costumbre practitioners in the regime’s itually insufficient.39 Accordingly, corn be- gélico for Guatemalan Protestants regardless randomness of violence under Lucas García model villages of refugees found themselves came a military target of La Violencia. Fusiles of sect or theology—flourished. This boom terrified Maya villagers more than the more cut off from traditional religious symbols and y frijoles’ scorched earth policy in the mata- had begun in 1976, when an earthquake al- destructive but more predictable killings un- systems. They, too, found themselves engaged zonas targeted Maya agriculture as much as lowed Protestant aid and missionary efforts, der Ríos Montt’s administration, which jux- in the spiritual and charity networks of Pen- supposed Maya insurgents and collaborators. which have a long history in Guatemala, to taposed massacres with calls for amnesty, tecostals and other Protestants. The government deliberately employed Maya redouble their humanitarian and evangeliza- peace, and charity. For decades, even Maya Particularly insidious was the manner in in enforcing these policies. The Maya soldiers tion efforts in a manner Guatemala’s political- would repeat the government adage that such which the state warred against Catholicism and Civil Patrol members who burned these ly besieged Catholics could not. Yet the boom indiscriminate violence was necessary to and costumbre by turning altiplano villagers fields destroyed their cultural heritage, spir- accelerated rapidly under Ríos Montt. In part, fight the guerrillas. Most Maya likewise hated against their fellow Maya. Those that com- itual symbols, and holy spaces. The destruc- this was due to the rehabilitation and re-edu- or at the very least feared the insurgents who, mitted the massacres and atrocities of La tion of cornfields features in manyaltiplano cation programs of the model villages that his like the army, committed their own atroci- Violencia were often Maya themselves, ei- massacres, and this systematic devastation administration designed, which effectively ties.45 Post-war studies sponsored by the U.N. ther conscripted soldados (army regulars) or is one of the key pieces of evidence for the funneled Maya refugees into Protestant evan- and Catholic Church, however, prove that members of Civil Patrol militia units. Local argument that the killing of Maya in La Vi- gelization and charity organizations. Ríos the military actually committed 93 percent religious leaders, both Protestant and from olencia constitutes a genocide, as defined by Montt’s own Verbo Church helped run one of recorded wartime atrocities, including 92 Catholic Renewal, often participated in, and the destruction of culture.40 Such deliberate of the most prominent charities, FUNDAPI percent of mass killings.46 Nevertheless, the even led, these Civil Patrols. Under orders destruction of Maya traditions was not lim- (Foundation for Aid to Indigenous People).42 government held a rhetorical advantage. Ríos and often under duress fromladino superiors, ited to corn: Maya troops under government The army itself even provided Protestant aid Montt spoke as an evangélico, and his words soldiers and Civil Patrol members killed their command committed many of the war’s in- workers and missionaries transportation and were distributed throughout Guatemala. He fellow Maya, burned the sacred cornfields, famous atrocities, including intentionally direct access to refugee communities.43 Many likened violence to baptism, which inverted torched the churches and shrines of their kin, brutal violence against noncombatants and of these refugee communities became large- older Maya Catholic sayings comparing Prot- and killed the cofradias’ elders alongside the the mass killings of Maya villagers. They dis- ly evangélico, though such numbers typically estantism to a destructive fire; the president traditional and Catholic priests of their own posed of and mutilated the bodies of massa- dropped once the violence subsided and the often spoke on the benefits of “scorching customary religious systems. cre victims in manners that were antithetical government’s social reorganization programs communists.”47 He portrayed amnesty for re- The destruction of Maya cornfields was to Maya notions of how to properly dispose withered. Some communities reported a drop pentant Maya insurgents and collaborators as essential to the regime’s demayanization pro- of their dead.41 Similarly, they were the ones in Protestants immediately after Ríos Montt an act of Christian forgiveness and depicted gram. Corn is central not only to the social to dismantle and desecrate costumbre holy lost power, indicating that material aid, not the model villages as examples of Protestant and economic lives of Guatemalan Maya, but sites. The army effectively encouraged their spiritual conviction, motivated many Maya charity and wealth, which was itself a bless- to their spiritual lives as well. Corn is the sub- soldiers and militiamen to turn against their converts.44 ing indicative of God’s favor.48 Ríos Montt’s stance from which Maya traditionalists be- own culture and spirituality—to destroy their Part of this evangélico evangelization own Verbo Church, heavily involved in the lieve they were created. The cycle of planting, own Maya identity both externally and inter- spree can be attributed to Ríos Montt him- model villages, preached that Guatemala was growing, and harvesting is still very much the nally. 42Garrard-Burnett, Jerusalem Under Siege, 5. purview of pre-Columbian Maya deities as Even as Catholicism declined in promi- 43Virginia Garrard-Burnett, Protestantism in Guatemala: Living in the New Jerusalem (Austin: University of opposed to Catholic Saints or the Christian nence and costumbre suffered persecution, Texas press, 1998), 154. 44Stoll, Between Two Armies, 177. 37Tomás Guzaro and Terri Jacob McComb, Escaping the Fire: How an Ixil Maya Pastor Led His people out of a 45Though it has been claimed that most Maya were politically neutral and oppressed by both sides, this remains Holocaust During the Guatemalan Civil War (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010), 11. 38 contested–for further reading, see Sanford’s “The Silencing of Maya Women.” Guzaro and McComb, Escaping the Fire, xiv. 46 39 CEH, Guatemala: Memory of Silence, 17. Ibid., 34. 47 40 Sanford, “The Silencing of Maya Women,” 143. Garrard-Burnett, Terror in the Land of the Holy Spirit, 13 48Guzaro and McComb, Escaping the Fire, 34. 41CEH, Guatemala: Memory of Silence, 28 38 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 39 in need of a savior: that savior was their own explain the widespread popularity he car- many Protestants.57 Furthermore, the exam- this reason, Maya evangelicals were favored Ríos Montt, and his faith was offered to Gua- ried with him for decades. It was only after a ple of the beleaguered Catholic Church likely by the military government, who assigned to temalans as a means of salvation. massive effort by activists to increase public warned many Protestants that religion and them a disproportionate number of civil lead- According to Maya listeners, Ríos Montt awareness of the altiplano massacres and a politics should not mix, especially not during ership positions.60 talked “like a good evangélico.” 49 This rhet- very public trial of the then-former president a civil war. This apoliticism, along with the The government’s favoring of Protestants oric did not merely appeal to Guatemalan that Guatemalans began reconsidering their generalissimo’s own very public faith, made was practical as well as personal for Ríos (including Maya) Protestants. His language, loyalties to the dictator. Protestantism appear much safer for altiplano Montt´s regime. The evangélico churches of such as this statement from the inception of Protestants were not all rightists, though. Maya than costumbre-imbued Catholicism. Guatemala were and remain relatively small his regime, depicted the New Guatemala as a Protestants and protestant clergy were pres- All of these factors contributed to the and factitious. They had little political clout, sanctified land: ent amongst the guerrillas and the nonviolent dramatic success of Protestantism during were prone to collapsing and reforming, and “I am trusting in God, my Lord and opposition. While some guerrillas targeted the 1980s in Guatemala. These conversions, ladinos traditionally dominated their mem- King…our Lord God will extend his cloak of Protestants as capitalists and imperialists, however, were not always things of conve- bership and hierarchies, though this changed pity and grace over Guatemala…those who others actively recruited them.52 Entire de- nience. Many converts remained Protestants during the boom of Maya Protestantism pro- go against the law will be shot…we’re going nominations publicly opposed the regime’s long after the violence ended. Amidst the duced by La Violencia and the model villages. to respect the rights of man…the peace of violence in the altiplano, especially the Pres- chaotic traumas of war and the loss of tradi- Their association with United States-based Guatemala does not depend on weapons…it byterians who had their own variation of Lib- tional community and religious structures, missionary organizations during the Cold is in your heart, once peace is in your heart, eration Theology.53 Protestants were likewise highly personal Protestant theology and wor- War typically precluded the taint of Marx- there will be peace in your house and peace murdered in government massacres. Unlike ship, along with the new communities such ism and Liberation Theology. Protestantism in society.”50 Catholic priests, they had no guarantees of churches offered, appealed to many Guate- had in fact been associated with capitalism These words, though more sanguinary protection from Ríos Montt.54 But Protes- malan Maya.58 Protestant worship employed and the North Atlantic in Guatemalan polit- than those found at most pulpits, reflect the tantism as a whole was largely apolitical, or emotional release and communal catharsis in ical thought since the nineteenth century.61 personalized and emotionally-driven style at it least pretended to be. Verbo itself had a a manner which Renewal Catholics did not. More importantly, Protestantism unlike Ca- and cadence of Protestant preaching. After the supposedly nonpartisan sibling church run For many displaced Maya, Protestant church- tholicism did not tolerate indigenous cultur- brutishness of Lucas García, Ríos Montt must by the same American organization, Gospel es became their new communities and homes. al and spiritual practices. Maya evangélicos have seemed, truly, like a godsend, as did his Outreach, in Sandinista Nicaragua.55 Personal Maya communities already had small had campaigned since the nineteen-seventies utopian vision of Nueva Guatemala. From the salvation was the sole concern of most Prot- evangelical congregations before La Violen- against the polytheism, saint-worship, and beginning, he qualified his New Guatemala: estants, particularly the hereafter-concerned cia, which the guerillas often distrusted for the traditional festivities of Maya costumbre “those who go against the law will be shot.”51 Pentecostals who viewed earthly politics as a their association with foreign missionaries.59 in an effort to conform Maya life with Prot- Ríos Montt legitimized violence as a tool of distraction from, or immaterial to, heaven- As the Catholics retreated from the altiplano estant Christianity. Becoming an evangélico the divinely guided state and the peace pro- ly concerns. “The only side I am on is God’s and costumbre’s temporally oriented prayers often meant becoming less culturally Maya. cess. The severe weakening of the guerrillas side,” declared one Ixil Protestant pastor.56 He did not abate the violence, evangelical lead- Currently, some Protestant churches ban the during Victoria 82 and the apparent military purportedly said this to a guerrilla, but this ers often assumed positions of community use of traditional Maya musical forms and victory in turn legitimized Ríos Montt and refrain was also repeated to the military by leadership. Maya evangelicals flocked to Ríos instruments among their members.62 The re- Montt as one of their own through his offer of gime intended Protestantism to solve Indian 49Guzaro and McComb, Escaping the Fire, 5. amnesty and brought with them other Maya Problem and counter the diminished strength 50Stoll, Between Two Armies, 107-108. desperate to escape La Situación. Partly for of Catholicism in Guatemalan culture and 51Ibid., 107. 52 Garrard-Burnett, Protestantism in Guatemala, 135. 57To clarify my qualification of this quote, see the bibliographical note on the text. 53 Ibid., 133. 58Garrard-Burnett, Terror in the land of the Holy Spirit, 56; Garrard-Burnett, Protestantism in Guatemala, 156. 54 Garrard-Burnett, Terror in the Land of the Holy Spirit, 128. 59Stoll, Between Two Armies, 174. 55 Rober Lindsey, “Church Denies it has Political Goals in Guatemala,” The New York Times, August 14, 60Garrard-Burnett, Protestantism in Guatemala, 154. 1983, http://www.nytimes.com/1983/08/14/world/church-denies-it-has-political-goals-in-guatemala.html?r- 61Ibid., xii-xv. ref=collection%2Ftimestopic%2FR%C3%ADos%20%Montt%2C%20 Efra % C3%ADn. 62Garrard-Burnett, Jerusalem Under Siege, 10. 56Guzaro and McComb, Escaping the Fire, 104. 40 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 41 politics. sion for Nueva Guatemala. Protestants and state and more similar to the dominant la- unpunished. Yet acknowledging their crimes Protestantism, however, never became the mock-Protestant Catholics were not a threat dino culture. Ríos Montt was not concerned within the historical record is vital not only political force Rios Montt wanted it to be. The to the rightist state and in some instances with wiping out the Maya as people but rather for Guatemala but for the United States as military itself removed him from power in were a boon to it. Ríos Montt was astonish- the Maya culture. The social engineering and well. The United States’ government backed a bloodless coup in August 1983 due to his ingly successful in achieving his vision despite violence he inflicted on Maya belief shows as various right-wing regimes in Latin America anti-bribery campaign and his monarchical, his relatively brief reign. Catholicism has re- much. The regime did target Maya, and cer- during the Cold War. It supported Ríos Montt, moralizing style of ruling. The model villag- covered somewhat but has not returned to its tain Maya groups in particular, with decimat- financed and trained the military that perpe- es persisted for several years, but as the war, pre-Civil War position in Guatemalan society ing violence. But violence was only a means trated genocide, and ignored the crimes com- which Rios Montt had effectively won thor- and politics, and it likely never will. Protes- to a social end, not a racial one. mitted against the Maya. If American society ough fusiles y frijoles, crawled towards a peace tantism is not expanding as rapidly as it was Genocide, however, is not only a matter is to assist in the healing of Guatemala’s Maya treaty, Protestant aid became less necessary to during the nineteen-eighties, but now nearly of racial extermination. International courts or simply maintain a working relationship refugees. Maya soon began returning to their a third of the country, including many Maya, often define it as the intentional assault on a with Guatemala’s government and people, it own villages, costumbre, and Catholic pews. are evangélicos.64 Costumbre is still trying to culture with the intent to destroy. Several le- must admit its own complicity in La Violen- The Catholic Church, no longer under the process the wrongs done to Maya living and gal bodies have come to similar conclusions: cia. More importantly, Guatemalans, partic- threat of state-sponsored violence under Ríos dead, and it faces adversity from less hospita- the Comisión de Esclarecimiento Histórico ularly Maya, are still undergoing a lengthy Montt’s less sanguinary successors, began to ble Protestant sects. (CEH) Truth Commission and other orga- and painful recovery process. This includes reassert itself in the late 1980s and 1990s and It is undeniable that the Ríos Montt regime nizations, backed by the United Nations, hu- the exhumation of mass graves, the reburial competed for political clout and parishio- was engaged in a spiritual struggle against man rights groups, and the Catholic Church, of the deceased, and rebuilding communities ners with smaller Protestant churches.63 Fur- Catholicism, both in its liberal and main- analyzed the Guatemalan Civil War as it drew where the lines between victim and victimiz- thermore, a post-war Pan-Mayanist cultural stream forms, and against traditional Maya to a close in the late nineteen-nineties and er often blur. Acknowledging the scale of the movement in Central America, which largely beliefs. The state perceived these as threats to condemned La Violencia and Ríos Montt’s suffering inflicted by Ríos Montt and his gov- emerged as a response to La Violencia, helped the security of the Guatemalan state, inextri- regime as a genocide according to this defini- ernment is part of this healing process. reinvigorate costumbre after the traumas of cable from the insurgencies and the Indian tion.65 Thirty years after losing office, the- for the Civil War. Religious leaders of all stripes Problem. Catholicism challenged its legiti- mer president was convicted of genocide in ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS also participated in efforts to address the macy politically and morally; costumbre was 2013 in a Guatemalan court. However, anoth- I would like to thank Dr. Virginia Gar- crimes of La Violencia during the 1990s and antithetical to the regime’s concept of Guate- er court swiftly dismissed the conviction on rard-Burnett, whose teaching introduced me 2000s. Catholic priests, costumbre spiritual- malan identity and society. It is also clear that a technicality and no further trials can sen- to this subject and whose scholarship proved ists, and Protestant pastors all took positions the regime favored Protestantism and Protes- tence the general due to his dementia-com- invaluable to my own. Additionally, I want to 66 of leadership in the process of mourning and tants in its efforts to reform Guatemalan soci- promised mental state. Yet the fact remains thank the URJ for allowing me this opportu- seeking justice on behalf of the Maya killed ety. This spiritual struggle was only part of a that the military regime under President José nity to present this research and its editors under Ríos Montt and other Guatemalan dic- much larger Civil War, but it is also informa- Efraín Ríos Montt attempted to annihilate and for their invaluable assistance. Americans too tators. Perhaps most surprisingly, many mod- tive as to the true nature of La Violencia. The replace Maya cultural and spiritual identities often ignore the history of Latin America, ern Maya Protestants accept Catholic notions assault on Catholicism and costumbre along that it deemed incompatible with the state particularly that of smaller nations like Gua- of costumbre as being compatible with Chris- with the support for the regime or political and the president´s ideal of Nueva Guatema- temala. I hope this article can increase aware- tianity. apathy provided by Protestants and Renew- la. Therefore, La Violencia in the Guatemalan ness of this brief but tragic moment in Gua- Nevertheless, the regime partially accom- al Catholics in the Maya altiplano were part altiplano during the seventeen-month reign temala’s history and help to increase interest plished reshaping the religious makeup of and parcel of Ríos Montt’s brutal solution to of Ríos Montt was, unequivocally, genocide. in the stories which survivors–particularly Guatemala. During his short reign, Efraín the Indian Problem and the Civil War: the Unfortunately, Ríos Montt and the other Guatemala’s Maya–still struggle to tell. Ríos Montt promoted a specific vision and destruction and replacement of traditional architects of La Violencia will likely remain form of Christianity compatible with his vi- Maya culture with one more suitable to the 65Human Rights Watch, "Human Rights Testimony Given Before the United States Congressional Human Rights Caucus," (Press release), 16 October 2003. 63Garrard-Burnett, Protestantism in Guatemala, 169. 66The Guardian,“Guatemala court: former dictator can be tried for genocide – but not sentenced,” August 25, 64Guzaro and McComb, Escaping the Fire, 207. 2015. 42 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 43

GLOSSARY OF TERMS an cultural, ethnic, or national group. Texas Press, 1990. Guatemala: Memory of Silence. Guatemala City: Altiplano – the highlands of Guatemala, José Efraín Ríos Montt – Brigadier Gen- 2. Arias, Arturo. “Letter from Guatemala: Indig- Historical Clarification Committee, 1999. enous Women on Civil War.” PMLA 124.5 (2009): 14. Human Rights Watch. “Human Rights Testimo- which are predominantly Maya. eral and authoritarian president of Guatema- 1874-1877. ny Given Before the United States CongressionalHu- Catholic Action – a Catholic organization la’s right wing, military regime from March 2, 3. Becker, Denese. Discovering Dominga: A Survi- man Rights Caucus.” Press release. 16 October 2003. affiliated with leftist political concerns in -Civ 1982 to August 8, 1983. vor’s Story. Directed by Patricia Flynn. 2003. Califor- 15. Lindsey, Robert. “Church Denies it has Political il War-era Guatemala. La Situación, La Violencia – euphemisms nia: Jaguar House Film, 2002. Documentary. Goals in Guatemala.” The New York Times, August 14, Catholic Renewal (Renovación Católica) referring to the civil war in Guatemala during 4. Comisión de Esclarecimiento Histórico (CEH). 1983. http://www.nytimes.com/1983/08/14/world/ – a movement within Guatemalan Catholi- the 1980s and the associated violence. Guatemala: Memory of Silence, Tz’Inil Na ‘Tab ‘Al: church-denies-it-has-political-goals-in-guatemala. cism to make Catholic churches and services Ladina, Ladino, Ladinos (feminine, mas- report of the Commission for Historical Clarifica- html?rref=collection%2Ftimestopic%2FR%C3%A- culine, plural)– The descendants of Spanish tion, Conclusions and Recommendations. Guate- Dos%20%Montt%2C%20Efra%C3%ADn. resemble evangélico ones. mala: CEH, 1998. 16. Meislin, Richard J. “Guatemala and the U.S.; News Civil Patrols – government managed mi- colonists, Hispanicized Maya, or those de- 5. Davidson, Spencer. “Guatemala: God’s Man on Analysis.” The New York Times, August 13, 1983. litias. scended from both; the more powerful and Horseback.” Time, June 21, 1982. http://content. http://www.nytimes.com/1983/08/13/world/guate- Cofradia – a religious organization ded- prosperous of Guatemala’s two major ethnic time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,925470,00. mala-and-us-1983. http://www.nef=collection%2F- icated to preserving religious sites and arti- communities. html?iid=sr-link6. timestopic%2FR%C3%ADos%20Montt%2C%20 facts; while originally a Catholic term, it also Liberation Theology – the combination 6.Democratic Front Against Repression. “Geno- Efra%C3%ADn&acon=click&contentCollection=- applies to costumbre organizations. of Marxist analyses of class and wealth with cide in El Quiche: A Testimonial of the Persecuted timestopics®ion=stream&module=stream_ Church.” Translated by the Guatemala Information unit&versio=search&contentPlacement=46&pg- traditional Christian (especially Catholic) Comisión de Esclarecimiento Históri- Center. Frente, November 1, 1980. type=collection. co (CEH), Guatemala: Memory of Silence, theology; popular amongst Latin American 7. Garrard-Burnett, Virginia. Jerusalem Under Siege: 17. Russell, George. “Guatemala: Surprise in the Ser- Tz’Inil Na ‘Tab ‘Al: report of the Commission (including Guatemalan) Catholics during the Protestantism in Rural Guatemala. Austin: Institute mon.” Time, May 23, 1983. http://www. for Historical Clarification, Conclusions and twentieth century. of Latin American Studies, University of Texas at nytimes. com /1983/08/13/world/guatema- Recommendations – a postwar analysis of Matazonas – “Killing fields,” regions Austin, 1989. la-and-us-newsanalysis.html? rref= collection%2F- the Guatemalan Civil War and the charges of where regime military forces indiscriminate- 8. Garrard-Burnett, Virginia. Protestantism in Gua- timestopic%2FR%C3%ADos%20Montt%2C%20 temala: Living in the New Jerusalem. Austin: Uni- Efra%C3%ADn&action=click&contentCol- genocide made against Guatemala’s military ly assaulted civilians and their communities. versity of Texas press, 1998. lection=timestopics®ion=stream&mod- regimes, organized with United Nations su- Model Villages – Regime-managed ref- 9. Garrard-Burnett, Virginia. Terror in the Land of ule=stream_unit&version=search&contentPlace- pervision and the influence of the Catholic ugee camps for Maya displaced by the Civil the Holy Spirit: Guatemala under General Efraín ment=46&pgtype=collection. Church. War, particularly those fleeing the matazonas. Ríos Montt, 1982-1983. New York: Oxford Univer- 18. Sanford, Victoria. “The Silencing of Maya Wom- Costumbre ‘’ Traditional Maya spiritual Maya – the indigenous people of Guate- sity Press, 2010. en from Mamá Maquín to Rigoberta Menchú.” So- customs, which are often practiced alongside mala, who have retained elements of their 10. The Guardian. “Guatemala court: former dicta- cial Justice 27.1 (2000): 128-151. and in conjunction with Catholic (and, to a pre-colonization culture to various degrees; tor can be tried for genocide – but not sentenced.” 19. Schirmer, Jennifer. “Whose Testimony? Whose comprised of various subcultures, such as the August 25, 2015. Truth? Where Are the Armed Actors in the Stoll- lesser extent, Protestant) Christianity 11. Guatemalan Church in Exile. “Fraternal Letter.” Menchú Controversy?” Human Rights Quarterly Evangélico—Guatemalan terminology Ixil; often called “Indians” by ladinos. ‘Maya’ Translated by the Guatemala Information Center. 25.1 (2003): 60-73. for Protestants, particularly Pentecostals and is the appropriate singular, plural, and adjec- San José, Costa Rica: Guatemala Church in Exile, 20. Steinberg, Michael K., and Matthew J. Taylor. others belonging to churches emphasizing a tive form. August, 1980. “Public Memory and Political Power in Guatemala’s need for spiritual rebirth. Plan de Campaña Victoria 82 – the Ríos 12. Guzaro, Tomás, and Terri Jacob McComb. Es- Postconflict Landscape.” Geographical Review 93.4 Fernando Romeo Lucas García – a Gener- Montt regime’s military strategy for victory caping the Fire: How an Ixil Maya Pastor Led His (2003): 449-468. al and Ríos Montt’s predecessor, displaced in over leftist insurgencies, including fusiles y people out of a Holocaust During the Guatemalan 21. Stoll, David. Between Two Armies: in the Ixil Civil War. Austin: University of Towns of Guatemala. New York: Columbia Univer- frijoles. a coup and known for his regime’s unpredict- Texas Press, 2010.67 sity Press, 1993.68 able brutality. 13. Historical Clarification Commission (CEH). Fusiles y Frijoles – “Guns and Beans,” the BIBLIOGRAPHY & REFERENCES 67 counterinsurgency strategy employed under 1. Arias, Arturo. “Changing Indian Identity: Gua- Presented as a primary source of the testimonio tradition, this book is an autobiographical account rather than an academic text; the preface admits to (well-intentioned given Guatemalan politics) editing on the part the Ríos Montt military regime in the Maya temala’s Violent Transition to Modernity.” In Gua- temalan Indians and the State, edited by Carol A. of the translators, and none of the true primary sources (primarily interviews and oral accounts) used to form altiplano; part of a larger strategy called Plan Smith with the assistance of the book are cited in any way; Guzaro, Escaping the Fire, xiii. 68 de Campaña Victoria 82. Marilyn M. Moors, 230-257. Austin: University of Stoll, like Guzaro (or, more properly, the translator, McComb) does not cite his primary sources in his text, Genocide – the intentional destruction of which he presents as a first-hand anthropological account and case study. Zoe L. de Beurs, Jose A. Maldonado, Ju Hee Suh THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 20172018 4543 Synthesis, Characterization, and Opti- work by introducing dendrimer-encapsulated mal volume ratio of ethanol to water: a mixture nanoparticles (DENs), which provide more pre- with 0% or more than 75% ethanol led to aggre- mization of Dendrimer-Encapsulated cise control over nanoparticle size, allowing spe- gation, but a 50% ethanol ratio yielded the most cific observation of how size corresponds to cat- catalytic activity. Palladium Nanoparticles for Formic alytic potential.⁷ Nanoparticles’ unique catalytic Third, with respect to the reactant ratio of abilities are contingent on their high surface-ar- formic acid (FA) to sodium formate (SF), three Acid Decomposition ea-to-volume ratios. Smaller nanoparticles have different FA to SF ratios were tested: 1 to 1, 1 ABSTRACT higher surface-area-to-volume ratios and their to 3, and 3 to 1. An experiment was also per- Formic acid has the promising potential to serve as a safe, high-density, and sustain- catalytic abilities therefore depend on size, conformed with 100% FA to serve as the control able source of clean energy when decomposed into H gas for fuel cells. However, trolled by the synthesis procedure. test. For each of these, the initial turnover fre- finding a reliable catalyst for the decomposition reaction poses a considerable chal- Zhao et al. were the first to utilize dendrimers quency was measured with our quantitative gas as templates for nanoparticle synthesis.⁸ Their collection setup. It was found that a ratio of 3 to lenge. In this paper, we report on the stability and potential of dendrimer-encapsulat- dendrimer template theoretically increases sta- 1 FA:SF produced the highest initial turnover ed palladium nanoparticles (Pd DENs) as a catalyst, as well as the ideal reactant ratios bility, prevents agglomeration, and grants pre- frequency of 0.440 mL/min, compared to the for H2 production. Past methods for nanoparticle synthesis had little control over size cise control of the size of the nanoparticles, so control test of 100% FA, which had the lowest and geometry, impacting their potential as catalysts. To address this, we optimized the the initial procedure for synthesizing Pd55 DENs frequency of 0.020 mL/min. Overall, these re- procedure for creating Pd DENs by using polyamidoamine (PAMAM) 6th generation was based on their design.⁹ However, this result- sults provide a thorough, precise procedure for amine terminated dendrimers (G6-NH2) as synthesis templates. This resulted in sig- ed in unstable, agglomerated DENs, prompting a the synthesis of stable Pd DENs, the next step nificant, consistent 2H production, providing a better understanding of how nanopar- critical reevaluation of our methods. Specifical- towards a sustainable hydrogen-producing re- ticle size and geometry affect 2H evolution reactions. Overall, this work demon- ly, three potential issues were identified, each of action for future clean energy applications. strates that dendrimer-encapsulated palladium nanoparticles could facilitate better which had been identified in prior literature as a reactions for hydrogen catalysis, necessary for fuel cells and other forms of clean energy. potential area of exploration: pH levels, solvent MATERIALS & EXPERIMENTAL SETUP ratios of ethanol to water during synthesis, and Key terms: formic acid decomposition, nanoparticle catalysis, clean energy, hydrogen 2.1 Chemicals reactant ratios of formic acid to sodium formate. Amine-terminated sixth-generation (G6- First, with respect to pH control, Scott et al. NH2) PAMAM dendrimers with ethylenediamine reported that for Pd nanoparticle synthesis, the ydrogen fuel cells generate elec- action, which occurs when carbon monox- cores were acquired as 10-25% methanol solutions pH should be adjusted to 4.5 to minimize compe- tricity by electrooxidizing hydro- ide is produced instead, as listed in Equation (Sigma Aldrich, Inc.). The methanol was allowed tition from protonated amines during complex- gen molecules, or removing their 2.3 To resolve this, a palladium (Pd) catalyst to evaporate under a fume hood. K2PdCl4 (Fish- ation.⁶ Additionally, for reduction, the pH needs Helectrons, and using the removed electrons can be introduced, after which the reaction er Scientific, Inc.) and NaBH4 (Sigma Aldrich, to remain below 8 to prevent agglomeration. to generate current.1 Currently, hydrogen experiences no CO contamination.4 Addi- Inc.) were also used. To prepare the aqueous solu- However, after initial experimental trials, it be- for fuel cells can be effectively synthesized tionally, palladium has been shown to be tions, 18 MΩ Milli-Q deionized (DI) water was came apparent that controlling the pH was both and used at large industrial scales. However, the most active and affordable monometal- used combined with ethanol (Decon Laborato- time consuming and ineffective, often resulting in storage and transfer for smaller electronic lic element among the transition metals for ries, Inc.) at ratios of 0%, 25%, 50%, and 75% by aggregation and instability of the DENs, and so devices is problematic, since the reactions the formic acid decomposition reaction.5 volume. HCl (Fisher Scientific, Inc.) was used to this path was not explored any further. need to be performed and kept at high Therefore, formic acid decomposition with adjust the pH. Furthermore, the DENs solutions Second, with respect to solvent ratios, previ- temperatures.2 Formic acid decomposition a palladium catalyst could provide a viable were purged with pure, compressed argon gas ous experiments did not include ethanol as part provides an alternate method for hydrogen and efficient avenue to producing hydro- (Praxair, Inc.). Air can cause degradation of the of the solvent, but this study’s preliminary work production, seen in Equation 1, which can gen for smaller electronic devices. This then DENs in the form of aggregation or agglomera- found that using ethanol increased the stability be performed on-demand and stored at paves the way towards clean energy, through tion.⁹ Replacing air with inert argon gas prevents of the DENs.⁶ This can be explained by the rela- room temperatures. the use of hydrogen fuel cells. degradation and ensures stability of the structure tive polarity of the various reactants. Specifically, Past studies have explored the use of of the DENs. ethanol makes the dendrimer solution less polar. palladium catalysts for formic acid decom- To synthesize the G6-NH2 dendrimers with Since the palladium combined with the dendrim- position, mainly with carbon-supported 55 palladium atoms, resulting in G6-NH2 (Pd55) er is slightly nonpolar, it dissolves better in a less One potential concern is poisoning of the re- nanoparticles.6 This study builds upon that DENs, 27.23 µL of G6-NH2 dendrimer solution polar solution. Further work indicated the opti-

44 The Texas Undergraduate Research Journal Vol. 17 No. 1 | Available online at texasurj.com 46 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 47 was dissolved in 2.294 mL of DI water and 2.294 2.2 Characterization RESULTS AND ANALYSIS standard deviation of 0.016, and thus formic acid mL of ethanol. 275 µL of 0.1 M K2PdCl4 stock Finally, the Pd55 DENs were characterized Although Myers et al. showed that dendrim- without sodium formate does not yield substan- solution was then added and allowed to com- with ultraviolet-visible (UV-VIS) spectroscopy to er-encapsulated palladium nanoparticles should tial hydrogen gas production. plex for at least 45 minutes with stirring. Upon ensure the catalytic activity was a result of cataly- be stable indefinitely without O2, this study found completion of the complexation, an excess of 275 sis via DENs, and not simply Pd2+ in solution. Fig- that both the stability and catalytic potential can µL NaBH4 reduced and formed Pd DENs, as il- ure 3 illustrates the UV-Vis spectra of Pd DENs vary drastically with pH control and the incor- lustrated in Figure 1. Before testing the catalytic synthesis. UV-Vis provides information about poration of ethanol.⁹ After adjusting the pH to potential, the solution was purged with argon gas the electronic structure of the sample and, in this 3 before complexation and maintaining a pH of for 3-5 minutes to remove air while minimizing case, the binding of the metal ions and metal to 8 after reduction, it was found that the solution evaporation of the DENs solution. the interior of the dendrimer template. Addition- would form a precipitate indicating aggregation ally, the spectra can give information on the basic of the DENs. This aggregation implied that there size of the DENs. In the complexed spectrum, the was no longer a monodispersed size distribution peak at 285 nm corresponds to the ligand-to-met- of nanoparticles, rendering the DENs useless for al charge transfer (LCMT) band which indicates relating the size to catalytic potential. Instead, the the binding of the Pd2+ to the interior tertiary pH had to be allowed to equilibrate itself, creat- amines of the G6-NH dendrimer.⁷ This implies ing stable palladium nanoparticles without any is- Figure 1. Pd DEN synthesis procedure through the 2 55 that the DENs were successfully formed as need- sues of aggregation. Stability of DENs is essential dendrimer, complexation, and reduction stages. ed for the remainder of the experiment. After re- to maintaining the special nanoparticle structure 2.1 Gas Collection Setup duction with 0.2 M NaBH4, the monotonically which provides an optimal surface-area-to-vol- To collect gas for quantitative measurements, decreasing slope combined with the exponential ume ratio, enhancing catalytic potential. the schematic diagram in Figure 2 was used. In a shape towards shorter wavelengths is character- The preliminary results of the ethanol exper- 25 mL Erlenmeyer flask, the reactants and catalyst istic of the interband transition arising from the iments indicated that either a lack or an excess of were combined with a large stir bar (400 rpm). formation of intradendrimer palladium clusters.⁷ ethanol was detrimental to DEN stability and cat- The hydrogen gas formed then moved through The spectra show a low signal-to-noise ratio alyzing formic acid decomposition. Specifically, it the transfer needle to the inverted 50 mL burette, from 250 nm to 275 nm, possibly a result of slight was found that having either 0% or more than 75% where it displaces water through the outlet needle differences in the composition of the reference ethanol led to aggregation, but that a 50% etha- into the 100 mL beaker. This displacement pro- solution compared to the DENs solution. nol ratio yielded the best catalytic activity. This is vides a quantitative measurement of gas produced Upon purging the solution with argon gas, the likely because the dendrimer solution became le via the inverted burette. Measurements were re- volume of ethanol in solution may have no lon- ss polar through the addition of ethanol, allowing corded every 3 minutes for 30 minutes at room ger been representative of the reference solution, improved dissolution of the palladium. Howev- temperature. Between trials, it was ensured that causing noise on the spectrum. Nonetheless, these er, Ye et al. synthesized stable Pd DENs without the needles and Erlenmeyer flask were cleaned spectra align with the spectra found by Ye et al., a need for ethanol, and some inconsistency was thoroughly with detergent and dried before the supporting the use of dendrimer-encapsulation present in our gas production.10 Therefore, further next use. The initial volume in the inverted bu- for our Pd55 DENs and suggesting that the mean experimentation is imperative to determine the rette was held at ~28.0 mL to provide consistency particle sizes should be below 2 nm.7 exact function of ethanol in this context. between trials. The final aspect of the experiment was analyzing the optimal reactant ratios of formic acid Figure 2. Schematic setup for to sodium formate. These results can be seen in H2 gas collection. The reaction takes place in an Erlenmeyer Figure 4 and are summarized in Table 1, which flask and a transfer needle dis- shows the mean and standard deviation at each of

places the H2 gas towards the the four ratios that was tested. inverted burette. The gas push- Figure 5 shows the average catalytic activity Theoretical and experimental studies suggest es water in the burette down- of Pd55 DENs with only formic acid present as a that formate (HCOO-) is the main intermediate ward and changes the reading reactant. It can be seen that this is small and in- in the formic acid decomposition reaction.11 This so that the change in volume consistent, at a level of only 0.020 mL/min with a means that increasing its abundance in the form of corresponds to gas production. 48 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 49 sodium formate could accelerate the initial turn- lated to storing large volumes of flammable hy- ratio. This ratio predicts catalytic potential, pro- Boosting Room-Temperature Hydrogen Production from Formic Acid − Formate Solutions. (2014). 12 viding more insight into the catalytic properties of over frequency of H2 gas. Figure 6 then shows drogen gas, formic acid requires a reliable, effec- 5. Zhang, L. & Henkelman, G. Computational Design of catalytic activity with a 1 to 1 ratio of formic acid tive catalyst to produce hydrogen gas. This paper Pd DENs. In future work, the focus will be in ex- Alloy-Core @ Shell Metal Nanoparticle Catalysts. (2015). (FA) to sodium formate (SF), which generated has therefore explored the possibility of using Pd panding the range of Pd DEN sizes and compare doi:10.1021/cs501176b 0.299 mL/min, but with an inconsistent standard DENs as that catalyst, with particular attention their catalytic ability to computational results. 6. Scott, R. W. J., Ye, H., Henriquez, R. R. & Crooks, R. M. However, here it was shown that Pd55 DENs with Synthesis , Characterization , and Stability of Dendrimer-En- deviation of 0.047. to the synthesis, stability, and reactant ratios nec- capsulated Palladium Nanoparticles. 3873–3878 (2003). It was then hypothesized that adding even essary to optimize the reaction. Nanoparticles a ratio of 3:1 FA to SF can generate hydrogen gas 7. Ye, H., Scott, R. W. J. & Crooks, R. M. Synthesis , Charac- more formate could accelerate gas production. already have a high surface-area-to- volume ra- at a consistent rate. terization , and Surface Immobilization of Platinum and Pal- However, a 1 to 3 ratio of FA to SF reduced the rate tio that allows them to perform well as catalysts. This foundational research therefore provides ladium Nanoparticles Encapsulated within Amine- Terminat- an essential framework to further explore the op- ed Poly ( amidoamine ) Dendrimers. 10420–10425 (2004). to 0.205 mL/min, with an even more inconsistent Additionally, palladium has been shown to be the doi:10.1021/la0361060 standard deviation of 0.053. Ultimately, it was most active and affordable monometallic element timal catalyst for formic acid decomposition. In 8. Zhao, M., Sun, L. & Crooks, R. M. Preparation of Cu found that the optimal FA to SF ratio is 3 to 1, with among the transition metals for the formic acid the past, there have been few studies with such Nanoclusters within Dendrimer Templates. 7863, 4877–4878 a rate of 0.440 mL/min and a small standard devi- decomposition reaction. Although palladium precise control over nanoparticle size for this re- (1998). action. Future work would continue to employ 9. Myers, V. S. et al. Dendrimer-encapsulated nanoparticles: ation of 0.024, as seen in Figure 7. The augmented nanoparticles had been tested for this reaction in New synthetic and characterization methods and catalytic ap- rate may be pH-related as HCOO- is basic and a previous work, this study used dendrimer-encap- this precise control over sizes and geometries of plications. Chem. Sci. 2, 1632 (2011). slightly basic environment enhances Pd stability.12 sulated nanoparticles (DENs), which significantly Pd DENs to enhance hydrogen gas production. 10. Li, J. et al. Size-dependent catalytic activity over car- Beyond yielding the highest TOF, this ratio also enhance stability and reliability of this catalyst. This is necessary because these two properties of bon-supported Palladium nanoparticles in dehydrogenation nanoparticles directly determine their surface-ar- of formic acid. 352, 371–381 (2017). produced the most consistent results. Therefore, a This study primarily relied on our UV-VIS 11. Yoo, J. S., Abild-pedersen, F., Nørskov, J. K. & Studt, F. 3 to 1 FA to SF ratio provides the highest activity spectrometry results and previous research to ea-to-volume ratios, and in turn their catalytic Theoretical Analysis of Transition-Metal Catalysts for Formic for Pd DENs as a viable catalyst for this reaction. characterize our nanoparticles and verify their potential. Overall, this helps pave the way towards Acid Decomposition. (2014). The combination of highest yield of hydrogen gas size and shape. Without access to a transmission a future with cleaner energy, unlocking formic 12. Zhou, X. et al. High-quality hydrogen from the catalyzed decomposition of formic acid by Pd – Au / C and Pd – Ag / Cn and most consistent gas production rate through- electron microscope (TEM), multiple character- acid as a high-density energy source for fuel cells. w. 3540–3542 (2008). doi:10.1039/b803661f out multiple trials establishes this reactant ratio as ization techniques could not be achieved or ex- the ideal conditions to test the Pd DENs catalytic plored. Previous studies had already combined ability. These ideal conditions provide the founda- TEM images and UV-VIS of the same type of Pd ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS tion to further optimize the Pd DEN catalyst for DENs, allowing us to compare our UV spectra to We thank HHMI and the Keck Foundation for their formic acid decomposition, producing consistent theirs.⁷ In future work, this would be a recom- generous funding that made this research possible. We hydrogen gas for clean energy solutions. mend control test. In this study’s UV spectra, a also thank Dr. David Vanden Bout for providing the source of error includes purging our solution with funding and lab space to run the experiment. Lastly, we thank our research educator, Dr. Anthony Dylla, for argon gas. his continuous support, constructive feedback, and un- Purging can cause evaporation of some etha- wavering encouragement throughout our research. His nol which makes the volume of ethanol no longer positive attitude uplifted and empowered us to continue characteristic of the reference solution, resulting when the research seemed to be yielding one inconsis- in noise in Figure 1 from 250 nm to 275 nm. How- tent result after another. Ultimately, our dialogues facili- ever, purging is necessary to prevent agglomera- tated the troubleshooting that improved our experimen- tion and preserves the special nanoparticle struc- tal setup. ture. Ultimately, this study’s spectra still closely REFERENCES align with previous work, confirming the synthe- 1. Kreuer, K. D. On the development of proton conducting polymer membranes for hydrogen and methanol fuel cells. sis of Pd55 dendrimer-encapsulated nanoparticles 185, 29–39 (2001). CONCLUSIONS with mean particle sizes below 2 nm.⁷ This result 2. Felderhoff, M.; Weidenthaler, C.; von Helmolt, R.; Eberle, Ultimately, formic acid decomposition can relates the hydrogen catalysis to this specific size U. Hydrogen storage: the remaining scientific and technologi- dendrimer-encapsulated palladium nanoparticle. cal challenges. Phys. Chem. Chem. Phys. (2007). doi:10.1039/ provide on-demand hydrogen gas to power fuel b701563c cells for cars or small electronic devices. Although Due to time constraints, only a small range 3. Tedsree, K. et al. decomposition at room temperature using an on-demand source alleviates the concerns re- of sizes were tested, where the size directly de- a. Nat. Nanotechnol. 6, 302–307 (2011). termines nanoparticles’ surface-area-to-volume 4. Jiang, K., Xu, K., Zou, S. & Cai, W. B ‑ Doped Pd Catalyst: Marissa Kessenich THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 51 White Female Identity-Building in Despite Hughes’s convincing argument, it as an African. does contain gaps—the most pressing being his In the following section, I will address a Colonial Africa silence on the gender dynamics of colonial life. counterexample to Vera’s domesticity. I will fo- ABSTRACT While Hughes uses primary sources by wom- cus on the memoir of Baroness Karen Blixen, This project analyzes the ways in which European women who settled in the African colo- en, such as Danish Baroness Karen Blixen, his which recounts her time in British East Africa nies came to—or attempted to—self-identify as “African.” The goal of this paper is to give methodology does not analyze these experi- running a coffee plantation. The baroness’s sit- an introduction of the idea of settler colonialism and analyze the ways in which European ences through gender theory.4 Thus, Hughes’s uation exemplifies the largest gap in Hughes’s women living in the African colonies, who lacked the political and economic autonomy argument is not absolute; he glosses over the analysis: while she did own property, it did not that their male counterparts exercised, fostered a sense of entitlement to the African land- issues of how white women came to identify as result in her permanent settlement within the scape. This analysis rests on the premise provided by David McDermott Hughes, which African. This neglect is particularly concerning colony. Thus, I will investigate the nuances of proposes that “becoming African” relied on the effective transformation of the physical in light of the patriarchal settler colonial soci- a propertied woman within a strict patriarchal and socio-political landscape into one hospitable to Europeans, and uses the primary ac- ety that often kept women from owning land colonial society and how, despite ownership of counts of two women living in southern African colonies to reconcile Hughes’s oversight or participating in politics. Thus, this paper land and native labor, women like the baroness of the female experience. The first account, pulled from letters written by a Euro-Afri- aims to look at the issue of identity-building grappled with identifying themselves as Afri- can woman in South Africa, provides an example of how white women self-identified amongst European women in southern Africa cans. as African while confined to the domestic sphere. In the following section, I analyze the through the lenses of gender and colonialism. Based on the information provided by these memoir Out of Africa and use Baroness Karen Blixen’s experience owning property and I will first give a brief introduction to the sources, I argue that the gendered construction living as a single woman within colonial society as a counterexample to the domestic concept of settler colonialism and how this of colonial society in southern Africa often re- experience detailed in the first account. Given that she was both a landowner and a di- specific phenomenon reflects the goals and sulted in the limitation of women’s ability to vorcée, Blixen existed in a no-man’s-land of patriarchal colonial society and never tru- identities of certain groups of European mi- cement themselves within it. I look at the ways ly came to identify as African, eventually returning home to Denmark. From the analy- grants. Following this, I will look at letters writ- in which these women went about their lives ten by Vera Coetzee, the mother of author J.M. in the southern and eastern African colonies sis of these primary sources, I determine that women often struggled, and occasionally Coetzee, to her aunt living in Cape Town. I will and assess the extent and effectiveness of their failed, to foster a sense of entitlement to and self-identification with the African landscape. analyze how Vera talks about her life in South involvement and conformity to the settler so- Africa. By looking at what she finds important ciety. From the premise of Hughes’s argument Key terms: Self-identify; settler colonialism; Euro-African; identity; gender enough to mention in her letters and shedding that “becoming African” relied on the effective light on the gaps in her personal narrative, I transformation of the physical and socio-polit- will discern what facets of her life contribut- ical landscape into one hospitable to Europe- ed to her identity and her outward persona. In ans, I determine that women were often mar- avid McDermott Hughes ad- settlers had to devise a way to include particular, I will examine her existence within ginalized in this effort and thus their ability to dresses the controversial subject themselves in foreign lands.2 Rather than the domestic sphere and her relationship with identify as African made more difficult and, at of Euro-African identities in mixing with or attempting to assimilate African natives—namely her African house- times, impossible. Dhis book Whiteness in Zimbabwe: Race, indigenous African culture and knowl- Landscape, and the Problem of Belong- edge into colonial life, European settlers maid—and how these inform her own identity ing. Hughes’s main argument claims that actively created and maintained hierar- 1David McDermott Hughes, Whiteness in Zimbabwe: Race, Landscape, and the Problem of Belonging by building farms and manipulating the chies of power based on race that kept (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 1. natural ecology of southern Africa, Eu- whites and blacks in separate spheres, ef- 2Ibid. ropeans fostered a “credible sense of fectively distancing the colonizer and the 3Hughes, Whiteness in Zimbabwe, 6-7. entitlement” to the land they invaded.1 colonized. By completely separating the 4Hughes, Whiteness in Zimbabwe, 2-3. Hughes analyzes Blixen’s role within British East African co- Propagating this conviction of belong- indigenous Africans from their land, Eu- lonial structures, especially concerning her ownership of land and labor. However, he fails to ac- ing exercised two opposing efforts: while ropeans ignored and overruled natives’ knowledge the nuances of her gender. He discusses her participation within colonial social structure excluding native Africans “from pow- claim to belonging while cultivating their as if the experiences of colonizers were homogenous. This comparison, while utilitarian to Hughes’s er, from wealth, and from land,” foreign own identification as Africans.3 argument, glosses over the reality of Blixen’s position in colonial society.

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II ern Africa, the goal was similar, but the reality An interesting theme in a series of letters can identities through various forms of social, In his introduction of the first publication was much different. Europeans in South Africa to “Aunt Annie” is Vera’s mention of the im- political, and economic participation, white of the journal Settler Colonial Studies, Loren- and Rhodesia, for example, created new na- portance of “ha[ving] a place of one’s own” to women’s claims to Africa were derived through zo Veracini presents a new sub-field of colonial tional identities (e.g. Boers) within the colonies “spend energy and time on.”9 Each of Vera’s the development and maintenance of the studies, specifically the phenomenon of “settler without ever successfully escaping the plight of letters is sent from a different mailing address, home.13 Vera’s letters reveal the extent to which colonialism.” Veracini summarizes the distinc- European minority rule. In light of this, Eu- emphasizing the constant movement of the she reconciled her identity and belonging with tion between colonialism and settler colonial- ropeans’ process of “becoming African” was Coetzee family and her own lack of a perma- her home. In her 1940 letter, she gives her aunt ism as being the difference between “you, work at times a blended colonial pursuit: adopting nent household.10 Having grown up on a per- extensive details concerning the family’s move for me” and “you, go away.”5 Traditional colo- the unique identity politics of settler colonial- manent farm, Vera gained a sense of entitle- to a house in Warrenton: nialism, also known as franchise colonialism, ism while still maintaining contact with indig- ment to her African identity that was derived We did not have long to wait for a house and such as that which occurred in the West Indies enous Africans, but for their own economic from the ownership of land and space.11 The I am really sorry we got one so soon… We took and India, places a heavier emphasis on using gain rather than that of a European “home” self-importance derived from these farms is a the house as we thought it might be months and exploiting indigenous populations and re- country.7 perfect example of Hughes’s argument that Eu- before another one, more suitable is vacant. sources. The colonial rulers act in the interest of Viewing this theory through a gendered ropean settlers’ ability to become African often Somebody is expecting a transfer before the their home country and create establishments lens illuminates the gaps in which women of- rested on their ability to own the land and bend end of the year and said he would give us the and institutions to secure the sovereignty of ten existed. Despite the common myths within it to their will.12 While in her childhood, Ve- tip when he leaves. Their house is quite nice… the European colonizer. Antithetical to this, the historiography of the African colonies that ra’s identity was secured by her ties to the farm, it is one of the few houses here with water laid but not necessarily mutually exclusive, settler painted women, particularly wives, as hin- but in her adult life she must find another way on… I went to see [our] house yesterday. They colonialism is more heavily characterized by drances and annoyances, women played an to maintain her claim to an African identity. have cleaned the walls, but the floors are dirty, settlers fostering national identities separate important role in the maintenance of the em- She moves from town to town, from home to so I asked them to clean those as well.14 from their European homeland and building pire. Colonial society needed women to con- home, in an attempt to survive her husband’s Vera’s preoccupation with the house and its a new way of life in opposition to or without tinue the mission of the empire into the home; many job assignments and demotions. She no effect on her family’s quality of life is a direct regard for the indigenous populations.6 This care of the home and the family were crucial to longer has the land to tie herself to but rath- reflection of her role as wife and caretaker. Any phenomenon of settler colonialism is particu- the success of society (albeit much less glorified er various homes within which to support her and all flaws with her family’s residence threat- larly evident in the United States and Australia. in a white male-driven historiography).8 Vera family and glean purpose. en to affect the family unit. Her disappointment Indigenous communities were erased through Coetzee, mother of author J.M. Coetzee, is a The home was often considered the second at obtaining a residence so soon due to its in- a mixture of cultural assimilation and physical poignant example of what facets of life contrib- phase of colonization. While men represented feriority to another she desires emphasizes the elimination, and white settlers became the rul- uted to women’s African identity and helped the active colonizers and cemented their Afri- chasm between necessity and comfort. With a ing majority. In settler communities in south- them actively participate in colonial structures. 10Vera Coetzee, Vera Wehmeyer Coetzee Letter to 'Aunt Annie,' 1940, Letter from Harry Ransom Center, J. M. Coetzee Papers, 1864-2012. 5Lorenzo Veracini, “Introducing Settler Colonial Studies,” Settler Colonial Studies 1 (2011): 2. Coetzee, Letter to 'Aunt Annie,' 1949. 6Lorenzo Veracini, Settler Colonialism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 4. Vera Coetzee, Vera Wehmeyer Coetzee Letter to 'Aunt Annie,' 1950, Letter from Harry Settler colonialism was not devoid of native labor, and thus is not necessarily divorced from franchise Ransom Center, J. M. Coetzee Papers, 1864-2012. colonialism’s aim to profit off of native resources and populations. I studied three letters between Vera and her aunt. The first is sent from a post office box in Warrenton 7For this reason, I use the term Euro-African interchangeably in this paper when discussing Europe- in 1940; the second from 61, Reunion Park, Worcester in 1949; and the third from 12 Poplar Ave., an’s “African identities.” Because they never extinguished the existence of natives to such an extent as Reunion Park, Worcester in 1950. to make them the minority in their own country (such as in the United States or Australia), Europeans 11J.M. Coetzee, Scenes from Provincial Life: Boyhood, Youth, Summertime (New York: Penguin, remained hyphenated Africans while the natives remained “Africans,” “Coloreds,” or “natives.” Thus, 2012), 19. in this paper, “becoming African” is “becoming Euro-African.” John, Vera’s son, claims that this ownership of land “sets him apart: the two farms behind him, his 8Margaret Strobel, European Women and the Second British Empire (Bloomington: Indiana Univer- mother’s farm, his father’s farm, and the stories of those farms…through the farms he has substance.” sity Press, 1991), 15. 12See Part I. 9Vera Coetzee, Vera Wehmeyer Coetzee Letter to 'Aunt Annie,' 1949, Letter from Harry 13Julie Cairnie, “Women and the Literature of Settlement and Plunder: Towards an Understanding of Ransom Center, J. M. Coetzee Papers, 1864-2012. the Zimbabwean Land Crisis,” English Studies in Canada 33.1-2 (2007), 166. 14Coetzee, Coetzee Letter to 'Aunt Annie,' 1940 54 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 55 new baby, the family desperately needs a new negatively) mentioned in the letter. Vera does dominant household companion was her black becomes increasingly unable (or unwilling) to home. However, Vera’s own vanity and desire not see her as a person, but rather as part of a maid. Thus, the importance of maintaining a maintain social distance from her native work- to fulfill her role as homemaker, and therefore larger collective of Coloreds who she identifies sense of aloofness and disdain towards her was ers—namely a field-turned-domestic servant cultivate and solidify an identity and sense of as “those thieves.”17 paramount towards maintaining Vera’s identi- named Moses. The end of the novel begins to self around a homestead, acts as a source of in- This behavior is representative of a very ty as an African and, therefore, upholding the hint towards a sense of guilt on Mary’s part for ternal conflict. common psychological separation practiced structure of colonial South African society. the European invasion of the African land- One conspicuous gap in Vera’s narrative of by white settlers—particularly women. In his Vera Coetzee demonstrates in her let- scape, making her murder at Moses’s hands domestic life is her employment of and interac- article “Gender Colonial ‘Women’s History’ ters two of the predominant struggles faced appear to be a result of her vulnerability and tion with natives. As mentioned earlier, settler and the Construction of Social Distance,” au- by Euro-African women in “becoming Af- guilt.21 Thus, her inability to maintain social colonialism in Africa was characterized by the thor Simon Dagut discusses the concept of rican”: lacking ties to the land and maintain- distance from the natives ultimately results in conflict between the desire for Euro-Africans social distance between white women and ing hierarchical colonial race relations within her death. to exist separate from native Africans and the blacks in Africa. Unlike white men, who “only the intimacy of the domestic setting. While Mary exemplifies the difficulties faced by overwhelming presence of Africans in their interacted with colonized people in public and Vera seems to overcome these obstacles, this women in the southern African colonies: un- day-to-day life. In the case of native domestic hierarchical environments” like mines, farms, was not always the case for other women. In able to truly tie herself to the land and lacking labor, the attempt to erase native presence was and military campaigns, Euro-African women her fictionalized autobiography, The Grass Is the hierarchical safety that her husband has, more psychological than physical. In a letter to lacked this luxury of structurally maintained Singing, author Doris Lessing tells the trag- Mary fails to successfully become African. Aunt Annie dated May 6, 1940, Vera tells her social distance.18 Like Vera, many women’s ic story of Mary Turner, the reluctant wife of Whereas Vera demonstrates a woman who aunt some of the details of the move. Vera’s sole interaction with natives was in the domes- Dick Turner, a poor farmer and landowner in persists through these difficulties and main- only mention of her native African maid is to tic sphere. In this private and less structured Southern Rhodesia.20 Lessing’s novel is an ex- tains the colonial institution of the home, Mary complain that her “kleinmeid” stole pictures, a environment, the racial hierarchy risked be- ploration of Mary’s changing identity from a fails to contribute to the permanence of the set- record book, and socks from the house before coming less strictly enforced. To remedy this, Euro-African city-dweller isolated from land tler space and threatens the colonial hierarchy. she left at the end of her employment.15 The settler women often engaged in a psycholog- ownership and native contact, to a farmer’s These two women exemplify two sides of the word “kleinmeid” translates directly to “little ical project of suppressed perception—which wife immersed in employer-employee rela- same experience and, in doing so, reveal the girl” but carries a racial and derogatory conno- involved, at the very least, viewing natives as tionships with black domestic and field work- fragility of the Euro-African identity. tation.16 In a letter written entirely in English, inherently sub-human and inferior—in order ers and within a community of white settlers. III this unique use of Afrikaans suggests a socie- to maintain a social distance between them- Mary’s inability to reconcile her place within This paper’s argument, in addressing tal influence on Vera’s attitudes. Her disdain- selves and their native servants.19 Vera’s slight the social hierarchy—which manifests in neg- Hughes’s oversight of the female settler expe- ful and disappointed tone is largely a result of towards her maid in the letter to Aunt Annie is ligence, violence, rudeness, and condescen- rience, rests upon the premise that the social her detachment from the maid, who despite an example of this phenomenon. With a new- sion—eventually drives her insane. Due to her hierarchy within the southern and eastern Af- assisting Vera at all times is only briefly (and born baby and a working husband, Vera’s pre- husband’s own insecurities about providing rican colonial communities was not conducive for his family and maintaining the farm and to white women’s ownership of property and, its finances, Mary’s gender keeps her from be- therefore, to their development and mainte- 15Vera Coetzee, Letter to 'Aunt Annie,' 1940. 16Irving Kaplan and others, Area Handbook for the Republic of South Africa (Washington D.C.: coming intimately involved in the affairs of the nance of an African identity. While mostly American University Press, 1970), 174. farm. This alienation from the land coupled true, this premise is not absolute. An example D.C. Hauptfleisch, “Racist Language in Society and in Dictionaries: A Pragmatic Perspective,” Lex- with disdain for remaining at home with noth- of a woman who owned property in the Afri- ikos 3 (1993): 120. ing to do drive Mary towards mental instabil- can colonies is Danish Baroness Karen Blixen. 17Vera Coetzee, Vera Wehmeyer Coetzee Letter to 'Aunt Annie,' 1940. ity. As Mary’s mental health deteriorates, she After marrying her husband, Baron Bror 18Simon Dagut, “Gender Colonial ‘Women’s History’ and the Construction of Social Distance: Mid- 20 dle-Class British Women in Later Nineteenth-Century South Africa,” Journal of Southern African Doris Lessing, The Grass Is Singing (New York: HarperCollins, 1950). Studies 26.3 (2000), 560. Lessing’s fictional work is based on the life of her parents in Southern Rhodesia and their struggles to 19Dagut, “Gender Colonial ‘Women’s History’ and the Construction of Social Distance, 561. maintain a failing farm. 21 Dagut cites settler Ellen McLeod’s letters to demonstrate a common shift in attitude towards black Lessing, The Grass Is Singing, 203. natives. McLeod’s early letters boast complements to her competent kaffir; however, after a few years, The scene of Mary’s murder describes her as running out towards Moses in the dark of night, recog- she refers to him as a savage (if at all). nizing, in her last moment of consciousness, that “then the bush avenged itself.” 56 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 57

Blixen, the baroness moved to British East Af- who visit her from Europe and other locations what it meant for Europeans to become Afri- and crocodile farm, evidence of his business rica (modern day Kenya) where the couple ran around Kenya—such as Denys Finch Hatton, can. Her sense of superiority stems from her venture in providing home security for white a coffee plantation. However, after divorcing in her lover. This silence surrounding the local benevolence towards and connection with the settlers. After her tour of Pimenta’s property, 1921, the baroness took over management of settler community is conspicuously coupled natives—a connection she felt more strongly Hanna suddenly envisions him throwing Isa- the plantation and its labor.22 with Blixen’s silence on her ex-husband24. Be- than that with other whites. This source of be- bel, his black African wife, and herself down to Blixen’s story provides a counterexample cause her divorce resulted in her acquisition longing ties the baroness to the land but also the crocodiles.26 While this functions as a lit- to Vera Coetzee’s domesticity and exemplifies and independent maintenance of the farm, her signals her socially inappropriate fondness for erary device that foreshadows the interwoven a gap in Hughes’s argument: Blixen is a wom- exclusion from the patriarchal settler society the natives. By breaking the rule of social dis- and unfortunate fates of both women through- an who owned property and felt a strong con- was likely a result of the divorce as much as her tance, Blixen’s preference for the company of out the novel, this scene also illustrates the atti- nection with the African landscape but did deviations from gender norms. Her seeming Africans over European settlers leaves her in a tude of callous capitalism and colonialism that not become African.23 After the failure of her disregard for the carefully cultivated Euro-Af- social no-man’s land. Without a socio-political he embodies. As a white man, Pimenta’s duty plantation, she sold the land and returned to rican social structure put her directly at odds foundation to fortify her claims to Africa and within the colonial hierarchy is to stake a claim Denmark. Despite owning land and becom- with the community’s project of credible enti- her African identity, a poor harvest and a dev- to the land, establish dominion over its inhab- ing physically tied to the land, the baroness tlement. astating fire force Blixen to leave her farm and itants, and make a life for himself—no matter struggled with the nuances and ramifications In addition to her isolation from colonial return to Denmark. The land seemingly rejects the human cost. of gender just as Vera and Mary did. Blixen’s society, in the final section of her memoir, Blix- her, negating her attempts to include herself White African women, on the other hand, ownership of property was a social transgres- en reflects on her final weeks in Africa and on into this foreign domain. did not have the luxury of enacting such su- sion that distanced her from both men and her relationships with other European settlers. The baroness’s situation strongly resembles premacy—as they did not inhabit the highest women within colonial society, and her inabil- When I was with other white people, law- that of Hanna Renstrom, the Swedish protag- rungs of the social ladder. Hanna’s defense of ity to maintain social distance from her native yers and business-men in Nairobi, or with onist in the novel A Treacherous Paradise by Isabel’s crime against a white man, her intimate workers—despite putting her in closer physical my friends who gave me advice about my Henning Mankell. After arriving in the city of relationships with her native employees, and and emotional proximity to native Africans— journey, my isolation from them felt very Lourenço Marques in Portuguese East Africa her general lack of conformity irrevocably os- alienated her even further from the Euro-Afri- strange, and sometimes like a physical (modern day Mozambique), Hanna marries tracize her from the Euro-African community. can community. Caught in a grey area between thing, —a kind of suffocation. I looked the owner of a local brothel and comes into She had behaved in a way which all oth- male and female colonial gender roles and the upon myself as the one reasonable person a great deal of wealth and property after his er white citizens would have condemned native Africans and the Euro-African commu- amongst them all; but once or twice it hap- death. Although she does not own land to farm outright…They would have said she was nity, Blixen’s experience demonstrates that for pened to me to reflect that if I had been on, Hanna owns a large house and her late hus- spoiling the blacks, making them obstinate women land ownership alone did not neces- mad, amongst sane people, I should have band’s business. and lazy, and reducing their respect for sarily yield a sense of belonging. felt just the same.25 Mankell’s novel informs the reader of Han- their white superiors. I’m in the middle of While Blixen does not talk explicitly about Blixen’s disdain for the rest of the Europe- na’s African identity-building process by con- all that, with a foot in both camps, [Hanna] attitudes towards her sole ownership of a an settler community further emphasizes her trasting it to white men’s process of becoming thought. I don’t belong anywhere.27 farm, her alienation from the male-dominat- displacement within the hierarchy of colonial African: white men’s African-ness is born of Hanna’s disregard for the rules and the hier- ed sphere of land ownership is apparent. The society. Her tone of superiority—seeing herself sheer will to bend the land and its people to archy of Lourenço Marques ultimately prevent only interactions with other white people that as “the one reasonable person amongst them their will despite feelings of contempt, both her from cementing herself within the colonial she mentions in her memoir are with those all”—demonstrates her misunderstanding of from and towards the natives, and foreignness. society of Portuguese East Africa. Pedro Pimenta, a wealthy and eccentric busi- Despite a stark difference in social class, 22Isak Dinesen [Karen Blixen], Out of Africa (New York: Random House, 1937), 14. nessman in Lourenço Marques, embodies this Blixen and Renstrom share a sensitivity to the I will refer to Blixen when discussing the author’s decisions and intentions as well as the actions of the hyper-masculinity of colonialism. His aggres- relationships between settlers and natives. For memoir since her true identity is well-known. sion is perfectly captured in a scene at Pimenta’s both women, their ownership of property does 23Dinesen, Out of Africa, 3-7. home when he shows Hanna his dog kennels not directly correlate to their sense of In the first pages, Blixen illustrates in intimate detail the physical surroundings of the plantation. She introduces the reader to the place that she carries so much affection for but had to leave behind. 26Henning Mankell, A Treacherous Paradise, trans. by Laurie Thompson (New York: Vintage, 2014), 24Blixen only vaguely mentions Bror on one occasion as “my husband.” (Dinesen, Out of Africa, 265) 177. 25Dinesen, Out of Africa, 331. 27Mankell, A Treacherous Paradise, 343. 58 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 59 belonging within Africa. On the contrary, for through the female perspective, this process ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS both of these women, their land ownership was made more difficult, and at times impos- I’d like to express my deepest thanks to my conflicts with their gender roles and the expec- sible, by the gendered structure of colonial professor, Dr. Ruramisai Charumbira, for in- tations colonial society has of them. Dagut’s society. The written accounts of Vera Coetzee spiring me to always dig a little deeper in my theory of social distance centers on the idea and Baroness Karen Blixen offer illuminating writing and lean into the questions and frustra- that women only interacted with natives in a accounts of the female experience within these tions I encountered. My unending thanks also more intimate domestic setting, making them social structures. Because women were often go to the librarians of the Harry Ransom Cen- more vulnerable to transgressions. However, I prevented from owning land, their means of ter reading room for helping me and being pa- argue that Dagut underestimates the role that forging an identity was less concrete. Even in tient with me while I conducted my research. masculinity played in white men’s mainte- the event of land ownership, however, gender nance of social distance in more “archetypical- roles and gender expectations prevented wom- REFERENCES ly rigid structures” and, therefore, in inhibiting en from using the same mechanisms in the 1. Cairnie, Julie. “Women and the Literature of Settlement women’s ability to become African.28 Even in pursuit of becoming African. Underscored by and Plunder: Towards an Understanding of the Zimbabwean Land Crisis.” English Studies in Canada 33, no. 1–2 (2007): the rigid structure of labor owner (settler) and literary examples, Coetzee and Blixen’s first- 165– 188. labor producer (native), white women's gen- hand accounts highlight the gendered experi- 2. Coetzee, J.M. Scenes from Provincial Life: Boyhood, Youth, der diffused the hierarchical boundary men ence of building and incorporating oneself into Summertime. New York: Penguin, 2012. 3. Coetzee, Vera. Vera Wehmeyer Coetzee Letter to 'Aunt previously defined. As a result of this, Blixen Euro-African settler colonial society. Annie,' 1940. Letter from Harry Ransom Center. J. M. Coet- and Renstrom refrain from maintaining the The experience of white female settlers in zee Papers, 1864-2012. “appropriate” social distance from natives and Africa deepens and broadens historical un- 4. Coetzee, Vera. Vera Wehmeyer Coetzee Letter to 'Aunt Annie,' 1949. Letter from Harry Ransom Center. J. M. Coet- leave themselves, as Hanna put so well, “with derstanding of colonialism and even postco- zee Papers, 1864-2012. a foot in both camps:” participating in the colonialism. The question of how Europeans 5. Coetzee, Vera. Vera Wehmeyer Coetzee Letter to 'Aunt lonial hierarchy, but empathizing with the na- came to identify as African is one that opens Annie,' 1950. Letter from Harry Ransom Center. J. M. Coet- tive community. The conflict produced by this up discussions of immigration, settlement, zee Papers, 1864-2012. 6. Dagut, Simon. “Gender Colonial ‘Women’s History’ and transgression of gender roles keeps both wom- conquest, and European relations with natives. the Construction of Social Distance: en from truly becoming African. Consideration of how women exercised agen- Middle-Class British Women in Later Nineteenth-Century IV cy and attempted to fit themselves within the South Africa.” Journal of Southern African Studies 26, no. 3 (2000): 555–572. The project of settler colonialism active- project of “becoming African” provides a more 7. Dinesen, Isak [Karen Blixen]. Out of Africa. New York: ly pushed back against the fact that “the peo- nuanced insight into how these Euro-African Random House, 1937. ple settled upon clearly hold a stronger claim communities developed, took root, and influ- 8. Hughes, David McDermott. Whiteness in Zimbabwe: 29 Race, Landscape, and the Problem of Belonging. New York: to belonging” than the settlers. This project enced the course of African and world history. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. of belonging occurred in various forms and Since gaining independence and instating ma- 9. Lessing, Doris. The Grass Is Singing. New York: Harper- with various levels of success. In southern and jority black African governments, nations like Collins, 1950. eastern Africa, the physical erasure of the na- South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Namibia have 10. Mankell, Henning. A Treacherous Paradise. Translated by Laurie Thompson. New York: Vintage, 2014. tive—such as was done in former colonies like had to deal with increasing tensions between 11. Strobel, Margaret. European Women and the Second the United States and Australia—was not an white and black Africans—especially con- British Empire. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991. attainable goal; thus, European settlers had to cerning land ownership and general economic 12. Veracini, Lorenzo. “Introducing Settler Colonial Studies.” develop a different means of justifying their disparity. Understanding the phenomenon of Settler Colonial Studies 1, no. 1 (2011): 1–12. presence and preeminence. Europeans “becoming African” is crucial to European settlers’ appropriation and culti- understanding the modern physical and social vation of the land acted as a source of identifi- landscape of the African continent. cation and entitlement. However, when viewed 28Dagut, “Gender Colonial ‘Women’s History’ and the Construction of Social Distance,” 560. 29Hughes, Whiteness in Zimbabwe, 1. Alexa Mason THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 61 Addressing the Impact of Sugar- SSB Intake Impacts Childhood Health added sugar intake to 5% of daily calories for One out of six children is obese and one out additional health benefits, which is about 25 Sweetened Beverage Intake on the of three children is overweight or obese in the grams for a 2000-calorie diet. Many SSBs ex- Health of U.S. Children United States (Ogden, Carroll, Kit, & Flegal, ceed that value in just one container. Figure 1 below shows the added sugar content in com- ABSTRACT 2012). Childhood obesity takes a toll on almost every body system of an individual. Metabolic, mon beverage portions compared to the 25 According to the World Health Organization, childhood obesity is one of the most serious cardiovascular, digestive, respiratory, skeletal, gram WHO recommendation. Also consider public health issues of this century. Sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) intake is a signifi- and psychosocial health issues related to obe- that the daily calorie intake recommendation cant contributing factor, adding excess calories and sugar to the diets of children without sity are occurring in children for the first time for many groups of children is below 2000 cal- providing nutritional benefits. This thesis describes the impact that SSB intake has on the or with greater prevalence, and these disorders ories (U.S. Department of Health, 2015), so health of children in the United States, explores how the beverage industry and other en- may lead to today’s youth living less healthy their maximum daily added sugar recommen- tities influence SSB intake by children, and proposes action to decrease intake levels and and shorter lives compared to their parents dation would be lower than 25 grams. mitigate the negative health effects of excess SSB intake by U.S. children. Literature on (Daniels, 2006). Furthermore, obese children public health, nutrition, the food industry, and public policy was reviewed to evaluate the and adolescents reported health-related quali- scope and severity of the influence that SSB intake has on childhood health and to assess ty of life measures comparable to children with the efficacy and value of various proposals to decrease intake. This thesis argues that ex- cancer and were five times more likely to have cessive SSB intake by children is making a significant detrimental impact on the health of diminished quality of life compared to their U.S. children; eliminating SSBs from the diets of children is an effective step to prevent and normal-weight peers based on self-report and treat obesity; and public health policy and interventions aimed at decreasing SSB intake parent proxy report (Daniels, 2006). by children need to be altered or implemented to mitigate childhood obesity in the U.S. The overconsumption of calories is one factor contributing to the childhood obesity Key terms: sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB), soda, nutrition, childhood health, obesity epidemic, and sugar-sweetened beverages are a large source of these excess calories. Sug- ar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) are any drinks n recent years, childhood obesity has parents using advertising and branding sweetened with added sugar or high fructose Figure 1. The added sugar content (grams) in com- been a topic highlighted in media cov- campaigns. corn syrup. This category includes beverages mon sugar-sweetened beverage portions (Coca Cola, erage, and most of the narrative has The World Health Organization such as soda, juice drinks, teas, coffees, sport 2014; PepsiCo, 2016; Red Bull, n.d.; Snapple, 2016; Ibeen focused on food consumption and (2016) considers childhood obesity to Starbucks, 2016) compared with the WHO 25 gram drinks, and energy drinks. “Juice drinks” in physical activity. However, sugar-sweet- be one of the most serious public health daily added sugar intake recommendation for a 2000 this thesis refers to drinks marketed as juice calorie diet (2015). ened beverage (SSB) intake by children challenges of this century, and targeting that contain added sugar to differentiate them has also been found to be a significant children’s SSB intake to decrease con- from 100% fruit juice, which is not a sug- As public perceptions of soda intake are be- factor in the childhood obesity epidem- sumption and prevent excess weight gain ar-sweetened beverage. coming increasingly negative, youth intake of ic (Malik, Pan, Willett, & Hu, 2013). The from the beginning of life is one possible non-soda SSBs such as sweet tea, sports drinks, high sugar and caloric content of sodas, step to address the public health problem Added Sugar Guidelines and Sug- and energy drinks is increasing. Sugary Drink sport drinks, juice drinks, energy drinks, of obesity. This thesis describes the im- ar-Sweetened Beverage Contribution F.A.C.T.S., or Food Advertising to Children and coffee drinks are contributing to ex- pact of SSB intake on the health of U.S. and Teens Score, published by the Rudd Center cess weight in children. Childhood health children, explores the numerous factors The World Health Organization (2015) rec- for Food Policy and Obesity found that from has been determined to be a critical as- that influence SSB intake by children, and ommends that adults and children consume 2010 to 2013, gallon sales of soda (diet and pect of lifelong health, and children de- proposes and analyzes potential solutions less than 10% of daily calories from added sug- regular) declined 7% and fruit drinks declined velop their taste preferences and eating to reduce SSB intake by children. ars, which is about 50 grams for a 2000-calorie by 3%. However, consumption of other bever- habits early in life. Because of this, the diet. Daily estimated calorie needs vary de- ages such as flavored water, sports drinks, and beverage industry targets children and pending on age, sex, and physical activity lev- ready-to-drink coffee and tea increased from el. Furthermore, WHO recommends limiting

60 The Texas Undergraduate Research Journal Vol. 17 No. 1 | Available online at texasurj.com 62 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 63

As public perceptions of soda intake are be- calories on average (DiMeglio & Mattes, 2000). As Figure 2 on the previous page illustrates, complying with the WHO added sugar recom- coming increasingly negative, youth intake of This study demonstrates that SSBs lack nutri- children and adolescents are consuming near- mendation, with an average of 8.65% of calories non-soda SSBs such as sweet tea, sports drinks, tional benefits, including satiation, and indi- ly double the recommended intake of added coming from added sugar. Furthermore, this and energy drinks is increasing. Sugary Drink viduals would benefit from replacing SSB con- sugars, and sugar-sweetened beverages are con- change may bring children closer to meeting di- F.A.C.T.S., or Food Advertising to Children and sumption with calories from food sources, even tributing one-third to one-half of added sugar etary recommendations for healthy foods such Teens Score, published by the Rudd Center for if those food sources are high in sugar. depending on age and sex. Furthermore, the as fruits and vegetables. Food Policy and Obesity found that from 2010 percentages of total calories are based on the to 2013, gallon sales of soda (diet and regular) Overconsumption of Added Sugar by U.S. number of calories actually consumed by the Added Sugar Intake Effects on Childhood declined 7% and fruit drinks declined by 3%. Youth individual participants, not the recommended Health However, consumption of other beverages such daily caloric intake based on age, sex, and phys- Youth at all ages in the United States are con- These data are problematic because early as flavored water, sports drinks, and ready-to- ical activity level from the dietary guidelines. suming excess added sugar. On average, youth childhood nutrition is considered one of the drink coffee and tea increased from 7% to 21%, Therefore, since children are consuming more ages 2-19 years are consuming 15.9% of their most important factors determining long-term and energy drinks increased 41% (Harris et al., calories on average than dietary guidelines rec- daily total calories from added sugar (Ervin, health. A mother’s health status before she be- 2014). These drinks can have just as much or ommend, their SSB and added sugar intakes are Kit, Carroll, & Ogden, 2012). More specifical- comes pregnant influences her children, and more sugar and caffeine per ounce as soda. A even greater in relation to what they should be ly, youth ages 2-19 years are consuming 7.25% as a child develops, his or her early life experi- study investigating parental perceptions of sug- consuming. of their daily total calories from sugar-sweet- ences become a foundation for his or her future ar-sweetened beverages found that about 40% On average, from 2011 to 2014, children ened beverage added sugar (Rosinger, Her- health (Shonkoff et al., 2010). The risk of adult of parents thought Capri Sun, Sunny D, and Ga- ages 2-19 years consumed an average of 142.5 rick, Gahche, & Park, 2017). About two-thirds obesity for obese children was found to be dou- torade were healthy options for their children calories per day from sugar-sweetened beverag- of U.S. youth ages 2-19 consumed at least one ble the risk for non-obese children (Serdula et (Munsell, Harris, Sarda, & Schwartz, 2016), de- es, which is equal to about 36 grams of added sugar-sweetened beverage on a given day from al., 1993). 80% of children who are overweight spite these beverages containing high amounts sugar. Males ages 12-19 consumed 232 calo- 2011 to 2014, and 10% consumed three or more at any time during elementary school are over- of added sugar and providing little to no nutri- ries per day from sugar-sweetened beverages, (Rosinger et al., 2017). According to Rosinger weight at age 12 years (Nader et al., 2006). This tional value. which is equal to about 58 grams of added sugar et al. and Ervin et al., 41% of added sugar con- suggests that parents and pediatricians need to Furthermore, despite the high sugar content (Rosinger et al, 2017). Furthermore, on aver- sumed by youth ages 2-19 is coming from sug- address unhealthy eating and activity patterns of SSBs, those who consume more SSBs have age, from 2005 to 2008, children ages 2-19 years ar-sweetened beverages. in early childhood instead of assuming they not been found to reduce solid food consump- consumed an average of 196 calories per day will resolve themselves over time (Nader et al., tion of the same caloric value to maintain en- from all added sugar sources, which is equal to 2006). ergy balance (Wolf, Bray, & Popkin, 2008). The about 49 grams of added sugar, and males ages SSB intake by children is a risk factor for gastrointestinal tract does not sense carbohy- 12-19 consumed 442 calories per day from add- later health complications. A greater intake of drate beverage calories in the same way that it ed sugar, which is equal to about 110.5 grams of sugar-sweetened beverages is related to high- senses solid food to induce the feeling of satiety, added sugar (Ervin et al., 2012). Youth on aver- er rates of type 2 diabetes (Malik et al., 2010). possibly due to the lack of complex carbohy- age are consuming 125 calories over the added Type 2 diabetes is a public health threat in the drates, fat, and protein (Wolf et al., 2008). For sugar recommendation, and drinking an aver- United States. Over 9% of the population had example, a study found that when participants age of 143 calories from sugar-sweetened bever- diabetes in 2012, and diabetes was the seventh consumed 450 calories from a soft drink daily ages daily, which amounts to 81% of the average leading cause of death in the United States in for four weeks, they did not reduce their daily maximum daily allowance of 175 calories from 2010 (American Diabetes Association, 2016). caloric intake to account for the soft drink; in Figure 2. Comparison of the % of daily calories from added sugar. The prevalence of type 2 diabetes in children fact, they slightly increased their caloric con- sugar-sweetened beverages that U.S. youth consumed Based on the data from Rosinger et al. and was unheard of until the mid-1990s and was sumption from other food sources. On the oth- from 2011 to 2014 (Rosinger et al., 2017) and the Ervin et al., if children stopped drinking sug- called “adult onset” diabetes until the incidence % of daily calories from added sugar intake that er hand, when the same participants consumed ar-sweetened beverages and replaced SSB calo- of type 2 diabetes increased among children in 450 calories daily from jelly beans daily for four U.S. youth consumed from 2005 to 2008 (Ervin et ries with calories from sources without added al., 2012) with the WHO (2015) recommendation the 2000s. Children with type 2 diabetes are at weeks, they decreased their daily caloric intake to consume 10% of daily calories from added sugar sugar, such as fruits and vegetables, to maintain an increased risk of chronic complications – in- from other food sources by slightly over 450 intake. their typical caloric intake, children would be cluding loss of vision, limb amputations, and 64 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 65 cardiovascular disease – compared to those who SSB Intake at School and at Home cially for younger children who do not have the and food and beverage companies strategically develop the disease as adults (Reinehr, 2013). A The availability of sugar-sweetened beverag- resources to access sugar-sweetened beverages place advertisements around schools to market study on Canadian children found that added es in and around schools contributes to the obe- independently. This lack of SSB intake early in to parents and children (Latimer, Delk, Spring- sugars from beverage sources, compared to food sogenic environment. The USDA implement- life could then lead to minimal SSB intake later er, & Pasch, 2013). sources, predicted a higher risk of impaired glu- ed new “All Foods Sold in Schools” standards in life due to established habits. Psychologically, children are vulnerable to cose homeostasis and insulin resistance (Wang in 2014, restricting beverages that schools can the influence of marketing because their cog- et al., 2014). sell to flavored fat-free milk and other calorie Beverage Industry Marketing Targets Youth nitive development is not yet complete. The Sugar-sweetened beverage intake by youth and portion restricted beverages (Murray et al., Beyond parental influence, the beverage processing mechanisms of marketing are not in the U.S. is making a major contribution to 2015). Although the new USDA standards make industry’s marketing targeting children and entirely understood by existing research, so fur- the sugar intake levels that are significantly ex- progress towards decreasing sugar-sweetened parents could also be contributing to the early ther research on cognition regarding marketing ceeding recommendations, and health is being beverage intake by students, their standards only age of SSB introduction to children and subse- to children needs to be conducted to benefit negatively impacted accordingly. These health apply during school hours, making after-school quent over-consumption of SSBs. In 2013, the advocacy for increasing regulations on market- complications continue throughout life, so SSB activities an outlet for students to access SSBs. beverage industry spent about $866 million on ing to children (Harris, Pomeranz, Lobstein, & intake needs to be addressed during childhood Furthermore, 20% of middle schools and high sugar-sweetened beverage marketing aimed di- Brownell, 2009). Furthermore, children may in order to establish healthy habits that will im- schools in the U.S. have a convenience store lo- rectly at youth, according to the Sugary Drink find it hard to understand that Gatorade is un- prove lifelong health. cated within 400 meters of the school, and mid- F.A.C.T.S. analysis by the Yale Rudd Center for healthy after seeing their favorite athlete drink dle schools and high schools have an average Food Policy and Obesity (Harris et al., 2014). it while exercising on television. Before the of about 2 restaurants located with 400 meters Beverage companies spend more money on age of eight, children lack an understanding of Influences on Children’s SSB Intake of the school (Sturm, 2008). Davis & Carpen- marketing to young people than companies in the manipulative intent of advertisements and Health behaviors of children and adoles- ter (2009) found that students with fast-food any other food category, and higher exposure to think that the purpose of commercials is to help cents are shaped by the societal forces around restaurants within one-half mile of their school SSB marketing is significantly associated with them make buying decisions (Calvert, 2008). them, including family, school environment, consumed more soda, fewer fruits and vegeta- higher consumption of these products (Harris, The positive affect experienced by the child and popular culture. The excessive intake of bles, and were more likely to be overweight. Schwartz, Brownell, Javadizadeh, & Weinberg, while watching happy commercials on TV or sugar-sweetened beverages by children may be Although sugar-sweetened beverage intake 2011). playing a fun video game combined with a lack due to the ease of access, physically and eco- at school may be substantial, more SSB intake The beverage industry uses many approach- of understanding of the motives of advertising nomically, to sugar-sweetened beverages. The occurs at home. Research by Grimm, Harnack, es and outlets to market their products to chil- leads children to desire the product and have modern “obesogenic” environment is defined as and Story (2004) found that youth ages 8-13 dren and parents. In addition to media promo- positively biased product evaluations (Connell, the sum of all the surroundings, opportunities, who have soft drinks available at home are 2.82 tion including television, internet, print, and Brucks, & Nielsen, 2014). and conditions of life that promote obesity in times more likely to consume soft drinks five or outdoor advertisements, other forms of market- Marketing to children is effective. A study individuals and populations (Swinburn, Egger, more times per week compared to their coun- ing include branded spokescharacters such as of the effects of branding on children ages 3-5 & Raza, 1999). For example, the high density of terparts who do not have soft drinks at home. the Kool-Aid Man; celebrity endorsement such years had the participants taste two sets of five fast food restaurants and the high rates of tele- Parental modeling of SSB intake is also related as Pepsi’s Beyoncé campaign; loyalty campaigns types of food, one set branded with McDonald’s vision watching are some factors that contribute to sugar-sweetened beverage consumption hab- such as the My Coke Rewards program; and and the other free from source indications. The to the obesogenic environment of America. The its. Youth 8-13 years old are 2.88 times more product placement such as the consumption of study found that children significantly preferred current American diet is obesogenic due to the likely to consume soft drinks five or more times Starbucks drinks by judges on NBC’s The Voice. the taste of the food when it was branded with ready availability of food and beverages that are per week if their parents drink soda regularly With the rise of technology, venues for advertis- McDonald’s (Robinson, Borzekowski, Mathe- high in sugar, salt, and fat. Children learn how (Grimm et al., 2004). Arguably, parents play the ing to children have increased. Beverage com- son, & Kraemer, 2007). Furthermore, brand and what to eat based on observing and learning most important role in the health of their chil- panies use social media platforms such as Face- preferences formed during childhood persist from others (Birch & Anzman, 2010), so grow- dren, making parents a good target for health book, Snapchat, and Youtube to advertise SSBs into adulthood, are more biased than preferenc- ing up in the obesogenic environment of Amer- education to decrease childhood SSB consump- to children and adolescents (Calvert, 2008). In es formed during adulthood, and can be diffi- ica predisposes them to forming unhealthy food tion. Creating a healthy home environment free many schools, soft drink advertisements are cult to correct (Connell et al., 2014). This brand and beverage intake habits at an early age. of sugar-sweetened beverage access may signifi- present on vending machines even if the ma- preference salience further supports the notion cantly decrease sugar intake of children, espe- chines do not sell SSBs (Pasch & Poulos, 2013), that public health efforts should focus on child- 66 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 67 hood nutrition in order to establish preferenc- cents in order to pull in consumers while they keting. cluding Sweden, Denmark, and Quebec, Can- es for healthy foods and beverages. Marketing are impressionable while still conforming to the These examples represent only a small sam- ada, have implemented restrictions on advertis- to children should be more strictly regulated CFBAI regulations. Regulation of marketing ple of the numerous influences on SSB intake by ing to children. A study on the efficacy of the to prevent children from forming a positive needs to include the adolescent age group be- children, and more research is necessary to gain regulations in Quebec estimated that fast-food mental association with a product before they cause of their increased technology use, inde- a comprehensive view of how children and ado- consumption was reduced by $88 million an- are able to understand the negative health and pendence, and buying power. lescents form their SSB intake habits, especially nually based on household expenditure survey consumer implications that could be connected considering technological advancements. Ana- data (Dhar & Baylis, 2011). Moreover, a study with the product. American Beverage Association Tactics lyzing and understanding the forces underlying using data to simulate how television advertise- The Children’s Food and Beverage Adver- Industry self-regulation for marketing to these influences is critical to creating effective ments targeting children have contributed to tising Initiative (CFBAI), a program created by children is only one example of the power of solutions. childhood obesity calculated that 14% to 33% of the Better Business Bureau in 2006, aims to shift the American Beverage Association (ABA). The obese children in the U.S. would not be obese if the products advertised to children under age ABA is the trade organization that represents Potential Solutions to Reduce Children’s the industry didn’t advertise unhealthy food to 12 towards healthier choices (Better Business non-alcoholic beverage companies in the Unit- SSB Intake children (Veerman, Van Beeck, Barendregt, & Bureau, 2015). This program is voluntary and ed States, including Coca Cola, PepsiCo, and Dr. Considering the factors that influence Mackenbach, 2009). To decrease SSB intake by self-regulated, meaning that companies do not Pepper Snapple, the three largest beverage com- SSB intake by children, there are many evi- children and mitigate childhood obesity in the have to participate, and participating companies panies. According to Soda Politics by Marion dence-based solutions that could be effective U.S., the FTC needs to implement regulations oversee the program themselves. Participants Nestle (2015), the ABA lobbies the government in decreasing SSB consumption by youth. Ex- for marketing. To be effective, these regulations include food and beverage companies and fast to defend the industry in legislation and regu- panding regulations on marketing to children would need to restrict advertisements that target food restaurants such as Kellogg, Kraft Heinz, lation; acts as public relations for the beverage to combat the deceptive marketing tactics used youth ages 0-18 and parents of youth ages 0-18 Mars, McDonald’s, Nestlé, Pepsi, Hershey, Gen- industry; promotes the value of beverage com- by the beverage industry is a necessary strate- to food and beverages that are determined to be eral Mills, Dannon, Coca-Cola, Campbell Soup panies to the economy; and is a self-described gy to combat sugar-sweetened beverage intake nutritious by nutrition experts. In addition, the Company, and Burger King. Healthier choices liaison between the industry, the government, by children. The World Health Organization regulations need to include all mediums of ad- are defined by nutrient limits on calories, sat- and the public. (2016) included this measure in their Report of vertising—online, television, billboards, etc.— urated fat, trans fat, sodium, and sugar (Better Moreover, the beverage industry aims to the Commission on Ending Childhood Obesity, due to the numerous outlets that can be used to Business Bureau, 2015). portray sugar-sweetened beverages in a positive and asserts that settings where youth assemble, reach children and adolescents. The regulations CFBAI has made limited progress in min- way despite the obesity epidemic. One strategy such as school and sporting events, should be need to be monitored by the FTC to create ac- imizing advertising to children. Data on food companies use is to emphasize the role of phys- free of unhealthy food and SSB marketing. countability for the food and beverage indus- and beverage television advertising indicat- ical activity in energy balance to divert atten- try. The U.S. should advocate for children—the ed that compared to 2007, children ages 2-11 tion from the role of beverages. This tactic was Regulate Marketing Directed at Children youngest, most impressionable population—by saw an average of only 1.7% fewer television used in the American Beverage Association’s and Parents increasing regulations on marketing to children advertisements in 2011. From 2007 to 2011, Mixify campaign, targeted at teenagers, which and ensuring that industry complies. The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) is the juice, fruit drink, and sport drink advertising encouraged consumers to “balance what you regulatory body on marketing to children in the increased 38%, carbonated beverage advertis- eat, drink, and do” (Coca Cola United, 2016). Research and Improve Food Labeling United States. On its website, the only regula- ing increased 14%, and bottled water advertise- Coca-Cola even founded and funded the Glob- Food labeling improvements could also de- tions mentioned regarding advertising to chil- ments decreased 50% (Yale Rudd Center, 2012). al Energy Balance Network (GEBN), an organi- crease SSB intake by children. The U.S. Food dren are the “truth-in-advertising” standards, Furthermore, following the implementation of zation led by scientists to publish research that and Drug Administration (FDA) updated the which require advertisements to be truthful, the CFBAI in 2006, food and beverage market- downplayed the link between SSBs and obesity. Nutrition Facts label in 2016 to include a sep- not misleading, and supported by scientific ev- ing to adolescents ages 12-17 increased 23%, Public health advocates pushed back against the arate row to differentiate the added sugar con- idence when applicable. This lack of regulation and juice, fruit drink, and sport drink advertis- group, criticizing Coca-Cola for trying to influ- tent from the total sugar content, among other in regards to marketing that targets children ing to adolescents increased by 81% (Yale Rudd ence obesity research to suppress criticism of its changes. Furthermore, a percent daily value for needs to be improved in order to protect chil- Center, 2012). This could be due to the indus- products. GEBN disbanded in 2015 (O’Connor, added sugar is included based on 50g total dai- dren, who do not fully comprehend marketing try shifting funds from marketing that targets 2015), but Coca Cola continues to emphasize ly intake, or 10% of a 2000-calorie diet (Malik, practices. Many regions across the world, in- young children to marketing that targets adoles- physical activity in its public relations and mar- Willett, & Hu, 2016). For example, a 12-ounce 68 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 69 can of Coca-Cola will have 78% for the percent 2016). Based on data from 2012, SNAP benefits ened beverages (i.e., soda, energy drinks, sports “enhanced program” that would include health daily value of added sugar on the Nutrition Facts a total of 46.2 million Americans, 50% of whom drinks, juice drinks, tea drinks, coffee drinks), food incentives and sugary beverage exclusions label, which may help consumers understand are children (Blumenthal et al., 2012). Accord- the percentage of total benefits spent on sug- when compared to the current SNAP program. added sugar recommendations. Once the new ing to a USDA report from 2016 on food pur- ar-sweetened beverages, whether the household Furthermore, of those who initially preferred label requirements are implemented, research chases by SNAP participants, the top five food includes children, and the race and ethnicity of SNAP, 68% of participants and 64% of nonpar- on the use of the Nutrition Facts label should categories that SNAP households buy, in order, participants. This data would provide insight ticipants switched to the enhanced program if be conducted to see if label changes make a dif- are meat, poultry, and seafood; sweetened bev- into whether or not the inclusion of SSBs on it included a 50% increase in benefits (Leung, ference in the food consumption. If the change erages; vegetables; frozen prepared foods; and SNAP benefits affects the health of populations Musicus, Willett, & Rimm, 2017). This study in- is successful in communicating nutritional in- prepared desserts. The top five for non-SNAP that experience health disparities. dicates that low-income populations may sup- formation in a more user-friendly, helpful way, households, in order, is meat, poultry, and sea- Furthermore, removing SSBs from the port changes in the SNAP program that would more changes could be considered in the future food; vegetables; high-fat dairy and cheese; SNAP benefits list could encourage participants improve their health. Presumably, using the fed- to further inform consumers. fruits; and sweetened beverages. (Garasky, Mb- to use those funds for food items. Currently, erally-funded SNAP program as an opportunity Additional changes to food labels could in- wana, Romualdo, Tenaglio & Roy, 2016). the “food stamp cycle” is a trend showing that to limit sugar-sweetened beverages by children clude the traffic light system, which labels items Removing sugar-sweetened beverages from most SNAP participants run out of funds early, and an incentive for their families to improve green for healthy, yellow for less healthy, and the benefits of the Supplemental Nutrition As- resulting in a period of food under-consump- health could be a viable option to narrow health red for unhealthy. A study on the efficacy of the sistance Program is a policy change that must be tion at the end of the month (Blumenthal et disparities that low-income populations face. traffic light system showed that after 2 years of implemented to improve the health of children al., 2012). The shift of funds from beverages to The current program is funding beverage con- using the system in a large hospital cafeteria, red whose families participate in SNAP. SNAP par- food could show positive results in the health sumption that has been found to contribute to light beverage sales decreased from 26% to 17% ticipant children consume 43% more SSBs when and nutrition of SNAP participants by replacing the obesity epidemic and other health compli- of total beverage sales and green light beverage compared to low-income nonparticipant chil- excess calories from sugary beverages with cal- cations, and the health of the population should sales increased from 52% to 60% of total bever- dren (Leung et al., 2013). Furthermore, a study ories from food items, decreasing the likelihood be prioritized. Therefore, research and public age sales (Thorndike, Riis, Sonnenberg, & Levy, simulating how a SSB restriction on the SNAP of running out of funds before the end of the health messaging targeted toward low-income 2014). Compared to a nutrition facts label, this program might impact type 2 diabetes and obe- month and increasing the likelihood of meeting and SNAP participants should be implemented. system is more youth-friendly due to its sim- sity rates among SNAP participants found that dietary recommendations including fruit and plicity. Children may not understand how many rates would significantly decrease (Basu, Se- vegetable intake. However, without research to Sugar-Sweetened Beverage Taxes calories and grams of sugar are good or bad, but ligman, Gardner & Bhattacharya, 2014). Their monitor how SNAP participants may change Taxing sugar-sweetened beverages is anoth- they do understand that red light means stop. analysis was based on nationally representative their shopping habits without the opportunity er proposed policy to decrease SSB consump- Using this system could signal to parents and data and models describing obesity, type 2 dia- to buy SSBs with their SNAP benefits, policies tion. Local taxes have passed in Berkeley, San youth that SSBs are unhealthy, despite industry betes, and food consumption (Basu et al., 2014). are unlikely to change due to lack of evidence Francisco, Oakland, and Albany, California; tactics to persuade otherwise. Future research Public health and nutrition scholars such as that the change would be meaningful. Cook County, Illinois; Boulder, Colorado; and should include testing traffic light food labeling Marion Nestle have pushed for more research on Opponents to restricting SSB purchases from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The taxes range in school cafeterias to analyze if children would SNAP and have proposed studies to determine the SNAP program argue on ethical, econom- from one to two cents per ounce of beverage use this system to make food purchase choices. what the funds allocated to sugar-sweetened ic, and social grounds. For example, the Food (Gostin, 2017). Berkeley passed the first SSB beverages would be spent on if sugar-sweetened Research Action Center challenged restric- tax policy in the United States in November Remove Sugar-Sweetened Beverages from beverages were eliminated from the approved tion proposals because they believe it prevents 2014, and a 2016 study out of the University of the SNAP Program benefits list. Detailed data about the SNAP pro- low-income populations from making their own California at Berkeley found that the tax signifi- Removing SSBs from Supplemental Nu- gram should be collected to determine how the decisions (Schwartz et al., 2016). Additionally, cantly reduced consumption of SSBs in low-in- trition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits benefits are being spent and how that could be opponents fear that placing more restrictions on come neighborhoods. They found that SSB is another approach supported by many pub- affecting the health of SNAP participants. Data SNAP benefits may stigmatize the population consumption decreased 21% and water con- lic health advocates to decrease SSB intake by should include a variety of aspects of SNAP and discourage applications. However, a survey sumption increased 63% over a one-year time children. SNAP, also known as food stamps, is program benefits, such as the total dollars spent of SNAP participants and food insufficient non- period from before tax implementation to after the largest federal food assistance program, and on sugar-sweetened beverages, the total dollars participants found that 68% of participants and tax implementation (Falbe et al., 2016). Critics cost almost $80 billion in 2013 (Schwartz et al., spent on different categories of sugar-sweet- 83% of nonparticipants preferred a hypothetical of SSB taxes argue that it is regressive, or a tax 70 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 71 that takes a higher percentage of income from Direct Interventions to Decrease SSB Intake an exhaustive list – there are many policies and the numerous factors that encourage SSB in- low-income individuals compared to high in- Interventions to prevent and treat child- programs that may be implemented, from an intake by children, and due to the magnitude of come individuals. However, any flat rate tax – hood obesity by eliminating sugar-sweetened dividual level to a worldwide level, to advance these influences, a multidimensional approach for example, sales tax and tobacco taxes – will beverages from the diet have been successful. the movement against SSB intake. Moreover, will be necessary to oppose societal forces. Re- be regressive in nature because everyone pays A randomized, controlled study on adolescents many changes will have to be implemented to ducing sugar-sweetened beverage intake by U.S. the same amount regardless of income. found that consumption of SSBs decreased by target the many different influences on bever- children has the potential to improve the health SSB taxation would encourage the popula- 82% when non-caloric beverages were delivered age intake by children. However, many of the of the youngest citizens in our society; imple- tion to decrease SSB consumption, leading to to the home of the adolescent to displace SSBs solutions proposed here can be implemented as menting the proposed initiatives should be the health and economic benefits. Furthermore, the (Ebbeling et al., 2006). One way to implement public policy, ensuring that they benefit more of first step in addressing one of the most serious tax revenue can be used for nutrition and public these interventions on a smaller scale is for phy- the population. Furthermore, this public health public health issues of this century. health programs to further benefit community sicians to ask overweight and obese patients approach to decreasing SSB intake by children health. For example, the SSB tax revenue col- about their SSB consumption levels and suggest advances a broader culture change by raising ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS lected by Berkeley is used for public health pro- reducing or eliminating intake to decrease ca- awareness and providing education about the I would like to express my deepest gratitude grams to benefit vulnerable populations, such loric intake. In addition, pediatricians should health implications of consuming SSBs. to my faculty mentor, Dr. Keryn Pasch, for pro- as community gardens, nutrition and cooking encourage parents to stop making SSBs available viding her time, guidance, and expertise. Work- education classes, and obesity prevention pro- in the home and to stop consuming SSBs along CONCLUSIONS ing with her was a pleasure. grams (Wetter & Hodge, 2016). with their children to create a supportive envi- There are many factors besides sugar-sweet- Also, I would like to thank Dr. Rebecca Wil- The U.S. Department of Health and Human ronment for health behavior modification. This ened beverage intake that contribute to child- cox for being an amazing Polymath advisor over Services, the department that oversees public specific health intervention is straightforward hood obesity such as genetics, physical activity, the years and always providing her support and health, faces about an 18% budget decrease un- and has potential to create impactful change on and the nutritional value and caloric content encouragement. der the Trump administration (Office of Man- the health of U.S. youth. of solid food intake. Fighting the high obesity Finally, I would like to thank the Polymath- agement and Budget, 2017). With this decrease Engaging schools to promote healthy be- rates in U.S. children and adults requires a mul- ic Scholars Honors Program for allowing me to in federal funding, state and local action on SSB haviors is an important step in addressing SSB titude of approaches, including public policy pursue my academic interests beyond my major. intake by children gains importance. Grassroots intake because of the significance of school in and health behavior changes. Food access and It has truly enhanced my education at UT. collective action, such as the Berkeley vs. Big a child’s life. Children spend several hours in economic disparities prevent many popula- Soda campaign that successfully appealed to school every weekday, and they view school as tions from physically accessing and financially REFERENCES 75% of Berkeley voters in order to pass the soda an authority. To further advocate for the health accessing healthy food, and many Americans American Diabetes Association. 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In his book Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson 1968 that he would not campaign for reelec- and His Times, 1961-1973, Robert Dallek tion so that he could focus instead on secur- Political Concerns in the Final Chapter explains Johnson’s hardline responses to ing peace in Vietnam, even his critics hailed North Vietnamese diplomats as a manifesta- it as the noblest act of his career. On the front of Lyndon Johnson’s War tion of skepticism toward Hanoi’s true inten- page of the April 2nd edition of the New York ABSTRACT tions, which may have been to take military Times (a paper typically unreserved in its This paper argues that political motivations underlay President Lyndon Baines Johnson’s advantage of any U.S. gesture of good faith. criticism of the war), headlines like “Presi- hardline approach to the 1968 peace talks to end the Vietnam War. The president’s refusal Indeed, this was a fear that Johnson voiced: dent Widely Lauded” competed with oth- to compromise on three major issues placed hard boundaries on negotiations, which may if the United States halted its bombing activ- ers such as “Satirists and Publishers Race To have cost the United States an opportunity to resolve the war in 1968. Meeting transcripts, ities, Hanoi might exploit the halt by massing Alter Anti-Johnson Material.” Meanwhile, phone conversations, and secondary sources indicate that Johnson craved a glorious exit troops along the border with South Vietnam. some of Johnson’s opponents in the Senate from the White House that would not entail major concessions to either North Vietnamese On the other hand, Lloyd C. Gardner, in Pay described his announcement as “an act of a negotiators or antiwar American politicians, in large part for the sake of his own political Any Price: Lyndon Johnson and the War for very great patriot” that “lifted the office of the image. Ultimately, this paper illuminates the complicated character of the 36th president. Vietnam, seems to attribute Johnson’s hawk- presidency to its proper place, far above pol- ishness largely to pride and a concern for his itics.” But, as Harriman wrote nine months Key terms: Lyndon Baines Johnson (LBJ), Vietnam War, Paris Peace Accords, 1968, political image. later in December, the president subsequent- Diplomacy, U.S. presidents The disagreement among historians over ly responded to significant diplomatic oppor- Johnson’s true character and motivations is tunities by holding stringently to his original Note on Terminology reflected in the popular discourse, wherein terms. Johnson had declared his presidential This paper uses the terms “hawkish” and “dovish” to describe historical figures’ -ap Johnson’s presidency has lately experienced a ambitions dead on March 31st—but were his proaches to foreign policy. Hawks favor aggressive responses to adversaries whether on revival due to his role in the sweeping civil political concerns alive and well?2 the battlefield or at the negotiating table. Doves favor compromise and emphasize the rights reform of 1964 and 1965. The 2015 film The historical record shows that John- importance of peaceful settlements. Selma portrayed Johnson as an amoral politi- son wanted peace in Vietnam, but also that cian, hostile toward anything that threatened he craved a triumphant exit from the White y December of 1968, U.S. Ambas- over what he deemed a refusal by the the status quo. By contrast, 2016’s All the Way House. The war had tarnished his image— sador-at-Large Averell Harriman, president to back down from hardline presented Johnson as instinctively empa- for example, one political cartoon from 1967 then leading the U.S. delegation stances during negotiations. “I can see thetic toward disadvantaged Americans, and showed Johnson cowering comically in bed Bin peace talks with North Vietnam to no benefit from the president’s actions ruthlessly effective at manipulating lawmak- while the “spectres” of American soldiers end the increasingly unpopular Viet- or the manner in which he behaved,” he ers into advancing causes he believed in. The “haunted” his nightmares—and a peace deal nam War, had grown frustrated with wrote. Why had the president, who pro- stark contrast between these two portrayals would show he was more than a war-monger. the President of the United States. Ha- fessed to being committed to ending the shows Hollywood grasping for a consensus Moreover, a settlement on Johnson’s terms noi (i.e., North Vietnam) had seemed war, been so inflexible in the face of over- on how to tell Lyndon Johnson’s story. would prove the efficacy of his war strategy. to offer several golden opportunities for tures from Hanoi? The historical record To understand Johnson’s character and his Since the beginning of the Tet Offensive in compromise over the past eight months, suggests an answer: Johnson was deeply motivations as president, it is important to January 1968, the press and antiwar Demo- including outreach through the Sovi- concerned with leaving the White House understand his handling of the Vietnam War crats like Bobby Kennedy and Eugene Mc- ets, a lull in fighting, and even a series on a positive note and found the peace during the last ten months of his adminis- Carthy had hounded Johnson over his years- of major concessions in October. Yet, process a political minefield. In order to tration. When he announced on March 31st, long policy of escalation in Vietnam. Now, the administration of President Lyndon make peace, he would have to trust the Baines Johnson had ignored all those communists in Hanoi, which every in- 1“General Review of the Last Six Months,” 14th December 1968, Foreign Relations of the United opportunities, even though they might stinct he had cautioned him against.1 States, 1964–1968: Vietnam, September 1968–January 1969, ed. Kent Sieg (Washington, D.C.: Gov- have marked positive steps toward end- Historians, much like Harriman, re- ernment Printing Office, 2003), 7: Document 255, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/ ing the Vietnam War. In what Harriman main divided on Johnson’s actions and frus1964-68v07/d255 (hereafter FRUS 1964–1968, 7). 2 labelled an “absolutely personal” private have therefore not reached a consensus Robert Dallek, Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and His Times, 1961-1973 (Oxford: Oxford Universi- memo, he seemed to express confusion as to his motivations in the presidency. ty Press, 1998), 530. 74 The Texas Undergraduate Research Journal Vol. 17 No. 1 | Available online at texasurj.com 76 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 77 starting with the March 31st announcement March 31st.3 negotiations. of bombardments . . . could promote a break- and lasting until the next president’s inaugu- To the Johnson administration, a full halt As noted previously, Averell Harriman through” in preliminary talks. An immediate, ration, it was time to show that he could get was contingent upon Hanoi’s consent to a set expressed frustration in his December memo full bombing halt “cannot bring about any ad- results in the form of an enduring peace. of conditions. Specifically, Washington want- with the president’s invariably hardline re- verse consequences whatever for the United Johnson’s need to vindicate himself polit- ed Hanoi to agree to all three of the following: sponses to several apparent concessions from States . . . in the sense of a loss for the interests ically placed firm boundaries on the negotia- 1) South Vietnam should be present at the se- Hanoi. Every time Harriman had thought a of their safety.” Negotiations had been stalled tions that began in the wake of his March 31st rious talks to end the war; 2) North Vietnam full halt might be justified, Johnson declined for several months, but now the Soviet premier announcement. He needed to secure peace should suspend shelling of South Vietnamese to meet Hanoi halfway, declare the halt, and was vouching that North Vietnam was ready without appearing to capitulate to dovish cities during the bombing halt; and 3) North begin serious talks. One obvious—though for serious talks and would not exploit the halt critics like Kennedy and McCarthy, let alone Vietnam should not violate the Demilitarized only partly correct—explanation for Johnson’s to threaten U.S. security. In other words, Ha- appearing to grant major concessions to the Zone (DMZ) along the South Vietnamese hardline responses is that he and the Joint noi might be willing to meet the spirit of the communists in Hanoi. As a result, the U.S. del- border during the halt. As soon as Hanoi Chiefs of Staff had strategic concerns about U.S. conditions for a halt. Kosygin offered no egation to the Paris talks was often instructed consented to all three conditions, the full halt the effects of a full halt: after all, a bombing explanation for Hanoi’s change of heart, and to take inflexible, hardline positions. While could be declared, and serious talks could be- halt must not leave U.S. soldiers vulnerable to modern-day Vietnam has not made its own these positions ultimately compelled North gin “promptly” afterward.4 stepped-up enemy activity. But the fact that records public. Their decision to consent to Vietnam to agree to all three of Washington’s Hanoi, for its part, demanded that Wash- Harriman did not accept that obvious expla- the spirit of U.S. conditions may have been key stipulations, they also threatened the ne- ington cease bombing without any condi- nation at face value suggests that something related to a warning that Harriman delivered gotiations and prolonged them for months, tions before serious talks could begin. These more complicated and unspoken might have on May 20th: without North Vietnamese steps giving the presidential campaign of Richard conflicting demands created a stalemate that been at work in Johnson’s decision not to de- toward a peace settlement, the “US as a mil- Nixon time to sabotage the talks in what has would last for months. clare the halt.5 itary necessity could not continue bombing 6 come to be known as the Chennault affair. Harriman identified two moments during restraint indefinitely.” Stalemate: April–September 1968 the stalemate when Johnson could have de- Johnson met with his advisors on June 9th to discuss Kosygin’s letter. Beyond apprecia- Preliminary Talks and the Three The 1968 preliminary talks can be consid- clared the halt but opted not to: in June, when tion of the letter’s potential importance, they ered as two phases: a stalemate lasting from a letter arrived from the Soviet premier vouch- Conditions found themselves divided on how to react. April to September, and a period of sudden ing for Hanoi’s willingness to meet Johnson’s Bilateral preliminary talks between the Administration doves—notably Clark Clif- activity in October. Johnson’s political con- conditions; and in July, when Hanoi seemed United States and North Vietnam opened in ford, Averell Harriman, and U.S. delegation cerns in each phase were slightly different. to tone down the level of fighting. Paris shortly after March 31st. These prelim- member Cy Vance—argued that the United Following the president’s March 31st dec- inary talks were not geared toward ending States should treat Kosygin’s statements as a laration of a partial bombing halt, the United June: An Appeal from the Soviets the war so much as deciding the shape and concrete assurance of Hanoi’s good intentions States and North Vietnam quickly reached agenda of what the Johnson administration On June 4th, the president received an and declare the full bombing halt immediate- called “serious talks”: future negotiations that an impasse over the full bombing halt due to intriguing letter from Soviet premier Alexei ly. More hawkish figures—notably Secretary would end the war. In the preliminary stag- their conflicting demands. During this stale- Kosygin. “I and my colleagues,” the premier of State Dean Rusk and National Security Ad- es, the main point of contention was North mate, Johnson’s biggest fears were of appear- wrote, “believe—and we have grounds for viser Walt Rostow—argued the United States Vietnam’s stated prerequisite to serious talks: ing to cave to the demands of doves at home this—that a full cessation by the United States should demand clarification.7 a full bombing halt by the United States— or communists in Hanoi, and of seeming naïvely trusting of communists during the not the partial one Johnson had declared on 5“General Review of the Last Six Months,” FRUS 1964–1968, 7: Document 255. 6 3Clark Clifford with Richard Holbrooke, Counsel to the President: A Memoir (New York: Random “Memorandum From the President’s Special Assistant (Rostow) to President Johnson,” 5th June House, 1991), 529. In his March 31st speech, Johnson declared a partial—not full—bombing halt, 1968, FRUS 1964–1968, 6: Document 262, Attachment, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocu- intended to draw Hanoi to the negotiating table. Bombing continued for more than 500 km north of ments/frus1964-68v06/d262; “Telegram From the Embassy in France to the Department of State,” the DMZ, in a narrow and little-populated strip of North Vietnam. 20th May 1968, FRUS 1964–1968, 6: Document 240, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/ 4Ken Hughes, Chasing Shadows: The Nixon Tapes, the Chennault Affair, and the Origins of Watergate frus1964-68v06/d240. 7 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2014), 11–12. As we shall see, the lack of an explicitly “Notes of the President’s Meeting with Foreign Policy Advisers,” 9th June 1968, FRUS 1964–1968, agreed-upon definition of “promptly” would prove problematic later in the preliminary talks. 6: Document 265, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v06/d265. I draw on this document throughout the remainder of this section. 78 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 79

Clark Clifford argued against the hawkish realistic,” he said. His first line of reasoning “sour”; he notes that “soft” was not the right son felt he had looked weaker and weaker to view, warning that asking for clarification in was strategic, and the same as that of General word to describe Clifford’s position, since the American public the longer he had wait- this case might jeopardize an opportunity. “I Earle Wheeler, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs after all Clifford was in favor of resuming ed for a response that wasn’t coming. When don’t think we should reply in a way that could of Staff: a bombing halt would be too easy to bombing if North Vietnam took advantage he finally had to resume bombing he felt he be interpreted as a rejection of his [Kosygin’s] exploit, because it would leave unopposed a of the halt. Gardner writes, “It was [as] if the had gotten up the hopes of the world only to offer,” Clifford said. “I think he has gone as far potentially expanded North Vietnamese in- ghost of Robert Kennedy sat across the table” let the world down. In June of 1968, Johnson as he can go.” That is, Kosygin might think it filtration of the South—ensuring more casu- from Johnson that day, rather than Clark Clif- didn’t feel he could do that again. Moreover, obvious that he had given as much detail as alties for the U.S. Armed Forces. This could ford.11 he concurred with a point that Rusk made in he had intended to (or as Hanoi had intend- certainly have been true, and Johnson surely This was not the first or last time John- the June 9th meeting: if a new bombing halt ed him to), and he might perceive a demand weighed the American lives that would be lost son would lump dovish arguments together had the same outcome as in 1966, the pres- for more information as a de facto rejection. in such a situation. But we should note that and sneer at them. As antiwar pressure had ident would look like a credulous idiot for Vance added that if the United States did the president also heard contrasting military mounted in the wake of the Tet Offensive being fooled twice. In short, if the United seem to reject the offer, it might undermine assessments, especially from Clark Clifford, in January 1968, Johnson tended to disdain States was going to declare a halt in 1968, it the Soviets’ credibility among the North Viet- who, as the Secretary of Defense, brought ideas he perceived as being soft on commu- needed concrete assurances from the Soviets namese, limiting the ability of the U.S.S.R. to his own authoritative knowledge to the sub- nism. This was a man who had once declared, or, preferably, from the North Vietnamese play as an intermediary in the future. At stake ject. Clifford held that bombing had not been “If you let a bully come in and chase you out themselves. Johnson didn’t want to look naïve in Johnson’s response to Kosygin’s letter, then, shown to make a significant difference to of your front yard, tomorrow he’ll be on your trusting communists any more than he want- was whether the United States would seem to North Vietnamese troop movements. 9 porch and the next day he’ll rape your wife in ed to look soft like his critics in the Demo- welcome or oppose a broadened Soviet role How did Johnson decide to trust the more your own bed.” In 1968, the communists were cratic Party (e.g., Eugene McCarthy). in the negotiations. hawkish assessment of the Chairman of the the bullies. There was, perhaps, a hopeless- In the end, the president responded to Ko- Wouldn’t it be naïve to simply take the Joint Chiefs of Staff rather than that of the ness in the attempts to convince Johnson to sygin’s letter noncommittally, and Clifford and Soviets at their word and trust Hanoi’s good Secretary of Defense? An examination of the declare the bombing halt without waiting for Harriman both lamented what they perceived intentions? No, Clifford argued; in this case, historical record suggests that the president’s explicit North Vietnamese concessions. To as a lost opportunity. Clifford later acknowl- Moscow was a credible source for two rea- decision was deeply influenced by concern advocate that position was to advocate trust- edged it was impossible to know whether he sons. First, the Soviets supported North Viet- over his public image.10 During the June 9th ing North Vietnam and the Soviet Union, and Harriman were right, i.e., whether North nam financially, and that meant the war was meeting over Kosygin’s letter, there was a tell- which, to Johnson, was tantamount to hold- Vietnam’s assurances through Kosygin were a burden to them too: they would most likely ing exchange between Johnson and Clifford ing open the bedroom door for a bully and firm despite the premier’s somewhat vague want a speedy resolution. Second, Harriman that came so close to a dismissal that it ev- smiling as he walked in. If a course was dov- language (“I and my colleagues believe [that “did not recall any Soviet leader taking such idently convinced Clifford to keep his opin- ish, it was naïve. If it was naïve, it was not for a halt] cannot bring about any adverse conse- a direct position” as Kosygin had in his letter. ions to himself for the rest of the meeting. Lyndon Johnson.12 quences whatever for the United States”). Per- Moreover, in Clifford’s mind it was worth the Clifford had pressed his argument far enough Furthermore, Johnson worried about how haps Johnson was correct after all, and North risk to trust the Soviets. If it turned out that to exasperate the president, and Johnson fi- he would look if he had to resume bombing Vietnam was merely using Kosygin to extract Hanoi did take advantage of the halt, bomb- nally came right out: “I don’t think being soft following a fruitless halt. Clifford was aiming a bombing halt without offering anything ing could be resumed immediately without will get us peace,” he said, before pointedly to convince Johnson that, in a full bombing meaningful in return. Certainly, Johnson felt incurring significant losses.8 turning to Wheeler to solicit his more hawk- halt, bombardment could easily be resumed vindicated when, in late June, a North Viet- Johnson, however, shot down the idea of ish opinion. Historian Lloyd C. Gardner has if it turned out Hanoi was not acting in good namese delegate told CBS News that the U.S. declaring the halt: it was “fantastically un- described Johnson’s statement to Clifford as faith. Two years earlier, in 1966, Johnson had insistence on a conditional halt was “absurd

8 learned it wasn’t that simple. During a 37-day and unacceptable.” However, it is noteworthy For Harriman, see “General Review of the Last Six Months,” FRUS 1964–1968, 7: Document 255. bombing pause that failed to produce any that, in the coming October flurry of North 9“Fantastically unrealistic”: see Clifford, Counsel to the President, 547. mirroring de-escalation from Hanoi, John- Vietnamese concessions, the Soviet Union 10Granted, this was likely not his only concern; as previously stated, Johnson may have realized that to trust Hanoi was to gamble with men’s lives, and it was better to be safe than sorry—that is, better to 11Lloyd C. Gardner, Pay Any Price: Lyndon Johnson and the Wars for Vietnam (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, continue bombing than to give Hanoi a chance to exploit a halt. I am highlighting a different aspect of Inc., 1995), 475. Johnson’s thinking, but we should never ignore that presidents’ motivations are complex. 12If you let a bully…”: see “Vietnam Ghosts,” New York Times, 11th November 2001, http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/11/opinion/vietnam-ghosts.html. 80 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 81 would again send a message that vouched for to force the president’s hand. “This is a little credited them by suggesting (privately) that an immediate declaration of a full bombing Hanoi’s sincerity—pointedly using the exact move going on around from overseas . . . and their proponents were being manipulated by halt. Not only did that represent a break from same language as in the June letter. I think we’ve got to meet, head-off, before communists. He had revealed a deep fear of Hanoi’s prior insistence on an unconditional they take it over” (“it” being the administra- looking easily duped. halt, but also it blew out of the water the U.S. July: An Insurrection of Doves tion’s public messaging regarding the peace Summer drew to a close, and the admin- delegation’s (and others’, including the CIA’s) Johnson’s method of discrediting an- talks). It even seemed possible that Clifford istration doves were beginning to give up on expectation that Saigon’s participation would tiwar opinions—labeling them naïve and and Harriman were being manipulated by the president. When one journalist grabbed be the hardest of the three conditions to work soft on communism—showed itself again communists intent on stopping the bomb- dinner with the Harrimans while passing out of the North Vietnamese. Until recently, in July, when Clifford and HARVAN (Har- ing. Johnson instructed Rusk to hold a press through Paris in September, he was stunned Hanoi had refused to even recognize the legit- riman-Vance, the U.S. delegation in Paris) conference and insist that neither the United to find that “Harriman now obviously detests imacy of the Saigon government, dismissively independently urged the president to take States nor North Vietnam had changed its President Johnson.” Indeed, the diplomat referring to the “Thieu-Ky clique” as if South any action necessary to move toward “seri- position, thus cutting off the seeping dovish- wrote in the December private memo, with Vietnamese president Nguyen Van Thieu and ous talks.” Clifford had just returned from ness of Clifford and HARVAN. no small dose of elitism, that “[t]o me, the prime minister Nguyen Cao Ky were running a dispiriting visit to South Vietnam, during With the resulting press conference, John- great tragedy of President Johnson . . . was a cabal rather than a country. Harriman’s re- which he had concluded that the govern- son outflanked a supposed attempt by doves that a man who had so little knowledge of in- port on the breakthrough arrived on Presi- ment in Saigon actually opposed ending the to bend him to their will. He thus distin- ternational affairs should have been induced dent Johnson’s desk later that day, and Rostow war; a U.S. exit from Vietnam would mean a guished himself from his Secretary of De- to become so deeply involved.” One promi- submitted a follow-up memo that had an un- cessation in the flow of U.S. cash, troops, and fense as well as his lead negotiator. In John- nent dove even flew the coop: George Ball re- characteristically hopeful, even joyful, tone: equipment to South Vietnam, which Saigon son’s view, both these men were well-meaning signed from his position as U.N. ambassador Mr. President: I have been in and out of saw as an existential threat. Sensing that the but easily manipulated by communists, not to aid in Hubert Humphrey’s campaign for government for 27 years, in the intel- war was “drifting along, out of control,” Clif- unlike the New York Times, the antiwar president. Things looked bad for peace in the ligence-foreign policy business. I have ford urged the president to unilaterally change movement, and the White House’s very own Johnson administration. learned this rule: if something unexpect- his course. Around the same time, HARVAN Hubert Humphrey. Meanwhile, Johnson—by Then everything changed. ed happens, stop in your tracks and ask proposed an immediate halt to all bombing perfect contrast to the naïveté and softness he this question: What has been wrong in my on the basis that North Vietnam had spent disdained—projected an estimable steadiness October: The Breakthrough picture of the situation which led to the July scaling back its military activity, even if it and unshakability. In August, he announced October 11th 11brought the first major unexpected event? I told you the chances had not directly assented to U.S. conditions. that Hanoi needed to commit itself to specif- concession from Hanoi in the preliminary were 1 in 3 or 1 in 4 that we would get the Harriman would later note mournfully that ic steps toward de-escalation, not merely re- talks. In a meeting between the two delega- kind of exchange we did in Paris today. I his proposal happened to land on Johnson’s strain its troop infiltration, before the United tions in Paris, Le Duc Tho, the relatively new was wrong. desk on the same day as two similar propos- States would respond in kind. In other words, North Vietnamese special adviser, suggest- Over the next few days, the administra- als: one, a column in the New York Times (a the United States was demanding conditions ed wording for a report to Washington: “If tion perceived other promising but ambigu- paper frequently critical of the administra- while North Vietnam continued to demand North Vietnam accepted the participation ous implications of Hanoi’s concession. First, tion); the other, a memo from Vice President unconditional cessation. Johnson’s August of the Saigon government [in serious talks], Le Duc Tho had wrapped up the meeting by Hubert Humphrey (whom Johnson regarded statement therefore reflected, rather than re- would the President immediately stop the saying that “rapid progress” could be made as being an invertebrate). solved, the impasse that had dominated the bombing?” Harriman, representing the U.S. after a full bombing halt. That seemed to sat- Johnson interpreted these calls for a halt two countries’ relations since March. delegation, pressed Tho to put the question isfy Washington’s unofficial stipulation that as potential threats. On the morning of July If the June letter from Kosygin and the as a firm statement: he wanted to report that serious talks begin “promptly” after the halt. 30th, the president telephoned Dean Rusk, July lull in fighting represented opportuni- North Vietnam would accept Saigon’s pres- Second, and perhaps more important, North the Secretary of State who reliably sided with ties to break the stalemate, as Harriman be- ence if the United States declared the halt. “It Vietnam had not objected when Harriman Johnson on Vietnam. Clifford and Harriman lieved, Johnson’s political concerns had sure- is the same thing,” Tho replied. Pressed fur- laid out a new “definition of serious talks.” had begun to concern him, the president told ly caused him to miss those opportunities. ther, he added, “The substance is the same.” Talks would be “serious,” Harriman said, Rusk: “they’re boxing us in on this.” They He had lumped together arguments for the This was a major step: Hanoi was willing only with South Vietnam in attendance, and might even go so far as to speak to the press bombing halt and termed them soft, even dis- to trade South Vietnamese participation for only if there were no violation of the DMZ 82 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 83 or shelling of South Vietnamese cities. Note faced with an agonizing political decision. was Johnson only concerned about the aver- the DMZ and suspend the shelling of South that these were in fact the three longstanding Declaring a bombing halt entailed a disturb- age American’s perception of him. The second Vietnamese cities during the bombing halt. It U.S. conditions for a halt. Because Hanoi had ingly high risk of being made to look a fool. item in his list of fears in the October 14th was a major risk. In Paris, HARVAN received publicly rejected the possibility of a halt with For one thing, as Johnson said to Dean Rusk meeting was that “Nixon will be disappoint- their instructions and recited new language conditions, Washington had rephrased them in an October 15th phone call, the adminis- ed.” Over the preceding months, Johnson from Rusk that declared in no uncertain terms as components of a “definition of serious tration had publicly described all three condi- had developed a warm rapport with the Re- what would be expected of North Vietnam in talks,” rather than as conditions. That Hanoi tions as being essential to any deal with North publican presidential candidate, and the two the case of a halt. For the first time, the North had raised no objections might indicate that Vietnam, giving the press the impression that had come to a gentlemen’s agreement: Nixon Vietnamese delegation raised no objections they were implicitly accepting the three con- “heretofore we have required them [Hanoi] would not criticize the president’s handling of to any of the three conditions (still phrased as ditions, and that the halt could go forward. to sign a contract in blood.” To announce a Vietnam if Johnson would not declare a full components of a definition of “serious talks”). Interestingly, transcripts from the sub- bombing halt without such a contract, with- bombing halt as a political stunt. Now, after That cinched it. Johnson’s hardline strat- sequent meetings in Washington indicate a out explicit North Vietnamese agreement to major North Vietnamese concessions, a halt egy—whatever its motivations and whatever certain grimness in Johnson’s reaction to the the terms, would change the nature of the sto- might be justified, but Nixon might still feel the grave risks it had posed to the talks—had news from Paris. On October 14th, while his ry. “I don’t want this to be a great cave-in of betrayed. The fact that one of the president’s paid off. North Vietnam was onboard for advisers took turns agreeing that Hanoi had Johnson and Rusk to the doves. I want it to be first concerns regarded disappointing Nixon Johnson’s three biggest priorities. delivered a game-changing development, North Vietnam after fourteen damn months . illustrates how dearly Johnson prized his few Johnson spoke only in terse questions that . . finally agreeing to do what was necessary.” remaining allies at this point in 1968, and how Roadblock homed in on the consequences of a possible After months of being lambasted by critics, deeply he feared hearing their voices joining But there was a problem: the new state- North Vietnamese exploitation of a full halt. Johnson’s hardline strategy was now paying the multitude criticizing him. ment from Rusk emphasized a preference that “I do not have much confidence in the Sovi- dividends. It would be unjust for the story Perhaps the worst possibility, as in pre- talks begin 24 hours after the halt, rather than ets or North Vietnam,” he stated bluntly. Of to become one of surrender, of weakness. A vious months, was that he might stop the “promptly” afterward as HARVAN had pre- Hanoi, he said that “[i]f they accept” the U.S. firm, demonstrable commitment from Hanoi bombing only to have to restart. This might viously stated. And so, at precisely the same terms for a halt, “I do not think they will hon- would prevent that, Johnson thought. happen if Hanoi acted aggressively during moment as the Hanoi delegation stunned ev- or [them].” What Johnson needed was a firm- Furthermore, the president was afraid that the halt or if Hanoi simply let the halt draw eryone by consenting to the three U.S. condi- er North Vietnamese commitment on the a halt this close to the election would be called out for weeks without coming to the table for tions, they stunned everyone again by declar- outstanding issues: respecting the DMZ, not “a cheap political trick” to help Humphrey. serious talks. Johnson was so distrustful of ing that the United States had now stipulated shelling the cities, and joining prompt and Near the end of an October 14th meeting, North Vietnam’s intentions that he could not an unacceptable fourth condition regarding productive discussions. Such a commitment he listed all of his fears for the full halt. First have found these possibilities unlikely. As in the timing of talks. Hanoi demanded that ad- needed to be explicit. among those fears: “I will be charged with do- June, he feared looking like a gullible fool. In ditional negotiation take place to determine Johnson’s reservations about declaring the ing this to influence the election.” He would October, with the election so close, a bomb- the length of time between the declaration halt seem political in nature for two reasons. repeat this concern later in the month: “I think ing resumption would look even worse, as of the bombing halt and the start of serious First, he was far more reluctant than almost that most of these papers with all of this big Army Chief of Staff William Westmoreland talks. anyone else in the room, including hawks like circulation—I notice there's 22 million circu- pointed out on the 14th: it would be especial- That evening, the president called a meet- the Joint Chiefs and Walt Rostow, suggesting lation endorsing Nixon and 4 million endors- ly hard to “justify resuming the bombing for ing of his foreign policy advisers in the Oval concerns unique to him as a politician. Sec- ing Humphrey. So the 22 million boys are go- their [Hanoi’s] foot-dragging” on what Amer- Office. Harriman had cabled over a message ond, some advisers, again including the Joint ing to be saying, ‘Oh, the old wheeler-dealer.’” icans might see as “a political act.” If Johnson for the occasion, and he asked Executive Sec- Chiefs, pointed out that North Vietnam was If Johnson’s goal was to leave the White House stopped bombing only to have to resume it, it retary of State Ben Read to deliver its spirit. not in a position to launch a military offen- as a peacemaker, how could he do it with such might seem that he had stopped for the sake The message began with the assumption that sive during the halt, suggesting Johnson’s a large number of Americans—22 million, he of his image without waiting to confirm the the halt would go forward, and provided sug- lingering doubts may have been primarily precisely quantified—thinking he was the safety of American soldiers. gestions for how the announcement should non-military. same politician as he used to be, the one who The president and his advisors decided be handled in spite of North Vietnam’s new The president’s comments in meetings had earned the epithet “wheeler-dealer” after that the U.S. delegation should seek more ex- objection. But Johnson cut Read off, telling and phone conversations indicate a person rigging his 1948 election to U.S. Senate? Nor plicit consent by North Vietnam to respect him he would not approve a halt without a 84 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 85

Harriman had anticipated this reaction. For about an hour, peace was in sight. At role in thwarting the peace talks, we over- such.” The South Vietnamese ambassador, Bui As instructed, Read told Johnson, “Vance and 5 A.M. on October 29th, after an all-night look the fact that the Johnson administra- Diem, voiced similar concerns to Rostow the Harriman think we should go ahead. Their meeting, President Johnson agreed to a time- tion had long dismissed South Vietnam’s same day. Alarm bells should have been go- exact quote was: ‘Don’t hang up on this.’” line: Washington would declare the halt, and concerns about the implications of peace ne- ing off—one partner in a negotiation should Johnson replied simply, “No.” It was the kind the final negotiations to end the Vietnam War gotiations. In July, Clifford and U.S. Ambas- not mistrust the other so deeply. And yet, that of hard no that brooks no debate. In his De- would commence after three-and-a-half days. sador to South Vietnam Ellsworth Bunker mistrust seems to have been dismissed as a cember retrospective, Harriman would call But only an hour later, at 6 A.M., demoral- warned President Johnson that Saigon might manageable South Vietnamese problem, alto- this the third time that the president could izing news arrived from Saigon: unsatisfied not want peace; the regime there, being dan- gether secondary to the administration’s fo- have acted differently to end the war, the first with the agreement between Washington and gerously unpopular among its own citizens, cus on North Vietnam. two being June’s Kosygin letter and July’s lull Hanoi, the South Vietnamese—Washington’s believed that it depended for its survival on In hindsight, the Johnson administration in combat. own ally—were refusing to attend serious U.S. military support, and that that support could have averted problems by seizing on It was an important moment for John- talks. might dry up if the war ended. Johnson was diplomatic opportunities with North Viet- son. While he had kept his optimism firmly President Thieu formally announced on shocked by that allegation, but the adminis- nam in June (the Kosygin letter) or July (the in check after the October 11th breakthrough November 2nd that he considered the peace tration’s approach to the preliminary talks lull in fighting). Doing so would have allowed when Hanoi had signaled its acceptance of a negotiations incompatible with South Viet- did not change. Throughout October, meet- less time for Saigon’s restlessness to grow, conditional bombing halt, the thought had namese interests. Johnson’s worst fears came ing transcripts reflect an unquestioning pre- and less time for the Nixon campaign to ex- nevertheless occurred to him at the time that true as the American public perceived the sumption that South Vietnam would be on ploit that restlessness and sabotage the peace “if this [concession] is not a way of stopping bombing halt and peace talks as being polit- board with whatever plans emerged from process. By the time of Hanoi’s major Octo- [the war], I don’t think I’ll have another op- ically-motivated. Several days later, Richard the preliminary talks, as if the sovereign na- ber concessions, it was already too late. The portunity.” His window was closing. If, as Nixon became president-elect, and Johnson tion were merely a kid brother to the United domestic political instincts informing the seemed to be the case, North Vietnam’s new knew Saigon would hold out until at least Jan- States. On October 16th, when Thieu ordered president’s decision-making in June and July objection was related to antiwar speeches uary. The window had closed. President Lyn- Foreign Minister Tran Chanh Thanh to leak therefore played a major and underappreciat- recently given by Humphrey and McGeorge don Baines Johnson’s chance to make peace news of Hanoi’s October 11th concessions, ed role in shaping the course of the latter-day Bundy, then Hanoi might have been stall- in Vietnam was gone. Bunker could only speculate that there had Vietnam War. ing until after the U.S. elections so as to get been some misunderstanding about the sen- As this paper has aimed to show, the his- a better deal from a President Humphrey— Conclusion: How Things Fell Apart sitivity of the information; in hindsight, it was torical record reveals that even though John- planning ahead to a world without Johnson. The Nixon campaign, afraid that serious likely an attempt to pressure Hanoi into back- son had announced his intent to pursue peace The president was unguardedly emotional. peace talks might boost Humphrey in the ing away from a deal with the United States. without concern for political ramifications, He told Clifford one night, “I’ve gotten up polls, had hired a Republican lobbyist named Two days later, Thanh pointed out to Bunker he in fact was preoccupied with how his de- some mornings, I’ve been very hopeful and Anna Chennault to encourage South Vietnam that President Thieu had made promises in cisions made him look to the public, and in- cheerful; I’ve gone to bed at night feeling very to hold out for a better deal in case Nixon won the South Vietnamese assembly not to attend clined toward a fear that trusting communists sad. The next day, I get encouragement and it the election. If serious talks began under the talks where the National Liberation Front would backfire by making him appear naïve. looks like I can do some good . . . looks like Johnson administration, Chennault told the (NLF, sometimes called the Viet Cong) con- While there are no easy decisions for a pres- I could win the campaign [for peace]. Next South Vietnamese, Saigon should sabotage stituted a formally recognized political entity. ident, especially in wartime, Johnson’s desire night, looks like I’m losing it.” them by whatever means necessary. There is Bunker condescendingly explained that when for a glorious exit from the White House was In the days to come, Johnson would back abundant evidence to support the existence serious talks began, North Vietnam would ultimately a deciding factor in the failure of down under pressure from his foreign policy of this conspiracy; a recent Nixon biogra- inevitably make a big show of formally rec- the 1968 peace efforts in Vietnam. advisors, striking his first-ever major com- phy even shows that the candidate person- ognizing the NLF, and South Vietnam would promise with North Vietnam. After Hanoi ally authorized it. Many historians consider just have to get over it. Thanh replied patient- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS had objected to what they had called a fourth the Chennault affair the deciding factor in ly, “The GVN [South Vietnam] understands The author wishes to thank Professor Mark condition, the president agreed to 3.5-day de- Saigon’s refusal to take part in peace negoti- that the other side will ‘pretend’ that the NLF Lawrence, who taught the class for which this lay between the declaration of the halt and the ations, which doomed the Johnson adminis- is a separate entity”; what Thieu wanted were paper was written. Dr. Lawrence helped the start of serious talks (rather than 24 hours). tration’s efforts. “assurances that the US will not treat them as author refine the research topic and expand Both parties were now ready to go forward. However, if we focus purely on Nixon’s 86 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Jada Fraser the bibliography with important secondary Refugees as Minorities: Protecting the sources. Considering that LBJ alone produced roughly a million pages of documen- Cultural Identities of America’s Most tation during his five years as president, this author would have been overwhelmed with- At-Risk Population out Dr. Lawrence’s contributions. ABSTRACT While there are no easy decisions for a Analyzation of the historical evolution of the U.S. immigration and refugee processes president, especially in wartime, Johnson’s de- reveals the inextricable nature of the terms “immigrant” and “refugee” in the legal and sire for a glorious exit from the White House national conscience. This paper evaluates the proposal to consider refugee status as a mi- was ultimately a deciding factor in the failure nority status in the U.S., and if refugees can utilize the subsequent human rights reserved of the 1968 peace efforts in Vietnam. for the protection of minority groups. Furthermore, the paper examines the Macedonian REFERENCES minority rights movement and the process of “minoritization” and proposes a similar process for refugees. Ultimately, the paper asserts that a change in status from “refugee” 1. Clifford, Clark, with Richard Holbrooke. Coun- to “minority” will bring a greater sense of collective identity for the refugee population sel to the President: A Memoir. New York: Random through solidarity in the fight for the security and protection of cultural minority rights. House, 1991. 2. Dallek, Robert. Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and Key terms: minoritization, immigration, refugee status, refugee minority rights, Mace- His Times, 1961-1973. Oxford: Oxford University donian minority rights, cultural identity Press, 1998. 3. Gardner, Lloyd C. Pay Any Price: Lyndon Johnson and the War for Vietnam. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, Inc., 1.1 Introduction refugees (Congressional Digest 2-3). 1995. ince the first enactment of refu- When considering previous U.S. im- 4. Hughes, Ken. Chasing Shadows: The Nixon Tapes, the Chennault Affair, and the Origins of Watergate. gee-related legislation in 1948, there migration policies, which have set the Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2014. has been a lot of turmoil over how, precedent for the current refugee crisis, 5. Sieg, Kent, ed. Foreign Relations of the United Sand for what reasons, to allow refugees it is easy to see the effects of xenophobia States, 1964–1968, Volume VI, Vietnam, January–Au- into the U.S., as well as whom to classify as and hyper-nationalism. These sociopolit- gust 1968. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing refugees. Before the Refugee Act of 1980 ical attitudes allowed for the passage of a Office, 2002. series of anti-immigration legislation. The 6. Sieg, Kent, ed. Foreign Relations of the United standardized resettlement processes, the States, 1964–1968, Volume VII, Vietnam, September U.S. did not accept any legal definition of 1921 and 1924 Emergency Quota and Im- 1968–January 1969. Washington, D.C.: Government a refugee. After 1980, the U.S. government migration Acts set immigration caps of Printing Office, 2003. incorporated the United Nations protocol the number of persons of any given na- definition of a refugee, which states that tionality residing in the States at 3% and refugees are “persons outside their coun- 2% respectively. Further still, in 1925, the try of origin and unable or unwilling to re- the U.S. changed the quota system based turn there or to avail themselves of its pro- on the “desirability” of various nationali- tection on account of a well-founded fear ties (Congressional Digest 1). This greatly of persecution for reasons of race, religion, increased immigration from Western Eu- nationality, membership of a particular ropean countries, while Asian immigra- group, or political opinion.” The Act also tion was all but completely halted. These led to the creation of the Office of Refugee xenophobic and nationalistic policies have Resettlement, which oversaw the respon- had long-lasting consequences that cur- sibilities of case management, medical as- rently affect the national perception of sistance, and providing English classes to both immigrants and refugees in America.

The Texas Undergraduate Research Journal Vol. 18 No. 1 | Available online at texasurj.com 87 88 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 89

Certainly, the centuries-long lack of any sort of once admitted into the U.S. is regarded as equal- time, if not indefinitely, a refugee cannot plan and one’s family. Arar maintains that network definitional recognition of refugees created a na- ly important on the federal agenda. This paper ahead; many refugees do not have the luxury connections constitute a form of social capital tional conscience full of ambiguities concerning makes three main assertions: 1) the entangle- of choosing the country in which they are per- that people can draw upon to gain access to var- differentiation between the words “immigrant” ment of the refugee and immigrant narrative mitted asylum. The biggest and most important ious kinds of financial capital (Arar 520). There- and “refugee.” has resulted in a lack of specialized policies to distinction between immigrants and refugees is fore, when refugees have limited access to those Today, we see contemporary domestic pol- accurately serve and protect the cultural iden- that the latter would probably choose to return forms of social capital through practicing strate- icies and global events coalescing into our cur- tities of refugees, 2) this lack of legal protection to their home country, if safety permitted so gic anonymity, their ability to procure financial rent refugee crisis. In January of 2017, Presi- predicates a sense of forced assimilation into (Fleming). Refugees deal with a wealth of stress- capital is critically hindered. The end result is a dent Donald Trump’s Executive Order #13769 American society that threatens refugees’ abil- ors such as difficult transit experiences, culture severely limited ability to provide for themselves involved a seven-country travel ban, including ities to maintain cultural and social selfhood, shock, adjustment problems related to language and their loved ones. three of the countries from which the U.S. re- and 3) a legal recognition of refugees as a cultur- and occupational change, and disruption in The societal and legal assignment of the term ceives the greatest numbers of refugees: Syria, al minority would ensure the U.S. protects the their sense of self, family, and community (Se- “refugee” onto a person consecrates the differ- Iran, and Somalia (Igielnik). According to re- existence of, and ensures the promotion of, the gal and Nazneen 616). Such an accumulation ence between “insider” and “outsider”, and con- cent analysis of State Department Data by the national or ethnic, cultural, religious, and lin- of loss, coupled with a forced entrance into an firms the need for assimilation into something Pew Research Center, there has been a major de- guistic identities of the refugee population. This alien social environment, can cause major men- new, while the preservation of individual cul- crease in the number of refugees admitted into paper concludes that a new legal consideration tal health issues and hinder future functional tural, religious, and geographic identity hangs in the U.S., from 9,945 in October 2016 to 3,316 of “cultural minority” would ensure the cultural capacity. The mental, emotional, and spiritual the balance (Craig 89). When refugees choose to in April 2017 (Khurma). This sharp drop in ref- identities of refugees are protected post-reset- burden that is conferred onto refugees through gain American citizenship, they face an irrecon- ugees admitted into the U.S. is not a result of tlement in the U.S. encounters with forced assimilation can alter cilable dichotomy between what it means to be any drop in the number of refugees seeking asy- their ability to care and provide for themselves an “American” and their own personal experi- lum. In the data from the United Nations High 1.2 Current Refugee Experience and and their loved ones. The stresses of the mi- ences as foreign nationals in the U.S. Regardless Commissioner for Refugees Global Trends: Present Societal Attitudes: gration process itself, combined with a lack of of whether refugees decide to pursue American Forced Displacement in 2016, the year saw a The actual experiences of immigrants and social support, a discrepancy between achieve- citizenship, the expectation held by the general record high of 65.5 million people forcibly dis- refugees are drastically different from each oth- ment and expectations, economic hardships, public and the government is for refugees living placed worldwide (UNHCR 2). Many attribute er, both by the means and reasons for which racial discrimination, harassment, and a lack of in the U.S. to let go of their former identities in the significant decline of refugees admitted into each comes to America, as well as by their eco- access to proper housing, medical care, and re- pursuance of American values of individualism the U.S. to President Trump following through nomic and social experiences post-resettlement. ligious practice can lead to poor self-esteem, an and economic self-sufficiency (Craig 90-91). In with his campaign promise to suspend the ref- While immigrants are pulled to a new country inability to adjust, and poor physical and men- short, while immigrants have made the choice ugee program (Khurma). A growing number of by the freedom and economic promises of life in tal health (Becker). Social and cultural factors to pursue opportunities in the U.S., refugees persons requiring asylum combined with a de- America, refugees are pushed from their home have been implicated in the etiology of mental have to let go of a past way of living, one they creasing number of refugees being allowed into countries by the fear of persecution, degrada- illness in immigrants and refugees (Becker). cannot return to, and instead create new identi- the U.S. has culminated in the modern world’s tion, and violation of their human rights and These consequences differ greatly from how ties for themselves wholly composed of Ameri- refugee crisis. lifestyle (Segal and Nazneen 564, 566). Immi- immigrants might experience readjustment in can values and ideals (Craig 90-91). With increasing reports of people around grants plan their migration very carefully and a foreign environment. Considering that immi- These contrasting experiences of immi- the world fleeing persecution, violence, conflict, usually arrive with selectively chosen assets. grants are much more likely to come to the U.S. grants and refugees with regards to entering and or human rights violations, and a harrowing Refugees leave their homes with little or no with some sort of support system,, be it family existing in the U.S. create different expectations trend of fewer refugees being admitted into the planning and flee with few, if any, tangible be- members, economic opportunities, or academ- of how each group should communicate their U.S., this paper makes the argument for refu- longings (Segal and Nazneen 564, 566). Addi- ic pursuits, they are more likely to experience a sense of “Americanism.” While societal expec- gee populations to have an entirely new legal tionally, there is a great distinction between the smooth transition in a new country (Stewart). tations pressure both refugees and immigrants distinction. At a time when the issue of refugee intended permanency of a stay behind the de- Furthermore, many refugees feel forced to prac- to have immense gratitude for the “generous” admittance into the U.S. is at the forefront of cision immigrants and refugees make in com- tice what Arar coins strategic anonymity, which opportunity for assimilation and opportunity, domestic policy agendas and our nation’s con- ing to the U.S. While an immigrant would most refers to proactive acts of withholding person- the real experiences of refugees in the U.S. make science, there has never been a more opportune likely plan to stay for an extended period of al information to maintain security for oneself this “Land of the Free” proclamation ring hol- moment to ensure that the treatment of refugees 90 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 91 low. Certainly, immigrants and refugees alike asylum in. This paper asserts that the cultural There is disagreement within the members Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Reli- are met with institutionalized discrimination protections deferred onto refugees through the of the movement in Greece on how to define gious and Linguistic Minorities, if refugees are based on the color of their skin, the accent with designation of a cultural minority status would themselves as a collective Macedonian minori- classified as minority groups, they would be which they speak, or the clothing they wear (Se- aid in ameliorating the hardships facing refu- ty group. Questions of group definition and the awarded certain cultural, religious, and linguis- gal and Nazneen 567). However, there is a great- gees in terms of loss of culture, identity, and way determination of Macedonian cultural identity tic protections not currently afforded to them. er propensity within the refugee population of life. have made it difficult to present a cohesive and Article 1 of the Declaration sets forth that States for a distinct opposition to cultural hybridity, distinct minority unit that is experiencing state shall protect the existence and the national or as they are not necessarily trying to construct 2.1 The Case for Refugee Minority Rights: oppression (Cowan 161, 167). Furthermore, ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic identity a new American identity, and instead seek to The Macedonian minority movement in there are some Macedonians who do not wish of minorities within their respective territories eventually return to their homelands. (Segal Greece provides a foundation for refugee mi- to take part in claiming a minority status. The and shall encourage conditions for the promo- and Nazneen 567). Ultimately, many refugees nority rights in the United States. In The Mak- reasoning behind these choices can range from tion of that identity (DRPBNERLM 1). Fur- desperately cling to any semblance of cultural ing of a Macedonian Minority, Cowan critically wanting to distance themselves from a state-de- thermore, States shall adopt appropriate legisla- and social normalcy (Segal and Nazneen 567). engages with the newly created human rights fying movement to not identifying with the tion, alongside other measures, to achieve those The image of refugees through a Western discourse on group minority rights and the definitional qualities the Macedonian minority protections listed in Article 1 (DRPBNERLM lens often takes into account “territorialized” recognition of cultural difference. In a process group chose to adopt (Cowan 167). While there 1). Perhaps most importantly, the Declaration notions of home, culture, and identity (Rajaram called “minoritization,” the identities of people is a difference between the situational context ensures that refugees will be ensured the right 248). This puts the U.S. in the position to wel- in a diverse population and the meanings of cul- of Macedonians in Greece and refugee popu- to participate in national and regional decisions come these people, who are essentially in lim- tural practices are reformulated to fit within the lations in the U.S., the commonalities between that concern the minority to which they belong bo, back into the folds of statehood, ultimate- framework of the conceptual and legal category the two groups in terms of cultural oppression (DRPBNERLM 2). In Article 4, it is proclaimed ly claiming the title of ‘“bestower of identity”’ of “minority” (Cowan 156). This is distinct from and a shared desire for cultural freedom create that States should take appropriate measures so (Rajaram 248). This generalized idea of refugees nationalism, which seeks to gain and maintain a basis for comparison. Because of the unique that persons belonging to minorities will have creates similarly generalized policies towards self-governance or full sovereignty over the position of forced exile that refugees are in, mi- adequate opportunities to learn their mother refugee resettlement, erasing all personal agen- group’s homeland. Instead, “minoritization” is a noritization serves as a better alternative than tongue, as well as their history, traditions, and cy, reducing the experiences of refugees, and re- distinctive strategy that is used within a global nationalism for refugees who are no longer able culture (DRPBNERLM 2). Acquiring these placing it with a token of “victimhood.” Once political field which eschews territorial objec- to safely exist in their homelands. rights, through the adoption of a minority sta- “saved” and resettled in America, the U.S. gov- tives and seeks rights within existing national Refugees fit under the legal definition of tus, would transform the experiences of refugees ernment expects these refugees to automatically borders; it may develop as a reformulation of minority when ‘majority’ and ‘minority’ are from one of forced assimilation to one of free- be hard at work, chasing the American Dream and an alternative to an explicitly nationalizing presented as discrete, clearly bounded entities. dom, while protecting their cultural identities. (Rajaram 248). project (Cowan 156). International law recognizes that members of The eradication of the personal histories This minoritization process has been under a minority have two ways of expressing their 3.1 Consideration of Negative Effects of and identities of refugees through the societal development in Greece since 1992 when the identity: either by associating themselves with Minoritization: expectation of all refugees to immediately and Macedonian population organized and peti- the strong desire of a group to preserve its char- It is important to take into account wheth- unquestionably assimilate and assume Ameri- tioned the government for the right to be taught acteristics, or by exercising their choice not to er this newfound consideration as a minority can ideals is an implicit violation of Article 15 in their mother tongue and to freely enjoy their belong, and instead to assimilate into the ma- would benefit or harm the refugee experience of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights culture—“to sing to its songs and dance its danc- jority (Cowan 155). If we are to recognize ref- more, and whether or not refugees would even (UDHR 4). Article 15 states everyone has a right es” (Cowan 170). Macedonians living in Greece ugees as a trans-ethnic and trans-national co- want to be considered a minority group. Cer- to a nationality, and no one shall be arbitrari- hold the State responsible for the protection of hesive group bound together by the wholly tainly, it goes against the very reasoning of ly deprived of his nationality nor the right to their cultural identities and created a cultural unique, shared experiences of forced exile, and wanting to improve the autonomy of refugees if change his nationality (UDHR 4). Yet, refugees minority rights movement to ensure those pro- that wishes to maintain their individual cultural a minority status were the de-facto status given. inherently are bereft of nationality in terms of tections are enforced. Certainly, there are points integrity while resisting assimilation, then they Refugees, individually and independently of any being afforded state jurisdiction over their per- of contention within the Macedonian minori- ought to be awarded the same human rights government, should be given the right to choose sonhood and protection from any rights’ in- ty movement that need to be considered when protections reserved for minority groups. whether to adopt a minority status in place of fringements made by the state they are seeking framing the case for refugee minority rights. Under the UN Declaration on the Rights of the current standard which requires refugees to 92 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN | SPRING 2018 93 file for a green card within a year of arrival. This minority has federal ramifications and must be icies on refugee resettlement reformation are assimilation. It is important to acknowledge allows refugees who do ultimately want to be- recognized equally by all 50 states, it is unclear failing. However, a more impactful movement that refugees constitute a population that is so come American citizens the option of claiming which government entity will ensure these cul- stems from changing the narrative from the diverse, that to attempt to provide guidelines permanent residency and eventually applying tural minorities have adequate facilities to learn mute “victimhood” of refugeehood to centering for working with them is highly presumptu- for citizenship. their native languages, as well as their history, the conversation on refugees as minorities, with ous (Segal and Nazneen 580). Legality will al- The case of Macedonians in Greece provides traditions, and culture. The organizational and claims to specific legal protections and insur- ways be a matter of power, not justice. Solace other potential problems: Cowan makes the case political gridlock that results from these sorts ances. can be found in the long history of successful that the “minoritization” of groups can just as of questions regarding responsibility presents a Refugees meet the legal criteria to be consid- minority rights movements across America and often constrain those it wishes to empower. Be- major roadblock to refugee minoritization. ered minorities. Yet, certain conditions remain the world that have gradually decreased the gap cause of the inherently diverse composition of Furthermore, in revisiting Craig’s argument in order for refugee populations to actualize between equality and equity of opportunity and the refugee population, issues could arise from for the problematic connotation of ‘otherness’ their minority status. 1) Refugees must choose civil rights. In order to gain legal protections minoritization by forcing the vast collective of linked to the term “refugee” in I am an Ameri- to accept a minority status. 2) Enough minori- for refugees as a minority group, those in pow- cultural, religious, and social narratives into a can: Communicating Refugee Identity and Cit- ties must make this choice in order to represent er must adapt their ideologies to the realities of single interpretive frame of the “conceptual and izenship, it is also possible that the substitute a large and cohesive enough group to qualify as the current refugee situation. That change starts legal category of minority” that misrepresents term of minority does nothing to alleviate this a minority group. Lastly, and most important- with lifting up the voices of refugees, and not their complex identities (Cowan 155). Further- issue. Craig argues that the label “refugee,” how- ly, 3) the United States must abide by the UN’s with speaking for them. more, Porter argues that in post-Cold War soci- ever, connotes a sense of dependency, for which Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging eties, communities struggle to gain recognition the government and the public need to take care to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS of group minority rights, with the increase at- of and provide services to people in this catego- Minorities and protect the rights of refugee mi- This paper would not have been possible tention given to a series of movements advo- ry. Refugees are constructed through discours- norities. Certainly, the last condition is the most without the guidance and advice of Professor cating for minority recognition, along with the es of displacement and helplessness (Craig 91). precarious when looking at the U.S.’s track re- Evan Carton who provided many of the research ambivalent qualifiers for minority status: cohe- Cowan also acknowledges the stigma of “oth- cord of human rights violations and blatant dis- materials this paper drew from. This paper was siveness of group and evidence of state oppres- erness” that minorityhood can carry in society regard for the authority of the United Nations. written for the class Professor Carton instructs, sion (Porter). (Cowan 164). Yet, not only does the term “ref- The United States has historically refused to “Human Rights: Theories/Practices”. There are also certain funding, political, and ugee” create separation from citizens, it sepa- be subject to jurisdiction of international legal organizational barriers that limit the ability of rates them from each other. Within the current bodies, like the International Criminal Court MOTIVATIONS minoritization for refugees in the U.S. Obvious- refugee climate there are no mass mobilization (ICC), and has refrained from embracing key I am particularly interested in this topic be- ly, the creation and maintenance of cultural in- efforts to reform the system (Cowan 164). Thus, human rights regimes defined by the United cause of the involuntary nature of refugee reset- struction and language institutions for the dif- despite the imperfections of this approach, such Nations since the multilateral organization was tlement and the added unnecessary and nega- ferent cultural identities held within the refugee a change can support those most vulnerable in created in 1945 (Hussain). tive consequences of resettlement in America. population is a potentially costly endeavor. Ac- societies. Cowan maintains that recognition of one’s I believe that current strategies of resettlement cording to the Federation for American Immi- culture is increasingly constructed, and con- processes in the U.S. emphasize assimilation at gration Reform, $71 million will be spent over sequently increasingly experienced as a deep, 4.1 Conclusion: the expense of the preservation of the cultur- five years to educate refugees and asylum seek- primordial human need, as well as an inalien- A change in status from “refugee” to “cul- al identities of refugees. In both the historical ers, the majority of which will be paid by state able right – one whose denial brings both suf- tural minority” would bring a greater sense of and current dialogue surrounding migration and local governments (O’Brien). Because most fering and indignation (Cowan 171). Therefore, collective identity through solidarity in the fight to the United States, there is very little delinea- government spending on education happens on the burdens of refugeehood conferred through for the security and protection of cultural mi- tion between the experiences and needs of ref- a local level, a debate may emerge over which forced flight from a homeland are only fur- nority rights. A common critique of human ugees versus immigrants. The most fundamen- level of government would be held responsible ther exacerbated when, upon resettlement in rights movements arises from the inability of tal difference between them being the absence for ensuring the protections listed above in Ar- the U.S., refugees find their cultural identities, advocacy groups and organizations, that are not of choice- the ‘when, why, how, and even if’ of ticle 1 and 4 of the Declaration on the Rights of their inalienable right, at the mercy of societal created by or staffed with members of marginal- these choices being largely nonexistent for the Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Reli- expectations of assimilation. This paper makes ized and oppressed communities, to holistically refugee. gious and Linguistic Minorities are met (Chan- the claim that a legal designation of cultur- represent the wishes of such marginalized and It is important to recognize the reductive trill). Yet, as the legal designation of cultural oppressed groups. In these ways, current pol- al minority mitigates such pressures of forced 94 VOLUME 17 | TEXAS UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL nature of conversations that lump together the ican-leadership-and-the-global-refugee-crisis_ very distinct repercussions of the lived immi- us_5949493ae4b0d097b29bc86c. grant and refugee experience in America. While 8. O'Brien, Matthew, and Spencer Raley. “The Fiscal Cost of Resettling Refugees in the United States.” Federation significant acknowledgement must be given to for American Immigration Reform, 5 Feb. 2018. the varying degrees of privilege that immigrants 9. Porter, Kirsten. “The Realization of National Minority to the U.S. have, the severity of the push fac- Rights.” Macquarie Law Journal, 2003. tors that force refugee resettlement necessitate 10. Rajaram, P. 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