University of • Bedfordshire
Title The Role of Tourism in Poverty Reduction in Elmina, Ghana Name Joel Sonne
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THE ROLE OF TOURISM IN POVERTY REDUCTION IN ELMINA, GHANA
Joel Sonne
A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Bedfordshire
May 2010 Abstract
Governments and donor agencies are increasingly advocating tourism as a viable poverty reduction option in developing countries. However, the debate surrounding tourism development mechanisms and benefits to local people is based upon limited empirical evidence. Much of the literature has focused on the socio-economic impacts of tourism in developing countries, but there is comparatively limited investment of the relationship between tourism and poverty reduction from the perspectives of the stakeholders, particularly local people.
To build knowledge about this relationship, this research study examines the role of tourism in poverty reduction in Elmina, Ghana. The core aim of the research is to analyse the inter-relationship between poverty reduction and tourism from the perspective of local people and stakeholders. The research focuses upon the importance of tourism as a developmental strategy to tackle poverty.
The research methodology was formulated within an interpretive paradigm utilising qualitative techniques to investigate tourism and poverty in Elmina. Stakeholders who participated in the study included: Government; Donor Agencies; Local People; Tourists; and the Private Sector. The data was analysed using thematic data analysis methods. Researcher reflexivity is also integrated into the study in view of the researcher’s experience of employment in a public sector tourism organisation in Ghana.
The thematic findings contribute to knowledge about the relationship between tourism and poverty reduction in Elmina and are categorised into three main themes. Firstly, local people in Elmina define and understand poverty and tourism opportunities in multiple ways, which differ from other stakeholders; however, differences in meanings and understandings exist between and within individuals and groups in Elmina. The attributes accounting for the differences in views include: level of education; access to the tourism market; participation in decision-making; and type of businesses. Secondly, local people participate in tourism mainly as owners of informal tourism businesses and employees.
i
However, a group of marginalised people, the ‘Castle Boys’, also benefit from the support received from philanthropic tourists through the activities of begging and informal tour guiding as ways of earning income to escape from poverty. Finally, several barriers to participation for local people in tourism exist in the Elmina community, which marginalises and excludes a cross-section of the locals from the advantages of socio-economic opportunities. These barriers include: a low level of education attainment; a lack of availability of and access to credit facilities; and a lack of ‘voice’ in the decision-making process, indicating a general need for capacity building.
Government and donor agencies’ neoliberal policy objectives of utilising cultural tourism for development has failed to achieve poverty reduction in Elmina. This issue has given rise to evolving questions of the use of tourism as a developmental tool to reduce poverty and how to empower local people to actively participate in emerging socio-economic opportunities. This research subsequently contributes to furthering the understanding of the role of tourism in poverty reduction, and theoretically comprehending the role of tourism as a development strategy to combat poverty in local communities.
ii Dedication
Dedicated to the memory of my mother, Elisabeth Adwoa Acquaah-Harrison Sonne.
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List of Contents
Abstract ...... i Dedication ...... iii List of Contents ...... iv List of Tables ...... x List of Figures ...... xi Acknowledgement ...... xiii Author’s Declaration ...... xv List of Abbreviations ...... xvi Chapter 1 ...... 1 Overall Introduction to the Thesis ...... 1 1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Background to Tourism Development and Poverty Reduction ...... 2 1.3 Research Aims and Objectives ...... 4 1.4 Rationale for the Research Study ...... 6 1.5 Elmina: The Field Study Area ...... 6 1.5.1 Selection of the Study Area ...... 7 1.5.2 Geographical and Political Economy of Elmina ...... 7 1.5.3 Poverty Assessment in Elmina ...... 8 1.5.4 Evolution of Tourism Development in Elmina ...... 12 1.5.5 The Performance of Tourism in Elmina ...... 16 1.6 Organisation of the Thesis ...... 20 Chapter 2 ...... 23 Understanding the Dimensions of Poverty ...... 23 2.1 Introduction ...... 23 2.2 What Does Poverty Mean? ...... 23 2.3 The Physiological Deprivation Model of Poverty ...... 23 2.3.1 The Income/Consumption Approach ...... 24 2.3.2 Basic Human Needs Approach ...... 25 2.4 Social Deprivation Model of Poverty ...... 25 2.4.1 Human Poverty Approach ...... 26 2.4.2 Social Exclusion ...... 27 2.4.3 Participatory Approaches to Poverty ...... 31 2.5 Approaches to Measuring Poverty ...... 33 2.5.1 Absolute and Relative Poverty ...... 34 2.5.2 Poverty and Inequality...... 35 2.5.3 Quantitative and Qualitative Approaches to Measuring Poverty ...... 36
iv 2.6 The Causal Framework of Poverty ...... 38 2.6.1 Human Capital Approach ...... 39 2.6.2 Financial Capital Approach ...... 39 2.6.3 Social Capital Approach ...... 40 2.7 Sutainable Livelihood Approach ...... 43 2.8 Perspectives on Poverty in Ghana ...... 45 2.8.1 The Political Economy...... 45 2.8.2 Poverty Trends in Ghana ...... 48 2.8.3 Poverty Measurements in Ghana ...... 49 2.9 Chapter Conclusion ...... 53 Chapter 3 ...... 55 The Development Paradigms: Poverty and Tourism ...... 55 3.1 Introduction ...... 55 3.2 Introduction to Development and Poverty Relationship ...... 55 3.2.1 Modernisation Theory ...... 56 3.2.2 Dependency Theory ...... 57 3.2.3 The Neoliberal Paradigm ...... 58 3.3 Sustainable Development: Definition and Critique ...... 63 3.3.1. Sustainable Development: Evolution and Meaning ...... 63 3.3.2 Sustainable Development: Financial, Human and Social Capital ...... 65 3.4 Chapter Conclusion ...... 67 Chapter 4 ...... 69 Tourism Development and Poverty Reduction ...... 69 4.1 Introduction ...... 69 4.2 Understanding the Nature of Tourism ...... 69 4.3 Theoretical Perspectives of Tourism Development Paradigms ...... 70 4.3.1 Conventional Tourism Development Perspectives ...... 72 4.3.2 Poverty Reduction: Alternative Tourism Development Perspective ...... 73 4.4 Tourism Development: A ‘Third Way’ Approach ...... 78 4.5 Tourism and Sustainable Development ...... 81 4.6 Measuring the Contribution of Tourism to Poverty Reduction ...... 84 4.7 The Argument for Tourism as a Tool for Poverty Reduction ...... 85 4.7.1 Foreign Exchange Earnings ...... 86 4.7.2 Tourism Employment and Income ...... 87 4.7.3 Linkage Between Tourism and Other Economic Sectors ...... 88 4.7.4 Development of Cultural Values ...... 89 4.8 Barriers Influencing Local People’s Participation in Tourism ...... 90 4.9 Policy Strategies to Enhance Local People’s Participation in Tourism ...... 93
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4.10 Chapter Conclusion ...... 94 Chapter 5 ...... 96 Tourism Development in Ghana ...... 96 5.1 Introduction ...... 96 5.2 Evolution of Tourism Development in Ghana ...... 96 5.2.1 Evolution of Ghana’s Tourism Organisations ...... 97 5.2.2 Evolution of Tourism Planning in Ghana...... 99 5.3 Tourism’s Contribution to Poverty Reduction...... 102 5.4 Key Challenges Affecting Tourism Development in Ghana ...... 107 5.5 Chapter Conclusion ...... 110 Chapter 6 ...... 111 Research Methodology ...... 111 6.1 Introduction ...... 111 6.2 Philosophy of the Research ...... 111 6.2.1 Moving beyond Positivism to Interpretivism ...... 111 6.3 Qualitative Methodological Approaches ...... 114 6.4 Sampling Techniques and Criteria ...... 116 6.4.1 Purposive Technique ...... 116 6.4.2 Snowballing Technique ...... 116 6.4.3 Sampling Criteria ...... 117 6.5 Data Collection Methods ...... 118 6.5.1 Unstructured Interviewing ...... 119 6.5.2 Semi-Structured Interviewing ...... 120 6.5.3 Focus Groups ...... 120 6.5.4 Participant Observation ...... 121 6.6 Participatory Rural Appraisal ...... 123 6.7 Secondary Data ...... 123 6.8 Principles of Data Collection ...... 124 6.8.1 Bricoleurship ...... 124 6.8.2 Triangulation ...... 125 6.9 Ethical Considerations ...... 126 6.10 Matters of Reliability, Validity and Trustworthiness ...... 127 6.11 Researcher Reflexivity and Access ...... 129 6.12 Chapter Conclusion ...... 132 Chapter 7 ...... 133 Conduct of Fieldwork and Data Analysis ...... 133 7.1 Introduction ...... 133 7.2 The Pilot Study ...... 133
vi 7.3 Conduct of the Main Study ...... 139 7.3.1 The Sampling Procedure and Profile ...... 139 7.3.2 Data Collection During the Fieldwork ...... 141 7.4 Thematic Data Analysis ...... 148 7.5 Chapter Conclusion ...... 150 Chapter 8 ...... 152 Local People’s Understanding of Poverty in Elmina ...... 152 8.1 Introduction ...... 152 8.2 Poverty: As Lack of Steady Income ...... 152 8.3 Poverty: As a Lack of Social Amenities ...... 156 8.3.1 Lack of Access to Good Drinking Water ...... 156 8.3.2 Lack of Toilet Facilities ...... 157 8.3.3 Poor Waste Disposal Management ...... 158 8.3.4 Poverty: As a Lack of Access to Education ...... 159 8.4 Poverty: As a Lack of Involvement in Decision-Making ...... 161 8.5 Chapter Conclusion ...... 163 Chapter 9 ...... 165 The Use of Tourism to Combat Poverty in Elmina: The Stakeholders’ Perspectives ...... 165 9.1 Introduction ...... 165 9.2 Local People’s Understandings of Tourism Opportunities ...... 165 9.2.1 Business Ownership ...... 165 9.2.2 Access to the Tourism Market ...... 166 9.2.3 Employment and Income Opportunities ...... 174 9.2.4 Improved Infrastructure Development and Social Amenities ...... 177 9.2.5 Tour Guide and Artisans’ Training ...... 179 9.2.6 Promotion of Cultural Values ...... 179 9.3 The ‘Castle Boys’ and Tourist Harassment...... 180 9.4 How Other Stakeholders Understand the Significance of Tourism ...... 182 9.4.1 Government ...... 182 9.4.2 Donor Agencies ...... 183 9.4.3 The Private Sector ...... 185 9.4.4 Tourists 186 9.5 Chapter Conclusion ...... 188 Chapter 10 ...... 191 Barriers to Local People’s Participation in Tourism ...... 191 10.1 Introduction ...... 191 10.2 Lack of Financial Capital ...... 191
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10.2.1 Lack of Income ...... 191 10.2.2 Lack of Access to Credit ...... 192 10.3 Lack of Human Capital ...... 195 10.3.1 Lack of Education and Skills Capacity ...... 195 10.3.2 Issues of Apathy ...... 196 10.4 Lack of Social Capital...... 198 10.4.1 Lack of Access to the Tourism Market ...... 198 10.4.2 Lack of a Diversified Tourism Product ...... 200 10.4.3 Lack of Institutional Capacity: Business Registration and Regulation ...... 201 10.4.4 Lack of Involvement in Decision-Making...... 203 10.4.5 Lack of Information...... 205 10.4.6 Lack of Co-ordination ...... 206 10.4.7 Poor Infrastructure Development ...... 208 10.5 Chapter Conclusion ...... 208 Chapter 11 ...... 211 Analysis and Discussion ...... 211 11.1 Introduction ...... 211 11.2 Poverty and Tourism-The Multiple Perspectives ...... 211 11.3 Tourism and Poverty Reduction in Elmina: A Discussion ...... 213 11.3.1 Socio-Economic Opportunities from Tourism ...... 213 11.3.2 Barriers to Local People’s Participation in Tourism ...... 217 11.4 Recommendations: A Need for Symbiotic Relationship Between Tourism and Poverty Reduction in Elmina ...... 223 11.5 Chapter Conclusion ...... 237 Chapter 12 ...... 238 Conclusion ...... 238 12.1 Introduction ...... 238 12.2 Failure of Macro-Economic Growth and ‘Trickle-Down’ Effects...... 238 12.3 Tourism’s Role in Poverty Reduction in Elmina ...... 239 12.4 Recommendations for Increasing Tourism’s Role in Poverty Reduction in Elmina 241 12.5 Strengths and Limitations of the Research ...... 244 12.6 Contribution to Knowledge ...... 245 12.7 Recommendations for Future Research ...... 246 References ...... 248 Appendix ...... 271 Appendix 1: Licensed Tourism Establishments in the Central Region: 2004-2007 ...... 272 Appendix 2: Projections for Tourism Growth in Ghana: 1994-2010 ...... 273 Appendix 3: Registered Accommodation Establishments in Ghana ...... 274
viii Appendix4: Licensed Restaurants by Category in Ghana: 1995-2006 ...... 275 Appendix 5: Licensed Catering Establishments in Ghana: September 2007 ...... 276 Appendix 6: Appropriateness of Data Collection Methods to Research Study Objectives ...... 277 Appendix 7: Unstructured Interviews: Strengths, Weaknesses and Solutions ...... 278 Appendix 8: Semi-Structured Interviews: Strengths, Weaknesses and Solutions ...... 279 Appendix 9: Focus Groups-Strengths, Weaknesses and Solutions ...... 280 Appendix 10: Participant Observation-Strengths, Weaknesses and Solutions ...... 281 Appendix 11: Bricoleurship Strength, Weakness and Solutions ...... 282 Appendix 12: Interview Guide Questions for the Stakeholders ...... 283 Appendix 14: Mailed Correspondences-Researcher Letter ...... 289 Appendix 15: Mailed Correspondences-Respondent’s Form ...... 290 Appendix 16: Thematic Process-Perceived Problems and Solutions ...... 291 Appendix 18: Pilot Study-Semi-Structured Interview ...... 294 Appendix 19: Main Study-Unstructured Interview ...... 296 Appendix 20: Main Study-Semi-Structured Interview ...... 298
ix
List of Tables
Table 1.1: Primary schools enrolment within Elmina Circuit: 1999/2000-2004/2005 ...... 10 Table 1.2: Identified tourist attractions in Elmina ...... 13 Table 1.3: Tourism activities undertaken by the CHLDEP: 2003-2006 ...... 15 Table 1.4: Licensed tourism establishments in Elmina: 2006 ...... 17 Table 2.1: Economic sectors’ share of GDP: 2002-2007 ...... 47 Table 2.2: Ghana’s Human Development Index in 2005 ...... 50 Table 2.3: Types of toilet facilities available in selected communities in Ghana ...... 51 Table 2.4: Availability of water in urban and rural areas in Ghana ...... 52 Table 4.1: Bipolar view of tourism planning approaches ...... 79 Table 4.2: Tourism: aims and objectives of sustainable development ...... 83 Table 4.3: Tourism contribution to poverty in selected developing countries ...... 87 Table 4.4: Barriers and actions to enhance people’s participation in tourism ...... 92 Table 5.1: Employment created by tourism in Ghana: 1996-2004 ...... 106 Table 6.1: Ensuring trustworthiness in this research study ...... 129 Table 7.1: Focus groups with stakeholders in Elmina ...... 146 Table 9.1: Places and types of tourism employment opportunities in Elmina ...... 175 Table 10.1: Different permits required by tourism business operators in Elmina ...... 203 Table 11.1: Incorporate a poverty-focus into tourism policy ...... 225 Table 11.2: Emphasise local people’s priorities and circumstances ...... 226 Table 11.3: Build partnerships among stakeholders ...... 228 Table 11.4: Improve opportunities for the wider involvement of local people in the supply chain of tourism products and services...... 230 Table 11.5: Increase access to training and skills capacity development for local people...... 231 Table 11.6: Strengthen institutional capacity of identified stakeholders ...... 233 Table 11.8: Enhance local people’s employment opportunities...... 236
x List of Figures
Figure 1.1: General Map of Ghana…………………………………………………………2 Figure 1.2: The Elmina Castle…………………………………………………….………..16 Figure 1.3: Cultural Attraction: Chiefs and Queen Mothers…………………….………16 Figure 1.4: Tourist Arrivals and Revenues–Elmina Castle: 1995-2005…………...... 17 Figure 1.5: Organisation of the Thesis………………………………………………..…...22 Figure 5.1: The Ministry of Tourism and Diasporan Relations and its Stakeholders Ghana……………………...... 98 Figure 5.2: International tourism arrivals and receipts for Ghana: 1994- 2007……...102 Figure 5.3: International arrivals by purpose of visit to Ghana in 2005………………104 Figure 5.4: Comparison of budget allocation between the tourism sectors and Other economic sectors in 2008 …………………………………………….109 Figure 7.1: Interviews with a fishmonger………………………………………………...143 Figure 7.2: Interview with a beer bar owner……………………………………………...143 Figure 7.3: Interview with a donor agency in Elmina…………………………………...145 Figure 7.4: Fishmongers focus group…………………………………………………….147 Figure 7.5: Asafo men focus group……………………………………………………….147 Figure 7.6: Mixed women focus group……………………………………………………147 Figure 7.7: Castle Boys focus group…………………………………………………...... 147 Figure 7.8 Summary of thematic analysis of data into themes, sub-themes and sub-sub-themes in the study………..…………………………….…….150 Figure 8.1: Fishing boats lying idle during low season…………………………………155 Figure 8.2: A refuse dumping site in Elmina………………………………….…………158 Figure 8.3: Children pushing truck of fish………………………………………………..160 Figure 8.4: Children breaking stones……………………………………………………..160 Figure 8.5: Abandoned rehabilitation of an Asafo Post in Elmina…………………….162 Figure 9.1: Tourists buying souvenirs in Elmina………………………………………...167 Figure 9.2: Official craft market in Elmina……………………………………………...... 168 Figure 9.3: A chop bar...... 169 Figure 9.4: A drinking bar………………………………………………………………...... 170 Figure 9.5: A restaurant at the Elmina Castle………………………………………….....171 Figure 9.6: Tourists buying fish from fishmongers……………………………………....173 Figure 9.7: Hawking activities in Elmina…………………………………………………..174 Figure 9.8: Tourists buying cold drinks………………………………………………...... 178 Figures 9.9 Activities undertaken by the Castle Boys…………..………..…….. …..……182 Figure 9.10: A donor agency’s involvement in tourism in Elmina……………………...... 184
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xii Acknowledgement
This study was made possible by the invaluable contribution of many people who are most deserving of recognition. I would like to express my gratitude to Professor Andrew Holden, Professor Peter Mason and Dr. Stroma Cole, who have given extensively intellectual guidance and support over the past three years. Thank you to my main supervisor, Professor Andrew Holden, for giving so selflessly of his advice, time and encouragement during my academic experience. Thank you to Professor Peter Mason for your time and comments. Thank you to my previous second supervisor Dr. Stroma Cole whose advice and guidance were much appreciated. I am very grateful for the helpful suggestions of Professors Angus Duncan and David Harrison. Many thanks to my fellow research students for the encouragement over the years Davis Barasa, Caroline Tie and Markus Haag. I especially thank the Academic Board of the University of Bedfordshire for the bursary which provided me with the financial support I needed to carry on this academic journey.
Out in the field, this study was made possible by stakeholders who participated and shared their memories, emotions and experiences with me in their roles as representatives of tourists, of local people, of government, private sector and donor agency. I am particularly grateful to all those respondents who participated in this study, whose names remain anonymous for the purpose of maintaining integrity. I especially thank the Castle Boys, fishermen and fishmongers, owners of tourism businesses, Asafo groups, Chiefs and workers of Elmina. I am grateful to Bridget Katsriku, then Chief Director of Ministry of Tourism, and Nicholas Ivor, the Regional Director of Museums in the Central Region, for your support and encouragement.
Thank you to my family for their love and patience during this long academic journey, which means so much more to me than words could ever express. I thank my wife Sara and my children Lisa and Joel Junior for always supporting my decision to seek higher academic laurels. The dream, hope and reality have now been fulfilled. A special thank you to Francisca Davis, Jonatan Davis, Regina Davis Aning, Dr. Emmanuel Aning and Ekua Aning for the immense support
xiii which has made my dream come true. I thank George and Pauline Asiedu for their invaluable support and care, which were indeed crucial to the success of this research study. I would also like to thank Harold and Linda Deigh, John and Joan Sperring, Brandon Brako and Dr. Peter Norrington for their invaluable support which cannot be described in words.
I thank all those who endured conversations about tourism and poverty reduction, shared my enthusiasm and bestowed their encouragement. Particularly, I want to thank my critics and those who shared the scepticism about leaving my job as Director of Tourism to pursue this academic study.
Finally, I am forever indebted to the people mentioned and all those other people I have inadvertently omitted to mention, but supported me over the years…. ‘THANK YOU’ or MEDO MO ASE’.
xiv Author’s Declaration
I declare that this thesis is my own unaided work. It is being submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Bedfordshire. It has not been submitted before for any degree or examination in any other University.
Joel Sonne 28th May 2010
xv
List of Abbreviations
CBNRM Community-Based Natural Resource Management CEDECOM Central Regional Development Commission CERIDEP Central Regional Integrated Development Programme CHLDEP Cultural Heritage and Local Development in Elmina Programme DACF District Assembly Common Fund DFID Department for International Development DMMA District, Municipal and Metropolitan Assemblies EC European Commission ERP Economic Recovery Programme EU European Union GES Ghana Education Service GLSS Ghana Living Standard Survey GMMB Ghana Museums and Monuments Board GOG Government of Ghana GPRS Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy GSS Ghana Statistical Services GTB Ghana Tourist Board HDI Human Development Index HPI Human Poverty Index HIPC Highly Indebted Poor Country HOTCATT Hotel, Catering and Tourism Training Centre IBRD International Bank for Reconstruction and Development IEA Institute of Economic Affairs IHS International Housing Development Studies ILO International Labour Organisation IMF International Monetary Fund IRS Internal Revenue Service ISSER Institute of Statistical, Social and Economic Research JICA Japan International Corporation Agency KEEA Komenda-Edina-Eguafo-Abrem Municipal Assembly KVIP Kumasi Ventilated Improved Latrine
xvi MDA Ministries, Departments and Agencies MDG Millennium Development Goals MFEP Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning MLG Ministry of Local Government MLGRD Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development MOT Ministry of Tourism MOT/DR Ministry of Tourism and Diasporan Relations MOT/MCC Ministry of Tourism and Modernisation of the Capital City MOTT Ministry of Trade and Tourism MUCIA Midwest Universities for International Activities NCC National Commission on Culture NCRC Nature Resource and Conservation Centre NDPC National Development Planning Commission NGO Non Governmental Organisation PANAFEST Pan African Historical Festival PCI Per Capita Income PNDC Provisional National Defence Council PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal PRS Poverty Reduction Strategy ROG Republic of Ghana RRA Rapid Rural Appraisal SAP Structural Adjustment Programme SHC State Hotels Corporation SLA Sustainable Livelihood Approach SME Small and Medium Enterprises UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNEP United Nations Environmental Programme UNESCO United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNWTO United Nations World Tourism Organization USAID United States Agency for International Development WB The World Bank WTO World Tourism Organization
xvii
WTTC World Travel and Tourism Council
xviii Chapter 1
Overall Introduction to the Thesis
1.1 Introduction
Poverty reduction has become an important item on the tourism agenda, reflecting the importance of tourism as one of the world’s fastest growing economic sectors. The relationship between Tourism and Poverty Reduction, as a topic for the global agenda was launched at the World Summit on Sustainable Tourism in Johannesburg in 2002 (UNEP/UNWTO, 2005; Goodwin, 2006). While it has been argued that, as a developmental strategy, tourism seeks to unlock socio-economic livelihood opportunities for the poor, this focus has increasingly been embedded in theoretical debates in the reviewed literature.
This study focuses on the role of tourism in poverty reduction in Elmina in Ghana, Figure 1.1, based on a critical analysis of different stakeholder perspectives, for whom tourism development reduces, or does not reduce, poverty. Four primary reasons underlie the researcher’s interest in tourism and poverty reduction. First, Ghana, entered the third Millennium with the challenge of reducing the depth and intensity of poverty among her population; emphasised by the United Nations Human Development Report, which designated the country as a Highly Indebted Poverty Country (HIPC) in 2002 (ROG, 2002:6). Furthermore, based upon the Ghana Living Standard Surveys, a trend analysis of poverty in Ghana reveal that the population in five out of the ten regions in country could be described as extremely poor (GSS, 2002; 2007). Secondly, as a tourism planner travelling extensively across the country, the author has first-hand experience of the widespread poverty of people living in urban and rural communities. Often they are engaged in subsistence and non-sustainable agricultural and fishing activities, while their poverty conditions are worsened by external development policies based on the interpretations of policy-makers.
Thirdly, the majority of these communities are endowed with untapped natural and cultural tourist attractions, which could be developed to create wealth amongst the people, whilst conserving the available resources for future
1 generations. Finally, the author has not found any in-depth interpretive study on the relationship between tourism and poverty reduction at the national and local levels in Ghana. The existing gap motivated the author to investigate the role of tourism in poverty reduction in Elmina, from which empirical evidence can be drawn for future tourism and poverty policy changes.
LEGEND
lM.GJ'lllA &tlllk Crou.1~
0. ·- A ASANTe AO.: ADE:LE AG.~AGONA AW. .A'M.JTU E. EV,E G · GUAH GU : GURENSE K. l T T.ALENSI ...,..,.,..j Scakt 1 "3 500 000 D 00 100 150 Km Figure 1.1: General Map of Ghana Figure 1.1: General Map of Ghana Sources: Adapted from Ministry of Tourism (1996: 22 & 83); http://www.map-of-africa.co.uk [Site accessed on 4 February 2010] 1.2 Background to Tourism Development and Poverty Reduction Poverty reduction has been identified as a global challenge to the tourism industry because of its perceived role in promoting sustainable growth and help achieve the targets of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) by 2015 (Roel et al., 2004; UNEP/UNWTO, 2005; Goodwin, 2006). The United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) argues that tourism has the capacity to generate socio-economic benefits, providing as evidence increasing tourism arrivals and 2 receipts, with tourism being the primary source of foreign exchange earnings in 46 out of the 49 poorest nations the United Nations describes as the Least Developed Countries (eTurboNews, 2005 cited in Hall, 2007:5; UNWTO, 2009:1). However, there is a growing debate amongst academics, policy makers, non- governmental agencies and development agencies concerning the notion of fighting poverty through tourism (Burns, 2004; Harrison, 2008). The range of opinions differs with some scholars suggesting that tourism could create socio- economic opportunities for local people, through employment and income opportunities (De Kadt, 1979; Sharpley, 2002). Its negative effects have been highlighted in the literature, for example it is suggested that it offers a route through economic imperialism by which developed countries exploit resources from developing countries, as discussed in Chapters Three and Four (Brohman, 1996; Hampton, 2005). The author notes that a great number of tourism studies have focused on a macro-economic perspective of tourism contribution to poverty, which do not explicitly address several dimensions of the relationship between tourism and poverty. These include: (i) both poverty and tourism are complex, dynamic and multi-dimensional phenomena, which are defined and understood by different stakeholders’ perspectives, as discussed in Chapters Two, Four, Seven and Eight; (ii) while tourism’s macro-economic data permits easy comparison between tourism and other sectors of the national economy and between countries, there is little empirical data to demonstrate its contribution to poverty at the micro level (Roe et al., 2004:7-9). While macro statistical information, based upon increased tourism arrival, receipts and licensed facilities, are used to highlight components of tourism growth, it is often assumed that local communities will automatically benefit from the impact of tourism spending in the destinations, through ‘trickle-down’ and multiplier processes; and (iii) given the multi-dimensional character of poverty, the research findings indicate that tackling the phenomenon requires actions that extend beyond the tourism economic domain but encompass the promotion of livelihood opportunities, empowerment and ‘voices’ of the local people in the decision-making process. 3 It is recognised that tourism ‘development’ and its contribution to poverty reduction are rooted in debates over the most appropriate theoretical frameworks and paradigms for development policies since the 1950s. For example, donor agencies and government-led tourism policies have been grounded in the ‘conventional’ development paradigms of modernisation, dependency and neo- liberalism (Britton, 1982; Harrison, 1995; Mowforth and Munt, 1998; Hashimoto, 2002). These approaches emphasise macro-economic growth and ‘trickle down’ processes as means of creating benefits for the poor. However, the current tourism-poverty debate has seen further revisions of the conventional development approaches, with a shift towards ‘alternative’ approaches such as ‘Sustainable Development’ (Sharpley, 2000), ‘Pro-Poor Tourism’ (PPT, 2004) and Sustainable Tourism to Eliminate Poverty’ (ST-EP) (UNWTO, 2006), as discussed in Chapter Four. While such approaches have broadened the debate, they tend to draw away the focus from the critical question of how far tourism does reduce poverty, and from whose perspective empirical evidence can be assessed. This is linked to the argument that, often economic growth alone does not solve the problems of the poor. As Burns (2004) suggests, the conventional planning approaches of ‘Tourism First’ or ‘Development First’ often do not create significant opportunities for local people, hence his proposal for a ‘Third Way’. While these approaches may promote ‘growth’ with benefits to the poor, empirical evidence at the micro- level is limited and where studies have been conducted, conclusions are unclear and tend to focus on the perspectives of donors and governments. It is in this context that this research into tourism’s role in poverty reduction in Elmina, particularly from the perspective of local people emerged. 1.3 Research Aims and Objectives This research study examines the role of tourism in poverty reduction in Elmina, a poverty-stricken community in Ghana. The literature suggests that poverty is widespread in Ghana, and the Central region where Elmina is located, is classified as one of the five poorest regions in the country (GSS, 2002). The Medium-Term Plan (2002-2004), prepared by the Komenda-Edina-Eguafo-Abrem 4 Municipal Assembly (KEEA, 2002), also highlighted the high incidence of poverty in Elmina, attributing the cause to a range of factors, including declining fishing and salt mining activities. As a consequence, tourism was introduced into the local community by the Government of Ghana and selected Donor Agencies in the late 1990s as a ‘third industry’, a development strategy to create socio- economic opportunities for local people. The need to investigate the relationship between poverty and tourism has been recognised by the Government of Ghana since the adoption of a sustainable development approach and the Millennium Development Goals (ROG, 2005a; b). Given the context of tourism development in Elmina, and the debate on the relationship between tourism and poverty, a number of research questions arise: i. To what extent and through which mechanisms does tourism reduce poverty in Elmina?; ii. How do stakeholders, especially local people perceive tourism development and its potential to combat poverty in Elmina?; iii. Are there barriers to the inclusion of the poor as a stakeholder in the tourism industry?; and iv. What recommendations can be made for policy and strategy to enhance the capabilities and opportunities for the poor in tourism? Subsequent to the research questions, the research objectives are defined as: i. Enhancing the comprehension of how the socio-economic opportunities arising from tourism can be utilised to combat poverty; ii. Identifying the barriers that cause the marginalisation and exclusion of local people and the poor from the tourism industry; iii. Investigating stakeholders’, especially local people’s perceptions of the significance of tourism as a means of combating poverty; iv. Make recommendations for tourism policy and strategy to enhance its use in poverty reduction; and v. Furthering knowledge of the academic and policy debate of tourism’s role in the global poverty agenda. 5 1.4 Rationale for the Research Study This section introduces the rationale for the study in terms of its contribution to knowledge, originality and motivation. The purpose of the research is to advance thinking on the relationship between tourism development and poverty reduction, and to satisfy the underlying questions of the use of tourism as a policy and strategy to help tackle poverty in Elmina. Whilst government and donor agencies, perceive tourism as significant in Elmina, there is no evidence to support the view that tourist spending in the local community has significantly created opportunities to help improve the well-being of local people. This study into tourism and poverty is therefore significant, having the aim of analysing the role of tourism in poverty reduction in the local community of Elmina. In support of its originality and contribution to knowledge, the study considers the impact of tourism upon poverty in the context of Elmina and Ghana, and subsequently contributes knowledge to the wider ‘Pro-Poor Tourism’ debate. The justification for investigating the role of tourism in poverty reduction is also influenced by the author’s personal motivations to study the impact of tourism on local communities in Ghana. The researcher first visited Elmina in 2005 as a tourist and recognised its tourism potential, which if properly harnessed could create significant socio-economic opportunities for the poor. However, the researcher is discontented to find a community such as Elmina with abundant natural and cultural resources, undeveloped for tourism because the government and donor agencies have mainly focused on developing the sites linked to colonialism, for example Elmina Castle and Fort St. Jago. Furthermore, tourists do not spend more than two hours in Elmina, as a consequence, their interactions with the local people are minimal and their expenditures are low. 1.5 Elmina: The Field Study Area This Section provides a justification for the selection of the study area, explaining the geographic and political economy of Elmina, its poverty dimensions, and 6 continuing to discuss the evolution of tourism development in the local community. 1.5.1 Selection of the Study Area As explained in section 5.2, within the context of the 15-year National Development Plan (ROG, 1996), tourism should become one of the government’s socio-economic development activities aimed at creating opportunities to tackle poverty at the macro and micro-levels. In order to identify this research work area the author formulated two main criteria based on the interacting themes. These are: (i) a large proportion of the population should be considered to be in poverty, defined in either quantitative or qualitative terms based on data and information documented by the national and local administrations; and (ii) the area selected should be a local community, where tourism has been consciously targeted within an anti-poverty programme. Government and donor agencies have funded two main projects to stimulate local development with a focus on tourism as the lead sector, creating economic livelihood opportunities for the local people (UNDP 1993; IHS, 2002; ROG, 2006). 1.5.2 Geographical and Political Economy of Elmina Elmina, as shown in Figure 1.1, is situated on the coast in the Central region of Ghana. The town, which is over 700 years old, was originally called ‘Mina’ by the Portuguese, but traditionally called Edina by the local people. Elmina is bordered to the south by the Atlantic Ocean, to the east by Cape Coast Metropolis, to the north by Twifo-Hemang-Lower-Denkyria District and to the West by Mpohor- Wasa East District. Elmina plays a dual role in terms of the political and traditional administrative systems in Ghana. While it is the capital of Komenda-Edina-Eguafo-Abrem Municipality (KEEA), as part of the decentralisation programme of governance in Ghana, Elmina is also the capital of the Edinaman Traditional Area, which is an important role within the cultural and chieftaincy institutions in Ghana. This dual system of governance implies the co-existence of a political administrative 7 authority, represented by the Municipal Chief Executive (MCE), and the traditional administrative authority, which has the Paramount Chief as the symbol of authority. The implication here is that the existence of political and traditional duality of governance calls for dialogue and consultation between the political and traditional leaderships in terms of decision-making processes and the implementation of poverty reduction and tourism development strategies in the local community. With a land size of approximately 660 square kilometres, Elmina is described as a high populated settlement (KEEA, 2002). It has a high population growth rate, increasing from 11,401 in 1970 to 21,103 in 2000, according to the 2000 Housing and Population Census (GSS, 2002:11). The core settlement and populated areas are: Bantuma, Essermu, Neizer’s Garden, Lime Street, Liverpool Street, Jago Hill, Pershie, Esurkyire, Broyibima, Gwira, Akyinmu, Bakaano and Java Hill area. In terms of gender, the population ratio is about 45.3 percent male and 54.7 percent female, which has implications for poverty policy in terms of the need for policy makers to consider livelihood activities being undertaken by both men and women in Elmina. While the community is broadly multi-ethnic, the indigenous people are called the ‘Fantis’, other ethnic groups have settled in the locality, for example Ga and Ewe speaking people. 1.5.3 Poverty Assessment in Elmina The literatures on poverty profiles of Elmina, as discussed in this section, emphasise both monetary and non-monetary measurement of poverty, as well as quantitative and qualitative analysis. The poverty analysis draws upon the limited data which can be found in the Medium Term Plan for Poverty Reduction Strategy in Elmina (2002-2004) (KEEA, 2002), report prepared by the Institute for Housing and Urban Development Studies (IHS, 2002), and the Ghana Living Standard Survey (GLSS) (GSS, 2002). The literatures reveal that poverty is widespread in Elmina and manifested in various forms. To assess the monetary dimension of poverty for example, the GSSL used the per capita household expenditure to generally define the poor in Ghana, as is explained in Section 2.8.3 (a). However, the non-monetary dimension of poverty in Elmina is reflected in the lack of basis services indicators including access to health; education; 8 good drinking water; waste management system; and employment, as is explained in the following sections. (a) Health With respect to health as an indicator of poverty in Elmina, two key issues were identified by the Medium Term Plan (KEEA, 2002). Firstly, the only clinic in the community is not able to cope with the demand for medical services from an increasing population, implying a lack of access to medical care for a high proportion of the population and the need for expansion of health facilities. Secondly, malnutrition among children between the ages of two and five is considered by government as a major problem, a significant causal factor being the high pregnancy rates among teenage girls who are either unemployed or have dropped out of school. Although public health education has been intensified and teenage girls are being encouraged to go to school, the situation has not improved. (b) Education Table 1.1 presents enrolment in the eleven private and public primary schools in the Elmina area between 1999/2000 and 2004/2005. The table shows an upward trend in school enrolment for both boys and girls from 4387 in 1999/2000 to 5844 in 2004/2005 in combined totals. Although enrolment in the primary sector has risen, it is still considered low by the Ghana Education Service Office in Elmina and not likely to achieve the targets envisaged by the government for 2015 (GES, 2007). The increase in school enrolment is attributed to the Government’s Free and Compulsory Education and School Feeding programmes, which are intended to encourage school enrolment and attendance in order to help achieve the targets of the Millennium Development Goal and the Poverty Reduction Strategy as discussed in Section 3.2.2. Despite the increase in free education, the majority of parents do not encourage their children to go to school. The Medium Term Plan (KEEA, 2002) associates this attitude to schooling with widespread poverty among parents, who prefer to involve their children at an early age in income-generating activities, e.g. fishing, 9 salt mining and petty trading. As a result, there is a high rate of illiteracy among a significant number of the total population, whilst the number of those with secondary education is considered extremely low. Other problems associated with education in Elmina are the limited number of classrooms and qualified teachers, delays in distribution of text books and equipment, all of which need to be addressed to allow for the emergence of both a quality education and human development base. Table 1.1: Primary schools enrolment within Elmina Circuit: 1999/2000-2004/2005 Year Enrolment in Private Enrolment in Public Total Enrolment Schools Schools Boys Girls Boys Girls 1999/2000 178 150 1991 2068 4387 2000/2001 225 264 2070 2164 4723 2001/2002 306 304 2106 2084 4710 2002/2003 421 402 2163 2141 5127 2003/2004 482 429 n/a** n/a* 911 2004/2005 526 472 2358 2488 5844 Source: Ghana Education Service in Elmina (2007) Note: n/a**= not available (c) Water The reliance on untreated water by the majority of the people is illustrative of poverty in Elmina. The water resources in Elmina include rivers, streams, wells, pipe-borne water, boreholes and the lagoon. However, the Medium Term Plan (KEEA, ibid.) notes that the majority of the people do not have access to a regular supply of piped water during a greater part of the year. This is mainly due to the weakness of the distribution pipes, which are very old and have not been replaced since they were constructed nearly four decades ago. The pipes are also produced from asbestos cement, which is a potential health hazard. The Medium Term Plan suggests the need to improve access to safe water in order to 10 protect the population from water borne diseases, which are associated with untreated water. (d) Waste Management System Poverty in Elmina is also associated with the poor waste management system. The existing level of refuse collection is inadequate, resulting in many people openly disposing of household garbage in the gutters, the Benya lagoon and the sea, creating health hazards (KEEA, 2002; IHS, 2002). Organised garbage disposal is on a limited scale because the seven waste collection skips, with a capacity of 7.28 cubic metres each, are not sufficient to collect refuse from the entire community. The Medium Term Plan observes that whilst household waste collections are difficult and expensive, most of the settlement areas are unplanned and inaccessible. Although refuse collection is free for households, except the hotels, most locals are recalcitrant and carry the waste to the approved dumping sites, but dump it in the open drains, thus creating filth and potential environmental problems. Related to the irregular flow of piped water and waste management system is the limited number of toilet facilities in the community. The Medium Plan (KEEA, 2002:52) indicates that many households do not have flush toilets or dug-out toilet facilities, and depend on public toilets and the use of open spaces. In order to address access to adequate toilet facilities, the KEEA has provided a limited number of public toilets, called Kumasi Ventilated Improved Pit Latrine (KVIP) at vantage points in the locality for use by the locals upon the payment of fees, reflecting a symptom of the neoliberal policies being implemented by the government, as discussed in Section 3.2.3. (e) Employment In terms of employment, the reviewed literature indicates that the economy of Elmina offers limited opportunities for graduates with tertiary and secondary education. People with high education attainment often leave the town after schooling to seek better livelihood opportunities outside of the local community. The fishing industry is significant because of its potential for employment and 11 income generation in the local economy of Elmina, with 75 percent of the population of Elmina having jobs which are directly and indirectly related to fishing (IHS, 2002:32). Elmina is the second largest fish landing point in Ghana with berthing and landing facilities for both the in-shore and canoe fleets, and cold storage. The Medium- Term Plan notes that about 760 canoes and fishing vessels operate in the territorial waters of Elmina for six days of the week (KEEA, 2002). The fishermen use a variety of fishing gear to catch a wide range of fish including sardines, demersal species and crustaceans. The fish brought in are sold fresh, smoked or solar-dried to tourism enterprises, general public and in outlying markets by fishmongers. The fishing industry attracts an influx of people from neighbouring communities as well as migrant fishermen who compete with local fishermen, but there has been a continuous decline in the quantity of fish landed since 1995. The factors cited to explain the declining fishing stocks in the sea include unfavourable climatic and weather conditions, and indiscriminate use of carbide by unscrupulous fishermen. The decline in fish landed has major poverty reduction implications on employment and income for local people because their livelihood is heavily dependent on the industry. Alongside the fishing industry, salt mining has also been identified by the Medium-Term Plan as the second most important economic activity, with the major sites being the Benya lagoon and Sweet River (KEEA, 2002). However, salt mining has dwindled over the years, due to a number of factors, including its dependence on solar evaporation, which is affected by rainfall; a lack of improved technology and equipment; and competition from salts imported by private companies under the liberalised trade policies of the government (IHS, 2002; KEEA, 2002). 1.5.4 Evolution of Tourism Development in Elmina The literature on Elmina highlights the importance of tourism as a ‘third industry’, a potential economic development strategy to tackle poverty, especially in view of 12 the decline of the fishing and salt mining activities. The Medium-Term Plan (2002-2004) (KEAA, 2002), Institute for Housing and Urban Development Studies (IHS, 2002) and Report on the CHLDEP Project (ROG, 2006) have identified the developed and underdeveloped tourist attractions in Elmina, as listed in Table 1.2. The attractions range from the Elmina castle to the fishing industry and Asafo posts. These attractions have been noted by other scholars as having the potential to attract tourists and eventually create livelihood opportunities in Elmina (Van Danzig, 1980; MUCIA, 1991; Eyiku, 1995; Van der Nieuwenhof, 1995; Arhin, 1995; Anquandah, 1999). Table 1.2: Identified tourist attractions in Elmina Attraction Description Remarks Elmina (St. Built by the Portuguese in 1482 and occupied by them Developed George) Castle for 155 years. The Dutch occupied it for over 300 years until it was sold to the British in 1872. It became the main exit port during the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. It is listed as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO. Fort St. Jago Built by the Portuguese as St. James Church but Not fully (Coenraadsburg) transformed by the Dutch into a Fort developed The Dutch European Cemetery established in 1806 Developed Cemetery Asafo posts There are seven Asafo posts, which represent the Not fully (shrines) traditional military units and family shrines developed Old Merchant These are private houses of wealthy European and Not fully Houses local merchants. developed Java Museum Showcase history of 3,080 African soldiers who served Developed in Indonesia Traditional festivals Cultural values Not developed including dance, arts and crafts. Fishing Industry The fishing landing sites, colourful canoes with flags Developed and sea cruises fascinate the international tourists. Catholic Museum Depicting the history and relics of the first Catholic Developed Church activities in Ghana Historical St. Joseph Hill, Liverpool Street, Java Hill Not developed landmarks Beach and Benya Ideal for water sports Not developed Lagoon Sources: Adapted from KEEA (2002), IHS (2002) and ROG (2006) 13 The evolution of tourism development in Elmina is associated with two main projects planned to stimulate regional economic development and tackle poverty in the Central Region between 1990 and 2006. The first project was executed between 1994 and 1997, as indicated in the ‘Evaluation Reports’ prepared by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (UNDP, 1993; 1998a). It focused on Central Regional Integrated Development Programme (CERIDEP) and was implemented by the Central Regional Development Commission (CEDECOM). It highlighted tourism as the priority area for local economic development, with US$3.4 million being provided by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the Government of Ghana between 1993 and 1998. The Reports emphasised two key issues which are relevant to this study. These are: (i) the restoration of Elmina Castle and Fort Jago through public and private sector investment. The restoration process highlighted the significant roles the Castle and Fort played in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, which led to their adoption as World Heritage Sites by the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO); and (ii) a number of weaknesses associated with the formulation and implementation of the tourism programme were identified. These included a lack of effective coordination and integration of activities among tourism organisations such as the Ministry of Tourism and the Ghana Tourist Board. The reports further recommended the need to involve the Municipal Assembly and the Chiefs, as stakeholders in the implementation of future tourism projects. The second project, which was executed between 2003 and 2006 is the Cultural Heritage and Local Development in Elmina Programme (CHLDEP), emphasised an integrated approach towards conservation and tourism development in Elmina (ROG, 2006a). This project, in excess of two million euros (€2million), was funded by the European Commission (EC), the Dutch Department for Culture and the Government of Ghana. The evaluation report highlights the potential areas for stimulating tourism facilities in the local community. It states that: ‘While the project hopes to improve the living conditions of the people in Elmina, [the] key issue for EC co-operation, renovation of the sites and buildings of historical significance is also meant to increase the town’s potential and encourage tourists to 14 come to Elmina, stay longer and spend more. This will generate more revenue, create jobs and therefore reduce the existing poverty of the residents in the area and surroundings’ (ROG, 2006:1). The report stressed the need for the adoption of an elaborate consultative process with local people, the development of tourist activities as shown in Table 1.3, and that tourism makes a contribution to the well-being of local people. Table 1.3: Tourism activities undertaken by the CHLDEP: 2003-2006 • Rehabilitation of part of Elmina castle • Adaptation of Fort St. Jago Hill • Rehabilitation of Fort St. Jago (Fort St. Coenraadsburg) • Restoration of 14 merchant and historic buildings through a home-owner scheme • Establishment of Tourist Information Office and Reception Centre • Construction of an Art and Craft Market • Training of 20 tour guides • Rehabilitation of Nana Etsiapa Square for community activities, including meetings • Production of promotional materials for sale, e.g. tourist maps, videos etc. • Purchase and rental of bicycles to tourists • Training of 60 artisans in management and book-keeping skills Source: Adapted from Report of Ghana, Project Report (2006) As a consequence of the two donor-funded projects, Elmina has become an important tourist destination in Ghana, especially with the restoration of the Elmina Castle and Fort St. Jago. Elmina attracts domestic and international tourists. The majority of international tourists who visit Elmina are from North America and the Caribbean seeking their ancestral roots, related to the Trans- Atlantic Slave Trade, whilst others visit for the purpose of studies and cultural experiences (refer to Figures 1.2 and 1.3). The market dependency on the American and Caribbean markets is also accentuated by the annual Emancipation Day and Pan African Historical Festival (Panafest) events, as explained in Section 5.3.(a). There is a subsequent need to diversify Ghana’s source markets for the purpose of diversification in order to reduce the over- reliance on a skewed market base. Bruner (1996) notes that a significant and growing segment of the international tourist market to Elmina consists of blacks from the Diaspora, particularly African- Americans seeking their ancestry roots, who thus have a different perspective of 15 the use of the castle for tourism. He argues that the African-Americans see the castle as a sacred ground that should not to be desecrated by being whitewashed, thus adulterating the colonial and historical past associated with slavery. However, the local people view the rehabilitation of the castle as having potential for economic development in terms of investment and employment opportunities. Bruner concludes that the Elmina Castle has become a bastion of power, a site to be struggled over by different stakeholders, whereby diverse interests play a major role in its development for tourism. Figure 1.2: The Elmina Castle Figure 1.3: Chiefs and Queen Mothers of Elmina 1.5.5 The Performance of Tourism in Elmina Tourism arrivals, revenue and stock of tourist facilities illustrate the importance of tourism as a potential source for growth and development in Elmina, as evidenced in the data collected by the Ghana Tourist Board (GTB) (GTB, 2007) and Ghana Museums and Monuments Board (GMMB) (GMMB, 2007). The performance trends, as reflected in macro-economic indicators, are explained in the following sections. (a) Tourist Arrivals and Revenue Generated from Elmina Castle As presented in Figure 1.4, visitor arrivals over the period between 1995 and 2005 have generally increased, although stagnated between 2002 and 2004, due to poor marketing and the ineffective promotion of activities needed to attract both international and domestic markets, as is explained in Section 5.4. However, revenues collected from entrance fees rose from 1995 to 2005, largely as a consequence of annual increase in the entrance fees above the level of inflation. 16 As a directive of government policy, the revenue collected is paid into the Consolidated Fund (GMMB, 2007). 600,000 500,000 400,000 300,000 200,000 100,000 0 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 I □ Tourist Arrivals ■ Revenue (Cedis 000s) Figure 1.4: Tourist Arrivals and Revenues – Elmina Castle: 1995-2005 Source: Adapted from Ghana Museums and Monuments Board (2007) b) Tourist Establishment Table 1.4 illustrates the variety of tourist establishments in Elmina licensed by the GTB in 2006 (GTB, 2007b). The data represents tourist establishments for only 2006, which was collated by the author from the GTB 2006 Annual Report, during the field work. Table 1.4: Licensed tourism establishments in Elmina: 2006 Hotels 11 Traditional Catering 14 Drinking Spots 44 Souvenir Shops 3 Restaurants 2 Travel Agency 1 Source: Adapted from Ghana Tourist Board, Central Region Office, 2007 Previous data could not be obtained because the data collected by GTB were aggregated for the whole Central region (refer to Appendix 1) without breakdowns to reflect the spatial distribution at the local levels. The range of tourist establishments in Elmina ranged from hotels to drinking spots and traditional catering services, which are commonly referred to in Ghana as ‘chop bars’. 17 The data represented only establishments that met GTB’s quality and standards criteria during the period of licensing. Therefore, the data collected from the Ghana Tourist Board may not reflect the actual number of tourist facilities, which may undermine its reliability for academic and development policy analyses. Despite the absence of data for previous years, GTB officials are of the view that there had been an increase in the number of tourist establishments, as a consequence of increasing tourist demand and responses by local entrepreneurs to take advantage of the emerging tourism opportunities, as discussed Chapter Nine. In summary, the limited available data shows that poverty is widespread in Elmina, with the majority of the population being described as poor. More important to this study are the poverty profiles of how poverty is defined and measured, emphasising both monetary and non-monetary measurement, both quantitative and qualitative terms. While local people lack an acceptable income level, they also lack access to basic services including health, safe drinking water, education, waste management system and employment, as explained in Chapter Eight. Based upon the limited available poverty indices, there are indications that the well-being of the population should be improved through government investment of a substantial amount of resources to enhance basic services and livelihood opportunities. However, as discussed in Chapter Two, there is a need to be mindful of the fact that poverty analysis is dependent upon different stakeholders’ perspectives and the kind of data each stakeholder chooses to use. In the case of Elmina, analysis of poverty profiles in the literature has focused on government and donor agencies’ perspectives, and subsequently formed the basis for tourism development interventions. It is against this background that this research study explores the meanings and understandings of poverty from the perspective of local people in Chapter Eight. Government and donor agencies perceive tourism as an effective vehicle of development in Elmina, and subsequently as a means to help reduce poverty. The available data emphasise tourism statistical analysis based on volume rather than value (Roel et al., 2004). For example, the data obtained from GTB and 18 GMMB did not indicate the amount of time each tourist spent in Elmina, or money spent on accommodation, transport and other goods and services offered for sale by the locals. As a growing understanding of the tourism and poverty relationship has evolved, academics and policy makers interest in tourism’s role in poverty reduction has increased not only in the objectives of development but also in the theories or ‘paradigms’ of development, the process by which development, however defined, might be achieved. As a result, the desired objective of tourism-related development in many developing countries, as the literatures suggest, has explicitly expanded from a reliance upon economic growth to a broader concept embracing socio-economic opportunities, empowerment and participation. This research findings and discussions suggest that, beyond the aggregated data and generalised trends covered in the reports of government bodies, any specific action for poverty reduction in Elmina requires detailed understanding of tourism’s impacts from local people’s perspectives. However, to fully understand tourism’s contribution to poverty reduction in Elmina would require a considerable amount of local knowledge, data and a strong methodology as discussed in Chapters Six and Seven. The research findings reveal that although tourism growth could create macro-economic benefits, the direct consequences of the distribution of such benefits among poor people may often not necessarily reduce poverty. The author argues that, apart from macro-economic indicators, there are many benefits local people consider as important but are ignored by the policy makers. More than a decade has passed since the initial tourism development efforts began in Elmina; therefore, local people are in a better position to explain whether the promised benefits have been realised, and how they impact on their well-being, as explained in Chapters Nine and Ten. The absence of in-depth data of this type reinforces the aim of this research, to fill the wide gap that exists, to make information available for policy planning to underline sustainable development of tourism as a basis for tackling poverty in Elmina. 19 1.6 Organisation of the Thesis The organisation of the thesis is presented in Figure 1.5, consisting of chapter one, four chapters (Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5) focusing upon the review of literature, two chapters concentrating on the methodological issues (Chapters 6 and 7), and the last four chapters (Chapters 8, 9, 10 and 11) presenting the findings, analysis and conclusion. Chapter One is an introduction to the research, and defines the scope of the study whilst placing the research into the context given current debates on the relationship between poverty and tourism. It also considers theoretical, conceptual and methodological issues, presents the research aim and objectives, provides the justification for the research, and introduces the field study area. Chapters Two, Three and Four comprise the review of literature relevant to the study. Chapter Two considers theoretical and conceptual issues of defining and measuring poverty. This chapter identifies the key approaches and indicators concerned with placing the study of poverty within an international context, paying attention to the institutional income and non-income influences of poverty; and the physiological and social models concerned with the income, basic needs and social exclusion of poverty. The chapter evaluates those ‘conventional’ approaches which have been concerned with causal factors of poverty and consequences on local people in developing countries, including Ghana. Chapter Three critically reviews the current development paradigms and relevance to the understanding of poverty and tourism studies. This chapter recognises the interlocking relationships between poverty and tourism in the policies that underscore tourism development. Chapter Four investigates how tourism contributes to poverty reduction and explores the literature to identify the variety of ways that local people can participate, whilst evaluating barriers contributing to non-participation in the tourism industry. Chapter Five focuses upon tourism development in Ghana, explaining the evolution of tourism and its current role in the national development strategy to tackle poverty within the context of the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy and the Millennium Development Goals. 20 Chapters Six and Seven concentrate on issues of methodology and justify the research methodology used, conduct of field work and research reflexivity. Chapter 6 evaluates and presents the methodology utilised in the study, including aspects of the philosophy of research methodology, data collection methods adopted, data analysis procedures, ethical considerations and matters of validity and reliability. Chapter Seven focuses upon the research process by reviewing the conduct of the pilot and main fieldwork. This chapter describes the field research location, profiles the research respondents, and presents the data collection and analysis process. It explains the experiences of the researcher in the field in using triangulation and provides a description of how the data was analysed to generate the research findings. Chapters Eight, Nine, Ten and Eleven comprise the presentation, interpretation and discussion of research findings. Chapter Eight analyses the understandings of poverty in the local community in Elmina. This chapter interprets the wider understandings and effects of poverty upon the local people’s well-being. Chapter Nine evaluates stakeholders’ participation in tourism and the perceived emerging socio-economic opportunities and activities which local people engage in and the impact of tourism upon their well-being. Chapter Ten reviews the identified significant barriers local people in Elmina consider as having restricted their active participation in tourism. The chapter presents and interprets the impact of identified barriers upon participation, and subsequently limits tourism’s role to combat poverty. Chapter Eleven discusses the thematic findings emerging from the study and makes recommendations for consideration by policy-makers and scholars. The final part of the thesis, Chapter 12, is the Conclusion, contribution of the research to knowledge and Direction for Future Research, which encapsulates the extent to which the research aim has been fulfilled, critically examines the conduct of the study, highlights the research implications, and identifies the potential for future research agenda. The conclusions are followed by References, listing all references cited in the thesis and consulted throughout the study. This is followed by the Appendices containing supporting information 21 Chapter 1 References/ Overall Chapter 2 Appendices Introduction End Matter to the Thesis Understan- ding the Dimension of Poverty Chapter 12 Chapter 3 The Conclusion Develop- ment Paradigms: Poverty and Chapter 11 Chapter 4 Analysis and The Role of Tourism Discussion Tourism in Develop- Poverty ment and Reduction in Poverty Elmina Chapter 10 Chapter 5 Barriers to Tourism Local Develop- People’s ment in Participation Ghana Chapter 9 Chapter 6 The Use of Tourism to Research Combat Methodology Poverty in Chapter 8 Chapter 7 Elmina… Local People’s Conduct of Understan- Fieldwork ding of and Data Poverty… Analysis Figure 1.5: Organisation of the Thesis 22 Chapter 2 Understanding the Dimensions of Poverty 2.1 Introduction This chapter examines poverty and related concepts that have been widely applied in the development literature and critically analyses the different definitions. It also considers the different measurement approaches and issues that relate to development and tourism. While these definitions and measuring approaches are contested, this chapter identifies working definitions of the terms and common concepts, whose themes are employed throughout this study. 2.2 What Does Poverty Mean? Poverty has increasingly gained global attention as a multidimensional and multidisciplinary concept, and it is defined and measured in multiple ways in the development literature. This is because poverty does not only concern itself with measures of income and consumption, often used to give a descriptive picture of the extent of poverty at the global, national and local levels. It also includes a number of basic requirements in human development, e.g. health, education and water, which should be accessible to people in order for them to escape from falling into a state of poverty. Two key concepts for understanding poverty are the physiological and social deprivation models which are explained in the following sections. 2.3 The Physiological Deprivation Model of Poverty This model underlines a variety of approaches to poverty analysis in developing countries, focusing on being ‘poor’ as not having access to basic material or biological needs including education, nutrition and good drinking water. The model is linked to the works of Lipton (1997), Lanjouw (1997) and Ruggeri Laderchi et al. (2003), who highlighted the basic material needs that help define poverty, as well as differentiating the poor from the non-poor. The physiological model definition of poverty is based on a poverty line of material needs, below 23 which an individual or group is described as poor. This poverty line is embedded in the two approaches that are associated with the physiological model, i.e., the income/consumption and human basic needs approaches. 2.3.1 The Income/Consumption Approach The income/consumption approach to categorising poverty, stresses that: ‘a person is poor if, and only if, her income falls below the defined poverty line’ (UNDP, 1997:16). This means that there is a threshold poverty line which defines the terms of having enough income for a specified amount of food items. The income/consumption poverty line is utilised and extensively applied in welfare economics to monitor the progress in reducing poverty prevalence. The approach emphasises well-being as needs fulfilment and is represented in terms of income and consumption, emphasising a monetary unit, from which an income/consumption poverty line may be drawn to represent an adequacy level of needs. Based on this approach, the ‘poor’ are described as those whose income or consumption level falls below the poverty line; consequently, poverty is conceived as a non-fulfilment of ‘basic needs’. Lanjouw (1999) emphasises the importance of poverty lines as a benchmark for assessing the incidence of poverty in many countries. He identifies two methods by which poverty lines, as a type of physiological deprivation, can be expressed. The first, the ‘food energy method’, estimates a minimum food energy level of consumption that is required to provide an adequate level of calorie intake. The second, the ‘food-share method’, estimates the minimum cost of food items bought and consumed by the poor, also referred to as the ‘bread basket’. Both the food energy and food-share methods have been widely applied to estimate poverty levels, helping to underline the physiological deprivation model for defining poverty. Lanjouw (ibid.) notes that, although the poverty line measurement is used by governments and donor agencies to define poverty and differentiate the poor from the non-poor, the income/consumption methods assume that poverty occurs only in the physiological deprivation perspective. He supports the view held by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) that: ‘human poverty is 24 more than income poverty…it is the denial of choices and opportunities for living a tolerable life’ (UNDP, 1997:2). This implies that poverty is not limited to income/consumption indicators alone, but has multiple dimensions, as is discussed in the next sections. 2.3.2 Basic Human Needs Approach The basic human needs approach complements the physiological approach model by extending and shifting emphasis to include non-income needs. Streeten et al. (1981) conceptualised the basic needs approach as consisting of minimum specified quantities of items such as food, clothing, shelter, water and sanitation that are necessary for healthy living. They argue that deprivation is considered as the inadequate fulfilment of a number of different basic needs (ibid.). By comparison to the income approach to poverty assessment, the basic human needs approach proposes a broader perspective of defining poverty, to incorporate a basket of essential goods and services, including food, education and water. The basic needs approach also stresses key aspects for well-being that require poverty policy interventions, as oppose to focusing purely upon income and consumption. However, both approaches exclude other relevant aspects necessary for well-being, such as the interwoven social, cultural and political structures that affect the wider local community. A Concept that attempts to overcome this shortcoming is the social deprivation model of poverty, explained in Section 2.4. 2.4 Social Deprivation Model of Poverty The social deprivation model challenges the physiological deprivation model, emphasising that poverty extends beyond purely income and consumption considerations. The approaches embedded in the social deprivation model and examined in the following sub-sections are: human poverty; social exclusion; and participation. 25 2.4.1 Human Poverty Approach The human poverty approach gained common currency when the United Nations Human Development Report, 1997 called for a review of the conventional approaches to tackling poverty (UNDP, 1997:2). The Report reviews the challenge to eradicate poverty and notes that despite reduction in global poverty in many parts of the world, chronic poverty persists in many developing countries. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (ibid.) stress shameful inequalities and inexcusable failures in national and international policies, emphasising ‘deprivation’ as poverty, and that poverty should not only be considered in terms of income/consumption and basic needs, but widened to encompass all other deprivation aspects. The human poverty approach draws significantly on Amartya Sen’s (1999; 2000) conceptual framework of poverty, within which poverty is understood as the absence of certain basic capabilities to function. Sen emphasises the significance of people’s capabilities, i.e. the definition of poverty should focus on what people can or cannot do, rather than purely income and consumption indicators. Inspired by Sen, the UNDP (UNDP, 1997:15) emphasised the concept of human development, specifying some of the basic capabilities which affect the well-being of the poor, including restricting opportunities. These include the capability to lead a long and healthy life; the establishment of self-esteem; and the freedom to be able to make choices and be involved in decision-making. Thus, the human poverty approach proposes a process of widening people’s choices and opportunities, helping to raise levels of well-being. A recognised instrument of this approach is the Human Development Index, which is discussed in Section 2.5.3. Sen (1999:87) therefore suggests that poverty should be understood from the perspective of a deprivation of basic capabilities, as opposed to merely lowness of incomes, which reflects a ‘conventional’ view of defining poverty. He also suggests that while income generates capabilities, it is not the only instrument for this, with education, health and freedom also being extremely important. Thus, the capabilities perspective emphasises poverty as the absence of some capability to function; that is, a person who lacks an opportunity to achieve minimally acceptable levels of functioning including: being well nourished; 26 adequately clothed and sheltered; and taking part in the life of the community (UNDP, 1997). Within the capability perspective, the aspect of social constraints are emphasised to enhance the understanding of the nature and causes of poverty and deprivation by shifting primary attention from ‘means’ to ‘ends’; for example transferring emphasis from a sole reliance on income onto the freedom of opportunity that can enable people to satisfy these ends. Freedom refers to choices people make between different ‘valuable beings and doings’, including being educated and participating in community decision-making (Sen, ibid.). In summary, the notion of human capabilities shifts the definition of poverty from income and human needs to the perspective of deprivation of social, cultural and political needs. Another aspect of capability vis-à-vis income inadequacy is the fact that the two notions are related (Sen, 1999). That is, income is an important indicator of the capability perspective, but capabilities in leading a life would in turn expand a person’s ability to be more productive and earn a higher income. Unlike the income and basic needs approaches, the human poverty approach has given recognition to the relationship between means and ends, as well as between income and capabilities. These relationships are significant in poverty reduction analysis, since they emphasise the intrinsic linkages between the definition and causes of poverty on one hand, and policy measures needed to address poverty in a holistic manner. For example, choice and opportunities are influenced by the social context, including interactions, policies and regulations. This means that attempt to improve income levels should expand the human capabilities of the poor (Sen, 1999; Ruggeri-Laderchi et al., 2003). 2.4.2 Social Exclusion A second dimension to the social deprivation model is the concept of social exclusion, which was developed in the 1970s to explain those who are not necessarily income/consumption poor, but are still kept out of the mainstream society. The term ‘social exclusion’ was first used by Peter Townsend, a sociologist, to explain the relative deprivation concept of poverty in York in England. His analysis was based on the early 20th century work of Rowntree (1902 cited in Ruggeri-Laderchi et al., 2003:8), who defined the poverty line by estimating monetary requirements for a nutritionally adequate diet, together with 27 estimated needs for clothing and rent. However, it was Townsend who viewed poverty or deprivation as the situation in which individuals are excluded from ordinary living patterns, customs and activities. The underlying idea of Townsend is that poverty or deprivation is a consequence of a lack of the resources required to participate in activities and enjoy living standards which are customary and widely accepted in society. Thus, people are socially excluded if they are a resident in society but for reasons beyond their control, they cannot participate in the normal activities of citizens of that society. The concept of social exclusion is seen as encompassing multi-dimensional and relational aspects of deprivation and poverty. People are often excluded not only from publicly provided services but from a wide range of social, political and economic institutions as a result of a lack of capabilities and entitlements (Lister, 2004). It is noted that social exclusion is a dynamic process because deprivations can lead to exclusion, which in turn leads to more deprivation and more exclusion, resulting in persistent multiple deprivations. Social exclusion also stresses the social perspective of poverty or deprivation, emphasising that those who tend to be socially excluded in society are those who are often perceived to be disadvantaged such as the aged, handicapped, ethnic minority groups, and women. Thus, social exclusion identifies barriers created by social, economic and political institutions that tend to impede people’s active participation in society. Sen (2000) identifies a variety of ways in which people are excluded from full participation in livelihood opportunities including employment, education, decision-making processes and access to local resources. Sen’s view supports the works of Appasamy et al. (1996 cited in Ruggeri Laderchi et al., 2003:22), who noted that a section of the population in India were socially excluded from access to education, water supply, sanitation and housing. They also observed that the extent to which people were excluded differed between and within groups because of the different social, economic and political institutions which existed in the areas studied, implying an influence of structure upon poverty. A study conducted by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in Tunisia revealed differences in the priorities of the socially excluded (Bedoui and Gouia, 1995 cited in Ruggeri-Laderchi et al., 2003:22), with local people expressing 28 different priorities in terms of needs, ranging from lack of employment to a desire for a guaranteed source of income. Sen (2000:8) notes that social exclusion is relational because a lack of one socio- economic opportunity could create a vicious cycle or multiple deprivations. He argues that hunger can be caused by crop failure, which besides causing a loss of traditional food supply also can lead to a loss of wages and possibly be employment. This analogy illustrates the empirical and relational aspects of social exclusion as a process of deprivation due to several causative factors, suggesting the need for policy makers to consider the wider population in a local community when formulating poverty policies. Hume et al.(2001) suggest that the concept of social exclusion offers a strong and useful starting point from which the politics surrounding poverty can be understood. This is because, unlike the conventional monetary and basic needs approaches, social groups are placed at the centre of the analysis. However, policy interventions may tend actively or passively to exclude a particular group in a society, sometimes a situation which Sen (2000:14-15) describes as ‘active exclusion’, as being a consequence of deliberate government policies that aim at a particular group of people. ‘Passive exclusion’ results from general social and economic policies which are not targeted at a particular group, but tend to marginalise or exclude some people. For example, removal of agricultural subsidies can lead to a loss of crop production, which may affect employment and earnings of farmers and sellers of the produce in the market. The multiple uses of the concept of ‘social exclusion’ and its interpretations can result in ambiguity, and its application in the context of developing countries is likely to encounter difficulties. Ruggeri-Laderchi et al. (2003) suggest that empirical application of the concept to a particular society may have to be interpreted in a specific context in order to identify exclusion from normal activities. They note that it is often difficult to identify relevant norms to provide a common benchmark of exclusion, since exclusion from formal sector employment tends to apply to the majority of the population in developing countries; hence a lack of formal sector employment may not necessarily be interpreted as exclusion from normal social patterns of relationship. As a result there is sometimes 29 difficulty in deciding what would be the appropriate characteristic of social exclusion; for example, in societies where a caste system is practiced as a norm. A number of possible ways to overcome the difficulty of analysing social exclusion have been found in the literature, in the context of developing countries (Sen, 2000; Lister, 2004). The first could be to take the norms from outside, typically from developed countries. This implies an imposition of ideas on the people that has characterised the policies of many government and donor agencies. The second would be the adoption of a consultation process in the participatory approach, aiming to develop understanding between policy makers and local people. A final possibility would be to explore the different structural characteristics of a total population, e.g. ethnic identity, local community and occupation, which fit into the framework of multiple deprivations. A mixture of these approaches has been utilised in social exclusion studies to define poverty in developing countries. Social exclusion is relevant to poverty policies in developing countries, as it focuses on processes and dynamics that allow deprivation to arise and persist, as opposed to the income/consumption and basic need approaches. Thus, social exclusion emphasises the structural characteristics of society and the situation in which the people find themselves, which can lead to exclusion or marginalisation. To be excluded from facilities that are available to others certainly can be a significant handicap that contributes to poverty. Poverty analysis can be substantially understood from insights provided by the perspective of social exclusion, reinforcing the multidimensionality of deprivation and focus on relational processes. It highlights opportunities that should be made available to the poor to allow them to escape from poverty. As Sen (2000:44) suggests, ‘no concept of poverty can be satisfactory if it does not take adequate note of the disadvantages that arise from being excluded from shared opportunities enjoyed by others.’ 30 2.4.3 Participatory Approaches to Poverty The ‘participatory approach’ is associated with the social deprivation model, prioritising the perspectives of the poor in defining poverty. The participatory approach challenges the ‘conventional’ poverty estimates, including both monetary and capability approaches, because they are externally imposed and do not take into account the way poor people conceptualise poverty (Chambers, 1994a, b & c; 1997; Cornwall and Jewkes, 1995; Robinson, 2002). The approach proposes that the conceptualisation of poverty and deprivation must be undertaken through an interactive process, typically between a facilitator and local people engaged as participants in dialogues. The concept of participation is borrowed from Arnstein’s (1969) and Pretty (1997) all cited in Kelly (2001:22), which have characterised policy and programme planning as implemented by policy makers (Mowforth and Munt, 1998, 2003; Kelly, 2001). For example, Arnstein’s ladder of participation has eight steps or rungs ranging from manipulation to citizen control, which are divided into three groups, based upon varying degrees of external and internal control. The first group, consisting of manipulation and therapy, is considered non-participatory. The next group, composed of informing, consulting and placating, is described as having degrees of tokenism. The last group, encompassing partnership, delegated power and citizen control, is classified as constituting degrees of citizen’s power. The participatory approach is representative of a shift from centralised standardisation to emphasis on local diversity, and from stereotypical policy planning, to a learning process based on local people’s knowledge and participation in defining poverty and its impact on their lives. Chambers (1994 a, b, c; 1997) popularised the participatory approaches and methods as enabling local people to share, enhance and analyse their knowledge of life and conditions. In ‘Whose Reality Count’, Chambers argues that the participatory approach allows people to participate in decisions and define their realities concerning issues relating to poverty and development programmes. He identifies two principal methods which are associated with participatory 31 approaches as a means by which the local people can express and analyse their realities. These are: Rapid Rural Appraisal and Participatory Rural Appraisal. Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) emerged in the 1970s as a technique for the collection of useful socio-cultural data from local people during the evaluation of projects and programmes. The approach is reliant on the perspectives of ‘experts’ or ‘outsiders’ who undertake brief visits to the local communities to elicit the people’s views in order to design development programmes. However, the RRA approach reflects the imposition of views by experts who only consult a few people, often the most influential ones. As a result, the outcome often does not reflect the view of the poor, but that of a minority. This is the case for poverty reduction strategy in many African countries, including Uganda and Ghana Ruggeri-Laderchi et al. (2003:25). A further weakness of RRA is its generalised assumption that communities are homogenous, lacking a diversity of opinions and views. By contrast, the participatory rural appraisal (PRA) approach addresses the challenges associated with RRA by allowing local people to define their own realities. Chambers describes the PRA approach as a process of ‘putting people first’ in terms of defining their realities. The fundamental nature of PRA is a reversal of roles, i.e. ‘outsiders do not impose their reality; they encourage and enable local people to express their own’ (Chambers, 1997:103), creating the opportunity for local people to share knowledge and analyse their well-being from their own perspectives. Thus, the PRA approach aims to give local people a ‘voice’ to enable them to express their realities, and subsequently exemplify a ‘bottom-up’ approach of defining local people’s well-being. In the context of Ghana, Kunfaa’s (1999) study on poverty assessment for the World Bank in nine communities was based on PRA methods. While the study revealed the differences in the definitions and categorisation of poverty between and within the communities, it also reflected divergent views in terms of age and gender. For example, the women based their definitions on issues related to the family development of the community, whilst the men focused on agricultural crops and poverty. Kunfaa notes that such differences in perceptions explain why it is important to define poverty from local people’s perspectives. 32 PRA gives local people a ‘voice’ in their poverty assessment and has been used to encourage local people to co-operate in the implementation of development programmes. However, a fundamental challenge concerns the heterogeneity of people within the community, which raises the issue of whose voices are being heard (Kelly, 2001). Where there are conflicts between and within groups, the participatory approach has no established way of resolving them in order to arrive at a common view. Nevertheless, the participatory approach provides a broader and interdisciplinary approach to understanding poverty from local people’s perspectives, in contrast to externally imposed standards. In summary, the variants of the physiological and social deprivation models of poverty represent several approaches to defining poverty, emphasising that it is a multidimensional and multidisciplinary concept that encompasses social, cultural, economic and political perspectives. Each approach requires a set of assumptions which may have different implications for policies aimed at tackling poverty. Acceptance of the physiological deprivation model suggests that the solution for poverty reduction is the generation of money incomes, whilst the capabilities approach focuses on increasing productivity. Policy based on the physiological deprivation model is subsequently likely to emphasise the generation of income, whilst the capability approach will emphasise access to health, education and income as means of improving livelihood opportunities. The social exclusion and the participatory approaches strongly emphasise the need to define poverty from the perspectives of the poor, with a view to formulating policies aimed at the removal of barriers which impede their empowerment and participation in development programmes. 2.5 Approaches to Measuring Poverty Given that poverty may be understood as a multidimensional phenomenon and defined in multiple ways, the different approaches of defining poverty also focus on a wide range of measurement methods which generate data as a basis for development policy and programmes. The different approaches emphasise indicators which do not necessarily lend themselves easily to comparison across individuals, groups, communities and countries (Boltvinik, 1997; Lanjouw, 1999). For example, income/consumption data is regularly available in many developing countries, explaining to some extent the reliance upon this basis for 33 measurement. By contrast, participatory data which relies on dialogues with local people, which are difficult to organise nationally or at short intervals, limiting the opportunities for the generation of comparative data. Issues characterising the measuring approaches in terms of objectivity and subjectivity are examined in the following sections. 2.5.1 Absolute and Relative Poverty Poverty has been conceptualised in absolute and relative terms based on the estimation of the poverty lines (Lok-Dessallien, 1998; Lanjouw, 1999; Ravallion, 2004). Absolute poverty refers to subsistence below minimum and socially acceptable nutritional requirements based on the income and consumption approach previously explained. Sen (1999) is key advocate of the concept of absolute poverty. He states that there is an irreducible core of absolute deprivations in the notion of poverty which transforms issues of starvation, malnutrition and visible hardships into a diagnosis of poverty, without having to estimate first any questions of relative poverty. Sen suggests that the notion of relative deprivation supplements rather than supplants the absolute analysis of poverty. However, he also argues that poverty is an absolute concept in the context of capabilities, but may be relative in terms of commodities. Relative poverty compares the lowest segments of a population with the upper segments based on income and consumption. A major proponent of relative poverty is Townsend, who stated that any rigorous conceptualisation of social deprivation can not be purely centred upon the idea of absolute poverty (Townsend, 1985 cited in Boltvinik, 1997:7). Relative poverty stresses spatial and temporal dimensions as being significant in poverty analysis because of the changing necessities of life and people’s requirements, implying that people’s needs are not static but dynamic. Notwithstanding the debate between Sen and Townsend about absolute and relative poverty, their emphasis on poverty lines in terms of income and consumption is criticised. Lanjouw (1999) notes that although absolute poverty describes a specific welfare level which lends itself to comparisons, it is based on statistical computation and expressions, which are difficult to understand and 34 interpret by non-statisticians. He contends that while relative poverty is transparent and considers additional elements such as health and education alongside income and consumption, it is not a reliable tool to monitor poverty over time and space. Lanjouw observes that the social and economic status of people changes over the course of time, even while poverty studies are taking place in a society. For example, changes in size and structure of the population in terms of ages and gender distribution patterns can cause the poverty lines to shift. Furthermore, the application of the ‘absolute poverty’ and ‘relative poverty’ level are based on the assumption that the greater the number of people who fall below the poverty line, the higher the incidence of poverty in the society. Such an assumption indeed raises fundamental issues of ‘quantitative’ versus ‘qualitative’ measurement, as well as ‘subjectivity’ and ‘objectivity’ in interpreting whose realities are being promoted in the poverty analysis. 2.5.2 Poverty and Inequality Another aspect of poverty analysis is its relationship with the notion of inequality, although the meanings of the two concepts differ. Boltvinik (no date) argues that whilst poverty refers to different forms of deprivation that can be analysed in a variety of ways (e.g. income, basic needs and human capabilities) inequality is concerned with resources or access to resources distributions within a population. This view is supported by Shaffer (2008:198), who views the notion of ‘inequality’ as being concerned with the distribution of a number of well-being indicators such as income and consumption over an entire population, which may be further categorised in terms of gender, occupation and regions. The dual focus on poverty and inequality has policy implications, relating to aspects of resource distribution and growth analysis and the effects of likely trade-offs. For example, the goal of achieving equity between men and women requires gender policies that address not only income and consumption disparities but also tackle wider issues that affect women in the society. 35 2.5.3 Quantitative and Qualitative Approaches to Measuring Poverty The use of quantitative poverty lines based on consumption and income indicators has been disputed by poverty scholars (Lanjouw, 1999; Lanjouw and Lanjouw, 2001). This is because comparisons of poverty lines derived from varying definitions of income and consumption are likely to be misleading, and the magnitude of error could be substantial. The setting of poverty lines is another contentious issue related to poverty measurement. This relates to the use of metric measurement based on income/consumption and quantitative methods, as opposed to non-metric measurement, which utilises social welfare functions of participation and empowerment based upon qualitative methods, which do not lend themselves to measurement (Lister, 2004). Proponents of quantitative measuring of poverty utilise surveys and questionnaires to collect data which are analysed statistically. Conversely, proponents of qualitative measuring argue that some of the poverty indicators are difficult to quantify, hence the use of participatory approaches to obtain data from people who are affected by poverty. However, a combination of both approaches is utilised in several studies related to poverty (Hume et al., 2001; UNDP, 2005). For example, the human capability poverty approach utilises both quantitative and qualitative indicators, but may incorporate more qualitative indicators than the income and basic needs approaches. Relying on one approach in assessing poverty may not present a holistic view of realities, ignoring critical aspects of the analysis, which impact on poverty reduction policies. Hence both quantitative and qualitative methods can be viewed as complementary and intersecting when it comes to measuring poverty for policy formulation. The poverty literature indicates that poverty measurement has traditionally been dominated by ‘objective’ and quantitative approaches. However, there are indications that ‘subjective’ and qualitative approaches are gaining prominence in poverty studies. Shepherd (2006:19) notes the use of a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods by a number of research organisations to assess poverty lines in Kenya, Ethiopia and Ghana. It was observed that poverty lines varied and that the realities of poverty differed in terms of economic and social indicators between and within the communities studied. 36 The duality of the objectivity and subjectivity of poverty also relates to ‘whose perspective’ of poverty is being defined and measured. The issue of local people’s views (inside/emic) and that of policy makers (outsider/etic) relates to ‘subjectivity’ and ‘objectivity’ of measuring poverty. Hume et al. (2001) contend that the idea behind the ‘subjective’ approach is that defining poverty must emerge from the perspective of the ‘poor’ or local people in communities. This is in contrast to definitions imposed by policy makers who perceive the poverty reduction process as ‘objective’, which tends to disempower people and remove their rights to create knowledge derived from their understanding of the social, cultural, economic and political considerations. The World Bank and the United Nations Development Programmes poverty assessment emphasise different indicators. The World Bank (WB) is the main proponent of the income poverty index, which is widely utilised for poverty assessment based on ‘head count’ and the per capita GNP (Boltvinik, 1997). While the ‘head-count’ index uses an estimated minimum ‘basket’ of essential goods for basic human requirements, the per capita GNP estimation is the aggregate income of the country divided by the total population. Boltvinik (ibid.) argues that the income poverty index can be easily estimated and found to be theoretically objective because it eliminates inconsistencies when comparison is made between countries. However, the income poverty index has been criticised for assuming that the purchasing power parity (PPP) rate would buy the same amounts of goods and services in every country, hence the calculation that the poor live on under ‘a dollar a day’. Moreover, it is a fallacy to estimate poverty based on the currency exchange value of the United States Dollar, which in reality does not typically buy the same amount of goods and services in all countries (Lanjouw, 1999; Ravallion, 2001). The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has also introduced the Human Poverty Index (HPI) as another way to measuring poverty based on basic human development (UNDP, 1997). The HPI uses the quantitative approach to measure income and non-income indicators such as life expectancy; access to education, safe water and health. It thus identifies a proportion of the population that are affected by deprivations and can be described as poor. 37 Another composite of measuring indicators used by the UNDP is the Human Development Index (HDI), which incorporates three dimensions of poverty, income, education and health. The HDI focuses on human development beyond issues of access to income, while providing a basis for the comparison of poverty trends between countries. The overall advantage of HDI and HPI indicators is the inclusion of non-income dimensions, in line with the targets of the Millennium Development Goals. However, neither the HDI nor HPI can be used to gauge aspects of household or individual well-being that are relative and subject to changes over time, for example life expectancy and illiteracy. Furthermore, by focusing on three core indicators, the approaches exclude from the analysis equally important non-income indicators such as participation and empowerment. The measuring indicators are reflective of the policy agenda of the different organisations, suggesting a lack of universal understanding between the key agencies leading the fight against global poverty. Further, the indicators emphasises ‘growth’ as basis for measuring poverty reduction, which as Ravallion (2004) notes is not typically pro-poor; as economic growth is influenced by a variety of factors including changes in inequality over time and institutional policies that open up different opportunities for the poor. He suggests that poverty reduction policies should not only aim at increasing streams of income, but should also focus on non-income indicators, a view supported by several scholars (Lanjouw, 1998; Sen, 1999; Shaffer, 2008). 2.6 The Causal Framework of Poverty Whilst the debate on what poverty ‘is’ remains contentious, the causal factors of poverty recognise capital as being central to improving livelihoods. The importance of ‘capital’ in poverty analysis has been reinforced in development policies in the context of human, financial and social aspects (Schultz, 1961; Woolcock, 1998; Shaffer, 2008), which are explained in the following sections. 38 2.6.1 Human Capital Approach The human capital approach to poverty reduction emphasises a relationship amongst investment in education, health and nutrition and the primary income of the poor (Schultz, 1961; Woolcock, 1998). The relative importance of the interrelationships between the variables has been centred on potential changes in productivity that seems to be closely related to the physiological deprivation model, as explained in Section 2.3. Shaffer (2008) also argues that the need to improve people’s human capital is fundamental for the attainment of human goals, including increasing primary incomes necessary to access basic needs. The key aspects of human capital emphasised in the literature include skills, knowledge, employment skills and good health (Schultz, 1961; Woolcock, 1998). While poverty-oriented education policies have primarily focused on primary education, basic literacy and overcoming gender biases in education access, the evidence of successful implementations are limited due to the lack of available data in many developing countries. 2.6.2 Financial Capital Approach In the context of poverty reduction strategies, financial capital refers to the credit opportunities that can be created and accessed by the poor people. Shaffer (2008:14-15) has identified the following ways in which credits can be provided to support the poor: (i) promote micro-finance banking; (ii) develop pro-poor banking within the existing banking system; and (iii) provide credit targeted to developing small scale enterprises. The advocation of micro-credit is supported by the exceptionally high repayment rates achieved by a number of development finance institutions, such as the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh. However, the financial sustainability of micro-financing is disputed because it tends to distort macro-level finances as a consequence of high administrative costs to redeem the loans from poor people (Morduch, 1995; Hulme and Mosley, 1996). Nevertheless, micro-credit programmes have undoubtedly been successfully implemented with minimum transaction costs and with little or no collateral security. 39 2.6.3 Social Capital Approach Social capital has given a non-monetary and economic perspective to seeking solutions to poverty problems. Examples of social capital cited in the literature include formal and informal networks with institutions, associations, families and community social relations (Dredge, 2006). Putnam, a pioneer of the social capital concept, described it as: ‘features of social organization, such as networks, norms, and trust that facilitate action and cooperation for mutual benefits…Working together is easier in a community blessed with a substantial stock of social capital’ (Putnam, 1993:35-36). Portes (1998) emphasises that whereas financial capital stresses access to credits and human capital deals with acquisition of training and skills, social capital is inherent in the structures of peoples’ formal and informal relationships to others, that enable them to access financial and human resources. Portes (1998:7) argues that ‘to possess social capital a person must be related to others’, in a community or association based on trust and acceptable institutional arrangements. In his view, social capital performs three important functions as: (i) a source of social control; (ii) a source of family support; and (iii) a source of benefits through extra familial networks. However, Portes (ibid.) notes that social capital also has negative aspects, including the exclusion of outsiders, restrictions on individual freedoms and excessive claims on group members. These negative aspects give rise to other key issues of social capital: marginalisation; concept of stakeholders; empowerment; gender inequality; and decentralisation. The term ‘marginalisation’ has become synonymous with a partial inclusion in the participatory process of society. Lister (2004) notes that marginalisation refers to a situation whereby people are seen to be included, but in reality are partly excluded in a number of ways, including being employed in menial and lowly paid jobs or invited to participate in meetings without having their views seriously considered by decision- makers. To overcome this, Shaffer (2008) argues that governing structures, either formal or informal, should be representative of, and give voice to, a wide range of diverse interests, including poor people. This 40 implies that poor people should be able to participate in decision-making process as a stakeholder group. A way to overcome marginalisation is the use of stakeholder analysis, which is widely applied in participatory approaches in poverty analysis to emphasise the inclusion of all persons who are affected by policies in the decision-making process (Grimble and Chan, 1995). Stakeholder studies reveal that poverty development programmes have a high rate of successful implementation when identified groups are allowed to play their respective roles and negotiate interests in the decision-making process (Sautter and Leisen, 1999; Bowie and Werhane, 2005). It is noted that stakeholder groups are not homogeneous, but are composed of individuals with diverse interests who have come together to pursue and achieve an agenda. In a situation where the interests and rights of the ‘weaker’ groups are eroded by the ‘stronger’ groups, inequalities, marginalisation and exclusion can result. However, the term ‘stakeholder’ is conceptually ambiguous and impractical to implement (Jamal and Getz, 1995; Sautter and Leisen, 1999). Firstly, practical application of the concept needs to take account of anyone who is likely to be affected by the policy, which could make the decision-making process unwieldy and time-consuming. However, failure to undertake a broader consultation process implies a narrow perspective incorporating only a few stakeholders, causing a likely failure of the development policy. Secondly, emphasising the priorities of individuals and groups may be likely to create potential conflicts during the negotiation process. There is no guarantee that the involvement of all parties can lead to the successful achievement of the desired agenda, particularly when the stakeholder groups are not empowered. However, the notion of stakeholder analysis provides a framework for identification of persons who are likely to be affected by the development process; hence the need to give a ‘voice’ to poor people to negotiate their priorities and interests. Embedded in the stakeholder analysis is the concept of empowerment. This emphasises poverty intervention policies which have the potential for enhancing social, financial and human capital. Subsequently, an emphasis is placed on both internal and external processes that can lead to the development of social 41 capital. This would incorporate intervention policies that permit individuals to access credit, land, employment and income earning opportunities. Whilst the need to develop the social capital of the poor can be understood in a homogeneous way, it is also evident that inequalities of sub-divisions within this group exist. The UNDP (1997) and Cagatay (1998) stress that gender inequality is a cause of human poverty as it may be a social factor in influencing people’s access to resources. In the specific case of Ghana, Kunfaa (1999) observes that women are poorer than men in many geographical regions. Despite the contribution of women to household and community activities, they are often excluded from participation in community meetings and rituals. There is a subsequent need to empower women socially and economically through access to employment, education and participation in decision-making in the community. In the context of this study, issues surrounding gender inequalities are important in view of the role that both men and women play in tourism development. A concept advocated to overcome issues of marginalisation is the decentralisation of decision-making, aimed at promoting the inclusiveness of local people (Aryee, 1999; Shaffer, 2008). Proponents of decentralisation argue that the process may serve to reduce poverty if governing structures become responsive to the needs of the people in the local community. However, Aryee (1999) notes that decentralisation does not necessarily benefit the poor. The link between local governance and pro-poor outcomes are mediated by a number of factors, many of which are absent in unsuccessful experiences associated with decentralisation. Shaffer (2008) also suggests that successful decentralisation needs commitment on the part of the central and local governments to pro-poor reforms. He notes that policy outcomes are unlikely to be pro-poor when decentralisation becomes a conduit for political patronage from central government or when local elites are insulated from the demands of the poor. Promotion of an ideological commitment to poverty reduction, 42 combined with a willingness to challenge local elites who seek to capture programme benefits for themselves are therefore prerequisites to success in poverty reduction through a decentralisation process. Aryee (1999) and Shaffer (2008) note that a successful decentralisation is dependent upon strong financial and administrative central government support, which should emphasise adequate and timely release of financing for targeted poverty programmes and the mainstreaming of gender and empowerment issues. 2.7 Sutainable Livelihood Approach A concept advocated to overcome the issues of measuring non-income indicators is the sustainable livelihood approach (SLA), a family of approaches which define and measure poverty beyond the conventional view. The SLA emphasise multiple aspects of poverty such as social exclusion and empowerment, taking into account the social and economic, organisational and institutional aspects within which poor people draw upon different forms of capital in order to escape from poverty (Carney, 1998; Farrington et al., 1999; Norton and Foster, 2001; Krantz, 2001). Chambers and Gordon Conway (1992) define the concept of SLA as: ‘A livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets…and activities required for a means of living; a livelihood is sustainable which can cope with and recovers from stress and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, and provide sustainable livelihood opportunities for the next generation; and which contributes net benefits to other livelihoods at the local and global levels and in the short and long term’ (Chambers and Gordon Conway, 1992 cited in Krantz, 2001:1) Whilst the SLA idea was first introduced by the Brundtland Commission in 1987, the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development conceptualised it as a broad means for poverty reduction (Norton and Foster, 2001). Krantz (2001) suggests the need to emphasise the operational value of SLA to allow for a systematic analysis of poverty in a holistic, realistic and manageable manner. The concept calls for a wider view of the opportunities for development activities and their likely effects on local people. SLA also stresses the importance of placing the priority needs of local people at the centre of 43 poverty analysis. Ashley and Carney (1999) argue in favour of SLA as it reinforces poverty-focused policies in which development activities are viewed from the people-centred, responsive and participatory perspectives. Krantz (2001:2-3) state that SLA has been adopted in programmes implemented by development institutions such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Department for International Development (DFID). These institutions consider SLA to be a policy tool that helps devise a set of integrated support activities among local people, to strengthen their resilience to cope with adaptive strategies. Additionally, SLA focuses on policy reforms and the enabling environment, to promote further social and economic investment in the local community and households. Similarly DFID has utilised SLA to increase its effectiveness in the implementation of poverty reduction programmes, with an emphasis on people-focused and participatory development activities. However, there are differences in institutional approaches; for example whilst the UNDP uses the concept to facilitate planning of poverty reduction programmes, DFID stresses SLA as a basic framework for analysis rather than as a procedure for programming. Nevertheless, both organisations implement community level programmes aimed at creating enabling policies for poverty reduction, but based on different policy agendas. Norton and Foster (2001:15) have suggested that SLA should be applied in reducing poverty programmes. They argue that evidence of SLA studies in developing countries suggest that it promotes collaboration amongst stakeholder groups in the process of project designs and implementation. They also suggest that SLA promotes a holistic view to identifying the underlying causes of poverty from the perspectives of local people. SLA emphasises a ‘bottom-up’ process which generates locally specific policies based on the people’s knowledge and experiences, as opposed to the ‘top-down’ decision-making inherent in conventional policy and planning processes. Despites its strengths, Krantz (2001) has identified some challenges associated with SLA, suggesting how they could be overcome. Krantz notes that SLA, as adopted by the UNDP and DFID, does not address how poor people can be identified and assisted in the local community. Local people are not a 44 homogeneous group, and the distribution of resources and livelihood opportunities locally are often influenced by informal structures of social dominance and power within the community. Krantz suggests that the application of a sustainable approach should therefore start with an open-ended analysis and flexible planning evolved by the people themselves, recognising their livelihood activities, and emphasising a participatory approach. This will allow development initiatives to fit into people’s livelihood strategies and make them better respond to the constraints and opportunities affecting their well-being. The link between SLA and sustainable development has been given attention in poverty and tourism studies by a number of scholars (Farrington et al., 1999; Ashley, 2000). For example, Farrington et al. (1999) observe that the notion of sustainability implies not just maintenance of the resources, but also the social, human and financial capital required by poor people. However, there are always trade-offs and balances between these different resources in the way they are used by governments and development agencies to solve context-specific problem which rather exacerbate the problems. In the context of tourism, the SLA has been utilised to assess the impact of tourism on poor people and opportunities that can be harnessed to improve their lives (Ashley, 2000). In this study, the core principles of SLA are important in understanding and analysing the wider stakeholder groups, institutional factors and livelihood opportunities that influence poverty reduction and its relationship to tourism in Elmina. 2.8 Perspectives on Poverty in Ghana Having considered in Sections 2.2 to 2.7 how poverty affects people in multiple ways, this section examines the context of poverty in Ghana. 2.8.1 The Political Economy Administratively, Ghana has been divided into ten regions and further sub-divided into 260 District, Municipal and Metropolitan Assemblies (DMMA) as core features of the decentralisation system of governance (MLGRD, 1988; ROG, 45 2005a). In 1988, the administrative system was transformed from a highly centralised system to a decentralised one to make the government in theory more responsive to and supportive of public and private sector development activities. This administrative transformation was legitimised by government policies and legislations including the Local Government Law, 1988 (PNDC Law 207) (MLGRD, 1988), and the Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, 1992 (ROG, 1992). The District, Municipal, Metropolitan Assemblies are institutions created to facilitate the devolution process (MLGRD, 1988; Boateng, 1996). The decentralisation process in Ghana fits into the broad global context of promoting participatory structures in decision-making at the local level, and to initiate priority development projects, using available natural and cultural resources. Funding of identified programmes is provided from the District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF), which constitute 7 percent of the total national budget of the Central Government, as entrenched in the Constitution (ROG, 1992). Additional funding is generated by the respective DMMA from several revenue sources including property taxes and the licensing of businesses. The Assemblies are composed of 70 percent elected representatives from the local communities while the remaining 30 percent are nominated by Government, based on political affiliations. While the Chief Executive of the Assembly is nominated by the Government, he/she must be endorsed by two- thirds of the total Assembly Members. Although the decentralisation process has seemingly led to local people’s involvement in decision-making at the local level, the participatory process is undermined by political influences. As Aryee (1999) observes the nomination of Assembly Members and Chief Executives has led to the appointment of inefficient and inept official personnel whose aim is to serve their own political interests. He notes that projects are driven by political expediencies, whilst allocation of funds from the DACF is unduly delayed and awarded to political affiliates. Additionally, the DMMA are constrained by a lack of qualified personnel and inadequate logistics to allow the collection and analyses of the data required for development programmes. Aryee (ibid.) notes that conflicts often exist amongst the Chief Executives, Assembly Members and Members of Parliament, as a consequence of the mode of selecting development programmes and the 46 disbursement of funds by the leadership. He suggests the need to address these challenges, otherwise, the aim of using the decentralisation process to promote participation in decision making and empowerment of local people may not be achieved in Ghana. In 1997, the Government prepared a strategic document entitled: ‘The Ghana Vision 2020’, which notes the dominance of the agriculture sector in comparison with the manufacturing and the service sectors (ROG, 1997). The agriculture sector has a crucial role to play in the poverty reduction and growth agenda of the government, as it is estimated that most of the poor in Ghana are economically engaged in crops and livestock, cocoa, forestry and fishery production (ISSER, 2004). However, the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning’s sector analyses between 2002 and 2007 argue that although Ghana’s economy is reliant on agriculture, its contribution to the GDP has fluctuated as shown in Table 2.1. Table 2.1: Economic sectors’ share of GDP: 2002-2007 Sector 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007* Agriculture 34.4 41.4 46.7 36.0 35.4 34.7 Manufacturing 25.9 24.0 22.1 25.1 25.9 26.0 Service 31.0 26.7 24.3 29.9 30.0 30.6 Sources: Adapted from Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning (2005, 2008) Note: * Projected Targets The performance of the agricultural sector is weak and not capable of providing food security and substantially increasing real farm incomes of people. Several factors account for the low agricultural outputs including, low level of rainfall, lack of credit facilities and removal of subsidies on inputs such outboard motors and fertilizers. Table 2.1 also reveals that the manufacturing sector’s contribution to the GDP fluctuated between 2002 and 2007. The Institute of Social, Statistical and Research (2004) notes that the performance of the manufacturing sector can be attributed to a combination of factors including increased competition from imported manufactured goods due to liberalised trade policies, a relatively unattractive investment environment and weak linkages between the manufacturing, agriculture and service sectors. 47 The service sector comprises many activities such as retail trade, real estate, restaurants, hotels and financial institutions. The data in Table 2.1 shows that although the service sector’s contribution to the GDP fluctuated between 2002 and 2005, the improved performance in 2006 cannot be described as significant. The Ghanaian economy structure has been dominated by a large informal sector, with only a small formal sector; the majority of the people are employed in the informal sector and operating micro and small scale enterprises (ROG, 1997; ISSER, 2004). As such, they encounter a number of challenges including limited access to credit and a low attainment of education and skills. Only about 13 percent of the population are employed by government, as compared to 69 percent who are self-employed and 18 percent who are without regular jobs (GSS, 2002). The implication of the data is that the majority of the people have to find a variety of ways to fulfil their daily basic needs since they cannot be employed by the government. 2.8.2 Poverty Trends in Ghana Ghana has become heavily reliant on external aid, borrowing and grants to balance its annual development programmes and budget, whilst its external debt has soared as a consequence of poor performance of the export commodities, e.g. cocoa, gold and timber, and weak internal production base (ROG, 1997; 2008). The country was classified as a highly indebted low-income country (HIPC) in 2000, as a consequence of its dependency on external aid from bilateral and multilateral development partners (ROG, 2002; 2008). Ghana’s population was estimated at 18 million in 2002, the latest official estimate, comprising of 50.5 percent females and 49.5 percent males with an overall growth rate of 3 percent in 2002 (GSS, 2002). Nearly 60 percent of the population live in rural communities, making it a predominantly rural country. The depressing economic rural conditions, such as dwindling agricultural outputs and a general lack of employment opportunities, have led to high rural-urban migration (Kunfaa, 1999; Songsore, 2003). 48 Poverty analyses in Ghana indicate significant variations in the poverty trends in terms of regional distributions, occupation and gender (Kunfaa, 1999; GSS, 2002; Consultancy Unit, 2004). Spatial analysis shows a higher concentration of poverty in the rural areas than the urban areas (Songore, 2003; GSS, 2002). In terms of regional distribution, it is concentrated in five of the ten regions, including the Central region where Elmina is located. The incidence of poverty is higher among food-crop farming and fishing communities than those engaged in the manufacturing and service activities. It is also more predominant among those employed in the informal sector than those found in the formal employment sector, whilst women are worse off than men in the level of poverty they experience. These variations illustrate poverty and inequalities in Ghana and underline the poverty reduction strategies being implemented by the government (ROG, 2005 a, b; IMF, 2006). 2.8.3 Poverty Measurements in Ghana Three poverty measuring approaches have dominated the assessment of poverty in Ghana: the income approach; the basic needs approach; and the participatory rapid appraisal approach. (a) Income Approach Poverty studies in Ghana during the 1960s and 1970s focused on national expenditure surveys based on the distribution of income and inequality (Asefa, 1980; Ewusi, 1984, both cited in Consultancy Unit, 2004:5). Since then, poverty analyses have principally focused on consumption, centred on the concept of ‘bread basket’, which is consistent with the conventional income/consumption approach. The five Living Standard Surveys conducted by the Ghana Statistical Service used income and consumption patterns of individuals and households. In the 1987/88 survey, the lower and upper poverty lines were set at 99,173.00 cedis (¢) and 132,230.00 cedis (¢) respectively and those for 1991/92 were estimated at 700,000.00 cedis and 900,000.00 cedis (GSS, 2007:5-17). The main objective of the survey was to examine statistically the inter-temporal and spatial variations of poverty at the national and regional levels. 49 (b) The Basic Needs Approach The basic needs approach has been used to assess poverty in Ghana with the primary objective of examining the status of people based on a number of indicators, including access to education, good drinking water and electricity (Consultancy Unit 2004; ROG, 2005 a, b). The use of these indicators is found to be consistent with the basic needs approach and the Human Development Poverty Indices, explained in Section 2.5. Ghana is ranked in a low position on the Human Development Index (HDI) and Per Capita Income (PCI) level measures as shown in Table 2.2. The HDI focuses on four measurable dimensions of human development in Ghana; i.e. life expectancy at birth; adult literacy rate; combined primary, secondary and tertiary gross ratio enrolment; and GDP per capita (UNDP, 2005). It combines income and non-income indicators to offer a broader view of Ghana’s development, hence the HDI value of 0.553 means that Ghana is ranked 135 out of 177 countries in terms of human development. Table 2.2: Ghana’s Human Development Index in 2005 Human Life expectancy at Adult literacy rate Combined primary, GDP per Development birth secondary and tertiary capita (PPP Index (HDI) gross enrolment ratio US$) Value Ranking 135 (0.553) 137 (59.1) 117 (57.9) 146 (50.5) 126 (2,480) Source: Adapted from UNDP, Country Fact Sheet-Ghana (2005). Further to the HDI, the Consultancy Unit of the University of Cape Coast utilised two deprivation indicators, sanitation facilities and access to water, to examine the likely consequences of poverty on people’s well-being. Table 2.3 shows the proportion of the population who have access to different types of toilet facilities, including flush toilets, pit toilets, pan toilets and Kumasi Ventilation Improvement Latrine (KVIP). 50 A comparison of the availability of toilet facilities suggests urban and rural deprivation. While the data show that the majority of the population do not have access to flush toilets in their homes, it also illustrates that the proportion of the non-poor, having access to flush toilet facility, fluctuated in both urban and rural areas between 1988/89 and 1998/99. The implication of the data is that the overall use of modern toilets is very low in Ghana, indicative of a lack of access to adequate sanitary facilities. In order to overcome this problem, there is a critical need for policy intervention to improve access to sanitary facilities, which in turn can have implications for the livelihoods and health of Ghanaians, and subsequently poverty reduction (ROG, 2005). Table 2.3: Types of toilet facilities available in selected communities in Ghana Urban Toilet GLSS2:1988/89 GLSS3:1991/92 GLSS4:1998/99 Areas Facility Very Poor Non Very Poor Non Very Poor Non Poor Poor Poor Poor Poor Poor Flush 3.0 5.4 17.8 0.7 9.5 20.0 0.4 2.8 17.5 Pit 46.2 50.4 33.4 37.8 32.7 28.3 26.2 18.5 17.4 Pan 20.5 17.8 25.4 20.9 26.5 25.2 4.5 7.2 13.7 KVIP n/a n/a n/a 10.1 15.6 12.5 48.2 53.2 49.4 Other 30.3 26.4 2.3 26.4 15.6 13.9 20.8 18.3 7.0 Rural Flush 0.0 0.0 1.5 0.5 1.1 2.2 0.5 0.3 2.3 Areas Pit 57.3 65.7 66.3 58.8 65.7 61.6 34.1 53.7 48.6 Pan 2.5 4.6 6.7 2.8 3.1 5.4 1.5 4.8 4.0 KVIP n/a n/a n/a 2.5 4.3 4.4 10.4 16.7 24.7 Others 40.2 29.6 28.5 35.4 25.3 26.7 58.5 24.1 23.3 Source: Adapted from Consultancy Unit, University of Cape Coast (2004:50) Note: GLSS=Ghana Living Standard Survey A comparison of the availability of treated water in homes between urban and rural areas also exemplifies rural deprivation, as illustrated in Table 2.4e. The data shows that among those in the urban areas, only about 20 percent of the very poor and the poor have access to pipe-borne water in their homes. The proportion of the non-poor in rural areas with access to water in their homes was less than 5 percent of the population for all the three periods. Thus, water as a basic need is not available to the majority of people, having implications for their livelihood and health. 51 Table 2.4: Availability of water in urban and rural areas in Ghana Urban Sources of GLSS2:1988/89 GLSS3:1991/92 GLSS4:1998/99 Areas water Very Poor Non Very Poor Non Very Poor Non Poor Poor Poor Poor Poor Poor Inside Pipe 20.5 19.2 41.0 23.0 23.8 41.9 8.0 15.1 37.8 Water 3.0 5.4 8.7 3.4 3.4 3.7 1.0 1.7 7.3 Vendor Neighbour/ 24.2 33.8 22.5 18.9 31.3 21.0 31.4 28.6 28.9 Private Public 8.3 8.5 8.1 13.5 14.3 13.2 17.2 21.9 13.5 Stand Well 28.8 23.1 10.6 19.6 16.3 11.8 20.2 15.5 7.8 Natural 15.2 10.0 9.2 21.6 10.9 8.5 22.2 14.4 4.8 Sources Rural Inside 0.0 0.6 2.5 1.4 1.8 3.7 0.7 0.7 5.5 Areas Pipe Water 0.0 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.3 0.7 2.9 Vendor Neighbour/ 2.3 3.4 6.2 1.5 2.7 3.0 1.7 3.0 7.6 Private Public 2.7 3.7 3.3 5.0 8.5 11.1 7.1 13.7 12.4 Stand Well 28.9 24.7 26.8 38.7 34.4 37.0 28.8 23.1 10.6 Natural 62.3 66.0 60.4 53.0 52.1 44.8 34.6 37.8 35.3 Sources Source: Adapted from Consultancy Unit, University of Cape Coast (2004:50) (c) Participatory Rural Appraisal Approach Kunfaa (1999) has utilised the participatory rural approach to identify poor people’s understanding of poverty in selected communities in Ghana. Kunfaa’s qualitative study was sponsored by the World Bank to enable a wide range of poor people in different and socio-economic conditions to share their views on poverty as part of the World Development Report 2000/2001. The idea was to further the micro-level perspective of poverty based on local people’s knowledge 52 and experiences in terms of responses to risks, vulnerability and exclusion from development programmes. Kunfaa (ibid.70-73) noted three core issues with regard to the local people’s interpretations of poverty in the study. Firstly, language and cultural differences accounted for the diverse ways local people understood and interpreted the notion of poverty within the areas. These were manifested in terms of cultural practices and meanings of words. Secondly, rural people’s priority issues were food security, inability to have children and the ownership of properties. By contrast, urban dwellers emphasised the lack of employment opportunities and the inadequacy of social amenities such as water, skills training and credits. Finally, while women based their definition of poverty on issues concerned with the welfare of the family and development of the community, men’s understanding of poverty focused on high productivity, securing property, power and personal prestige. Kunfaa suggested that the problems and priorities of the poor are multiple and complex, and cannot be defined by experts or measured by the income and basic need approaches, hence the need to allow the poor to decide their own priorities and programmes. In summary, Government poverty assessment in Ghana reflects only the income and basic needs approaches, except for Kunfaa’s qualitative study for the World Bank (1999), hence a reliance upon the Ghana Living Standard Survey conducted by the Ghana Statistical Service (GSS, 2002; 2007). The analysis indicates that poverty is widespread in Ghana and is reflected in spatial, occupational and gender characteristics across the country, emphasising socio- economic structural weaknesses and the need to improve the well-being of Ghanaians. 2.9 Chapter Conclusion This chapter has reviewed the literature on several concepts and approaches utilised in poverty and development discourse. It has examined both physiological and social deprivation approaches, which make it clear that there is no unique and ‘objective’ way of defining and measuring poverty. The analysis reveals a large element of construction and interpretation, which illustrates some 53 arbitrariness and subjectivity often imposed by policy makers and experts on local people. The income/consumption approach suggests a focus on increasing income through economic growth, whilst the basic needs and capability approaches emphasise the provision of public goods such as access to education and good drinking water. However, the concept of social exclusion significantly draws attention to the need to break down a variety of exclusionary factors which restrict the opportunities of the poor with regard to development programmes, which affect their well-being in many ways. These include opportunities for employment, participation and empowerment and having a ‘voice’ in decision-making. The need to allow local people to identify their priorities and make choices is clearly stressed in the social deprivation model, which emphasises participatory approaches; placing priority on the consideration of local people’s perspectives as opposed to imposition by external experts and policy makers. This study therefore adopts a holistic view of poverty, borrowing largely from Chambers (1997), Mowforth and Munt (1998), Kunfaa (1999) Sen (1999), Krantz (2001), Lister (2004) and Shaffer (2008), emphasising a participatory approach that includes the defining of poverty by the poor themselves. While the nature of deprivations varies with the social and economic conditions of the community in question, human poverty includes many aspects that cannot be measured, or are not being measured. Linked to how poverty is experienced and understood is the influence of development paradigms, which is reviewed in the next chapter alongside their implications for poverty. 54 Chapter 3 The Development Paradigms: Poverty and Tourism 3.1 Introduction This chapter critically reviews development paradigms and their relevance to poverty reduction and tourism studies. One of the difficulties in finding common approaches, policies and solutions to poverty is that the notion of ‘development’ is contestable and difficult to define, having a variety of meanings. This is reflected in the differing ways the different development organisations define and measure poverty as discussed in the various sections of Chapter Two. 3.2 Introduction to Development and Poverty Relationship The debate as to whether ‘development’ has led to improved well-being in developing countries has been widely explored in poverty studies. Sen’s (1999) book: Development and Freedom and the United Nations Development Programme’s (1997) Human Development Reports, demonstrate that ‘developing’ and ‘developed’ societies can be ranked according to a common measure of progress. However, the notion of development represents a great variety of definitions, theories and strategies, while only recently have attempts begun to be made to find out how poor people themselves view issues of poverty and development. The relationship between poverty and development is relevant in this study because of the wide range of social and economic resources that may be available to local people other than monetary income. Nonetheless, despite measures adopted by development organisations and governments, poverty exists in many communities, sometimes for generations of inhabitants. The term ‘development’ has been used in a variety of ways according to the context in which it is applied, having been traditionally viewed from Western perspectives to imply progress and the enlargement of people’s choices (UNDP, 1997:1). It is also argued that development has failed in many respects, assigning ‘developing countries’ and ‘poor people’ to marginal positions within 55 global socio-economic structures, while benefiting the ‘developed countries’. Despite developing countries being the recipient of grants, aid and loans, combined with the transfer of technology from developed countries, the number of people living in poverty has increased. The Bretton Woods Institutions, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank (WB), General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) and the United Nations World Trade Organisation (UNWTO), have conventionally contextualised the notion of ‘development’ within the concept of ‘economic growth’, measured in terms of multipliers and ‘trickle- down’ effects. The subsequent sections of this chapter explore different paradigms of development and how they relate to poverty. Although as Sharpley (2000) observes, the concept of development has evolved beyond economic criteria to incorporate aspects of human development, as evidenced by the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI), there remains a pre-occupation with economic growth as a means to alleviate poverty. To understand how we have arrived at this conclusion, four development paradigms relevant to the changing political and economic realities of the second half of the 20th century are evaluated. 3.2.1 Modernisation Theory Modernisation theory emphasises ‘development’ as an evolutionary and linear path from traditional society to a modern society (Sharpley, 2000; Telfer, 2002; Holden, 2005). Although modernisation theory is grounded in a variety of ideological perspectives, its application in developing countries emphasises a traditional-modern development continuum, between the 1950s and 1960s. Typical to the process of modernisation is the transfer of investment capital, entrepreneurial skills and technological knowledge from Western countries to less developed countries. A number of assumptions are inherent in modernisation theory, including that the values and social structures of traditional societies are barriers to development; that economic growth automatically generates ‘trickle- down’ effects to benefit those at the bottom of society; and that the establishment of institutional structures in developing societies similar to those in the Western countries signifies development (Rostow, 1960; Holden, 2005). 56 Modernisation theory has been criticised in many ways for having a foundation rooted in growth theory based on Keynesian models for analysing economic growth in Western countries, which may not be relevant to developing countries. Songsore (2003) notes that the post-independence policies of developing countries based on modernisation theory have created spatial disparities, and centre-periphery dependencies, notably between urban and rural, and savannah and coastal regions. Modernisation theory also assumes a one-way directional path of development but the dynamics of society undergo constant changes, being better judged by the people in the society rather than external consultants and policy makers (Mowforth and Munt, 1998). Although modernisation theory has been criticised, it has been a conventional approach of governments and international agencies to economic growth, and, as a by-product, poverty reduction. 3.2.2 Dependency Theory Dependency theory emerged as a criticism of modernisation theory and as a radical neo-Marxist perspective in the 1960s and 1970s (Britton, 1982; Brohman, 1996). It seeks to examine the effects of capitalism and imperialism as the underlying causes of underdevelopment, arising from developing countries dependence on economic, social and political institutions existing in the developed economies. Proponents of the dependency theory, including Andre Gundar Frank (1970), assert that dependency results in perpetual poverty, as dependent economies are distorted towards the needs and preferences of the metropolitan centres (Holden, 2005; Burns and Novelli, 2008). The exploitation of developing countries by the developed countries takes place through a variety of ways, including exportation of raw materials; repatriation of profits; the payment of salaries of expatriate personnel; importation of manufactured goods; and the control of resources by multi-national corporations and their local elites, who use the political and bureaucracy machinery as channels to exploit the poor (Sindiga, 1999; Russo, 2002; Dieke, 2003). Frank (1970) asserts that the dependency relationship has created a duality system of ‘metropolis-centres’ of the industrialised world and ‘satellite- peripheries’ of former colonies, who are the primary producers of raw materials. 57 Telfer (2002:43) claims that this centre-periphery dependency has resulted in an inequality of resource control and distribution, widening the development gap, accentuating the difference in wealth between the developed and developing countries. The disadvantageous position of developing countries in the control of global development is attributed by Burns and Novelli (2008: xxii) to four main factors. First, the power and dominance of the Bretton Woods Institutions are designed to suit the interests of the developed countries. Secondly, the private sector banking system has become a conduit through which wealth is transferred from ‘poor’ to ‘rich’ countries. Thirdly, competition and rivalries among multi-nationals for global markets have made it difficult for developing country to access markets. Finally, the international transport system tends to favour the needs of the rich countries in terms of the movement of goods and services. Recognising these constraints upon developing countries, it is very difficult for them to have control over the use of resources and source markets for the development of a tourism industry. There is likely to be a heavy reliance upon the Bretton Woods Institutes, e.g. World Bank and IMF along with foreign private banks for finance. Control of resources for tourism is likely to be pressurised by multi-national companies, whilst the foreign control of the routes for international tourists, will likely increase the economic leakage from tourism. In a model of tourism development that is reliant on foreign investment and resource ownership, the opportunities for the poor to benefit from tourism are likely to be restricted. 3.2.3 The Neoliberal Paradigm The neoliberal paradigm was advocated by the Bretton Woods institutions with a focus on privatisation and role of the free market economy in the 1970s and 1980s as a method to stimulate global development. The period coincided with a demand for a ‘New Economic Order’ because of several factors including, the decision by Middle East countries to limit the supply of crude oil to Western countries; the inability of developing countries to fulfil balance of payment obligations due to unfair global trade policies; and the collapse of communism as 58 an alternative ideology to capitalism in 1989. The neoliberal focus on ‘market forces’ and ‘competition’ as means to development is supported by a range of policies, including Structural Adjustment Programmes, Poverty Reduction Strategies and Millennium Development Goals, which are explained in the following sections. (a) Structural Adjustment Programme The Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) focuses on liberalised international trade as a strategy that can make developing countries competitive in a free market system. It was prescribed by the Bretton Woods institutions as a neoliberal policy, with a range of attached pre-conditions that had to be fulfilled by developing countries, before they could access loans and grants from bilateral and multilateral agencies (Konadu-Agyeman, 2000; Forster and Zormelo, 2002; Heintz, 2003). These conditions directed developing countries to focus on the production of export-led raw materials, their trade and financial sectors, devalue their currencies, privatise state-owned enterprises, and remove subsidies on social amenities such as water, education and health. However, the assumption that economic benefits would automatically ‘trickle down’ to all segments of society from initial government investment has not been proven. The privatisation of state-owned enterprises has often led to redundancies, resulting in a loss of employment and income for individuals. The removal of subsidies has also led to increased prices of goods and services consumed by the poor, including water and electricity. As more land has been used for the production of cash crops for exports, negating the use of land for subsistence, there has been a rural to urban migration leading to the development of ‘shanty’ towns and urban poverty. Based on these observations and criticisms, it can be suggested that SAPs have contributed to the worsening of the plight of poor people, and deepened the poverty levels in many developing countries, including Ghana. Within a ‘free’ market economy, the adage of the ‘survival of the fittest’ would seem appropriate, as the poor become more marginalised and excluded from livelihood opportunities, such as those presented through tourism. 59 (b) Poverty Reduction Strategy The Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) is a neoliberal policy approach devised by the IMF to bring development partners, governments and civil societies together in a commitment to reduce nations’ poverty levels (IMF, 2002). The PRS illustrates a renewed interest in the role development can play in poverty reduction, recognising the criticisms levelled against the SAP. The primary PRS aims are: to promote macroeconomic stability; provide debt relief under the enhanced initiative for Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC); and ensure capacity building through technical assistance (IMF, ibid.). Thus PRS is intended as a pathway to sustainable growth and poverty reduction and the achievement of Millennium Development Goals, as discussed in Section 3.2.3(c). Unlike the SAP, the PRS was formulated through a consultative process with key stakeholders in order to articulate the views, hopes and aspirations of the country, as a demonstration of ownership and not as an imposition from the Bretton Woods institutions (IEA, 2002:5). The IMF (2002) argues that the PRS promotes country-driven, result–oriented, comprehensive and long-term objectives that can improve the effectiveness of development assistance to developing countries. While poverty might have been reduced in some countries, the overall implementation process of the PRS requires ‘patience, perseverance and sustained effort’ (IMF, ibid: 48). Despite its emphasis on consultation, a number of criticisms have been levelled against the PRS. The Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) (2002:2-4) notes that the consultative process of the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (GPRS) was inadequate, questioning the basis of country-ownership, since the consultation of stakeholders does not necessarily constitute the notion of participation. The formulation of the PRS remains confined to government institutions in many developing countries. The IEA notes that the underlying macro-economic framework of the PRS represents extensions of the IMF’s conditionalities, which had characterised the SAP. These conditionalities have led to the privatisation of key government social service entities such as the Ghana Commercial Bank, Ghana Water Company and the Tema Oil Refinery, which offer services to the poor. The IEA concludes that the PRS has given the Bretton Woods institutions 60 undue influence and leverage through their contribution to the budgets of several developing countries (IEA, ibid.). One of these countries is Ghana, where the IMF and the World Bank have contributed 40 percent to the nation’s budget. The IMF (2002:48) has also identified weaknesses associated with the PRS approach. Similar to the Ghanaian Institute of Economic Affairs, they criticise a lack of broadened and systematic participation of stakeholders in developing and monitoring PRS programmes. They also note that the policies, institutions and political commitment to support PRS need to be strengthened, focusing systematically on how to ensure sustainable pro-poor growth, ensuring enabling environments for the private sector and developing the linkages between macro- economic policies and poverty outcomes. Another weakness of the PRS is the lack of available data to assess its success and failures. Developing countries have integrated the PRS into the national budgets as a part of a composite development agenda; hence annual national performance is used as an evaluation of PRS success or failures, as it is in the case of Ghana (Forster and Zormelo, 2002; IEA, 2002). Based on the analysis, it can be concluded that PRS is not dramatically different from SAP, since they are both involved in the principles of attaching conditionality to loans, focusing on private sector development, macro-economic growth and liberalisation. (c) Millennium Development Goals The Millennium Development Goals (MDG) emerged in the poverty reduction agenda during the Millennium Summit in 2000 (UNDP, 2000; World Bank, 2002). The MDG targets diverge from the poverty reduction strategy in terms of scope and level of commitment given by the governments and development partners. It aims to achieve eight specific targets by 2015, which are listed as follows: i. Curtail extreme poverty by halving the global population living on less than one dollar a day; ii. Achieve universal primary education by ensuring that all boys and girls complete a full course of primary schooling; iii. Promote gender equality and empower women at all levels; iv. Reduce child mortality by two-thirds among children under the age of five; 61 v. Improve maternal health; vi. Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; vii. Ensure environmental sustainability through integration of sustainable development into country policies and programmes; and viii. Develop a global partnership for development in terms of free market forces, good governance and, poverty reduction. The MGD has become the yardstick for poverty reduction assessment by governments and development organisations such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (UNDP, 2000). The MDG reinforces the human basic needs and aspects of social capital approach in terms of governance and gender, within a framework of neo-liberalism and sustainable development. In the context of tourism, the United Nations World Tourism Organization (WTO, 2005) has endorsed the MDG, maintaining that tourism can play a key role in the overall achievement of the targets, in view of its sustained growth and being a leading global export sector. However, the MDG is criticised in many aspects. Bond (2006) argues that the formulation of the MDGs has been led in a top-down process by governments and organisations whose policies are at variance with the well-being of poor people, suggesting the lack of participation and ‘voice’ of local people. Bond notes that there is a significant difference between rhetoric and reality in terms of policy makers’ commitment to poverty reduction, budgets allocated to poverty reduction programmes, and the level of involvement of local people. Bond (ibid.) views the MGD, as having been presented by the Bretton Woods institutions to deflect criticism of SAP and PRS, whilst using poverty issues to broaden and deepen the neoliberal agenda in developing countries, including Ghana. In summary, it is evident that the neoliberal paradigms of development is supported by the Bretton Woods Institutes and is prescriptive for developing countries who want to have access to financial aid and be a part of a global trade. Subsequently, whilst definitions of poverty remains contested, emphasis is placed upon macro-economic growth, ‘trickle-down’ effects and market forces. However, neo-liberalism has to date had very limited success in addressing poverty, as the gaps in measured income and wealth have grown between the 62 ‘rich’ and ‘poor’ countries and within countries (Songsore, 2003), for example the regional and rural-urban inequalities in Ghana explained in Section 2.8.2. Neo-liberal paradigm is also non-participatory in its decision-making processes, being reliant on top-down approaches to policies, strategies and planning. It subsequently searches for solutions to poverty and trade, relying on economic growth and trickle-down effects, without listening to the voices of the ‘poor’. Subsequently, hundreds of millions of the world’s population remains disempowered from the political and economic process. However, during the last decades there has been increasing focus upon how to deal with issues of environmental conservation, development and poverty alleviation, ideas that belong to the aegis of ‘sustainable development’. 3.3 Sustainable Development: Definition and Critique The paradigm of sustainable development has become a popular one in the development and poverty reduction debate and is subsequently evaluated in the context of its relevance to this study. 3.3.1. Sustainable Development: Evolution and Meaning ‘Sustainable development’ entered the development discourse as an alternative and more environment-friendly development mantra in the late 1980s. It originated from debates about the need for limits to growth because of environmental concerns, debates which have characterised economic growth policies of development (Holden, 2005). While the focus was upon ‘development’ and ‘sustainability’, the central focus has extended beyond the environment to include economics and politics, particularly democracy and participation in the decision-making process. The concept of sustainable development gained currency following the 1987 publication of the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) Report, Our Common Future (WCED, 1987). The report defines ‘sustainable development’ as ‘development that meets the needs of the present without 63 compromising the ability of future generation to meet their own needs’ (WCED, 1987:8). While the definition has relevance to issues of inter and intra generational poverty, it aims to promote strong linkages among natural resources, social equality, long term and holistic planning that can benefit the present and future generations. In 1992, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) built upon the Brundtland Report to formulate policy in ‘Agenda 21’, commonly referred to as the ‘Rio Conference’ or the ‘Earth Summit’. Two central issues of Agenda 21 have been highlighted as having relevance for poverty and tourism development (Mebratu, 1998; Sharpley, 2000; Telfer, 2002). The inclusion of local people in the decision-making process, implying a bottom-up approach to decision-making process, was advocated. Theoretically, this gives poor people a ‘voice’, an opportunity to articulate their needs and priorities. The concept also emphasises ‘limits to growth’ or at least a different path to economic growth, which conserves natural resources (Holden, 2005). In a review of how the paradigm of sustainability has influenced tourism development, Sarineen (2006:1129) identifies three main traditions: (i) resource- based; (ii) activity-based; and (iii) community-based. Sarineen claims that, while the resource-based tradition exemplifies limits to growth that cannot be negotiated, the activity-based focuses on sustainability centred on private sector needs. However, the community-based tradition stresses participation that involves all stakeholders, emphasising tourism benefits that should accrue to the local community. As is evident from these three traditions, sustainable development and sustainable tourism development have different interpretations. A major criticism of these concepts is that its meaning remains elusive (Sharpley 2000; Telfer, 2002; Holden, 2005). Tensions emanate from the ontological interpretations of the two key themes, i.e. ‘sustainable’ and ‘development’. While sustainability would appear to stress the status quo, development is usually associated with progress and growth, meaning attempts to categorically define ‘sustainable development’ are not only epistemologically flawed but ontologically misleading (Mebratu, 1998; Sarineen, 2006). The varying interpretation of its meaning, has 64 led to its use by all stakeholders in tourism, including governments, non- governmental organisations, tourism industry and local communities. It is evident that these types of organisations have varying political philosophies and goals, emphasising that the term ‘sustainable development’ needs to be given a clear definition by different stakeholders, rather than a presumption that it has a universal interpretation. In an attempt to give a framework of application for sustainable development in tourism, the United Nations Environment Programme and the United Nations World Tourism Organization underline four guiding principles, that ‘overlap with each other, and that need to be suitably balanced’ (UNEP/UNWTO, 2005:1). These are: (i) the optimal use of environmental resources; (ii) respect for socio- cultural resources and values of the host communities; (iii) long-term economic opportunities that bring socio-economic benefits and ensure fair distribution to all stakeholders, including stable employment and income earning opportunities and social services to the host community and contributions to poverty alleviation; and (iv) informed participation of relevant stakeholders, particularly giving prominence to local people’s determination and implementation of policies and actions. However, whilst there may be little disagreement about the principles across the political spectrum, the processes of how to operationalise these principles may be substantially more contentious. 3.3.2 Sustainable Development: Financial, Human and Social Capital The final guiding principle for sustainable development issues by UNEP and UNWTO (ibid.) emphasises ‘informal’ participation, with a prominence for the voice of local people. Alongside this principle, is the need to ensure the empowerment of local peoples through access to financial, human and social capital. The ability for the poor to have access to and use capital assets is critical to reducing poverty (Ashley et al, 2000; Krantz, 2001). Relevant to understanding the relationship of assets to poverty is: (i) who in the local community have access to them; and (ii) the extent to which they create and enhance socio-economic opportunities. Although the issue of access to assets is partly a question of hegemonic relationship, it is also influenced by the level of 65 capabilities held by local people to release asset potential. As Krantz (2001) observes, capabilities are an important factor for local people’s ability to access capital within the context of sustainability, and are defined by Lister as: ‘what a person can do or be, that is, the range of choices that are open to her’ (Lister, 2004:16). Within a capability perspective of poverty, three main types of capability can be distinguished: the human; financial; and the social. Human capital relates to the knowledge and skills capacities of individual and communities, the need for investments in education and training, and the subsequent ability of people to pursue livelihood opportunities and escape poverty. Financial capital refers to having access to adequate income, credit and savings so that individuals will not be predisposed to conditions of poverty (Sen, 1999). Access to financial capital has allowed the poor to own assets and engage in tourism-related livelihood activities, in Namibia and Kenya (Ashley, 2000). However, there remain significant barriers to the access of financial resources for the poor, including the requirement for collateral and cumbersome and expensive administrative requirements (Consultancy Unit, 2004). Strategies to overcome this issue, include micro-finance (Khandker, 1998), and traditional and informal savings schemes such as ‘Susu’ in Ghana (Alabi et al., 2007). Social capital, as explained in Section 2.6.3, refers to features of social organisation, such as networks, norms, and trust that facilitate action and cooperation for mutual benefits (Putnam, 1993:35-36). With special reference to the tourism and poverty relationship, Ashley (2000:3) refers to social capital as social resources upon which people draw in pursuit of their livelihoods, such as relationships of trust, social norms, networks and members of groups. Emphasis is subsequently placed on creating strong social networking within a community to create shared livelihoods, through tourism, to reduce poverty. Earlier work surrounding social capital was carried out by Bourdieu (1986), who considered the interaction of power and capital in relation to class and ethnic groups within a societal setting. He argues that social capital creates opportunities for members in a group to network and access material and non-material needs, such as the sharing of information and knowledge. 66 For Woolcock (1998), the concept of social capital is important for placing an emphasis on civil society within the development debate, rather than focusing purely on the role of the nation-state or multi-national companies. However, it would be wrong to assume that there is a necessarily homogenous social capital of communities. As Portes (1998) points out, there may be opposing social networks within communities, based upon traditional and political conflicts, gender and social exclusion. Nevertheless, the idea of the development of social capital as a means of creating opportunities, through the establishment of social networks and asset construction, is important for tourism’s role in poverty reduction and sustainable development. Participatory approaches to development, for example, the establishment of village committees to represent various interests, combined with a collective approach to resource usage, all have validity to the poverty reduction debate. It is through social capital people can gain direct access to financial capital (e.g. credits and loans) and human capital (e.g. training and skills) (Portes, 1998). Emphasis within social capital is placed upon the empowerment of local people to identify their priority needs, which will help create livelihood opportunities and improve their well-being (Putnam, 1993; Woolcock, 1998; Portes 1998; Ashley, 2000) . 3.4 Chapter Conclusion Whilst the policies of modernisation and neo-liberalism have created economic growth, they have largely failed to deal with the issues of global poverty. A growth strategy that is reliant upon top-down planning and an economic ‘trickle-down’ effect to those on the lower rung of society’s ladder, the ‘poor’, is unlikely to offer livelihood opportunities for the excluded in society. To deal with the problems of poverty, there is a subsequent need to provide an alternative solution and perspective of development, which encompasses all stakeholders in society and not just a few. In the absence of a credible alternative to the free market as a mechanism for allocating resources for development, it is necessary to identify how tourism can be used within this framework as a means for creating livelihood opportunities for 67 the poor. Although contentious in its interpretation and criticised for its ambiguity, as explained in Section 3.3, the paradigm of sustainable development has principles of a bottom-up approach and an emphasis on empowerment. Central to empowerment is access to resources for the poor through the development of social, human and financial capital. There is therefore a need for the poor to be able to develop their capacity and capability to play a part in the tourism industry and to be recipients of economic and social benefits. It is advocated in this study, that given the ambiguity of key terms such as poverty and development, it is necessary for poor people to have a voice about how they construct and interpret the meanings of poverty and development. In the context of Elmina, it is also essential that the poor have an outlet of expression for how they think tourism could create and enhance their livelihood opportunities. 68 Chapter 4 Tourism Development and Poverty Reduction 4.1 Introduction The chapter discusses the relationship between tourism and poverty reduction, the central focus being on the role of the development paradigms and strategies commonly applied in tourism to create socio-economic opportunities in developing countries, which is a contentious issue. This chapter, therefore, presents the different tourism development perspectives, and considers their relevance in the context of Elmina. 4.2 Understanding the Nature of Tourism In several tourism studies (Burns and Holden, 1995; Mowforth and Munt, 1998), ‘tourism’ has been conceptualised as a complex and multi-dimensional phenomenon, affecting global society. Among the characteristics of tourism are: host-guest relationships, socio-economic impact on the macro-and micro- economy, as well as what Urry calls ‘the tourist gaze’ (1991:135). The different ways tourism is understood also suggests that there is no such thing as universal type of ‘tourism’, but a wide range of tourism experiences. For example, whilst MacCannell (1976) analyses tourism as a pilgrimage of authenticity, Krippendorf (1989) contextualises tourism as a form of colonialism and friendly conquest. Thus, tourism is interpreted not only as a social phenomenon but as a global commodity exchange in terms of business. Burns and Novelli (2008:xviii), also describe tourism: ‘as a description of leisure activity; global business consumed at a local level; and a condition of postmodernism shaping the world we live. Tourism, as topics for analysis, sets out to make a theoretical sense of multiple mobile cultures.’ They observe that tourism analyses are embedded in a number of elements that impact upon the wider society including power relations and networks amongst different stakeholders with regard to the utilisation of natural and cultural resources. 69 However, while the concept of tourism is subject to varied interpretations, the developmental process is equally complex and distributions of benefits are unequal. Burns and Holden (1995:5) state that tourism can be understood in terms of the motivation for the visit, the time for travel and the means by which the tourist gets to the destination. Whether travel is motivated by business, leisure, or visiting friends and relatives, the tourists consume a variety of goods and services in the local community: food and drinks; local transport; entertainment; and shopping. However, the activities undertaken and consumption patterns of the tourists tend to create positive or negative impacts, and subsequently impact on poverty reduction in local communities. Although several tourism scholars have highlighted both positive and negative consequences of tourism (Dann, 2001; Bramwell and Lane, 2000; Hawkins and Mann, 2007; Blake et al., 2008; Butcher, 2008): ‘there is relatively little attention being given to the meaning, objective and process in terms of its development’ (Sharpley, 2002:13). Even though tourism’s contribution to development has been widely recognised, its relationship with poverty reduction within the context of ‘development’ has not been given much attention, suggesting the need for research in the poverty-tourism nexus (Scheyvens, 2007; Zhao and Brent- Ritchie, 2007). 4.3 Theoretical Perspectives of Tourism Development Paradigms Tourism and poverty reduction issues have become increasingly linked in the development agenda, and have been debated from different disciplinary and academic perspectives. The role of tourism in development was recognised by De Kadt (1979) in his seminal publication, Tourism: Passport to Development, which centred on theoretical research and discourses of tourism and development. Butler’s ‘Lifecycle Model’ (Butler, 1980; 2004) and Britton’s ‘Dependency Model’ (Britton, 1982) are also widely cited in the literature as seminal articles for tourism analysis, focusing on wider social and environmental issues. Butler (1980), for instance, views tourism development as a process that undergoes linear stages of exploration, involvement, development, consolidation, stagnation and rejuvenation. Although Butler’s framework is generally relevant, it is criticised because tourism development is not a linear path which has its own 70 inevitable momentum, but is in fact subject to external and internal factors. As Harrison (1995:137) notes, while Butler’s model is based on tourism development in Western countries, it fails to recognise the differing conditions in developing countries, ‘especially those with a history of colonialism, [which] may diverge considerably from the ideal type.’ Tourism scholars argue that the industry has the potential to provide diversified economic opportunities through which poor countries can open up to the benefits of globalisation, whilst tourism’s contribution to national and local development has become the fundamental justification for encouraging its growth (Brohman, 1996; Hampton, 2005). This is why it is seen as a ‘vehicle for development’ (Sharpley 2002:11), a view that is contested by many scholars because tourism may not automatically bring benefits to local people (Telfer, 2002; Hashimoto, 2002). Ashley (2000:8) outlines the role of tourism in ‘development’ from four perspectives. Firstly, economists generally consider tourism as a pathway to macro-economic growth and a means of generating foreign exchange, creating ‘trickle-down’ effects to local communities in many developing countries. Secondly, the private enterprises perceive tourism as a commercial activity, and are concerned with the product development, destination competitiveness and profits. Thirdly, conservationists understand tourism as a form of sustainable use of natural and cultural resources. Finally, development institutions and non- governmental agencies see tourism as an avenue through which they support local communities with infrastructure such as water supplies and roads. However, Ashley argues that the macro-economic, profit-oriented and conservation perspectives of tourism are ‘conventional’ approaches which have characterised the industry, but do not place the interest of the ‘poor’ at the centre of the development process. Consequently, some scholars suggest that tourism can contribute to ‘development’ if it is formulated and implemented in an alternative way, as opposed to conventional development approaches policies. The ‘conventional’ and ‘alternative’ perspectives are discussed in Sections 4.3.1 and 4.3.2 respectively. 71 4.3.1 Conventional Tourism Development Perspectives The ‘conventional’ tourism development perspective stems from the modernisation, dependency, neoliberal development paradigms. The modernisation theory has characterised tourism development approaches and practices between the 1950s and 1970s (Telfer, 2002; Sharpley, 2002). For example, Harrison (2001:1) notes that modernisation theory underpinned the development of mass tourism in the Caribbean and Pacific Islands, as a way to satisfy mass tourists and transnational corporations from the USA in the 1970s. In the wider development policy context, tourism was perceived as an ’advocacy platform’ (Jafari, 2001:29-30), aimed at helping developing countries generate foreign exchange earnings through consumption of goods and services by the international tourists (Harrison, 2001). The modernisation approach received several criticisms from the dependency theorists for failing to generate the anticipated ‘trickle-down’ effect, leading to leakages of revenue from developing countries and exacerbated poverty (Brohman, 1996; Burns and Holden, 1995; Sindiga, 1999; Hampton, 2005). For example, the partnerships of multinational corporations and local elites have led to high leakages of revenues through the repatriation of profits, taxes and incentives and wages of expatriates. The neoliberal policies discussed in Section 3.2.3 were introduced into the tourism sector by the Bretton Wood institutions, emphasising free market economy, economic rationalisation and deregulation (Asiedu, 1997; Scheyvens, 2007). The neoliberal policies of ‘Structural Adjustment Programmes’ (SAP), ‘Poverty Reduction Strategy’ (PRS) and ‘Millennium Development Goals’ (MDG) are prevalent in tourism development plans and policies prepared by development institutions and are being implemented by governments in developing countries (Sharpley, 2000; Telfer, 2002). As Konadu-Agyeman (2001:194) notes, while Ghana has been hailed as a structural adjustment success story for Africa and tourism arrivals and receipts have increased, spatial disparities have become entrenched. The quality of life of many Ghanaians has declined due to lack of employment opportunities, privatisation of state-owned 72 hotels and increasing foreign ownership of tourism infrastructure, which has led to higher leakages of revenue from the country. The continuous need for the state to play a major role in tourism development has been recognised in tourism research (Sofield, 2003; Harrison, 2004; Holden 2005). As Scheyvens (2007:129) comments, the economic ‘miracle boom’ enjoyed by some of the East Asian countries in the 1970s and 1980s was spurred by government policy interventions such as the protection of infant industries against competition from external markets. She supports the need to involve governments in tourism, rather than allowing the process to be driven by market forces which ultimately affect ‘poor’ people adversely. 4.3.2 Poverty Reduction: Alternative Tourism Development Perspective The call for an ‘alternative’ perspective to tourism development has been promoted by a number of bodies of thinking as contributing more positively to poverty reduction (Smith and Eadington, 1992; Sofield, 2003; Easterling, 2005; Elliot and Mann, 2005). The ‘alternative’ perspective is seen by its proponents as placing the poor at the centre of the development process, as opposed to the ‘conventional’ perspective. The proponents advocate tourism development agendas that: (i) emphasise small-scale and locally-based initiatives that promote net benefits to ‘poor’ people in the communities (Ashley, 2000); (ii) mitigate conflicts that are associated with guest and host relationships (Krippendorf, 1989); (iii) encourage local participation and empowerment in tourism planning and decision-making (Scheyvens, 2003; 2007); and (iv) remove barriers that restrict local participation in tourism (Tosun, 2006). Different forms of tourism have been associated with the ‘alternative’ perspective, such as ‘soft tourism’ and ‘green tourism’ (Dann, 2001), ‘volunteer tourism’ (Wearing, 2001) and ecotourism (Honey, 1999). Alternative’ perspectives with a significant resonance of relevance for this study are ‘Cultural Tourism’, ‘Pro-Poor Tourism’; ‘Sustainable Tourism to Eliminate Poverty’ and ‘Sustainable Tourism’, which are discussed in Sections 4.3.2 (a) to 4.3.2(d). 73 (a) Cultural Tourism Cultural tourism has been perceived in mainstream tourism analysis as dialectic between culture and tourism (Urry, 1991; MacCannell, 1992; Cole, 2008). Culture is often considered as part of the tourism product-offerings, along with ecotourism, as ways of shifting focus from the traditional beach mass tourism development approach. Prentice (1993:165) notes that although the terms ‘cultural’ and ‘heritage’ are used interchangeably in tourism studies, the term ‘heritage’ implies an essentially past orientation, while the word ‘cultural’ includes the contemporary and the future, as well as the past, within its scope. However, the term ‘culture’ is a complex phenomenon, subsequently being difficult to define and understand in the context of development. For the purpose of this study, the term ‘culture’ is used to mean place, space, people, natural environment, handicrafts, festival, art and crafts, food, music, historical monuments and architecture that are attractive to tourists who visit the local community, a definition that is advocated by Burns and Holden (1995). Burns and Holden (1995:112) note that tourism producers perceive ‘culture’ as attraction with a commercial value that has to be exploited and marketed to tourists who are seeking new experiences in emerging tourism destinations. They observe that the subsequent interactions create many impacts in the local communities including changes in employment patterns and the utilisation of cultural resources. As tourism researchers suggest, the relationship between tourism and culture has led to much attention being focused on ‘cultural tourism’ (Urry, 1991; MacCannell, 1992; Copper et al., 1998), including more recently its use in poverty reduction. Perspectives differ on the significance of cultural tourism as a tool for development and poverty reduction. Cole (2008:272) suggests that cultural tourism does not always create positive impacts, since despite the abundance of cultural resources it has done little to alleviate poverty in Ngadha and Flores in Indonesia, whilst De Kadt (1979) argues that it revitalises arts and crafts, gastronomy and related elements of local cultures. For example, cultural tourism underlies the international promotion of ‘manyattas’, which are homesteads 74 where tourists visit, live and experience the culture of the Maasai in Kenya (Akama, 2002). (b) Pro-Poor Tourism (PPT) Proponents of Pro-Poor Tourism (PPT) perceive it as an alternative perspective which is embraced by the UK Department for International Cooperation (DFID), Overseas Development Institute (ODI) and Centre for Responsible Tourism (CRT). Proponents of PPT argue that the approach promotes tourism that generates net benefits and unlocks diversified livelihood opportunities for the ‘poor’ (DFID, 1999). Ashley et al.(2000) outlines the significance of PPT from three perspectives: (i) the approach can ‘tilt’ tourism to generate new opportunities and benefits for the vulnerable and marginalised, aiding them to escape from poverty; (ii) PPT interventions are broader in scope, varying from government policy reviews to one private sector organisation working with local people and ensuring local participation at all levels; and (iii) net tourism benefits are not only understood in monetary growth (income), but encompass non-monetary benefits, which the poor consider as priorities to meet basic needs. Roe et al.(2004) also describe PPT as emphasising the involvement of all stakeholders in tourism planning including governments, donors, tourists, the private sector, civil society and local people. They note that empowerment of the ‘poor’ takes various forms including having access to training, employment, information and supply linkages, which can occur through deliberate policy reform policies and processes by government, donors and the private sector. Critics of the PPT consider that the process alienate other tourism stakeholders, including tourists and investors whose activities impact on local people. As Sofield (2003) suggests the activities of tourists and investors affect the product development and consequently livelihoods of the local people. There is therefore a need to consider their respective roles in tourism and poverty reduction. Furthermore, the PPT approach has not been widely implemented and evidence of its practicability is limited in the literature, suggesting a lack of validity and reliability. While the PPT approach could be a driving force for shifting emphasis 75 from macro-economic growth target towards benefits for the poor, it is fraught with ideological interpretations, due to its wider scope and meaning (Ashley et al., 2000; Scheyvens, 2007). (c) Sustainable Tourism to Eliminate Poverty (ST-EP) ‘Sustainable Tourism to Eliminate Poverty’ (ST-EP) has been formulated by the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) as its contribution to the poverty agenda and launched during the World Summit on Sustainable Tourism held in Johannesburg in 2002 (UNWTO, 2006). The ST-EP programme emphasises social, economic and ecological sustainable tourism as a way of alleviating poverty and encouraging development that generates employment opportunities for people in the tourism destination communities. The underlying principle of ST-EP is that the evidence of increasing growth in international tourist arrivals and foreign exchange earnings can create ‘trickle-down’ effects to benefit poor people in developing countries, particularly in Africa (WTO, 2002). In this sense it is embedded within a neo-liberal paradigm. The argument that ST-EP promotes benefits to the poor is criticised as cover for a strategy by the UNTWO to promote its ‘economic growth agenda through tourism’ (Scheyvens, 2007:134). The objective of ST-EP appears overly simplistic about the potential of tourism in developing countries, taking a micro level view without looking at global, national and local tourism structures, as well as impacts and limitations of international tourism on livelihood opportunities (Scheyvens, ibid.; Nawijn et al., 2008). ST-EP also fails to recognise the wider dimension of poverty from the perspective of local people and how they should be empowered and enabled to actively participate in tourism (Scheyvens, ibid.). (d) Sustainable Tourism Development Proponents of sustainable tourism development (STD) perceive it as a way to address environmental concerns associated with tourism growth and address the weaknesses of conventional perspective to tourism development. Several development institutions have demonstrated their commitment to STD, including the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the United Nations 76 World Tourism Organization (WTO). The broad agenda for STD as outlined by UNEP and UNWTO is listed as follows: i. Economic Viability: To ensure the viability and competitiveness of tourism destinations and enterprises in the long term. ii. Local Prosperity: To maximize the contribution of tourism to the economic prosperity of the host destination, including the proportion of spending that is retained locally. iii. Employment Quality: To strengthen the number and quality of local created and supported by tourism, including the level of pay, conditions of service and availability to all without discriminations by gender, race, disability or in other ways. iv. Social Equity: To seek a widespread of fair distribution of economic and social benefits from tourism throughout the community, including improving opportunities, income and services available to the poor. v. Visitor Fulfilment: To provide a safe, satisfying and fulfilling experience for visitors. vi. Local Control: To engage and empower local communities in planning and decision making about management and future development of tourism in consultation with other stakeholders. vii. Community-Wellbeing: To maintain and strengthen the quality of life in local communities, including social structures and access to resources, amenities and avoiding any form of social degradation. viii. Cultural Richness: To respect and enhance the historic heritage, authentic culture, traditions and distinctiveness of host communities. ix. Physical Integrity: To maintain and enhance the quality of the landscape. x. Biological Diversity: To support the conversion of natural areas, habitats and wildlife, and minimize damage to them. xi. Resources Efficiency: To minimise the use of scare and non-renewable resources in the development and operation of tourism facilities and services. xii. Environmental Purity: To minimize the pollution of air, water and land and the generation of waste by tourism enterprises and visitors. Source: Adapted from UNEP/WTO (2005:18-19) These 12 aims encompass economic, social and environmental issues based on the agreement reached amongst the member countries of the organisations. Despite the widespread of its aims, the concept of STD remains contested, while its validity as a practical model for tourism development and poverty reduction are questioned by several tourism scholars (Harrison, 2001; Farrell and Twinning-Ward, 2005; Butcher, 2006). As Sharpley (2002:320) comments, STD is divisive and polarises the debate between sustainable ‘good’ forms of tourism and unsuitable, mass forms of tourism, suggesting a contradiction between 77 limitation on growth whilst encouraging increased tourism growth to promote economic development. In summary, there is an emerging consensus that the ‘conventional’ perspective of tourism development, emphasising growth and ‘trickle-down’ effects, fails to create the net benefits to reduce and alleviate poverty. In contrast, some scholars have argued that tourism can contribute to development if it is approached in an ‘alternative’ way that can promote net benefits (monetary and non-monetary) benefits to poor people (Smith and Eadington, 1992). The emergence of the ‘alternative’ perspective’ has led to a wider focus on a number of tourism strategies that have been formulated by different institutions with opposing political and economic interests, as explained in Section 4.3.2. The different approaches found in the literature suggest a lack of coherent guidelines and strategy to ‘unleash’ the full potential of tourism to tackle poverty. While the underlying principles of the strategies tend to overlap, they seem to be embedded in the ideologies of the proponents, suggesting a lack of wide acceptance and legitimacy to underpin tourism as a means of poverty reduction (Holden, 2005). 4.4 Tourism Development: A ‘Third Way’ Approach Burns (2004) proposes a ‘Third Way’ planning approach as a solution to the weaknesses inherent in the ‘conventional’ and ‘alternative’ approaches. He argues that tourism development is rooted in bipolar tourism planning of ‘Tourism First’ versus ‘Development First’, a categorisation that is influenced by the geo- politics of the late 20th and early 21st centuries, which divided the world into ‘left’ and ‘right’ respectively, as presented in Table 4.1. Burns (2004:24) states: ‘The debate surrounding aid-funded tourism master planning where the traditional right, framed by the values of neo-liberalism, sees market forces as providing the only alternative…On the other hand, modern world problems have emerged that go far beyond the assumptions upon which the left was founded.’ Burns views the ‘Tourism First’ approach as emphasising ‘economic growth’ and ‘trickle-down’ effects based on an increase in tourist arrivals and stock of 78 accommodation, embedded in a neo-liberal approach. He criticised the approach as being ‘growth’ without ‘development’ (Burns, 2004:31), which benefits governments, donor agencies, international tourists and the private sector. By contrast, the ‘Development First ‘approach focuses on the eco-centric approach of ecotourism aimed at protecting the environment as seen from sustainable human development perspectives, emphasising ecotourism and cultural tourism. Burns views the ‘Development First’ approach as being on the advocacy agenda of non-governmental organisations such as Tourism Concern in the United Kingdom, who argue in favour of both economic and social benefits from a standpoint of conserving the natural and cultural resources and creating benefits for the marginalised and disadvantaged in the local communities. Burns outlines the key differences between the two approaches, as shown in Table 4.1. The differences range from policy objectives to development paradigms which characterise each approach. Table 4.1: Bipolar view of tourism planning approaches The Leftist ‘Development First’ The Rightist ‘Tourism First’ Sustainable human development Economic enlargement Tourism-as- system Tourism-as-industry Tourism-as-culture Tourism-as-consumerism Modern world system Globalisation Periphery Core Underdevelopment Modernisation Aiming for an independent, differentiated Aiming to maximise market spread through destination with minimal dependency on the familiarity of the product. Undifferentiated, core. Focus on sustainable human homogenized product dependent on core with development goals as defined by local people a focus on tourism goals set by outside and local knowledge. The key question driving planners and the international tourism industry. development is, ‘What can tourism give us without harming us?’ Holistic Economistic Source: Burns (2004:26) While the categorisation mirrors the two approaches, Burns argues that both ‘Tourism First’ and ‘Development First’ fail to create opportunities to benefit the poor. From a technical perspective, while approaches are embedded in the 79 development plans, they are often complicated and not implemented by governments in developing countries due to the lack of financial and human resources required. The planning approaches tend to be stereotypes with ambitious assumptions determined by the funding organisation and external experts, using steering-committees composed of government organisations and officials without the active involvement of the locals. Based on these criticisms, Burns proposes a ‘Third Way’ planning approach as the way forward to making tourism benefit local people. He argues that the ‘Third Way’ forges a closer relationship between the local people and the state through an active civil society. Burns ‘borrowed’ the ‘Third Way’ notion from Giddens, who defines it as: A framework of thinking and policymaking that seeks to adapt social democracy to a world which has changed fundamentally over the past two or three decades…It is a ‘third way’ in the sense that it is an attempt to transcend both old-style social democracy and neo-liberalism (Giddens, 1998 cited in Burns, 2004:25). Burns argues that the ‘Third Way’ has advantages over the ‘Tourism First’ and ‘Development First’ approaches in three main ways. Firstly, it is less reductionist and emphasises a ‘Sustainable Development’ approach that encourages the existence of a range of civil society institutions in defining ‘development’ and ‘development needs’ of the local people. Secondly, while the ‘Third Way’ provides an alternative approach to the wider development discourse, it is a politically and socially transferable model that is workable in less developed countries. For example, a ‘Third Way’ has the potential to create opportunities for a number of civil society institutions. Finally, considering the complex and multidimensional nature of tourism, a ‘Third Way’ approach does not only emphasise inter-sectoral and intra-sectoral planning, but a kind of planning which involves various economic sectors and stakeholders in the economy. ‘Third Way’ Tourism Planning: A Critique The ‘Third Way’ tourism planning may be criticised for its underlying assumptions, based on Burns acknowledgement that ‘Third Way’ in tourism planning is as ‘yet untried…is conceptual and is intended to broaden the debate 80 about normal planning paradigms’ (Burns, 2004:38). Its effectiveness is reliant upon a critical assessment of identifiable tourism benefits and problems during the early stage of the planning, which seem to be unlikely in many developing countries. This is because plans, strategies and projected outcomes are subject to a wide range of internal and external factors such as wars, terrorism, budgets and personnel (Bramwell and Lane 2000; WTO, 2005). Whilst acknowledging that ‘master planning’ has its faults (Burns, ibid.: 33), Burns acknowledges that there is no ‘perfect planning’, hence the ‘Third Way’ may not be ‘sacrosanct’. The conflicts surrounding decision-making, as suggested by Burns, are not only embedded in domestic politics, but transcend social and cultural institutions. As Aryee (1999) suggests in the context of Ghana, the political and traditional institutional dichotomy tends to dilute the central roles of both municipal assemblies and traditional authorities within the framework of the decentralisation and governance systems. The role of tourism development institutions in developing countries may also be outside the control of developing countries. A consequence of this lack of control is the exposure of practice to outside ideological paradigms (UNCTAD, 2001; Blake et al.; 2008). Finally, as referred to at the start of this section, there is no evidence in the reviewed literature to suggest that that the ‘Third Way’ approach as proposed by Burns, has been applied, meaning there is a lack of empirical data to support its validation. Thus, a broad range of approaches may be required to make tourism play a meaningful role in poverty reduction, incorporating wider issues that concern the local people and could enhance economic livelihood opportunities. 4.5 Tourism and Sustainable Development As discussed in Section 3.3, ‘sustainable development’ has been widely adopted in tourism as a development paradigm since the Brundtland’s Report (WCED, 1987) and the Earth Summit in 1992 (Sharpley, 2002; Mowforth and Munt, 1998). Further, many international conferences have reinforced the connection between tourism and sustainable development in the context of meeting the needs of the present, without comprising the ability of future generations to meet their own 81 needs. The conferences have included: (i) The UN Commission on Sustainable Development, 7th session, 1999; and (ii) World Summit on Sustainable Development (Rio+10), 2002. Related to these conferences are reports which emphasise a strong relationship between sustainable development and tourism. These include: (i) the UNWTO Global Code of Ethics for Tourism, 1999; (ii) the Convention on Biological Diversity, Guidelines on Biodiversity and Tourism Development, 2003; and (iii) the Quebec Declaration on Ecotourism, 2002 (UNWTO, 2005; Goodwin, 2006) This emphasis on the natural environment in tourism represents a shift in conceptualisation from earlier tourism development model, e.g. Butler (1980) and Britton (1982), which generally neglected aspects of individual well-being and resource depletion. While Butler (1992 cited in Milne, 1998:37) argues that alternative tourism and ecotourism will eventually lead to large-scale, inherently unsustainable development, Milne (1998) observes that the pace of tourism development is determined by multinational corporations who control the conditions of the market under the guise of neoliberal policies in the political economy. The inadequacies of the conventional models and theories have helped to popularise the adoption of the ‘sustainable development’ approach, which calls for a policy framework (Sharpley, 2002). The paradigm encourages a balance in the development process, recognising the complexity and multidimensional nature of tourism and the internal and external influences and participation of stakeholders, who articulate different interests. Milne (ibid.) claims that sustainable development is important because it promotes networking amongst the key stakeholders, local people, tourist, business, government and non-governmental organisations. However, the leading role of the Bretton Woods institutions and other development institutions since the 1970s are acknowledged by many scholars (Holden, 2005; Goodwin, 2006). De Villier, Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) or World Tourism Organization as was, comments that: ‘the WTO is convinced that tourism can make a meaningful contribution to the reduction of poverty, but not without the intervention of the multilateral and bilateral aid agencies and banks’ (WTO/UNCTAD, 2001 cited in Goodwin, 82 2006:2). Thus, tourism development involves many stakeholders whose participation and interests are crucial in the developmental process. The potential significance of sustainable development for tourism and poverty reduction can be seen in Table 4.2. Table 4.2: Tourism: aims and objectives of sustainable development Fundamental principles i. Holistic approach: development and environmental issues integrated within a global social, economic and ecological context ii. Futurity: long-term capacity for global ecosystem and human sub-system iii. Equity: development that is fair and equitable, which provides opportunities for access to and use of resources for all members of societies, both in the present and future Development objectives i. Improvement of the quality of life for all people: education, life expectancy, opportunities to fulfil potential ii. Satisfaction of basic needs: concentration on the nature of what is provided rather than income iii. Self-reliance: political freedom and local decision-making for local needs iv. Endogenous development Sustainability objectives i. Sustainable population ii. Minimal depletion of non-renewable resources Requirement for i. Adoption of a new social paradigm relevant to sustainable living sustainable ii. International and national political and economic systems development dedicated to equitable development and resource use iii. Technological systems that can solve environmental problems iv. Global alliance facilitating integrated development policies at local, national and international levels Sources: Adapted from Streeten (1997); Pearce et al. (1989); WCED (1987); ICUN (1991) cited in Sharpley (2002:329). For the purpose of this study, the author has adapted Sharpley’s template because it highlights the core poverty and tourism issues that are being investigated in this research. The fundamental requirement of sustainable development and tourism is the adoption of a holistic approach which locates the developmental consequences of any tourism activity on poverty reduction within a global, national and local socio-economic and political context. 83 4.6 Measuring the Contribution of Tourism to Poverty Reduction Proponents of tourism highlight the potential significant contribution of tourism to poverty reduction in the world’s poorest countries (Pro-Poor Tourism; 2004; Sofield et al., 2004; WTO, 2005). However, a key challenge to tourism and poverty analysis is how to identify indicators that are reasonably robust and reflect the core issues of poverty reduction (Goodwin, 2006:5). The history of tourism’s relationship with the economy is dominated by quantifiable measurement. The United Nations World Tourism Organization, (UNWTO) (UNWTO, 2009) and the World Travel and Tourism Council (WTTC) (WTTC, 2009) favour a macro-economic and quantitative measurement of tourism performance, which allows easy comparison between countries and economic sectors within a country. The focus of tourism assessment has been on volumes of tourism arrivals and receipts, of foreign exchange earnings, GDP, employment, stock of facilities and revenues and taxes. Inherent in the quantitative assessment is the potential of these indicators to help developing countries meet their balance of payment obligations, while generating ‘trickle- down’ effects and multipliers in the national economies, which could also benefit the poor in terms of infrastructure provision, employment and income opportunities (WTO, 2005). Recently, the UNWTO has introduced the Tourism Satellite Account (TSA) to allow standardisation of data collection and analysis among the member countries (WTO, ibid.). While the tourism satellite accounts focus on direct expenditures by tourists, local population and governments on tourism-related goods and services, they are embedded in definitions and accounting structures, compounding the difficulty in the collection of data (Goodwin, 2006). The emphasis on quantitative measuring has received criticisms in the literature. Roel et al. (2004) have cautioned about the over-reliance on tourism statistics because numbers can be interpreted differently by stakeholders based on the phenomenon being investigated. They observe a number of weaknesses associated with data collection in many developing countries as including the lack of an effective mechanism for data collection and analysis which dilute the statistical results, and eventually render the data highly unreliable for tourism and poverty analysis. They argue that increased tourist arrivals may not necessarily 84 correlate with expenditure patterns in the local communities since the data do not reflect locally produced by local people and consumed goods and services by the tourists. The ‘qualitative approach’ to understanding the contribution of tourism to poverty has been advocated by tourism scholars in view of the identified weaknesses associated with the quantitative approach (Cukier, 2002; Hashimoto, 2002). Roe et al. (2004) and Goodwin (2006) comment that the ‘qualitative approach’ may be more participatory, which allows the local population to interpret their understandings of tourism’s impact on their well-being. As a result, there is a significant shift of emphasis from income to non-income indicators that the local population stress as priority concerns, such as empowerment and participation in decision-making in the development process. This debate between ‘quantitative’ and ‘qualitative’ measuring of tourism is relevant to tourism-poverty reduction analysis and the context of Elmina, in view of the different stakeholders involved in the development of the industry and the need to hear the perspectives of the poor. 4.7 The Argument for Tourism as a Tool for Poverty Reduction Tourism is often regarded as a panacea for economic, social and environmental problems in poor countries and local communities. While empirical evidence to justify the claim that increased tourism could lead to significant benefits for the poor people may be available (Ashley, 2000; Mbaiwa, 2004; UNWTO, 2007), there are studies to indicate that tourism is deepening and perpetuating poverty in tourism developing countries (Brohman, 1996; Hampton, 2005). The reviewed literature indicates a variety of ways the industry contributes to poverty reduction in developing countries (Pro-Poor Partnership, 2004; Ashley and Mitchell, 2005; Harrison and Schipani, 2007). The UNWTO (2006) has identified tourism activities that impact on poverty, ranging from foreign exchange earnings, to investment and development of cultural values in developing countries. The list below represents the seven ways in which tourism may contribute to poverty reduction in developing countries (UNWTO, 2006): 85 i. Foreign exchange earnings (exports and GDP); ii. Employment and Income (direct, indirect and induced); iii. Ownership and management of tourism establishments (e.g. hotel, handicraft shops and restaurants); iv. Direct sales of goods and services to tourists (e.g. hawking and tour guiding); v. Supply of goods and services to tourism enterprises by the poor (e.g. vegetables and poultry products); vi. Investment in infrastructure which provides livelihood benefits to the poor (e.g. roads, waters and electricity supply); and vii. Development of cultural values A compilation of the key themes in this list is discussed in the following sub- sections. 4.7.1 Foreign Exchange Earnings The United Nations World Tourism Organization is confident that despite wars and terrorism, developing countries will experience more growth in international tourism and tourism receipts than in any other sectors of their economies (UNWTO, 2009). The UNWTO argues that foreign exchange earned from tourism has a major role to play in helping the 49 Least Developing Countries to fulfil their balance of payment obligations. Proponents of a Pro-Poor approach also argue that tourism is a significant contributor to poverty as evidenced in data collected between 1999 and 2000 from selected countries with high incidences of poverty, shown in Table 4.3. As shown in the table, the contribution from tourism to GDP and exports is substantial in countries such as Mexico, Kenya, Nepal and Indonesia. However, the overall potential of tourism to foreign exchange earnings is controlled by factors of foreign ownership and leakages. The Bretton Woods institutions have emphasised modernisation theory and neoliberal policies to frame growth-based tourism in developing countries. The approach assumes that any increase in tourist arrivals and receipts will automatically generate ‘trickle- down’ effects and multipliers to benefit the poor. However, the works of 86 dependency theorists such as Britton (1982) and Brohman (1996) highlight the potential high economic leakages of a model of tourism development dominated by a partnership of multi-national companies and local elites. There is a subsequent high potential for tourism to contribute to underdevelopment in developing countries, while making their economies highly dependent on international tourism promoted from the developed countries. Table 4.3: Tourism contribution to poverty in selected developing countries Country % of International % Growth in % of Tourism Population Arrivals in Arrivals Contribution Receipt as living below 2000 (’000) of Tourism to % of Export 1$/day GDP in 1999 in 1999 Nigeria 91.2 813 327.9 2.7 10.9 Pakistan 45.8 543 28.1 5.1 10.4 Bangladesh 38.8 200 73.9 3.4 2.1 Ethiopia 21 125 58.23 6.3 26.2 Brazil 20.4 5,313 387 7.6 8.3 Mexico 16.4 20,643 20.2 10.4 19.3 Indonesia 15.5 5,064 132.5 9.8 12.9 Nepal 10.3 451 76.9 7.3 27.8 Ghana 9 373 144.5 6.7 10.4 Mali 8.2 91 106 6.4 19.7 Madagascar 8.1 160 201.9 7.8 18.6 Kenya 8 899 10.4 9.5 28.5 Burkina Faso 7.7 218 194.6 5.1 3.4 Source: Adapted from Pro-Poor Partnership (2004). 4.7.2 Tourism Employment and Income Tourism has been advocated by scholars as having the potential for creating employment and income generating opportunities for the poor. It is considered a labour-intensive industry, being assumed to play a key role in providing employment opportunities for the disadvantaged, women and migrants who often encounter greatest difficulty in finding jobs (Cukier, 2002; Ashley and Mitchell, 2005). The WTTC (2009:1) notes that globally tourism created nearly 219.8 million jobs in 2009, which contributed nearly 8.4 percent of total global employment. Studies by Cukier (2002) in Indonesia and Mbaiwa (2004) in the Okavango Delta in Botswana demonstrate that tourism has a potential to create direct and indirect employment in small-scale and informal sector businesses, including hawking, accommodation, souvenirs, catering, tours and travel operations. 87 Besides creating employment, tourism is understood as an important generator of income, arising from tourists’ expenditures on goods and services in the local communities. Ashley’s (2000:3) study, ‘Impacts of Tourism on Rural Livelihoods: Namibia’s Experience’, found that tourism generates four types of cash income for the local people: (i) regular wages for those with jobs; (ii) casual earning opportunities from the selling of goods and services by food vendors, fishermen and handicraft vendors; (iii) profits from the ownership of small-scale tourism enterprises such as lodges and restaurants; and (iv) collective income earned by the community, for example through revenue-sharing and hunting rights. The argument that tourism employment and income lift local people out of poverty fits into the wider aims and objectives of sustainable development. However, this potential, and consequent multipliers, may not be automatically realised. As Burns and Holden (1995:141) note, tourism employment is influenced by many factors such as the nature of the development, the available workforce, the cost of infrastructure and the intensive nature of the activities. They also add that while tourism expenditure can stimulate demand and supply, income redistribution can be affected by factors such as the level of economic development, the composition of the workforce and the character of business ownership in the local community. It is therefore simplistic and incorrect to assume that tourism will automatically generate employment and create income for the poor, unless there is a conscious policy intervention by government, donor agencies and non-governmental organisations to target them. 4.7.3 Linkage Between Tourism and Other Economic Sectors The tourism industry can potentially establish strong linkages with other sectors of the local economy through local entrepreneurial activity, the ownership of small-scale and informal businesses, and the supply of goods and services consumed by tourism businesses and tourists. Bah and Goodwin (2003) observe that the formal tourism sector can provide a market for locally produced agricultural goods, as for example in the Gambia where hotels source vegetables from local farmers and fish from the fishermen. Linkages between tourism and the agricultural and fisheries sectors create access to markets for the farmers and fishermen, while it helps to expand employment and income opportunities for 88 the locals (Barkin, 2003; Torres and Momsem, 2004). The subsequent effect of employment and income opportunities may lead to economic and social empowerment. Ashley et al. (2000) note that the establishment of linkages between the formal tourism sector and local suppliers are often problematic due to a reliance by the tourism industry on imported goods and migratory labour. Such activities have led to leakages of revenue and income which could have been redistributed to generate further livelihood opportunities. As Spenceley et al. (2002 cited in Spenceley 2003:2) comment, tourism development policy in South Africa has focused on encouraging the private sector to operate tourism enterprises, with a strong emphasis on economic empowerment of the marginalised and historically disadvantaged. While the poverty policy intervention has created linkages between tourism and other businesses, it has also produced multiple, direct and indirect socio-economic impacts that have unlocked opportunities to benefit the poor. 4.7.4 Development of Cultural Values It has been argued that tourism affects the socio-cultural values and self-esteem of local people both positively and negatively (Hashimoto, 2002; Andereck et al., 2005; Cole, 2008). Thus, the role of tourism in poverty reduction stretches beyond monetary to non-monetary dimensions which affect the well-being of the population in the locality. In the context of the social consequences of tourists’ behaviour and interactions on the host community, Krippendorf (1989) advocated that potential effect should be analysed before tourism is developed. Tourists’ behaviour may be cumulative socio-cultural effects on local people, particularly those utilising their cultural and natural resources for tourism (Bruner, 1996). For example, whilst the culture of local people may be perceived as a commercial resource to attract tourists, yet it can affect the daily lives of the people in many ways including employment patterns and the image of the locality (Burns and Holden, 1995:112). However, Brunt and Courtney (1999) note that the social impacts of tourism upon local people are difficult to disaggregate, since the effects are only recognised in the long-term through gradual changes in the society’s beliefs, values and practices. 89 Issues related to tourist harassment have not been widely highlighted in the tourism and poverty studies but are relevant in the context of Elmina. In cases when tourist harassment has been studied, the phenomenon is portrayed only as a negative perspective. For example, Albuquerque and McElroy’s (2001) study in Barbados and McElroy’s (2001) work in Jamaica, described ‘tourist harassment’ as presenting a negative image of the tourist destinations. As a result, the governments have deployed police to the tourist sites as a way of preventing the locals from having access to the tourists. However, Pattulo (1996 cited in McElroy, 2001:3) comments that tourist harassment can be related to poverty, being a common occurrence in tourism destinations where the people are poor and are excluded from opportunities by the industry. In summary, tourism has the potential to generate a variety of socio-economic monetary and non-monetary effects that impact upon poverty reduction, including: foreign exchange earnings; employment creation; the supply of goods and services; and changes in cultural values and practices. Evidence in the development literature suggests that tourism does contribute positively to poverty reduction but also has the potential to aggravate and perpetuate poverty. The overall balance of positive and negative contributions to poverty will differ amongst peoples and over time, a key determining factor being the extent to which local people are empowered to participate in the industry. 4.8 Barriers Influencing Local People’s Participation in Tourism Although tourism has the potential to create income and non-income opportunities, benefits to the poor depend on whether and how they can participate socially and economically (Mason and Cheyne, 2000; Shah and Gupta, 2000; Pro-Poor Tourism Partnership, 2001; Butcher, 2006, Lepp, 2008; Sharpley, 2009). Ashley et al. (2000) have identified a wide range of factors that influence poor people’s participation in tourism, embodying constraints that can be reduced or removed through policy interventions, as is presented in Table 4.4. Ashley et al. (2000) observe that a number of barriers generally restrict poor people from participation in tourism. While the barriers may be common amongst the local population, the impacts vary between individuals and within groups. The 90 range of barriers listed in Table 4.4 indicate a lack of capability, e.g. access to finance and human capital, combined with exclusion from markets and by government. Ashley et al. (ibid.) note that while a lack of credit has forced poor entrepreneurs to mobilise their efforts through personal savings and borrowing, the majority are squeezed out by outside investors. Thus, a micro-finance policy intervention that is targeted at the poor can improve access to credit and allow local people to own and manage tourism enterprises. Tosun (2000:614) also views local people’s participation as: ‘joining in the process of self-governance, responding to authoritative decisions that impact on one’s life and working co-operatively with others on issues of mutual concern’, noting that local people are restricted from tourism operationally, structural and culturally. At the operational level, the centralisation of public administration of tourism regulations and regulations by policy makers and national tourism organisations restrict local people from participation in the planning and implementation processes. Centralisation stifles popular participation, emphasising a ‘top-down’ approach which is non-participatory and anti-poverty, as discussed in Section 2.4.3. At the structural level a lack of coordination and cohesion results from the centralisation of policies, causing conflicts. However, the multi-dimensional nature of tourism and poverty makes it impossible for one particular government establishment to operate in isolation, hence the need for a participatory approach which recognises the divergent views of the stakeholders. At the cultural level, the poor people do not have the human, financial and social capital to take charge of development projects effectively, hence the adoption of a variety of ‘coping’ strategies for their survival. As a result, policy-makers perceive the introduction of tourism projects in the local community as a generosity intended to win the locals political support. Issues of gender also affect participation by the poor in the formal and informal sectors of tourism (Swain, 1995; Shah and Guptah, 2002). The argument is built upon gender relations in view of the different roles being played by men and women in developing countries. Shah et al.’s (2002) gender analysis of employment in the hospitality industry reveals that tourism employment is skewed in favour of men, with women working more hours whilst receiving lower wages. 91 They observe that barriers underlying the gender inequality included issues of educational attainment, cultural and religious norms. Table 4.4: Barriers and actions to enhance people’s participation in tourism Barriers to participation in Specific policy strategies to reduce or remove barriers Tourism Lack of human capital Target education and training at the poor to enable them to access formal employment and self-employment opportunities. Lack of finance /credit Expand access to micro-finance. Lack of organisation: Exclusion Recognise and support organisations of poor producers. by organised formal sector Recognise tourism interest as just as one voice to be heard interests among others. Location-far from tourist sites Develop core tourism assets and infrastructure in relatively poor areas where a commercially viable product exists. Lack of market power: No Strengthen local tenure rights over land, wildlife, cultural ownership/control over resources heritage, access to scenic destinations, and other tourism of market value. No bargaining assets. power with investors Regulations and red tape. Minimise red tape, revise or remove regulations that exclude Exclusion from registered and the least skilled, ensure regulations embrace sectors and promoted categories of tourism activities operated by the poor with appropriate standards. facility-service Inadequate access to tourist Enhance vendor’s access to tourists by sitting resort near market public access routes, supporting organised markets for informal and small-scale sellers in towns or adjacent national park. Limited capacity to meet Encourage business support to improve quality, reliability of requirements of tourism market supply and transport links. Under-development of domestic Incorporate domestic/regional tourism and independent /regional/independent tourism by tourism into planning strategies. Reduce excessive focus on comparing with international international all inclusive tourist packages. tourism and all inclusive Government support targeted to Recognise the importance of the informal sector; support it formal sector in planning processes. New tourism opportunities Avoid promoting only full-time jobs. Expand range of options conflict with existing livelihood for flexible, part-time involvement. Enhance local control opportunities over types of tourism development. Source: Adapted from Ashley et al. (2000:5) 92 4.9 Policy Strategies to Enhance Local People’s Participation in Tourism While tourism could potentially contribute to poverty alleviation, local people are restricted from participation in the industry due to several constraints that need to be reduced or removed. Ashley et al. (2000:4) suggest that local people’s participation in tourism can be enhanced provided that the following policy measures are implemented by government in collaboration with other stakeholders including donors, private sector and non-governmental organisations. They advocate the need to: i. Put poverty issues on the tourism agenda: policy-makers should recognise that enhancing poverty impacts of tourism is different for commercial, environmental and ethical concerns. While there can be trade-offs between stakeholders, the issues affecting the poor must be addressed; ii. Enhance economic opportunities: the need to address the barriers the local people face, and maximise the range of formal and informal sector employment opportunities; iii. Enhance social opportunities: incorporate the wider concerns of the poor into decision-making, and using tourism to create infrastructure that benefits them, while addressing cultural disruptions; and iv. A multi-level approach: poverty interventions should be taken at the international, national and local levels, with pro-active participation of stakeholders. Spenceley’s (2003) case study on sustainable local livelihoods and the private sector in South Africa emphasises the practical importance of policy interventions in facilitating local people’s participation in tourism. Due to political and public pressure, the South Africa government implemented a tourism policy that focused on poverty alleviation, emphasising employment, investment and enhancing the capacity of historically disadvantaged individuals. Spenceley (2003:19-20) outlines key interventions that have proved successful in South Africa as including: (i) the legislative passing of a ‘Tourist Guide Bill’: this allowed previously disadvantaged individuals to access training opportunities as tourist guides, using indigenous knowledge rather than formal education; (ii) the 93 establishment of a ‘Tourism Enterprise Programme’: this assisted new entrants into the commercial sector by providing advice, expertise and credits; (iii) the creation of ‘Tourism Leadership and National Qualifications’, providing training initiatives that combined workplace experience and performance monitoring; and (iv) a ‘Poverty Relief Programme’: aimed to manage and administer poverty relief proposals and spin-off projects in the tourism and environment sectors, focusing on infrastructure and product development, such as heritage sites and conservation. 4.10 Chapter Conclusion There is certainly potential for tourism to contribute to poverty reduction but care should be taken to analyse this potential from a holistic perspective. The poverty and tourism relationship approaches in the literature are currently grounded in debates centred on ‘neoliberal’ versus ‘alternative’ paradigms, and ‘Tourism First’ versus ‘Development First’ approaches. Whilst tourism may contribute positively to poverty reduction, it could possibly deepen, exacerbate and perpetuate it. The suggestion is that macro-economic growth policies are not sufficient to reduce poverty but there are alternative approaches to create and enhance socio- economic opportunities, address deprivation and enhance capabilities. The need to understand the complexities of the character and nature of the relationship between tourism, poverty and development and the perspectives is also emphasised. Fundamental to this aim is the need to understand the several assumptions embedded in poverty, tourism and development within the broader epistemological and ontological considerations, policy-making process and measuring outcomes. Firstly, tourism development has been primarily embedded in a market-driven intervention scenario based on various development policies and interests of diverse stakeholders. Secondly, how to assess and demonstrate the role of tourism in poverty reduction has become a challenge to policy makers and academics. The outcomes of tourism are mainly measured and reported in macro-economic terms, focusing on volume of international arrivals, foreign exchange earnings and contribution to GDP. This suggests that non-monetary indicators such as participation and empowerment affecting local people have not received much attention. Thirdly, deliberate policy interventions would be 94 required to reduce, or remove barriers that restrict local people’s participation in tourism. Fourthly, tourism, poverty and development are multi-dimensional phenomena that cannot be analysed from a single perspective, but require a holistic approach. These issues are essential for understanding and evaluating the role of tourism in poverty reduction, and are critically applied and analysed in the context of this research on Elmina. 95 Chapter 5 Tourism Development in Ghana 5.1 Introduction This chapter examines the development of tourism policies and planning, the industry’s performance and challenges for tourism’s use in poverty reduction in Ghana. The previous chapters reviewed the relationship between poverty reduction and tourism in developing countries, establishing that many of the concerns of other countries have relevance to Ghana. While this study is set in the local community of Elmina, and specifically explores the role of tourism in poverty reduction, Ghana’s tourism policy and plans are important influences on this relationship. Poverty reduction is inherent in the central tourism policy objectives for employment and wealth creation underlying the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy and the Millennium Development Goals. This chapter analyses the determinants of tourism development in Ghana, focusing on significant issues such as the evolution of tourism; policy goals and objectives; tourism resources; role of the stakeholders; performance indicators and challenges. 5.2 Evolution of Tourism Development in Ghana Tourism is a relatively recent but expanding socio-economic activity, making significant contributions to foreign exchange earnings, employment, revenue and the GDP. While the Government’s policy and planning documents constitute the major sources of tourism information on Ghana, studies have also been conducted by Bruner (1996), Asiedu (1997), Gartner (1999), Teye (1999), Konadu-Agyeman (2000) and Akyeampong (2007), which are subsequently referred to in this chapter. In a general context, tourism development in Ghana has been formed by competing paradigms, thus it has been at different times a force for modernisation, more lately influenced by Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP), the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (GPRS) and Millennium Development Goals (MDG). Tourism policies have been implemented by the 96 various Military and Civilian regimes who have ruled the country since its independence in 1957. 5.2.1 Evolution of Ghana’s Tourism Organisations The evolution of tourism in Ghana occurred in many stages and characterised by incoherent government policies (Asiedu, 1997; Teye, 1999). Asiedu (1997) observes that the first policy for tourism development was the construction of a 100-room hotel in 1956, to provide accommodation for guests invited to the national independence celebration in 1957. Prior to this only a few family-owned and small-sized budget hotels were located in the major urban centres of Accra, Kumasi and Sekondi-Takoradi, close to established infrastructure facilities, government establishments and economically influential mining and timber companies. The creation of a Ministry responsible for Parks and Gardens in 1960 and the State Hotels and Tourist Corporation (SHTC) led to the construction and management of state-owned hotels and catering rest houses across the country. As a consequence of government policy changes, the Ghana Tourist Corporation (GTC) and the State Hotels Corporation (SHC) were created to replace the then SHTC in 1968 and manage the state-owned hotels and catering rest houses. However, later policy in 1973 replaced GTC with two new establishments: (i) the Ghana Tourist Control Board (GTCB), assigned the responsibility of tourism planning, marketing and regulation of standards; and (ii) the Ghana Tourist Development Corporation (GTDC), given the task to direct investment in tourism infrastructure facilities such as duty free shops, travel and tour operations. Further policies led to the establishment of the Ghana Tourist Board (GTB) to replace the GTCB, and regional offices created as a strategy to develop identify and harness the tourism resources. The Ministry given responsibility for tourism has previously been attached to various ministries including Information, Culture, Trade, Modernisation of the Capital City and currently Diasporan Relations (ROG, 2003; ROG, 1996). The Ministry has the ‘responsibility for the sustainable development of tourism in the country’ (ROG, 1996:326), with specific functions such as policy formulation, legislations and regulations, monitoring and evaluation, capacity building and 97 liaison with other government agencies, international tourism agencies, donor agencies, private sector and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Figure 5.1 shows the relationship between the Ministry, implementing agencies and identified stakeholders. The importance of coordination between the Ministry and other stakeholders is reinforced by the multi-dimensional nature of tourism; the control and management of the natural and cultural tourism resources by other government agencies and traditional authorities; the private sector’s role as the engine of growth in the national economy; and the involvement of a number of donor agencies and NGOs in tourism in the country. Donor Agency Traditional Private Authorities Tourism Sector Metropolitan, Ministry of Inter- Municipal Tourism and Ministerial and District Diasporan Committee Assemblies Relations Ghana Ghana Tourist Tourist Board Development Company Hotel, Limited Catering and Tourism Training Centre Figure 5.1: The Ministry of Tourism and Diasporan Relations and its stakeholders in Ghana Sources: Adapted from Republic of Ghana (1996:237) and Author’s Field Work 98 5.2.2 Evolution of Tourism Planning in Ghana Attempts to plan and develop tourism in Ghana began with the submission of the Obuam Committee report in 1972 (Asiedu, 1997; Teye, 1999), which classified potential resources for tourism as a basis for a five-year development plan (1972- 1977), whose implementation was short-lived. At this time the government issued a White Paper on Tourism, focussing on identified investment areas and tax concessions that could be accessed by foreign investors, advantaging them over Ghanaian investors. The emphasis would seem to have been on securing foreign direct investment as part of the process of modernisation, rather than to improve local people’s livelihoods through participatory tourism. Other significant policy and planning studies have been listed by Teye (1999:284), which include: i. a 15-year Plan (1975-1990) supported by the Danish Government’s financial and technical assistance to Ghana; ii. a United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) assessment of tourism planning and development and review of human resource requirement for the tourism sectors; iii. the identification of requirements for comprehensive tourism development by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID); and iv. a report on effective resource utilisation for tourism development by the United States International Executive Service Corps. Teye argues that, while these studies were funded and carried out by donor agencies to demonstrate the potential of developing tourism as a viable industry, successive governments did not implement the recommendations due to a number of reasons. Firstly, although Ghana has the potential to develop a viable tourist industry, the policy makers wanted a more comprehensive plan to guide long-term sustainable development. Secondly, the country lacked the local technical expertise required to implement the recommendations, caused by a lack of capacity building of personnel in the ministry and implementing organisations. Thirdly, the government lacked the financial capital to provide infrastructural facilities for designated tourism development zones, subsequently failing to attract private sector investment. Finally, the political will and general 99 enthusiasm amongst the populace to develop tourism was low. While efforts by the government to promote international tourism have been weak, the domestic tourism market has historically been limited as a large proportion of Ghanaians are poor and do not have the disposable income to enjoy tourism-related activities. The emphasis of tourism policy changed with implementation of the neoliberal policies of the Economic Recovery Programme (ERP) and later the SAP in the 1980s by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) regime (ROG, 1985; Asiedu, 1997). Firstly, the Investment Code (PNDC Law 116) that was promulgated listed tourism as one of the priority sectors for national development and the generation of foreign exchange earnings to address the shortfalls in the balance of payment. Secondly, the private sector (foreign investors and Ghanaians) was recognised as the ‘engine for growth’ and incentives were offered to invest in the tourism facilities such as hotels and restaurants. Thirdly, the hotels and catering rest houses, as explained in Section 5.2.1, were privatised and sold to foreign, Ghanaian and public organisations, which led to the collapse of the State Hotel Cooperation (SHC). Although a tourism policy was formulated in 1987 which streamlined the perceived overlapping functions of public tourism organisations, a further 3-year Medium-Term Tourism Plan (1993-1995) was prepared by the government for implementation (MOTT, 1993). The objective of the plan was to ‘provide guidelines for development of Ghana’s tourism industry over the next three years with a view to making the industry internationally competitive, maximizing economic benefits to the country and enhancing our social, cultural, natural and economic resources’ (ROG, 1996:33). Apart from the creation of a separate ministry for tourism in 1993, the medium term plan was not implemented, but replaced in 1996 with the 15-year National Tourism Development Plan (NTDP) for 1996-2010 (ROG, ibid.). The NTDP was prepared by the Government of Ghana with financial and technical assistance from the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). While the plan was formulated through wider consultative processes with public and private 100 sectors and traditional chiefs in some places (ROG, 1996:6), there was no indication that the wider groups in the local communities were involved in the planning process, suggesting the notion of social exclusion discussed in Section 2.4.2. The NTDP describes the tourism policy goal of Ghana as: ‘To develop tourism as a leading socio- economic sector of Ghana and make the country as a good quality, internationally competitive tourist destination, within the framework of maintaining its permanent sustainability’. (Ministry of Tourism, 1996:44) The goals of the policy framework are outlined as follows: i. Maximisation of foreign exchange earnings, employment, revenue and contribution to GDP to help raise the standard of living of Ghanaians in the urban and rural areas; ii. Promotion of government-led, private sector-driven and community-based tourism; iii. Promotion of international tourism, domestic and regional tourism; iv. Improvement of human resources through training and skills development; v. Development of tourism in a manner that helps conserves historical and cultural resources in a sustainable manner. The cultural aspect of tourism is reinforced in the National Cultural Policy as follows: ‘To enhance Ghanaian cultural life and develop cultural programmes to contribute to the nation’s human development and material progress through heritage preservation, conservation, promotion and the use of traditional and modern arts and crafts to create wealth and alleviate poverty’ (ROG, 2004:4) The NTDP has been criticised as being over-ambitious (Teye, 1999; Shaw, 2000) being conceived within an economic framework whose growth rates, as shown in Appendix 2, are unlikely to be achieved and cannot be sustained. Shaw (2000) notes that the NTDP was conceived in the absence of reliable data; negating the meaningful projections of tourism revenues, arrivals and GDP contributions. While the NTDP is criticised, its recommendations continue to frame tourism development priorities in Ghana. 101 5.3 Tourism’s Contribution to Poverty Reduction Tourism’s contribution to poverty reduction in Ghana is analysed quantitatively, and indirectly being an outcome of meeting macro-economic targets. The significance of tourism to the national economy is emphasised in the GPRS: ‘tourism currently accounts for almost 4 percent of GDP, and at the current grow rate of 12 percent, tourism has the potential of becoming Ghana’s main foreign exchange earner’ (ROG, 2005:38). However, the GPRS fails to identify how tourism can directly benefit the poor, beyond a reliance on ‘trickle-down’ theory inherent to neo-liberalism. Subsequently, in attempting to assess tourism’s contribution to poverty in Ghana it is necessary to review the wider macro- economic indicators of the success of tourism planning. (a) International Arrivals, Receipts and GDP Figure 5.2 shows the actual trends of international tourist arrival and receipts between 1994 and 2006, as well as projected figures for 2007 (GSS, 2006; GTB, 2007; Bank of Ghana, 2007). The Ghana Tourist Board (2007) notes that international tourist arrivals increased from the recorded figures of 271,310 in 1994 to 497,129 in 2006 while receipts increased from US$227.60 million to US$986.80 million during the period, suggesting that the achievement of one million tourists to generate US$1.5 billion, as in Appendix 2, is highly unlikely. 1600 1400 1200 ARRIVALS (IN 1000 -THOUSANDS) 800 --+-- RECEIPTS (IN US$MILLIONS) 600 400 200 0 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007* Figure 5.2: International tourism arrivals and receipts for Ghana: 1994- 2007 Source: Adapted from Ghana Tourist Board Statistics (2007) 102 While international receipts showed consistent growth, that of arrivals illustrated a decrease between 2005 and 2006 figures due to weak promotion of the Pan African Historical Festival (Panafest) and Emancipation Day. These events are held between the months of July and August, every other year and annually respectively, as international events that attract tourists from Ghana’s generating markets. The literature suggests that the upward trends in international tourism receipts can be attributed to inflationary trends in Ghana which make the Ghanaian currency cheaper, encouraging tourists to stay longer and spend more on goods and services in the country. In terms of market trends, Ghana has a high dependency on international tourism, as is shown in Figure 5.2 International arrivals have increased from 308,862 in 1996 to nearly One million in 2007. Emphasis is placed on source markets such as the United States of America and the United Kingdom, with many international tourists coming to Ghana for a variety of reasons, including visiting friends and relatives, exploring business opportunities and tracing their ancestral roots associated with the forts and castles built in Ghana as part of slavery and colonialism (Van Danzig, 1980; Anquandah, 1999). A key focal point is Elmina and diasporic tourism is very important to the Ghanaian economy, as is reflected in the Ministry’s title, i.e. the Ministry of Tourism and Diasporan Relations. Expressed in standard market segment of international tourist visitation, Figure 5.3 presents a breakdown of the purpose of visits by international tourists in 2005. The largest market segment is visiting friends and relatives (VFR) accounting for 26 percent, the business component at 22 percent and general holidays at 19 percent. Other purposes include conferences, studies, medical and transit. 103 Others 5% Transit Business 11% 22% Holiday Conference 19% 9% Study Medicals 7% 1% Visiting Relatives and Friends 26% Figure 5.3: International arrivals by purpose of visit to Ghana in 2005 Source: Adapted from Ghana Tourist Board (2006) Statistics on international tourist expenditure by category from 1996 to 2003 revealed that a large proportion of tourists’ spending in Ghana was on accommodation, accounting for 29.0 percent in 1996 and 31.3 percent in 2003 (GSS, 2006:14). This was followed by spending on entertainment, food and beverages, shopping and local transportation. It is suggested that expenditure patterns of tourists are influential in determining the economic impact of tourism. Several approaches to increase tourist expenditure were recommended in the 15-year NTDP for implementation by the government, including the provision of more tourist attractions, activities and shopping opportunities to encourage tourists to stay longer in the country (2006:231). While the sector ministry has constructed a number of visitor reception facilities, consisting of craft shops and eating places, at selected tourist sites in 22 local communities, there is no evidence to indicate that the economic impacts of these establishments is beneficial for the poor. (b) Tourism Facilities and Services Investment in tourist facilities has been analysed as a measure and indicator of the industry’s contribution toward providing opportunities for employment in 104 Ghana (ROG, 1996; GSS 2006; Akyeampong, 2007). There is evidence suggesting an overall expansion in a variety of tourist facilities, such as accommodation, restaurants and traditional caterings establishment (refer to Appendices 3, 4 and 5). For example, tourism accommodation has expanded in volume and quality, with the total stock of hotels having increased from 703 in 1996 to 1,405 in 2006, while the number of rooms increased from 10,232 to 19,967 over the same period. Increasing tourism arrivals and the organisation of conferences and seminars held outside the national and regional capitals by public and private organisations have led to a spatial spread of investment in large, medium and small scale tourism enterprises, particularly guest houses and hotels (GTB, 2007; Akyeampong, 2007). However, the spatial analysis of accommodation establishment indicates that its distribution remains highly skewed towards national and regional capitals, not necessarily because of their tourist and investment appeal but because of their administrative, commercial and industrial functions. However, a significant negative feature of accommodation stock is its low quality, with the majority of establishments being small-scale units, lacking proper accreditation and development facilities. Only 30 percent, out of the hotel accommodation, is in the 2- to 5-star category, accounting for about 10 percent of total room capacity, reflecting the need to upgrade the hotels to meet international standards (Akyeampong, 2007). The Ghana Tourist Board’s Annual Report for 2007 also suggests that improvement is required in the restaurant facilities as only a limited number of the establishments are of appreciable standards and licensed, as shown in Appendix 4. The evolving and flourishing tourist market has led to investment in facilities by Ghanaians and foreign entrepreneurs, as well as public sector organisations in the hotel market but their subsequent management by foreign firms suggests a lack of in-country management capability and propensity for economic leakages. 105 (c) Tourism Employment One of the specific objectives articulated by the government in its 15-year NTDP was the need to increase level of employment (ROG, 1996). The data in Table 5.1 shows that aggregate tourism employment increased from nearly 65,200 in 1996 to 161,500 in 2004, a real increase of nearly 100,000 jobs over a ten year period. While the statistics reveal a significant growth of tourism employment, they reflect jobs created only by the licensed tourist facilities by the GTB, excluding unlicensed tourism businesses including the curio sellers, chop bars, craft shops, and drinking bars. Nor do the statistics indicate the ratio of skilled to unskilled employment opportunities, permanent and casual employment, gender ratios or income levels. Given the importance of tourism for creating labour-intensive employment an in-depth study of tourism development in Elmina may help in providing a broader understanding of tourism’s role in the creation of employment opportunities for the poor. Table 5.1: Employment created by tourism in Ghana: 1996-2004 Year Direct (’000s) Indirect (’000s) Total (‘000s) Annual Change 1996 18.8 46.4 65.2 10.5 1997 20.8 51.3 72.1 10.6 1998 22.9 56.6 79.6 10.4 1999 25.4 62.6 87.9 10.4 2000 26.0 64.1 90.1 2.5 2001 29.3 72.5 101.8 13.0 2002 33.1 82.1 115.2 13.2 2003 37.3 90.4 127.7 10.9 2004 46.5 115.0 161.5 26.5 Source: Adapted from Ghana Tourist Board Data (2005) Outside the realm of officially collected statistics, the non-governmental Nature Resource Conservation Centre (NCRC) suggests that 140 direct and nearly 300 indirect jobs were created by its fourteen community-based tourism projects between 1995 and 2005 (NCRC, 2005). Employment opportunities for local people include tour guiding, security, receptionists, food vending and the sale of handicrafts. Local people participated in decision-making and had benefited from 106 monetary and non-monetary donations from tourists, acts of philanthropy, that have led to the construction of a borehole for clean water, a school and a supply of solar lights. 5.4 Key Challenges Affecting Tourism Development in Ghana Tourism development in Ghana is facing a number of challenges which threaten the industry’s continued development and achievement of the growth targets envisaged in the 15-year NTDP. As Shaw (2000) notes, Ghana is not an internationally competitive destination because of its high hotel tariffs and air fares to access it, especially evident in comparison to competing destinations such as Gambia and Senegal. Although there are several quality hotels, the majority are in the budget category and charge a high tariff, which does not encourage tourists to stay and spend money in the local communities. Ghana is not yet widely known as a tourist destination and international knowledge of its attractions is minimal (ROG, 1996:137). Although the African- American market is considered as its main market on the basis of its diasporic roots, there is no clearly defined marketing strategy to guide efforts to promote Ghana as a tourism destination. While Ghana is endowed with significant cultural attractions not much attention or resources have been allocated by the government for their development and interpretation. This lack of effective promotion impacts negatively on the tourism industry, characterised by low occupancy rates for the hotels and restaurants. The infrastructural framework for tourism investment has also been identified as being weak and in need of improvement (ROG, 1996:350). While the government is responsible for the provision of infrastructures, facilities are often not available, restricting opportunities for investment in tourism facilities. Additionally, the quality of social amenities such as water and electricity is far from satisfactory; for example, unreliable and irregular power outage and supplies of water have become a common hindrance to the operations of hotels (Akyeampong, 2007). Related to the lack of amenities is poor sanitation which often results from ineptitude and corruption on the part of public organisations, as well as apathy and indiscipline amongst residents. While public officials fail to provide drainage 107 and waste containers, residents litter and throw household refuse in the streets, contributing to the waste management problem. The human resource base in the public and private sectors also needs to be improved, with studies highlighting a dearth of well-trained and motivated staff available for employment in tourist facilities (ROG, 1996; Teye, 1999). The majority of tourism businesses are family-owned and managers do not realise the importance of good quality staff for customer satisfaction, often employing poorly trained workers who in turn render poor service for poor remuneration. Even though the Hotel, Catering and Tourism Training Institute (HOTCATT) has received government and donor agencies’ technical aid and equipment to provide training, its institutional capacity is still identified as being weak, and no higher diploma level hotel and tourism training institute exists. Although private tourism training institutions and some of the universities are providing courses in tourism, the fees are beyond the reach of many Ghanaians. Teye (1999) notes that Ghana’s post-independence period was characterised by political instability which saw the country being ruled by different military and civilian governments; hence tourism policy directions have been strongly influenced by the ideological thrust of the ruling government as discussed in Sections 5.2.1 and 5.2.2. He argues that political stability is a critical factor for sustainable development of tourism, as the continuity of policies can help create confidence among local and foreign investors whose investment capital is required to support tourism product development in the country. International tourism requires a sustained commitment to political stability and democratic governance which has been attained since 1992 in Ghana. Whilst there appears to be political stability, there exists a lack of adequate knowledge of tourism by the majority of Ghanaians (ROG, 1996:284). Similarly, Teye (1999) claims that the majority of the population do not have a clear understanding of what is involved in tourism policy planning, management and promotion; with no common acceptable term in local vernaculars existing for a ‘tourist’ or ‘tourism’. There would seem to be a subsequent need for tourism education to permit people to participate in the development process and create economic opportunities. 108 A further challenge to tourism development is inadequate resourcing by the government (ROG, 1996; Teye, 1999). As evidenced from the available data, Figure 5.4, although tourism is recognised as an economic sector, only GH¢4.04millions of the total national budget was allocated to the Ministry of Tourism, compared to the listed Agriculture and Energy Ministries which received GH¢87.10millions and GH¢567.98millions respectively in 2008. It needs to be explained here that, since July 2007, Ghana’s national currency and symbols have been changed by the Bank of Ghana from ‘Cedis’ (¢) and ‘Pesewas’ (P) to ‘Ghana Cedis’ (GH¢) and Ghana Pesewas (GP) respectively. As a result government’s budgetary allocations and transactions of goods and services are regulated by the Bank of Ghana approved exchange rates. Economic Sectors' Budget Allocation in 2008 (GH¢ IN MILLIONS) □ 22.81 4.04 87.1 □ 60.02 66.26 □ AGRICULTURE ■ LANDS AND FORESTRY □ ENERGY □ TRADE AND INDUSTRY ■ TOURISM AND DIASPORAN RELATIONS □ FISHERIES □ 567.98 Figure 5.4: Comparison of budget allocation between the tourism sector and other economic sectors in 2008 Source: Adapted from Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, Budgets Statement (2008) Thus, limited funding restricts the ability of the Ministry and its implementing agencies, including GTB and HOTCATT, to effectively undertake planning and marketing activities. Further, the failure of the government to establish a ‘Tourism Development Fund’, as proposed in the 15-year NTDP, has limited investment opportunities making it difficult for both the public and private sectors to develop and market Ghana as a major tourist destination. For example, the lack of 109 opportunity for local entrepreneurs to access credit facilities, explains why the majority of the hotels are in the budget category and offer poor quality facilities and services (Asiedu, 1997; Teye, 1999; Akyeampong, 2000). 5.5 Chapter Conclusion This chapter has traced the evolution of tourism development, its contribution to poverty reduction and associated challenges in Ghana. Tourism development in Ghana is strongly influenced by the thrust of neoliberal policies, premising the industry’s contribution to poverty reduction through measures of an increase in international tourism arrivals, foreign exchange earnings, employment and the stock of tourist facilities. Whilst the trend is for an increase in these indicators, there is an absence of research and understanding of the effect of these increases upon the poor. However, the NCRC has reported that their community- based projects have created livelihood and socio-economic opportunities for the local people. While the aim of the government policy is to increase tourism growth to tackle poverty, its continued development is challenged by: poor infrastructure and poor product development; untrained personnel and a lack of adequate human resources; weak government commitment to tourism; inadequate funding of public and private sector activities; and a lack of available funds for investment in tourism enterprises. 110 Chapter 6 Research Methodology 6.1 Introduction This chapter presents the methodology used to investigate the role of tourism in poverty reduction in Elmina. It justifies and explains the research philosophy, data collection methods and data analysis processes. Issues of research ethics, data reliability and researcher reflexivity are also discussed and evaluated. 6.2 Philosophy of the Research The philosophical underpinnings of the research are examined in this section, framed in the debate of competing paradigms of ‘interpretivism’ vis-à-vis ‘positivism’. The primary reason for utilising the interpretative paradigm is that the key issue to this investigation is the interpretation of how poor people in Elmina perceive the use of tourism to enhance their livelihood opportunities and well- being. Emphasis is therefore placed on locating the researcher in the field, focusing on interpretative material practices and representations including field notes, interviews, photographs and recordings, in an attempt to gain access to local people’s understandings of the tourism and poverty relationship. 6.2.1 Moving beyond Positivism to Interpretivism This study is central in the interpretive and ‘qualitative research’ paradigm, which has emerged and gained acceptance in social research, over recent decades (Lincoln and Guba, 1985; Guba and Lincoln, 1994; Riley and Love, 2000). Positivism has traditionally dominated the field of social science research, emphasising that the world is independent and unaffected by the researcher, making it possible to conduct objective and value-free enquiry to understand causal relationships. The positivist paradigm subsequently employs methods largely associated with the natural sciences, such as hypothesis testing, quantitative methods, with cause-and-effect explanations being held as 111 fundamental for investigation of social phenomena (May, 1993; Silverman, 1993; Bryman, 2004; Phillimore and Goodson, 2004). When applied to tourism, a positivist paradigm emphasises causal relationships, in an ontological perspective that favours the uncovering of the ‘universal law’ and ‘truth’ of tourism. Positivists employ deductive and quantitative methodological approaches to collect data, using a variety of techniques including questionnaires and mathematical formulae as the basis for achieving ‘objectivity’. However, the positivistic paradigm is criticised by non-positivist proponents because, while it is a causative approach, it overlooks the ‘meaning’ and priorities people attach to their behaviours (Lincoln and Guba, 1985). As Guba comments, ‘positivists contend that there is reality out there to be studied, captured and understood, whereas the post-positivists argue that reality can never be fully apprehended, only approximated’ (Guba, 1990:22). The weaknesses identified in methodological research, centred in a positivist paradigm in tourism, have encouraged researchers to call for the adoption of post-positivism modes of inquiry (Burrell and Morgan, 1979; Riley and Love, 2000; Jamal and Hollinshead, 2001; Phillimore and Goodson, 2004; Hollinshead, 2006; Hollinshead and Jamal, 2007). Riley and Love (2000) observe that researchers are questioning positivist research because it cannot fully address questions of understanding and meaning, nor does it permit the researcher to produce interpretive and reflective accounts of tourism behaviour and events in their natural settings. Similarly, Hollinshead (2006) observes the widening research paradigm options in tourism studies and the shift towards constructivism and interpretivism approaches within the human and cultural sciences. Hollinshead notes that although these approaches may lack the rudiments of conventional positivist approaches, they are relevant for ‘mapping the kind of contesting and changing realities of the differing mixed social and mixed cultural settings which are increasingly encompassed in encounters in tourism and travel’ (Hollinshead, 2006:43). He therefore advocates a requirement for richer and wider options that allow the researcher to explore and inspect many patterns of ideas in human inquiry. 112 The rationale for employing the interpretivist paradigm is that this study is not concerned with analysing a ‘cause-and-effect’ relationship associated with poverty and tourism, but is concerned with the perceptions and meanings that local people attach to their participation or non-participation in tourism in Elmina. The post-positivist character of this research is also influenced by its ontological and epistemological considerations. The different ontological issues within which understandings of poverty and tourism are located include: interpretations; participation; empowerment; barriers; and social and economic and cultural practices. The epistemological position of this research, given the complexity of the inter-relationship that characterises the tourism-poverty nexus, favours trans- disciplinary theoretical and conceptual frameworks. Associated with trans-disciplinary frameworks, is that for the people of Elmina poverty may have multiple realities, understandings and interpretations. The emphasis is placed upon ‘multiple realities’ and ‘subjective epistemology’; i.e., the knower and subject create understandings of the phenomenon. Denzin and Lincoln (2005:22) go further, stating that all research is interpretive, encompassing a framework of ontology (what is the nature of reality?), epistemology (what is the relationship between the enquirer and the known), and methodology (how do we gain knowledge?). Jamal and Hollinshead (2001:67) argue that ‘interpretative’ is a broader term, and explain ‘interpretive research’ as using ‘qualitative methods and tools that focus on interpreting, i.e., analysing the meaning and constructions of various texts such as participant narratives, media constructions, socio-historical and political discourse.’ They argue that there is a departure from ‘static, quantitatively measurable knowledge towards a focus on understanding and expressing that aspect of being which is dynamic, experienced and elusive of the positivist researcher.’ In order to achieve ‘Verstehen’, a Weberian notion of understanding, the researcher is obliged to enter the dynamic social setting in order to interact and comprehend the meanings and knowledge as perceived by the respondents and participants (Jennings, 2001). Subsequently, this research necessitates fieldwork based on participatory research with stakeholders in Elmina. 113 The rationale for using the interpretive research philosophy in this study is re- inforced by the need to gain an emic (insider) understanding of issues of tourism and poverty through interaction with the research participants in Elmina; and secondly, to further knowledge of the interrelatedness of different aspects of stakeholders’ roles and perceptions of significance of tourism in poverty reduction in Elmina. Despite the advantage of interpretive research, it is criticised on the basis that the relationship between the researcher and respondents is subjective rather than objective (Bryman, 2004). However, the researcher can overcome this criticism by utilising different methods of qualitative data collection, sources of data and analyses, helping to ensure the validity of the data (Finn et al., 2000; Jennings, 2001). This is the approach I have taken, as is discussed in the next section. 6.3 Qualitative Methodological Approaches As has been stated, this research is based on people’s experience, understandings, perceptions and emotions of poverty. This is the kind of information that Walliman (2006) criticises quantitative methods as being unable to unlock, as they cannot be reduced to numbers. He argues that words cannot be manipulated by techniques of statistical analysis and reinforces the need for the use of qualitative methods in the study of human beings and societies, based on identifying, understanding and interpreting ideas, meanings and daily activities. In the view of Denzin and Lincoln (2005), qualitative research is multi-method in focus and character, involving the collection of data that describes tacit knowledge and meanings of an individual in his/her natural setting. For qualitative research to be interpretative, scientific values such as ‘reflexivity’ and ‘trustworthiness’ need to replace ‘objectivity’, ‘validity’ and ‘generalisability’, which are features characterising positivism (Tobin and Begley, 2004). The advantages of qualitative research for this study can be summarised as: (i) the context and associated interactions of natural surroundings are crucial because they influence the meanings and understandings of respondents or interviewees being studied; (ii) the researcher focuses on interactions that allow inductive analysis to be employed and multiple realities obtained through tacit understanding; and (iii) the 114 research design emerges to accommodate realities that cannot be predicted a priori, because findings or outcomes are negotiated with potential respondents who interpret their realities in different ways, which may have consequences for poverty reduction and tourism development policies. That the meaning of poverty is likely to have multiple realities is emphasised by the definition and measurement of poverty, development and tourism, all of which are variable and contestable, as explained in the literature review. These phenomena include wider dimensions of physiological and social deprivations, involving human actions and inactions that are influenced by a range of social and economic factors. The traditional approach of attempting to measure poverty has subsequent limitations as emphasised by Chambers (1997) and Lister (2004), who argue that when complex realities of local people are simplified and reduced to numbers based on the measurement of poverty lines, the multiple realities and priorities of the poor are not addressed. For example, Chambers’ (1997) research works in Asia reveal that local people’s understandings and meanings of development problems and solutions invariably tend to be at variance with the views of ‘experts’ and policy makers. The selection of qualitative research for this study can be justified by the complexity of dimensions inherent in the poverty and tourism relationship. The arguments for the use of qualitative research techniques include: i. enhancing the understanding of the multiple realities of poverty and tourism dynamics from stakeholders perspectives; ii. stressing an emic view, a ‘thick description’, encompassing open-ended and multiple perspectives, which can be produced from local situations and natural settings through interpretive, tacit knowledge, exploring the multiple perspectives and meanings people give to poverty and tourism; iii. overcoming some of the limitations associated with quantitative methods which underlie poverty and tourism policies in Ghana; iv. employing an inductive approach amongst people who experience social exclusion, attempting to provide an in-depth understanding of the social setting of research participants by learning about their socio-economic and material circumstances, their experiences and perspectives; and v. the gathering of data that is very detailed, information-rich and extensive. 115 6.4 Sampling Techniques and Criteria As explained in Section 1.5, Elmina in Ghana was chosen as the field study area, a location where tourism is being developed to help tackle poverty. Elmina is not a homogeneous local community but comprises diverse groups with different demographic backgrounds based on criteria of occupation, gender and level of involvement in matters concerning socio-cultural, political and economic issues. Other stakeholders who are not residents but influence tourism development in Elmina are tourists, the private sector, donor agencies and government officials. The sampling techniques chosen in the selection of interviewees amongst the different stakeholder groups were ‘purposive’ and ‘snowballing’ for both the pilot sample and fieldwork. 6.4.1 Purposive Technique The purposive sampling technique was chosen to identify a sample of interviewees whose knowledge the researcher used to help to determine who or what issues were the most appropriate for inclusion in the study (Russell- Bernard, 2000; Walliman, 2006). The sample was based upon interviewees who have local knowledge and experience in poverty and tourism issues in Elmina. The technique was utilised to select potential interviewees amongst government officials, donor agencies, traditional authorities, fishermen and fishmongers associations and managers of hotels. The purposive sampling was useful in identifying people who were interested in the study, with some of them giving the researcher photographs, diaries and documents to illustrates the points raised during the interviews, emphasising some of the merits associated with qualitative research (Denzin and Lincoln, 2005; Walliman, 2006). However, purposive sampling has drawbacks including its being a difficult process that is time- consuming, sometimes involving a high financial cost as experienced by the researcher during the field work. 6.4.2 Snowballing Technique The ‘Snowballing’ technique also has advantages in helping to identify a sample of local people in Elmina to take part in this study. As a non-probability sampling 116 method, it is used in situations where it is difficult to identify potential interviewees because of the nature of the formal and informal ‘networks’ in the study area. This technique has been used by social scientists in tourism studies (Bryman, 2004; Bruner, 1996), for example Bruner’s (1996) ethnographic of case study of Elmina and Cape Coast Castles used snowballing to overcome the difficulty of identification and access to key interviewees. Similarly, Nyanzi et al.’s (2005) study of the sexual relationships of Gambian beach boys employed the snowballing technique to identify immigrants, ‘bumsters’, traders and craft-sellers and workers willing to participate in the study. The rationale for using the snowballing technique in this study was to gain access to people who were not easily identified and/or could not be contacted because the researcher does not live in the field research area. Therefore, the researcher initiated contact with people in Elmina to identify stakeholder groups and interviewees to participate in the study. However, the snowballing technique is criticised because it is very unlikely that the sample will be representative of the population, and because it can be a slow and difficult process that relies on introductions by friends, families and people with interests in the research area (Bryman, 2004). A combination of snowballing and purposive techniques may help the researcher to overcome the potential limitations of each (Nyanzi et al., 2005). However, a snowball technique is useful because it allows the researcher to develop informal relationships and gain access to the marginalised and socially excluded people whose interpretations and meanings are highly relevant to issues on poverty and tourism in Elmina. 6.4.3 Sampling Criteria Two principal sampling criteria were devised by the researcher to select interviewees from the stakeholder groups for inclusion in the research sample: i. the activities of the key stakeholder groups should impinge directly and/or indirectly on tourism development in Elmina. As discussed in Section 1.5.4, tourism programmes in Elmina were initiated and funded by the government and donor agencies, resulting in an increase in tourist arrivals and establishment of a variety of businesses, e.g. hotels and restaurants. The 117 rationale for the specification of stakeholders was that government, donor agencies, tourists, local people and owners of tourism establishment have an interest in the growth of tourism in this field study area; and ii. there were stakeholders such as the ‘Castle Boys’, fishermen and fishmongers who may have been marginalised or excluded from participation in the industry. In this context, it was important that their ‘voice’ and views were taken into account, which could only be achieved through a participatory process model that was both practical and realistic. As Bishop (2005) notes meanings are grounded in, and constructed through discourses when the marginalised are given ‘voices’ in the research process. The meanings are further negotiated and co-constructed between the research participants within the cultural framework which presents a ‘thick’ description, collection of ‘rich’ data and multiple realities of the issues being investigated. 6.5 Data Collection Methods As discussed in Section 6.3, the qualitative approach employs multiple methods that allow complex and dynamic lived experiences to be understood from the perspective of those who are affected by poverty and tourism policies. The variety of qualitative techniques that have been triangulated to collect primary data in several interpretive research studies include participatory rapid appraisal, unstructured interviews, semi-structured interviews, focus groups and participant observation. Research in tourism uses data collection methods such as unstructured interviews, also termed ‘in-depth’ or ‘conversation’ (Jennings, 2001) and semi-structured interviews (Bruner, 1996), to understand the views of local people in tourism communities. Participant observation has also been utilised in tourism research in communities where tourism has been recently introduced to the local people (Cole, 2007). Using interviews in this research has several potential advantages over other data collection techniques such as questionnaires and surveys, allowing the researcher to engage the interviewees in interactions to establish a rapport (Patton, 1990), giving ‘voice’ to the research participants as a pathway to obtain negotiated meanings (Guba and Lincoln, 2005; Bishop, 2005). During the course 118 of the research the interviews also become a process of personal reflection for the researcher and interviewees alike, as both become aware of their relationship with socio-economic settings that they did not know, or at least were not aware of, before the interviews. The appropriateness of the selected data collection methods to the research objectives are presented in Appendix 6. In the next section, the data collection methods and rationale for using them are given. 6.5.1 Unstructured Interviewing The unstructured, or in-depth, interview exemplifies a conversation between the researcher and the interviewees, without the former dominating the exchange while eliciting the views of the latter (May, 1997). There is no formal interview schedule but the research starts with an open-ended question initiated by a conversation and subsequent probing for ideas about the themes and issues relevant to the study. The interaction between the interviewer and interviewees is fluid and, in combination with participant observation, adds to the richness of the data collected (Jennings, 2001). The conversation can be taped-recorded or written in field notes and later transcribed. The rationale for using unstructured interviews was to develop a relationship of mutual trust between the author and the interviewees, particularly since the interviews were not pre-planned or limited by time constraints. In addition, the researcher was wary of engaging with tourists at attraction sites in Ghana who might not want to be distracted from the purpose of their visit. However, the unstructured interview is criticised for being difficult to extrapolate to a wider population, time-consuming and requiring that the researcher listen attentively to the interviewees in order to minimise bias. The justification for using the unstructured interview is reinforced by the several additional advantages embedded in the technique as presented in Appendix 7, which also highlights its weaknesses and solutions to overcome them. 119 6.5.2 Semi-Structured Interviewing A semi-structured interview is a hybrid of the structured and unstructured interviews that allows the researcher to ask a list of open-ended questions without following a particular sequence (May, 1997; Jordan and Gibson, 2004). Further, semi-structured interviews are flexible and the interaction between the researcher and the interviewees is often fluid in nature. Nonetheless, semi- structured interviews are criticised because they often produce different results that reduce the comparability of data. However, a combination of the technique with a focus group can enable the researcher to mitigate the potential weaknesses. As Jennings (2001) observes, semi-structured interviews are employed in quantitative research, but are generally used in qualitative studies permitting multiple realities to be determined as the interview process does not constrain the interviewer to follow a particular process of interviewing. The rationale for using this method was to obtain ‘rich’ data and generate ‘thick’ descriptions of meanings and understandings from different stakeholders’ perspectives. Thus, the different stakeholders could be given a voice and their perspectives possibly identified from the interactive interviewing process. This aspect was significant in this study, because many of the interviewees were illiterate and innumerate, thus making the interview a sensitive and complex process as the researcher had to pose questions and explain them in the local dialect. The justification for using semi-structured interviews was reinforced by its several strengths, while the ways in which its weaknesses and solutions were overcome are presented in Appendix 8. 6.5.3 Focus Groups Focus groups generate discussion amongst participants, particularly those from different demographic backgrounds, who may have diverse interests and roles concerning the phenomenon being studied (Patton, 1990). The use of focus groups is recognised in qualitative tourism research and participatory approaches as a way of understanding views, attitudes and opinions. They promote knowledge-sharing, cross-checking, and a reversal of roles whereby the 120 participants rather than the researcher lead the process of discussion. Significantly for this research, focus groups can be used when the researcher expects that the interaction between participants will give voice to the marginalised or excluded, enriching the data collected. The researcher can obtain data based on diverse lived experiences and tacit knowledge of interviewees through the process of group questioning, clarification and discussion. The typical size of focus groups is usually between six and eight (Patton, 1990:335) or between six and ten people (Bryman, 2001:349). A danger of larger focus groups is that some participants become passive and marginalised because a few influential stakeholders tend to be vocal and dominate the interactions. The rationale for using focus groups in this research was to discuss themes emerging from the unstructured and semi-structured interviews and to give a voice to local groups who appeared marginalised and excluded in the research field. This allowed the researcher to collect data from both formalised groups and a cross-section of groups through dialogues, e.g. fishmongers and the Castle Boys (unemployed). The justifications for using focus groups in this research were buttressed by the identified strengths and solutions to overcome any weaknesses as presented in Appendix 9. 6.5.4 Participant Observation Participant observation was employed in this study to enable the researcher to become immersed in the social setting, systematically noting and recording the behaviour of participants in their local surroundings. Participant observation is described and categorised in a variety of ways by social scientists, with Jennings (2001:169) identifying several types of participant observation employed by social scientists in qualitative inquiry, including being a ‘complete observer’, the ‘observer as participant’, the ‘participant as observer’ and the ‘complete participant’. Gan (1982 cited in Jennings, 2001:169-170) distinguishes three roles: the total researcher, the researcher participant; and total participant. However, Spradley (1980:60) identifies four main types of participant observation: (i) passive participant (where the fieldworker is present at the scene or event but 121 does not participate or interact with other people to any great extent); (ii) moderate participant (the fieldworker maintains a balance between being an insider and outsider); (iii) active participant (the fieldworker is partially immersed in the situation; (iv) complete participant (the fieldworker is immersed in the events). However, it is difficult to state categorically that during the fieldwork the researcher will be ‘one’ or the ‘other’ as the roles are not static and pre- determined in qualitative inquiry, but are prone to fluidity and determined by the social setting of the research. Spradley (1980) views the significance of participant observation as enabling the researcher to describe events and objects in a factual and accurate manner, unlike other qualitative techniques such as unstructured and semi-structured interviews. However, participant observation is difficult and complex because the researcher has to select between using ‘overt’ or ‘covert’ ways to record information. It was therefore important to consider the purpose of the study and the need to deepen understanding of meanings given by the interviewees, as well as to compare data collected based on other techniques. The rationale for using participant observation in this research was to gain direct access to events as they occurred in their social setting. Hence, this study used participant observation to complement the interviews and focus groups techniques. Through observation the researcher clearly gained an insight into the meaning and understanding of interactions between local people and tourists and also described some of the problems and conflicts. Furthermore, participant observation was an integral part of the pilot phase of the fieldwork in order to minimise potential biases. For example, it included frequent visits to the local community, verification of information, undertaking guided tours to the castles as a tourist, patronising local chop bars (local eating places) and drinking bars to familiarise himself with the local setting. Thus the aim of seeking clarification and cross-checking data was to reflect on actual and factual information and not what the researcher perceived to have happened. The justification for using participant observation was reinforced by its several strengths, while solutions to overcome the identified weaknesses are presented in Appendix 10. 122 6.6 Participatory Rural Appraisal As discussed in Sections 2.4.3 and 2.7, participatory development approaches are significant ways of identifying how local people define and measure poverty (Chamber, 1997) and sustainable livelihoods (Krantz, 2001). Two participatory approaches used by qualitative researchers are Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) and Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA). The Rapid Rural Appraisals approach is associated with the positivist paradigm and emphasises extractive and deductive methods of data collection in a rapid manner, being characterised by fewer interactions between the researchers and respondents. Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) is employed in this study because it emphasises the interpretive philosophical approach. While PRA encompasses many of the methods used in this study, unstructured, semi-structured, focus groups and participant observation, it is recognised as a specific method because of the priority it gives to participatory (socially inclusive) data collection. While it promotes face-to-face interactions it enhances the sharing of information and empowerment of the local people involved in the study. Although the data collected for this thesis was not done in a way that was particularly rapid, in order to allow long-term participation within the study groups, it fits into the generally accepted recognition of PRA in several ways. What is of importance is the accepted recognition of PRA as a holistic, socially inclusive and interactive tool which reverses the role and power of the researcher while giving voice to the poor. The context was relevant to the study because a wide range of ‘rich’ data was required, thus involving lengthy interaction with the participants and sharing of knowledge. The PRA tools employed in the study included the use of oral history, photos, diaries and stories as exemplified in the data collection processes during the pilot study and main fieldwork. 6.7 Secondary Data Secondary data, as Denscombe (1998) suggests, has a high rate of accessibility and information can be usually obtained without much delay, typically subject to limited authorisation procedures. In this study, secondary data was obtained from a variety of sources including academic books; journals articles; newspapers; 123 government publications (e.g. development plans and policies); unpublished papers; photographs; maps; and official correspondence. The sources proved useful for establishing the climate that existed in the tourism industry and the wider economy during the period of this study. For example, general information on poverty and tourism trends was extracted from official documents and websites for comparisons and updates of data. The National Tourism Plan (1996- 2010) of the then Ministry of Tourism, publications of the Ghana Tourism Board and Ghana Statistical Service were useful sources of information on poverty and tourism in Ghana. 6.8 Principles of Data Collection Bricoleurship and triangulation are two central principles underlying the data collection in this research study. Both bricoleurship and triangulation are qualitative research approaches embedded in the interpretive paradigm (Denzin and Lincoln, 2005). The principles and rationales for using bricoleurship and triangulation are discussed in the following sections. 6.8.1 Bricoleurship Bricoleur, as Kincheloe (2001:680) notes, is a French word that describes a ‘handyman or handywoman who makes uses of the tools available to complete a task’. In the context of interpretive methodological inquiry, the term bricoleur describes a qualitative researcher using multiple methods and perspectives to collect and analyse data. Thus, bricoleurs recognise the limitations of single methods when investigating dynamic and complex phenomena, but their aim is to seek a rigour that alerts them to in-depth understanding and meanings from the perspectives of the respondents. The rationale for integrating principles of bricoleurship in this research is to avoid one-sided reductionism, by using the interpretive paradigm to learn a variety of ways of seeing and interpreting in the pursuit of knowledge (Hollinshead, 1996; Kincheloe, 2005). The principle of being a bricoleur integrates with the multiple methods and interpretive philosophical paradigm employed in this research 124 inquiry. Hence, the bricoleur emphasis on rigour connects with poverty and tourism which are multi-dimensional in nature and may be better analysed from multi-perspectives. As Hollinshead (1996:73) suggests, ‘let tourism/travel research of all kinds locate the multiple and subjugated voices of the world.’ As a bricoleur, this researcher will produce a bricolage, triangulating methods and using empirical materials at hand to piece together a set of representations that are fitted to the specifics of a complex situation. The identified strengths and solutions proposed by the researcher in response to the identified weakness are listed in Appendix 11. 6.8.2 Triangulation In this research, methodological triangulation is utilised as opposed to the process of ‘crystallisation’. Although social scientists argue that crystallisation concentrates on quality and depth of multiple themes and perspectives, it is also recognised as being more cumbersome and time-consuming approach (Richardson, 2000). Additionally, as a workable technique, the concept of crystallisation has not been widely used in qualitative research, neither have examples of its operation and integration in tourism studies been extensively published. Triangulation has become an important encompassing methodological practice in qualitative research to help evaluate, minimise bias and improve the quality of data and social research (Denzin and Lincoln, 2005). Triangulation helps to ensure data reliability and is one means of acquiring a wider acceptability of research results. Denzin (1987 cited in Jennings, 2001:151), identifies four types of triangulation: data triangulation; investigator triangulation; theory triangulation and methodological triangulation. In this study, data triangulation was employed to enable the researcher to draw on several sources of data, i.e. the use of journals, library books and annual reports. Theory triangulation also entailed the use of several theories, concepts, and perspectives from the tourism and poverty literature to analyse data; for example, tourism and poverty concepts. Method triangulation, as used in the study, involved using multiple methods to collected data on poverty and tourism; for example, unstructured interviews, semi- 125 structured interviews, participant observation, focus groups and participant rural appraisal. Whilst the use of triangulation in tourism research has led to wider acceptance of research findings by both academics and policy makers (Decrop, 1999), it is also criticised because of the combination of different methods, which can be cumbersome to use, and because the findings can be inconsistent. Nevertheless, Denzin (1987 cited in Jennings, 2001:151) notes that triangulation is utilised because there is no single method that adequately ensures data reliability, hence there is a need to employ multiple methods. Subsequently, triangulation was employed in this research in order to provide an in-depth understanding of tourism’s role in tackling poverty from different perspectives, attempting to reflect multiple and diverse realities. By utilising triangulation, the researcher was able to combine several methods to collect data from different sources as described in Chapter 7. Triangulation allowed the researcher to cross-check research findings in order to ensure consistency, whilst a single method would not have reflected the actual presentation of issues in this study. The use of triangulation of methods provided flexibility in data collection from different interviewees’ perspectives and aids the securing of ‘rich’ data and trustworthiness of the research findings. 6.9 Ethical Considerations Ethical considerations are considered crucial in the conduct of social research (Gaglio et al., 2006; Giordano et al., 2007) and researchers have become increasingly mindful of ethical considerations in tourism studies (Nyanzi et al., 2008). Typical ethical issues in tourism studies and social science research include, as Bryman (2004) suggests, the requirement for researchers to seek the consent of the respondents and to ensure that their studies do not have any harmful effects. In addition, the privacy and anonymity of the respondents should be respected and they should not be deceived about the rationale for the study. Alongside the generic ethical considerations of social science research, there is also a requirement to consider the cultural practices, values and beliefs of the 126 people in Elmina, as well as Ghanaian ethical conduct in respect to traditional customs, religion and political sensitivities. Extra significance is lent to ethical consideration in this study because of the effects of ‘poverty’ upon the lives of interviewees and their understandings of the phenomenon. Given the ethical considerations of culture and the poverty issue, the author also a Ghanaian, made constant efforts to ensure the sensitivity and adhere to the traditional values of all the respondents from whatever background. In all cases, the confidentiality of information and autonomy of respondents was ensured, whilst the need to establish a rapport and a reciprocal relationship with the respondents was effected. In respecting cultural traditions, the researcher established a rapport with leaders and their community members in general. Respondents were given the choice to participate and to withdraw at any time from the research without explaining their reasons. Some of those approached refused to participate in the study. A token of appreciation for the effort of participation is a cultural practice in the study area, and money and refreshments were given by the researcher in an effort to encourage participation and to thank participants for their contribution. Attention was given to the appropriateness of these tokens during the pilot and main fieldwork, given the sensitivity of traditional values, and with the aim of avoiding any misconstruing of them as some kind of bribe. 6.10 Matters of Reliability, Validity and Trustworthiness The notions of ‘reliability’, ‘validity’ and ‘trustworthiness’ of data are important issues in social science research because of the different philosophical and methodological approaches that may be adopted to investigate human activity (Lincoln and Guba, 1985; Decorp, 1999). Saukko (2005) stresses the significance of validity and reliability in culturally related studies, since the issues tend to be interwoven in philosophical discourses that mediate human experiences and realities within historical, social and political structures of power. This is relevant in the context of Elmina where the inter-play of political and traditional systems influence the daily lives of the people, as described in Section 1.5.2. 127 Validity relates to whether the research study accurately explains what it aims to achieve and the appropriateness of the methods to the research question. Validity also concerns how the data is interpreted in terms of its ‘objectivity’ or ‘subjectivity’; that is, the researcher should demonstrate that the results are not his/her own invention. Although the notion of validity is rooted in the positivist paradigm, and some researchers argue that validity is not applicable to a qualitative approach, for issues of acceptance of the results to a wider audience there is a requirement to be able to demonstrate their validity. Closely associated to validity is the notion of ‘trustworthiness’, which in the view of Decrop (1999:5) a: ‘tourist researcher must not only be conscious of the criteria which make a qualitative study trustworthy, but s/he has to implement them.’ Lincoln and Guba (1985) suggest four basic criteria of trustworthiness that parallel the traditional positivistic paradigm for authenticating the validity and reliability of research findings. The four criteria can be explained in the following ways: (i) ‘Credibility’ relates to the truthfulness of the findings based upon prolonged engagement, persistent observation, peer debriefing and triangulation; (ii) ‘Transferability’ explains the extent to which the findings can be applicable to another setting based on the ‘thick’ descriptions of human activity being studied; (iii) ‘Dependability’ focuses on whether the findings are applicable and reproducible; and (iv) Confirmability addresses the findings of the research with regard to their support from the data. The way trustworthiness is established in this research, in the context of Lincoln’s and Guba’s (1985) typology is outlined in Table 6.1. Lincoln’s and Guba’s (1985) typology of trustworthiness is relevant to issues of poverty and tourism research because of the need to produce ‘thick’ descriptions that reflect multiple realities. This view is further strengthened by Jamal and Hollinshead’s (2001:74) observation that ‘much of the current preoccupation in tourism is with the culture of consumption (of facilities, service and experiences) rather than its production’. Jamal and Hollinshead therefore suggest the need for researchers to take into account both locality and local knowledge as significant considerations in interpretive research inquiry. 128 Table 6.1: Ensuring trustworthiness in this research study Criteria for Techniques for Enhancing trustworthiness in this study trustworthiness enhancing trustworthiness Credibility Triangulation The findings are based on triangulation of data, methods and theories to cross-check data and subsequent analysis. Transferability Thick description The generation of ‘rich’ description to be conducted by demonstrating the bricoleurship to data collection and its thematic analysis. Dependability Auditing The audit approach entails keeping complete records of all phases of the research process e.g. problem formulation, selection of participants, field notes, dates, time of interviews, transcribing and data analysis. Peers of the researcher will act as auditors. Confirmability Audit approach Consists of handwritten field notes, recorded interviews and transcribed data. The reflexive The reflexive journal emphasising methodological journal and personal logs to observe confirmability. Source: Adapted from Lincoln and Guba (1985) 6.11 Researcher Reflexivity and Access Whilst reflexivity is significant to qualitative research, it has no unanimous definition (Freshwater, 2001; Denzin and Lincoln, 2005; Davies, et al., 2004), but can be understood as a process in which a researcher engages in a process of self-analysis and self-disclosure concerning how inter-subjective elements and him/herself ‘impact on data collection and analysis in an effort to enhance the trustworthiness, transparency and accountability’ (Finlay, 2002:211) of the research. This includes awareness of the wider complex and dynamic relations of society that may consciously and/or unconsciously influence the research. It also reflects an awareness of the researcher’s role in knowledge construction, both ‘formalised’ as in laws and institutions, and ‘informalised’ as in socio-cultural values and traditions which underscore the researched experiences. Thus, researchers need to declare their values, positions and interest in the research since they are central figures who can influence both implicitly and explicitly the collection, selection and interpretation of data. This is because meanings tend to be negotiated within socio-cultural contexts, making the research result a joint 129 product of the researcher and the researched, through their interactive relationship. Flood (1999) states that ‘without some degree of reflexivity, any research is blind and without purpose’ (cited in Finlay, 2002:209), thus it is argued personal reflexivity is an important process that allows the researcher to reflect on how his/her personal interest and values affect the research. This needs to be carefully documented, limitations highlighted and diverse perspectives outlined, to enable other researchers assess the quality of the research. As a result, the research process is made transparent and the personal experience brought into the public space and discourse for scrutiny and verifiability of the knowledge (Finlay, 2002). Finlay (ibid.) observes that a particular strength of the researcher’s reflexivity account is the recognition of multiple, shifting researcher-participant positions in the social setting, which offers the opportunity to utilise experiential accounts within a theoretical framework about the social construction of power. Undertaking fieldwork in any circumstance is prone to a wide range of problems and bias, on the part of both the researcher and people being studied. These include: language; socio-cultural norms; political and power balances; access and entry into the selected study group in ways that may influence the data collected, issues of being ‘emic’ and ‘etic’. Further, the researcher’s identity as a government official often raised additional issues and questions of independence, trust and usage of the results. The need to provide a wholly reflective account was problematic as the researcher influenced, and was also influenced by the respondents, subsequently having to negotiate endless self-analysis and self- disclosure. The challenge was for the researcher to find a way of overcoming these constraints as part of the process of ensuring the integrity and affirming the validity of the research. The researcher is a stakeholder in Ghana’s tourism industry. He was born in Ghana, and educated both there and in Europe. For two decades, the researcher worked in various senior management positions with a wide range of responsibilities in tourism policy planning, budgeting, monitoring and evaluation, as well as travelling extensively within the country and abroad on missions related to tourism development. The researcher’s interest in exploring the nexus 130 between tourism and poverty stems from the Government’s Poverty Reduction Strategy (ROG, 2002) and Tourism Development Plans (ROG, 1996), which seek to use tourism as a vehicle for poverty reduction in local communities that are endowed with tourism resource potential. The involvement of donor agencies and funding of two major tourism programmes in Elmina heightened the researcher’s interest in investigating more closely the relationship between tourism and poverty reduction. The researcher has the advantage of understanding the dual administrative systems, i.e., government versus traditional systems, and detailed knowledge of the study area. He works in the Ministry of Tourism and Diasporan Relations in Ghana and has professional relationships with government officials and private sector practitioners. Therefore, he utilised these contacts to gain access to respondents who provided relevant information pertaining to the research. Having these contacts was advantageous; however, they also raise fundamental methodological questions about the researcher’s own possible biases and values which could subjectively impact on this study. Local people in Elmina have their beliefs, values and institution of chieftaincy which are integral to their way of life. The traditional authority is the custodian of this community including the land and its people. Anthropologically, it would be improper to research in the chief’s town without a proper and customary ‘greeting’ by presenting ‘drinks’ and being introduced. The offering of drinks is not about influencing information that may be provided to the researcher, but a way of showing respect and honour to the traditional ‘owner’ of the local community. Thus, being a government official gave the research a bias which could affect the study in a way that may have been different for an ‘ordinary’ non-initiated researcher. Unexpected were the reactions of some informants, whom knowing the identity of the researcher led them to feel that their personal and community problems could be addressed immediately and/or passed onto the government. In order to mitigate biases the researcher was careful and did not knowingly interfere in any way with the economic, social and political norms and networks that existed in the study area. This was particularly important, as the different 131 stakeholders who participated in the study had diverse interests and roles which impact upon poverty and tourism development. 6.12 Chapter Conclusion This chapter has discussed the methodology used in this research to investigate the role of tourism in poverty reduction in Elmina, justifying the philosophical underpinnings for the data collection methods and analysis procedures. Issues of research ethics, data reliability and researcher reflexivity have also been discussed and evaluated. This study is therefore located in the interpretive paradigm, an approach that attempts to produce interpretively ‘rich’ data and ‘thick’ descriptions of stakeholders’ experiences, understandings and meanings. However, it is important to use qualitative methodologies with caution as the researcher and respondents constantly interact with a complex socio-economic and political research environment that potentially influences their decision both formally and informally. Subsequently, the researcher has utilised bricoleurship and triangulation as guiding concepts in an attempt to ensure the research findings achieve trustworthiness, whilst focusing on the quality and richness of the thematic data analysis and descriptions, not on the quantity of data which can be collected and analysed. 132 Chapter 7 Conduct of Fieldwork and Data Analysis 7.1 Introduction This chapter describes and explains the fieldwork and data processes. It highlights the sampling process, profile of respondents, development of data collection, analysis of findings and reflections on the fieldwork. 7.2 The Pilot Study Section 1.5 provided an outline for the rationale for the choice of Elmina and Ghana. The researcher undertook a pilot study in order to identify potential respondents to participate in the main study, to evaluate various potential sites and to assess the logistical constraints that could impact upon the main fieldwork. A pilot study was conducted over a period of one month, between 10th July 2007 and 10th of August 2007 in Elmina, Cape Coast and Accra. The pilot study comprised of eight respondents including a fishmonger, a worker in a salt company, a tour operator, a government representative, a “Castle Boy”, two handicraft sellers and a tourist. The researcher used unstructured interviews, semi- structured interviews and participant observation techniques for the pilot study, with each interview lasting between 20 minutes and one hour. The pilot study was important in many ways as it helped the researcher to make initial contacts with government officials and acquire the necessary verbal, but official permissions to speak to potential respondents. This was necessary as government officials do not easily provide information to researchers because of their ‘oath of secrecy’. They also need to seek permission from superior officers before they are allowed to divulge information. The pilot study was used as a means of negotiating access and gaining trust with local people in Elmina, and to enable the researcher to begin to integrate into the lives of the future respondents. Although the researcher is a Ghanaian, it was obvious that local people in Elmina viewed him as an outsider, due to the social, 133 economic and ethnic differences between themselves and the researcher. This was emphasised by the inability of the researcher to communicate fluently in the local Fanti language. Another reason for conducting the pilot study was to seek permission from key people who wield traditional and political influence in the local community; e.g. the Chief of Elmina and the Municipal Chief Executive. The pilot study helped the researcher to identify potential respondents willing to participate in the study and to secure research contacts. Identifying useful and committed respondents was initially difficult during the pilot study, as poverty is a sensitive topic that penetrates deep into people’s private lives, issues which they did not want to discuss openly. It helped the researcher to assess how respondents understood questions, to detect ambiguities in questions, identify acceptable norms, familiarise himself with social environments and estimate the duration of the interviews. The researcher reviewed the interview guide (Appendix 12) and the list of stakeholders (Appendix 13) to ensure that the research issues and objectives were properly covered. This was the first time the researcher was using some of the research methods, hence he had to review the identified weaknesses, including having to reframe some of the question guides and explaining terms such as ‘tourism’ and ‘tourist’, which are not familiar terms to people. The results from the interviews and observations from the pilot study were used to determine the actual sample, location of potential respondents, as well as identifying key stakeholders to include in the main field work. 7.2.1 The Sample and Sampling criteria As part of the process of identifying suitable respondents, initial visits were made to the identified government bodies to discuss with the officials issues concerning the formulation and implementation of national and local tourism policies and plans. Based on the information obtained from the government bodies, the researcher visited the study area and spoke to various groups, whose responses were very positive. The trust and relationships the researcher built with the government officials and local people helped him to overcome the difficulty of identifying more people to include in the sample. 134 (a) The Sample A combination of purposive and snowball techniques were found suitable in the choosing of the sample. This involved a careful and time-consuming procedure, since telephone contact in Ghana is often not successful, as the cultural norm is a preference for face-to-face interaction. The first informants were then asked to introduce the researcher to other potential respondents, which improved the identification of potential stakeholders and respondents. (b) Profile of the Pilot Study Sample The eight respondents, out of the initial ten, who agreed to take part in the pilot study and their full demographic details, are presented in Appendix 13 (marked with asterisks). Pseudonyms have been used for reasons of research ethics to protect the anonymity of the research respondents. The age composition was as follows: 20 years old to 22 years old (two interviewees), 42 years old to 50 years old (four interviewees) and 62 years old to 67 years old (two interviewees). The academic background was ‘no formal’ education (two); secondary/technical education (two); and tertiary education (four). 7.2.2 Pilot Study: Data Collection The data from the pilot study was collected using a bricoleur approach and triangulation of methods involving unstructured interviews, semi-structured interviews and participant observation. The focus group technique did not work at the pilot study stage because of the long time involved in selecting and inviting participants who eventually declined to participate in the discussions, due to several reasons including work and travel demands. (a) Pilot study: Unstructured Interviews The in-depth unstructured interviews took place with four interviewees comprising a tourist, a fishmonger, a Castle Boy and a worker of a salt company. The total time spent with each interviewee varied from twenty to sixty minutes approximately. Due to the informal nature of unstructured interviews no 135 appointments were made, therefore interaction was dependent upon interviewees’ willingness to talk. The researcher engaged the interviewees in conversation with one question from a choice of questions (Appendix 12) and followed that with probing questions while recording information in the notebook with their permission. The interviews with the tourist and the Castle Boy were carried out in English, but the ones with the worker and the fishmonger were conducted in the local Fanti language because they have no schooling and could not communicate in the English language. The unstructured interviews were significant for two reasons: (i) it was possible to engage in informal discussion in a non-obtrusive and relaxed social environment where the interviewees could move around and perform their activities; and (ii) they allowed the researcher to interact with interviewees and to probe for detailed information that became relevant in the main study, e.g. names of respondents and themes for more investigations. However, there were weaknesses associated with the technique; for example, it was difficult to re-call the actual content of the conversation during transcription. As a result, the researcher decided to conduct semi-structured interviews and focus groups in order to cross-check the data obtained from the interviewees. However, the unstructured interview was used for tourists during the main field study as they did not have the time for the longer interaction demanded by semi- structured interviews and focus group techniques. (b) Pilot study: Semi-Structured Interviews The in-depth semi-structured interviews took place with four interviewees: a high ranking government representative at the Ministry of Tourism and Diasporan Relations; a tour operator who organises all-inclusive package tours to the study area in their offices in Accra (not in the study area); and two handicraft sellers who did not live in the study area but brought curios and souvenirs to sell to tourists at the launching of the ‘Joseph project’. This was part of the Pan African Historical Festival and Emancipation celebrations, described in Sections 1.4.4 and 5.3 (a), which took place in Elmina on 1st August 2007, during the field work period. 136 The interviews were in-depth to allow both specific questions to be answered, whilst allowing ample time for discussions to take place. They were conducted in English and varied in duration between 45 minutes and 90 minutes, depending on the number of questions being asked and the interviewee’s willingness to discuss the issues. The semi-structured interviews were tape-recorded and detailed notes taken as the interviewees gave the researcher the permission to do so, but insisted that their ‘voices’ should not be brought into the public domain. The importance of confidentiality and privacy of the interviewees were therefore respected throughout, while rapport and trust were built between the researcher and the interviewees. The responses were later transcribed and analysed to guide the conduct of the main interviews. The semi-structured interviews were important because the interviewees responded to most of the questions, and when questions could not be answered they directed the researcher to potential respondents from whom further information could be obtained. In the cases of the government representative and tour operator the interviews were disrupted by telephone calls, whilst disruption to the interviews with the handicraft sellers was caused by tourists who wanted to buy souvenirs. The disruptions were significant lessons for the researcher as interviews during the main study were held during periods the interviewees were not busy and least interrupted. (c) Participant Observation: During Pilot and Main Fieldwork Participant observation was a core method used during the study, which Spradley (1980:39-40) states serve the purpose of: In doing participant observation you will locate yourself in some place; you will watch actors of one sort or another and become involved with them; you will observe and participate in activities. These primary elements do not exhaust the social and cultural meaning of social situations, but they do serve as a springboard into understanding them. During the fieldwork, the degree of the researcher’s involvement, both with the respondents and in the activities being observed ranged from non-participation and passive participation to moderate and complete participation as described in 137 Section 6.4. During interviews with tourists it was difficult not to become a complete participant and to have a conducted tour of the castle with a group of tourists and cultural events. While this was difficult at times, to minimise any potential bias that may have come about from overly open behaviour, the researcher did not ‘befriend’ any informant or traditional or government representative. Participant observation was used throughout the fieldwork, both in the pilot and main study stages for three main reasons. Firstly, it was important for being able to contextualise the wider social and economic environment in which the interviewees’ statements concerning poverty and tourism were made. Secondly, the observations were then applied to responses given during the interviews to cross-check and to ascertain legitimacy. For example, respondents’ answers concerning poverty could be easily connected to factors such as the businesses they were involved in, including fishing and hawking by local people, as well as buying of goods by tourists. Finally, the use of participant observation allowed the activities of various groups to be observed without compromising the research, for example by being seen to be aligning with a particular group or individual, which was important because of chieftaincy and political differences and conflicts. 7.2.3. Changes for the Conduct of the Main Study Following reflection upon the effectiveness of the pilot study, changes for the main study concerning stakeholder groups and respondents; methods for collection of the data; time and durations for interviews were decided upon. For example, the sample in the pilot study comprised of eight, subsequently this limited the analysis of the relationship between tourism and poverty which affect the wider population, and other stakeholders including representatives of donor agencies, fishermen, hotels and chop bars owners. In the main study, the sample was extended to eighty-two, making the total number of people interviewed ninety, as shown in Appendix 13. The focus group method was added to the data collection processes for three reasons: (i) owing to the large number of respondents, as well as fishmongers and castle boy, who insisted on presenting their views to the researcher as a 138 group with a common ‘voice’; (ii) unstructured interviews and semi-structured methods were not convenient methods to interview groups with common interests because they are time-consuming; and (iii) while allowing researcher and participants to share knowledge, it allowed the information to be cross-checked and affirmed by participants themselves, explained in Sections 6.5.3 and 7.3.2 (c). 7.3 Conduct of the Main Study The main study was conducted over a period of five months between September 2007 and January 2008. The respondents were not only located in Elmina, but also in Accra and the Cape Coast. Considering the changes that were made to the pilot study, the main study was extended to include more stakeholder groups, making a total of eighty-two respondents interviewed by the end of the main study, already explained in Section 7.2.3. The researcher was more familiar with the study area and had access to respondents because of the experience and interactions gained from the pilot study. 7.3.1 The Sampling Procedure and Profile The primary concerns of the main study were to include all the key stakeholders already involved in tourism and ‘others’ who have been marginalised or excluded from participation in it. The researcher used the data from the pilot study to identify the key stakeholders whose activities directly and indirectly impact on the development of tourism. These were: (i) all government bodies and donor agencies that provided funding for the rehabilitation and management of the fort and castle and the provision of infrastructure (e.g. education and sanitation); (ii) businesses registered and licensed by the Ghana Tourist Board as belonging to the tourism sector, e.g. hotels, restaurants, drinking bars, chop bars and tour operators; (iii) stakeholders and businesses in the study area whose activities impact on tourism, including fishermen and fishmongers, members of the Asafo Companies; Castle Boys, hawkers, petty traders, salt workers and the Traditional Council; (iv) individuals who were involved in the implementation of the tourism 139 projects, e.g. the Cultural Heritage and Local Development in Elmina Programme (CHLDEP), explained in Section 1.5.4; and (vi) tourists. Personal contacts were made with members of the identified stakeholder groups and the rationale for the study was explained to them. The names of those who willingly agreed to participate in the study were taken and dates and time arranged. The researcher wrote letters (Appendix 14), together with an introduction letter given by the University of Bedfordshire and signed by his supervisor. These were sent out to invite participants to the four separate focus group meetings scheduled for the fishmongers, mixed women group, Castle Boys and men’s group. This was followed by further visits and telephone calls to confirm, or reschedule, the interview dates and times for the respondents who decided to participate in the study and signed the participation form (Appendix 15) The Castle Boys initially did not want to participate in the study, thinking that the researcher was a government official who wanted to arrest them because they harass the tourists for money. The tourism business owners expressed misgivings because they had been previously contacted by researchers, yet their concerns have not been addressed. The fishmongers and women group were happy to participate in the study because it was the first time they had had the opportunity to express their opinions. The interviews were conducted in English and local Fanti language depending on the respondents’ languages ability. The semi-structured interviews took place at the workplace or homes of the respondents. The unstructured interviews conducted with the tourists took place at the Castle, restaurants, souvenir shops and drinking bars; while the focus group with the different stakeholder groups were held at different locations as decided upon by the participants in the study area. The interviews took place from Monday to Sunday, between 07.00am to 10.00pm, to accommodate the day and time given by the respondents. The researcher sought approval from the respondents before the interviews were tape recorded, and in most instances played the tapes back for them to agree to the information they had provided. This process was a convenient way of sustaining the trust and rapport between the researcher and the respondents and also ensuring accuracy. The researcher found that some English terms that do 140 not have a corresponding local word had to be explained to the respondent. For example, a tourist is commonly referred to as ‘Oburoni’, which also means a ‘white person’, whilst ‘tourism’ does not have a corresponding local word. The sample for the main study comprised of eighty-two respondents, consisting of representatives of stakeholder groups and individuals with no direct stakeholder interests. Snowball and purposive techniques were used to develop the stakeholder samples in the study. For example, the researcher was introduced to respondent’s friends, colleagues and family members expressing an interest to participate in the study, or given telephone numbers and complimentary cards to contact potential respondents. The eighty-two respondents of the main study and their full demographic details are listed in Appendix 12 along with the eight respondents of the pilot study. The age composition ranged between 19 to 70 years old, while level of academic background varied from having ‘no formal’ education to graduate level. The occupational background and gender of the respondents are also presented in the Appendix. 7.3.2 Data Collection During the Fieldwork The data collection for the main study was undertaken between 1st and September 2007 and 31st January 2008. Following reflective analysis of the methodologies employed in the pilot study, the researcher triangulated the methods to comprise of unstructured and semi-structured interviews, focus group and participant observation. This section of the chapter explains the use of each method for the data collection from the respondents. (a) Unstructured In-depth Interviews with Tourists The in-depth unstructured interviews with eleven tourists took place at Elmina Castle, restaurants, a hotel, a drinking bar and handicraft shops in Elmina, having duration of twenty-five to forty minutes. The respondents were international and domestic tourists visiting the castle. Sometimes, the researcher found it difficult to access the respondents because they were engaged in shopping, observing the attraction or talking to non-respondents. In order that the respondents’ anonymity 141 and privacy were not compromised, the researcher did not approach them unless and until they were alone. The data obtained was recorded in the field notebook, after seeking permission from the respondents to do so. Occasionally, the interviews were interrupted by friends of the respondents, but in-depth data was collected, which was later transcribed from the field notes. (b) Semi-Structured In-depth Interviewees: Government and Donor Agency Representatives; Private Sector; and Local People In the main study, thirty-eight respondents were interviewed, using semi- structured interviews at their work places, restaurants and homes in Elmina, Cape Coast and Accra. The sample was chosen using the snowball and purposive techniques, and the questions were based on emerging themes and data obtained from the previous respondents. Of the thirty-eight interviews conducted, twenty were tape-recorded with the respondents’ permission whilst for the other eighteen permission was withheld by the respondents, although they allowed the researcher to take notes. The duration of the semi-structured interviews conducted with the respondents varied from approximately one hour to three hours. Despite interruptions at various times by telephone calls, colleagues and friends of the respondents, enough data was collected to exhaust the repetitive thematic analysis. The interviews were into two main thematic, focussing on how respondents assessed poverty and their views on socio-economic changes attributable to tourism in Elmina. Although the semi-structured interviews were time-consuming, the researcher played back the tape-recorded interviews, or read the notes for the interviewees to agree and cross-check the data. This process was adopted by the researcher as a way of sustaining the trust and rapport in the context of ethical considerations. The semi-structured interview conducted with each stakeholder is explained as follows: (i) Interviews with Tour Operators Tour operators emerged as key stakeholders in Elmina during the pilot study, as discussed in Section 7.2. None of the key tour operators had offices in Elmina but 142 were located in Accra. The tour operators collaborate with foreign counterparts to organise inclusive tour packages for international tourists who visit Elmina and other attractions in Ghana. A list of registered tour operators was obtained from the Ghana Tourist Board which enabled the researcher to contact ten companies in Accra. However, only two tour operators agreed to be interviewed, each interview lasting ninety minutes and seventy minutes respectively. The interviews focused on key themes of: tourism-generating markets; services offered to tourists by the local people; and business policy towards poverty reduction in Elmina. (ii) Interviews with Local People in Elmina The interviews in the pilot stage helped the researcher to identify the different local stakeholders in tourism in Elmina. The cross-section of respondents included: hotel owners and managers, restaurant owners; hotel and restaurant workers; chop bar owners; drinking bar owners; hawkers; a petty trader; handicraft sellers; tourism consultants; a chief; fishermen/Asafo companies; fishmongers; and teachers. As can be seen, a diversity of business interests was represented. Figures 7.1 and 7.2 display the interviews the researcher conducted with a fishmonger and beer bar operator respectively. Figure 7.1: Interviews with a fishmonger Figure 7.2: Interview with a beer bar owner Interviews with the local people aimed to establish how they understand the impacts of tourism upon their lives. The interviews also focused on the kinds of opportunities created by tourism and identifying the barriers that restrict participation in the industry and market. The key challenges in this part of the 143 fieldwork was in gaining access to the respondents and using the local Fanti language as a medium of communication to interview those who did not have the ability to speak the English language. The author was able to overcome these difficulties through probing and sought clarification from respondents when it was necessary to do so. (iii) Interviews with Government Representatives in Accra, Cape Coast and Elmina The government representatives interviewed included personnel from the following departments: Ministry of Tourism and Diasporan Relations; National Commission on Culture; Ghana Tourist Board; Ghana Museums and Monuments Board; Central Region Development Commission; Hotel, Catering and Tourism Training Centre, Nana Etsiapa Methodist Primary School; and Komenda-Edina- Eguafo-Abrem Municipal Assembly (KEEA). The key focus of these interviews was to understand the influence of national and local tourism related policies and plans upon local people in Elmina. The interviews aimed at ascertaining the variety of ways tourism benefits are perceived and the impacts upon the local people in the context of government’s poverty reduction strategy as explained in various sections in Chapter Five. Through identified similarities and differences in views, the researcher intends to highlight policy measures that can be adopted and are likely to enhance tourism’s contribution to poverty reduction. A key challenge with these interviews was identifying the respondents, making appointments and travelling from the study area to Accra and Cape Coast, which was time-consuming and expensive in terms of transportation and accommodation. Furthermore, some of the appointments were cancelled, whilst others were rescheduled by the respondents at the last hour for a variety of reasons including the urgent need to travel and family commitments. (iv) Interviews with Representatives of Donor Agencies Of the five donor agencies that provided funding for tourism projects and programmes in Elmina, only two respondents agreed to participate in the study. The remaining three agencies attributed their refusal to participate in the study to a lack of time. Whilst the interview with the representative of the European Union 144 took place in his office in Accra, the interview with the representative of the Dutch Department of Culture was held in Elmina, as displayed in Figure 7.3. The main focus of these interviews was to understand the policy objectives and the views of the donors on the impact of the Elmina Cultural Heritage and Tourism Project. A primary issue was to identify and compare the views of the donor agencies vis- à-vis those of the local people in order to enable the researcher to highlight the discrepancies and suggest possible ways to address them. Although the interview appointments took more than a month to schedule, the researcher overcame the problem through persistence. Figure 7.3: Interview with a donor agency in Elmina c) Focus Groups The researcher used focus groups to collect data from interviewees who were marginalised, or excluded from tourism in a variety of ways, e.g. Castle Boys and Asafo Companies. The focus group allowed the participants to share knowledge with the researcher, reflecting the traditional system of consensus building in the study area; that is, ‘Tikro nko agyina, which means ‘more heads are better than one in a decision-making process’. The researcher encountered a number of challenges with the focus groups. For example, the tourism business owners, such as chop bar owners and handicraft sellers declined to participate in the focus groups because their concerns had not been addressed after similar meetings with researchers and government officials. The researcher responded to these concerns by stating that although his was an 145 academic research, copies of the work would be given to the government to guide tourism development in the study area. Following a series of meetings four focus group formats categorised by stakeholder type were established, with the Asafo Companies/men (who are also fishermen), fishmongers, unemployed Castle Boys and a cross-section of women, the full composition of the groups being given in Table 7.1. During preparation for the focus group interviews, the researcher had to gain consent from the groups, negotiate with its members with regard to when and where the meetings were to be held. The researcher held discussions with two separate women’s groups, with each session attended by thirteen and ten female participants respectively. Table 7.1: Focus groups with stakeholders in Elmina Group Number of Venue Date Participants Castle boys 5 Forecourt of the 8 August 2007 Elmina Castle Asafo Group 5 Newspaper vendor 25 October 2007 (Fishermen) shop Fishmongers 13 Courtyard of the 9 November 2007 Elmina Castle Mixed Group of 10 Conference room of 20 December 2007 Women the Elmina Castle Source: Author’s own work Whilst one of the focus group meetings took place in the upper courtyard of the Castle, the other was held in the conference room of Elmina Castle (Figures 7.4 and 7.5). The choice of venue was to allow the fishmongers to observe the fishermen who brought in the catch so that they could be ready to run to collect their share. The five-man Asafo companies decided upon a newspaper vendor shop where they always meet to chat and talk about a variety of issues (Figure 7.6). In contrast, the five Castle Boys preferred the forecourt of the castle (Figure 7.7), because they considered any enclosed area could be a ploy on the part of the researcher to have them arrested by the police or the management of the castle. 146 Figure 7.4: Fishmongers focus group Figure 7.6: Asafo men focus group Figure 7.5: Mixed women focus group Figure 7.7: Castle Boys focus group The researcher formulated three open-ended questions for the interviews, covering the following issues: i. What do you say has contributed to the quality of life (poverty) of people in Elmina? ii. What opportunities has tourism created, and what benefits do you receive from tourism? iii. How does tourism complement or conflict with your daily activities and priorities, and what constraints do you face in achieving your aspirations? A total of thirty-three group members attended the focus group meetings, comprising ten men and twenty-three women, which were significant for incorporating a gender perspective into the tourism and poverty reduction strategy debate. The meetings lasted between two and three hours and were conducted in both the English language and the local Fanti dialect, with 147 translations being provided by members of the groups when appropriate. The researcher, having sought permission, tape-recorded the discussions and each participant was given a notebook and pen, while the general responses were recorded on flip chart paper. For each question, the researcher asked the group to discuss and their responses were listed on paper because some of them could not write. A plenary discussion was adopted because the small group sessions were always not convenient, as the researcher wanted each participant to be actively involved, eliminating the situation were vocal members would dominate the meetings. A key constraint with the focus groups was that it took more time to complete each group than anticipated because participants were late to the meeting and digressed from the interview questions. However, the focus groups generated a wide range of data and issues at each meeting, which were relevant for subsequent semi-structured interviews with other stakeholders. 7.4 Thematic Data Analysis ‘A qualitative researcher analyses data by organizing it into categories on the basis of themes, concepts, or similar features. He or she develops new concepts, formulates conceptual definitions and examines the relationships among concepts’. (Neuman, 2000 cited in Jennings 2002:196) Qualitative data analysis, as Neuman suggests, involves the organisation of identical categories of data and the development of their inter-relationships based upon constant comparisons. Thematic analysis was used to establish the categories of data, its suitability being explained by Boyatzis (1998, cited in Braun and Clark, 2001:79), who describes thematic analysis as a ‘method for identifying, analysing and reporting patterns (themes) within data.’ Thematic analysis offers a flexible and useful means for data analysis, enabling the researcher to produce and describe a rich and detailed, yet complex account of data. It can summarise the key themes of a large body of data, providing ‘thick’ descriptions whilst highlighting the similarities and differences across the data set, making it useful for informing policy (Jennings, 2001; Gomm, 2004). Thematic analysis is widely used by social scientists as a more accessible form of analysis, as it is not ‘wedded to any pre-existing theoretical framework, and 148 therefore it can be used within different theoretical frameworks’ (Braun and Clark, 2006:81). However, it can also be criticised because of its lack of embededness in a particular theoretical framework and a subsequent lack of associated analytical method. In the context of this research, the production of ‘rich’ and ‘detailed’ descriptions of respondents’ experiences, meanings and realities of poverty, permits the researcher to examine the ways in which issues related to poverty and tourism are interwoven, as displayed in Figure 7.8. Thematic analysis also enabled the researcher to immerse himself in the data throughout the manual and analytical process of the data. Although computer software qualitative data packages such as Nvivo are available, they were not used by the researcher, as the researcher wished to immerse himself in the data through the use of manual analysis in order to produce ‘thick’ descriptions. Before commencing the thematic analysis, all data was transcribed by the fieldworker and cross-checked to the tape recorded interviews and field notes, and also with respondents where feasible (refer to Appendixes 16, 17, 18, 19 and 20). Although the researcher could speak and understand the local Fanti language, he could not translate all the words used by some of the respondents. As a result, he sought the assistance of some interviewees to translate the Fanti words into the English language, which were later cross-checked with interviewees in order to confirm the accuracy of meanings. 149 MAIN THEME SUB-THEMES SUB-SUB-THEMES Steady Income Income Understanding Poverty i.Exclusion from Non -Income Decision-Making ii.Unemployment iii.Access to Education iv.Access to Social Amenities i.Business Socio–Economic Establishment Opportunities ii.Tourists Philanthropy iii.Tourism Market iv.Training v.Employment Tourism Participation i.Access to Barriers to Loans/Micro-Credit Participation ii.Tourism Market iii.Education iv.Exclusion from Decision-Making Figure 7.8 Summary of thematic analysis of data into themes, sub-themes and sub- sub-themes in the study Source: Author’s own work 7.5 Chapter Conclusion This chapter has explained the procedures and conduct of the pilot and main field stages of this research. By piloting the study the researcher was able to clearly identity the different stakeholders; questions would be revised to overcome ambiguities and mis-understanding; it helped to overcome barriers to access of stakeholders; and address matters of sampling, data collection and analysis in the main field work. The main study developed the sampling and methodologies to generate interpretively ‘thick’ and ‘rich’ multiple understandings of poverty and tourism relationships in Elmina. The interpretive research contributed to producing a reflexive account of the researcher’s emic and etic positions in the 150 conduct of the study, particularly recognising cultural differences as key component of research practice and understanding. The research methodology utilised in the fieldwork was useful in understanding issues surrounding power relations, socio-cultural and political institutions, different stakeholders’ interests and concerns, as well as accessing the ‘voices’ of the marginalised and excluded. The research philosophies, methodologies and methods laid out in this chapter, may be subsequently adopted and adapted by future scholars investigating poverty and tourism issues, and transferred to other fieldwork areas. 151 Chapter 8 Local People’s Understanding of Poverty in Elmina 8.1 Introduction This chapter presents the variety of ways local people comprehend poverty in Elmina. It illustrates three key propositions in which the phenomenon of poverty is understood and defined by the local people. Firstly, the definitions of poverty by local people encompass several dimensions, including a lack of income and access to social amenities. Secondly, people in Elmina perceive the causes of poverty as interlocking factors that interweave into a vicious circle of reinforcement. Finally, issues of ‘poverty’ are comprehended as being relative and not static, with the view that social and economic factors can contribute to a change in the life of the people at any particular point in time. 8.2 Poverty: As Lack of Steady Income A main theme of local people’s definition of poverty is a lack of steady income. When respondents were asked ‘how they understood poverty?’, a variety of responses were given which reinforced a lack of steady income as a dimension of deprivation. The emphasis on lack of steady income was repeatedly interpreted in relation to the main livelihood activities of the people as illustrated below: (a) A poor person is someone who has not got money. [Female Participants, Focus Group] (b) Poverty in Elmina is not about getting a meal a day…It is related to our businesses…it is about not feeding your children, buying fuel for the fishing boats and buying firewood to smoke the fish. [Participants, Focus Group] (c) Poverty is not having a job to earn regular money. [Participants, Focus Group] (d) Poverty is not being able to go to school and not knowing how to read and write. [Participants, Focus Group] 152 (e) Poverty is not being involved in decision-making. [Participants, Focus Group]. When probed further to explain the underlying causes of poverty, the interviewees forcefully mentioned the dwindling fishing and salt mining industries, whilst emphasising that employment opportunities in tourism are limited. The economic importance of fishing to the local people was central in all the responses given by the respondents with regard to the question: “What do you think, are the most important employment opportunities in Elmina?” (a) The fishing industry is the umbilical cord of the people…and anything that happens to it leads to the quenching of the fire in our homes [Mohammed, Fisherman] (b) Every household in this community has someone who is working in the fishing industry. [Adwoa, Fishmonger] (c) Elmina is the second largest fish landing market in Ghana…and the people you are seeing involved in the fishery activities include many immigrant fishermen and fishmongers who come to live here during the bumper fishing period…It is fishing which has made this town very popular in Ghana.[Fishmongers, Focus Group]. Although the fishing industry is considered the main economic activity, generating employment and income opportunities through linkages to production, handling, processing and distribution of fish, respondents said that the fishery activities were on the verge of collapse which threatened their livelihood. As one fisherman said; “I think my business as a fisherman is coming to end shortly because the government is not helping us with premix fuel, loans and equipment. That is why you find me being poor." Given the fact that fishing is the main economic activity in Elmina, the researcher considered it valid to understand the underlying causes of a lack of steady income, from the fishermen and fishmongers, who attribute it to three main factors. Firstly, an increasing frequency of a low catch of fish due to competition with pair trawlers, which are large Ghanaian and foreign fishing vessels operating illegally in designated local fishing waters, rather than in the deep waters where they should be. Concern was expressed by the respondents about the government’s failure to curb the inimical practice of the pair trawlers which catch fish from territorial waters and destroy the nets laid by the local fishermen. 153 Although local people have complained several times to the government, their concerns have not been addressed, whilst the continuous activities of the pair trawlers cause low yields of fish and subsequent low income, affecting the well- being of local people. Secondly, the high investment and operational costs necessary for fishing affect the income earned from it as an economic activity. The operating costs of boats, premix fuel and outboard motors have become high due to the removal of subsidies by the government. This has affected income and made fishermen borrow money from friends and the fishmongers to buy fuel for subsequent fishing expeditions. Whilst the removal of subsidies is consistent with the government’s neo-liberal policies, their reinstatement was considered by the interviewees as a central way to helping them earn a steady income and reduce poverty amongst the locals. Finally, seasonality was cited as a significant contributing factor to the lack of steady income experienced by local people in Elmina. From the perspective of fishery activities, the effect of seasonality can be explained in terms of fluctuations in the supply and demand of fish and subsequent changes in income. During the high season, which lasts from January to September, the fishermen bring in a larger catches of fish and earn higher levels of income than in the low season. When asked how much they earned from each fishing expedition after deduction of operational costs, income earned ranged between GH¢400.00 (£174.41)1 and GH¢600.00 (£261.62). However, even in the high season, the earnings from income are marginal after deductions for operational costs and the repayment of loans and money borrowed from friends and the fishmongers to buy boats, nets and outboard motors, so they barely had enough money for themselves. During the low season, i.e. from October to December, the fishermen bring in small catches and consequently earnings are low. It was observable during the field research that on many days the fishing boats were not in operation, as typified in Figure 8.1. The lack of income and seasonality of the fishing industry means fishermen are forced to migrate to other fishing communities to seek 1 Bank of Ghana Conversion Rate as at 5th February 2010: GH¢1.00= GB£0.43 154 economic opportunities, with consequences for their marriages and the upbringing of the children. Figure 8.1: Fishing boats lying idle during low season Similar to the fishing industry, the income earned by salt miners and workers is also considered as irregular by the local people. This is largely a consequence of salt production being reliant upon solar evaporation, making it susceptible to the vagaries of the weather and seasonality. The salt miners reported that whilst more people were employed during the dry season, which lasts from November until April, most workers were laid off during the wet season from May to October, when there is less evaporation from the flooded salt pans. As a consequence during the wet season many salt workers are unemployed and have insufficient income to meet basic needs, such as food and the payment of school fees for their children. The patterns of seasonality that affect production and income in the fishing and salt industries are repeated in the tourism industry. However, the causal factors of seasonality are pre-dominantly related to the organisation of special events rather than the seasonality of the weather. From the perspective of the tourism business owners, incomes earned between June and January are higher because of the large influx of tourists who attend the various planned activities on the national tourism calendar, e.g. the Emancipation Day celebration and Pan African Historical Festival. However, income dwindles during the low season, from February to May, seriously affecting their profits, forcing them to lay-off employees, which in turn negatively impacts upon individual and family 155 livelihoods. In order to reduce the effect of seasonality and earn income, respondents suggested the need for the government tourism bodies to sensitise and involve the local people in the organisation of regular tourism programmes, aiming to attract more domestic and international tourists to visit Elmina throughout the year. In summary, this understanding of poverty as a lack of steady income concurs with its ‘conventional’ view, as is explained in Section 2.3. However, in the context of Elmina, the ‘poverty line’ is defined as a lack of regular and consistent income earned from the economic activities local people are involved in. The respondents did not emphasise consumption and expenditure as measures of poverty, stressing the multiple causes of irregular incomes, including: the illegal activities of the pair trawlers; high costs of business operation; and effects of seasonality. 8.3 Poverty: As a Lack of Social Amenities Local people in Elmina also comprehend poverty in terms of a lack of availability and affordability of basic social amenities including clean drinking water, toilet facilities, waste disposal management and education. Sections 8.3.1 through 8.3.4 explain this perception of poverty related to issues of social amenities. 8.3.1 Lack of Access to Good Drinking Water The relationship between access to good drinking water and poverty was explained within the context of its availability and affordability. Interviewees complained about the irregular supply of water from the community stand pipes to their homes, sometimes being left for eight months without water by the service providers, the Ghana Water Company. As a result of lack of water, people were forced to rely on other sources of supply, typically wells, streams and tanker water supply. Of specific concern was the use of unclean water by food vendors, including chop bars, to prepare food for sale to the locals. In terms of affordability of water, the clean drinking water the locals buy from the tanker drivers is expensive. The tanker drivers are commercial vehicle owners 156 who fetch clean water from rivers and streams in distant areas and sell it to the local people. For example, they sell a bucket of water, in terms of volume, at GH¢2.00 (approximately GB£0.86), whilst from well owners it costs GH¢1.00 (approximately GB£0.43). A chop bar operator commented: I have to buy water everyday which increases my cost and price of food I sell to my customers…and also I have to make some available for drinking. [Chop bar owner]. The irregularity of the water supply, combined with the high costs of buying it from the tanker suppliers and ensuing health threats from the use of contaminated water, led many of the respondents to comment that the lack of government action to secure a regular supply was indicative of a lack of their commitment to poverty reduction. 8.3.2 Lack of Toilet Facilities The lack of toilet facilities in many homes was also attributed to the non- availability and affordability of water. The discussions within the focus groups revealed that only a few individual homes had access to dug-out toilet facilities, whilst the majority of the people used the limited public toilets facilities provided by the Municipal Assembly. The participants said users of the public toilets facilities had to pay two hundred Ghana pesewas (approximately GB£0.09), which they felt was expensive considering the fact that they were poor, as exemplified in this statement: We are poor…we don’t have money to pay for using the toilet when we are not catching fish and don’t have money. The use of the toilets must be free for us [fishermen], if they don’t want us to defecate on the beach which they say tourists don’t want to see. [Fisherman] When the researcher asked ‘how the people cope with the payment of the fees?’, they said the majority of them did not pay but chose to defecate on the beach or into plastic bags which were thrown into the gutters, thus creating sanitation and health problems. They wanted free access to the use of the public toilets and accused the Municipal Assembly of not being sensitive to their plight. However, 157 the position of the local government is that the municipality is constrained by a limited budget and cannot provide free use of toilet facilities. One representative principally blamed the local people for the indiscriminate defecation on the beach and gutters: It is a cultural attitude because they [people] believe in a ‘free range system’ and would not use the best facility you provide…We hope tourism will change the mindset of the people [Municipal Assembly Representative] The discrepancies between the views of the local people and the Municipal Assembly demonstrate contrasting perceptions with regard to the provision of public facilities and their usage. It suggests a lack of consultation and involvement of the local people who wanted their priorities to be considered in the provision and management of social services. 8.3.3 Poor Waste Disposal Management Poverty was further interpreted as being characterised by having to live in an environment with obvious signs of poor waste management. The respondents presented a number of examples of their understanding of poor waste management, including gutters filled with filth; streets littered with refuse; household refuse being dumped at the beach and refuse at the dump sites not being collected. Observational evidence of the waste problem is shown in Figure 8.2, displaying a dumping site, refuse container and a wooden toilet facility on the beach, not far from the tourist site of Elmina Castle. Figure 8.2: A refuse dumping site and toilet in Elmina 158 While local people felt the issue of poor waste disposal management could be addressed, they criticised the Municipal Assembly for shirking its responsibility and failure to encourage the locals to undertake self-help activities to tackle the problem. In terms of how the Municipal Assembly was addressing the waste management problem, three senior officials interviewed blamed the locals for continuously disposing of garbage at unapproved dumping sites. In their view, waste disposal was free and they questioned why the locals could not dump the refuse in the containers provided at the vantage points. They cited the apathy and recalcitrant behaviour of the people towards waste management as challenges the Municipal Assembly were finding difficult to tackle. Thus, the different views expressed by the officials and local people suggest a lack of participatory approach in the provision and management of social services. While the people wanted improved social services, the Municipal Assembly had no plans to consult them in any future development. 8.3.4 Poverty: As a Lack of Access to Education Access to only a low level of formal education was considered as a defining characteristic of poverty by the local people in Elmina. Respondents recognised that having the opportunity for further education had enabled people to escape poverty, cited examples included politicians and children of neighbours who had secured employment opportunities in several sectors of the national economy. As one fishmonger commented: At first we didn’t realise the benefits of education…but now we [the women] are making our children to go to school…When they complete schooling, we want them to work in the factories, restaurants, hotels and government offices in order to earn more money and care for the family. The above comment reflects the low level of education of the local people in a predominantly fishing community, where several factors account for the high level of illiteracy amongst the total population which affects their well-being. For example, with a few exceptions, the majority of the interviewees could not communicate with the researcher in the English language, which the respondents felt was a barrier for negotiating for business opportunities. The majority of the local people have a low level of education or did not attend schooling, restricting 159 their opportunities for employment to the traditional activities of fishing and salt mining. By comparison, the few local people employed in the hotels and restaurants have a higher education level, which allows them to communicate with tourists and gain higher incomes. One characteristic of poverty is that children are often forced to work in fishing and stone-breaking activities, as shown in Figures 8.3 and 8.4, when they are supposed to be in school. The reason for engagement in such menial jobs is to earn an income and to help their parents in their business activities. In the case of children not at school or working, the researcher found them loitering around the attraction site of the Elmina Castle or begging for money from tourists. Figure 8.3: Children pushing a truck of fish Figure 8.4: Children breaking stones An interview with a head teacher revealed that, although the government policy of free and compulsory universal education (see section 1.5.3), had raised levels of primary enrolment, actual school attendance was still low and not all children were in school. The fundamental problems, in her view, related to the lack of resources from government and attitude of parents. For example, the limited education budget and delay in its release led to shortages of books and teaching materials, whilst teaching staff who felt they were poorly supported economically left the profession to seek better employment opportunities. The problem was further exacerbated by the poor attitude of parents towards the education of their children. The head teacher said that efforts to encourage greater parental involvement in children’s education through sensitisation programmes had not yielded the desired results, as some parents were still not convinced of a need for change, and many had yet to understand the importance of education. 160 When the respondents were asked “why parents refuse to allow their children to go to school?”, the following explanations were given. The parents considered their income as being low and irregular, resulting in their not having enough money to buy the items demanded by the schools, e.g. uniforms, books, sandals and other incidentals. Hence they would prefer their children to join the family business, continuing the tradition of on-the-job training as a way of acquiring the rudiments of the family business. For example, some fishmongers and fishermen held the view that fishing activities did not require any formal education, that the necessary skills and experiences could be acquired through practice from an early age. It is suggested that access to livelihood opportunities are impeded by limited horizons as well as actual deprivations. 8.4 Poverty: As a Lack of Involvement in Decision-Making A further characteristic of poverty to emerge from the findings was local people’s non-involvement in decision-making that affected the livelihoods of the community. A variety of interviewees viewed the exclusion of key groups, who needed to be involved in decisions making on a regular basis, as denying the people a ‘voice’. Interviewees described the nature of their society as being heterogeneous and cited examples of the key and influential groups as including: the Traditional Council; the Asafo companies; Fishermen Association; and the Fishmongers Association. When a question was asked to gauge the extent to which the groups had been excluded from decision-making, two main examples were given by the interviewees. Firstly, the Asafo companies uttered their displeasure with the manner that the Cultural Heritage and Local Development in Elmina Programme (CHLDEP) was planned and implemented by the Municipal Assembly and Donor Agencies without their involvement. For example, the Asafo posts, as listed in Table 1.2, are the family shrines and traditional military units of the people, composed of seven Asafo companies that signify the family clans. The leaders of the Asafo companies wield influence in the traditional decision-making process including the enthronement of the paramount chief and the control of development projects in the local community. Whilst the leaders were informed of the need to rehabilitate the Asafo posts as part of tourism development, they 161 were not involved in any further consultative process by the CHLDEP team, only to see that their buildings were being demolished. Their intervention led to the proposed rehabilitation works being abandoned, as exemplified in Figure 8.5. They argued that their views should be respected and that they should not be informed through hearsay and word-of-mouth, suggesting the need for participatory process in the formulation and implementation of projects intended for the local people. Figure 8.5: Abandoned rehabilitation of an Asafo Post in Elmina The importance and need for women to have a ‘voice’ was repeatedly mentioned by the female participants, although there was no specific agreement on the extent to which women should be involved in decision making processes. The women ascribed their exclusion and non-participation to cultural norms which lend a greater degree of power to men within the family and wider society. The interviewees held the view that as most women in Elmina are the ‘bread winners’ for the families, and are involved in all types of businesses in the local community, they should be involved in all decisions at local community level. The fishmongers, all of whom were women, said they were only asked to contribute money to the celebration of the annual festival but were not involved in its planning, nor did the planners disclose to them how the monies were spent, typifying a lack of accountability. They argued that having control over decisions and resources, would give the women the opportunity to create more business opportunities in the fishing, tourist and retail trading businesses, which could allow them to better cater for the family. The reasons cited by the respondents to explain the exclusion of the various groups in the decision-making process include personality conflicts between the traditional and political leaders, nepotism, corruption and political differences. For 162 example, local people perceive that individual and groups’ affiliations to political parties and personal relationships with higher government and traditional positions are ways to access information and resources. Additionally, the disparity between the participation and influence of women and men in decision making reflects a dimension of human poverty in terms of inequality. This non- involvement in decision making is understood by the locals as ‘exclusion’ which corresponds to the concept of ‘social deprivation’, as explained in Section 2.4. The need for government and the municipal assembly to make information about proposed developments available to the total population was suggested by the respondents as a first step toward empowering the people and encouraging their participation in decision-making processes. They argued that whilst providing a ‘voice’ and empowering local groups that are typically excluded from the development process is held as important, individuals should also be given access to information, citing instances of a lack of information leading to malpractices by local leaders in the distribution of premix fuel and the allocation of micro-finance credits to the fishermen. 8.5 Chapter Conclusion It is evident from the interviews that a number of factors contribute to the understanding and defining poverty by local people in Elmina. Based upon their perspectives, poverty is not just about a lack of income, but also non-income factors that are central to their quality of life, e.g., a lack of clean water and opportunity for education. While income poverty analysis and statistical measurement dominate government policies and literature, local people’s understandings and interpretations of poverty differ from two key perspectives. Firstly, poverty is not just a matter of low income but also a lack of steady income. To this, can be added a lack of availability and affordability of basic social amenities, and a lack of participation in the decision-making process of matters that affect local people’s well-being. Poverty is understood as a relative and dynamic phenomenon, as opposed to the ‘conventional’ view of it being static and focused on ‘poverty lines’. Secondly, the people in Elmina know their situation and needs better than policy makers and want to be involved in the designing of policies and projects intended 163 to improve their lives. Given them opportunity to participate in decision making processes is perceived as a means of empowerment, which can make them committed to community projects aimed at tackling poverty. The findings of the research emphasise the failure of the government’s neoliberal policies that focus on macro-economic ‘growth’ and ‘trickle-down’ effects as the pathway to reduce poverty in Elmina. While economic growth may be essential at the macro level, the respondents argued that a lack of human, financial and social capacities were deprivations that restricted them from taking advantage of any emerging economic livelihood opportunities. The local understanding of poverty emphasise that proposed development strategies must aim to meet the priority needs identified by the people, if they are to be successful in reducing and mitigating poverty. The next chapter analyses how the different stakeholders perceive the significance of tourism as a socio-economic activity for poverty mitigation in Elmina. 164 Chapter 9 The Use of Tourism to Combat Poverty in Elmina: The Stakeholders’ Perspectives 9.1 Introduction This chapter analyses the perceptions of the various stakeholders of the socio- economic opportunities created by tourism development within the local community. As explained in Section 1.5.4, the two integrated development programmes which have been implemented by the Government of Ghana and development agencies, aimed at using the existing cultural heritage in Elmina as a tourist attraction to improve the socio-economic well-being of the people. The programmes advocate the conservation and promotion of cultural monuments as a strategy to stimulate private sector investment in tourism facilities. The following sections chapter explore how the various stakeholders view the socio-economic opportunities that have arisen from this tourism development. 9.2 Local People’s Understandings of Tourism Opportunities In Elmina, local people perceive socio-economic opportunities arising from tourism in various ways. Thematic analysis of the data showed that there was a perception of several socio-economic opportunities to be attained through involvement with tourism. These included: (i) business ownership; (ii) access to the tourism market; (iii) employment and income opportunities; (iv) improved infrastructure development and social amenities; (v) tour guide training; and (vi) enhancement of cultural values, all of which are explained in the following sections. 9.2.1 Business Ownership Local people view the establishment and ownership of small scale and micro businesses as an opportunity to gain employment from tourism, as a consequence of increasing demand for goods and services from tourists. The main types of tourism businesses include hotels, restaurants, chop bars and 165 drinking bars. Whilst the stock of tourism businesses has increased, businesses have also diversified their range of services as exemplified in the following statement: We [my wife and I] started with a decent restaurant to serve the tour operators who don’t find the chop bars attractive for the tourists...We then added the guest house because of popular demand, and now own and manage a 12-room hotel and restaurant. [Hotel owner] This comment reflects a more general finding that local people would like to take advantage of emerging opportunities from tourism, provided they can be assured of a ready market and access to credit facilities, which they expect the government to provide through its policy strategies. Tourism businesses are characterised by being small scale and owner-managed enterprises requiring a low level of financial capital to start-up, which can sometimes be mobilised from personal and family sources. Two main categories of business owners are evident from the study: government and the local community. The tourism business owners identified three main reasons for investing in tourism. Firstly, with the decline of fishing and mining and in the absence of other industries, there was perceived to be a comparative security of investment in tourism. Secondly, tourism businesses are perceived to be comparatively less susceptible to seasonality and price fluctuations than fishing and salt mining, ensuring a more stable income. Finally, the demand for services by tour operators and tourists had encouraged some of the respondents to re-invest in their businesses. Despite these business opportunities the owners commented that there were still issues that needed to be addressed to enhance participation and local investment in tourism; including a lack of available credit facilities and the multiple taxes demanded by the government. 9.2.2 Access to the Tourism Market Local people in Elmina view access to the tourism market as central to the 166 opportunity to offer a variety of services and goods to the tourists. The kind of businesses that were mentioned by a cross section of interviewees included: handicraft shops, chop bars, drinking bars, restaurants, hotels, fishing and hawking. While these businesses have access to the tourism market, the kind of opportunities available to each business segment differs, being dependent on issues of location, linkages and constraints as explained in the following sections. (a) Handicraft sellers The majority of handicraft sellers interviewed indicated that although a few tourists buy souvenirs from them, the limited market access they are permitted, is for the creation of livelihood opportunities in tourism. They felt craftworks depicted traditional values and formed an integral part of cultural tourism development, but their development is ignored by the government and the municipal assembly. Typical craftworks tourists bought from the handicraft sellers include beads, kente textiles, baskets, leather products and trinkets, as shown in Figure 9.1. Figure 9.1: Tourists buying souvenirs in Elmina The handicraft sellers trade in three different locations: in the designated craft market; in front of the Elmina castle, adjacent to the car park; and in rooms and corridors within the castle. The opportunity to trade in different locations gives rise to dissatisfaction among some of the handicraft sellers, who feel they are marginalised from the best location and sell only a few goods in a day, whilst their counterparts, who sell their goods in the castle, have greater access to the tourism market. The respondents felt that the designated craft market, shown in Figure 9.2, which was constructed by the municipality and donor agencies, is not situated on the tourist pathway, nor do the tour operators encourage tourists to 167 visit their shops. Figure 9.2: Official craft market in Elmina A further limitation to the effectiveness of handicraft sales is that sellers are displaying almost the same items. The problems faced by the handicraft sellers are exemplified in the following two comments from handicraft sellers: No tourists go there [craft market] to buy anything because it is not located near the castle and tourist path…The majority of the sellers and all the producers have left because they can’t sell anything. [Handicraft seller]; and We sell craftworks which are brought to us by the producers and we need to pay them after sales, as well as earn profits to feed our families, but the sale we make a day is very low. [Handicraft seller] As a means through which to earn a livelihood, handicraft selling is beset with challenges. The variability of the location of where traders are allowed to sell, affects both the sale and income earned. The location of the official craft market away from the tourist trail is indicative of the lack of consultation by officials of the municipality with traders in the planning process. A further missed opportunity to maximise the economic benefits of handicraft sales is reliance upon imported products, rather than selling locally produced craftworks, which would increase product diversity, create employment opportunities and reduce economic leakages. (b) Chop bar owners Chop bar owners interviewed were aware of the economic opportunities created 168 by having tourists come to buy and eat the local food they prepare and sell. As displayed in Figure 9.3, the chop bars are constructed in wooden structures, often located in obscure places off the ‘beaten-track’ and provide a variety of local cuisine at low prices. The foods include ‘fufu’ (i.e. boiled and pounded cassava and plantain), ‘banku’ (i.e. pulp corn meal), fried plantain and beans and ‘waakye’ (i.e. boiled rice and beans), which are usually not found on the menus of hotels and restaurants, unless they are pre-ordered, which makes them expensive. Figure 9.3: A chop bar Although the primary customers for chop bar owners are local people, they are also frequently used by backpackers, who find the food tasty and spicy and were often interested to learn more about the preparation of local foods. However, a major concern that was expressed by the chop bar owners was the refusal of tour operators to bring tourists to eat at the chop bars usually, because they perceived them as unhygienic. Whilst the chop bar owners recognised the need to improve hygiene, they also believed that tour operators are not contributing to the promotion of local food, as is evident in the following comment: Only a few tourists come here to eat…We want more tourists but the tour operators are not bringing them here…The tourists don’t come to Ghana to eat foreign food (author’s note: ‘foreign’ meaning non-Ghanaian). [Chop bar owner] The comment exemplifies the general view of the majority of local people that local food is one way Ghanaian culture can be promoted, hence the need for government and tour operators to give attention to its promotion. The building of partnerships and networks between chop bars owners and tour operators was 169 advocated to overcome the challenges they face to enhance their business opportunities. (c) Drinking bar owners Interviews with drinking bar owners indicated that their establishments, as shown in Figure 9.4, were often frequented by backpackers, who not only consumed beer but also drank locally distilled drinks such as ‘akpeteshie’, (distilled from palmwine or sugarcane) as an integral part of experiencing the local culture. Figure 9.4: A drinking bar The need to promote locally produced drinks and encourage tour operators to use their facilities was considered one of the ways income opportunities could be improved. As two bar owners commented: The Tourist Board has not tried to train us and promote our businesses…It is a shame that nobody cares about how we can have more access to tourists and get them to buy from us rather than spending most of their time in hotel bars. [Drinking bar owner] I don’t have regrets in the beer bar business...I have ran a transport and a retail trading businesses before but stopped since I was not making profits...Now I have a thriving business because people drink everyday…But there is a need to improve my marketing efforts and offering quality services to satisfy the tourists, who come here to drink. [Drinking bar owner] The comments suggest that although opportunities exist for drinking bars owners to attract tourists, opportunities are limited due to a number of constraints that include a lack of promotion, poor service delivery and a lack of partnership with tour operators. Subsequently, partnerships among drinking bars owners, tour 170 operators and the Ghana Tourist Board to formulate strategies for enhancing capacity and access to credit, were viewed as essential for gaining enhanced access to the tourism market. (d) Restaurant owners Compared with the chop bar owners, the restaurant owners have regular access to the tourism market thanks to the location of the restaurants in the main tourist zone at Elmina. Some restaurants are an integral part of the hotels, providing breakfast and dinner to tourists who have been sold all-inclusive packages by tour operators. By contrast, restaurants owners who are not attached to a hotel, as shown in Figure 9.5, rely upon walk-in tourists and tour operators for snacks and lunches after visits to the attraction sites. The restaurant owners’ share of the tourism market is larger than the chop bar owners, having greater access to tourists through their relationships with tour operators. In contrast to the chop bars, the restaurants serve ‘continental’ food, i.e. European, which is familiar to tourists, easier and faster to prepare. Figure 9.5: A restaurant at the Elmina Castle When one restaurant owner was asked why she did not serve local food such as ‘waakye’ and ‘banku’, as explained Section 9.2.2(b), her response was: “You give the tourists what they want and not what you want.” While this response reflects the need to satisfy tourists, it also illustrates the lack of effort to promote local food which concurs with the views expressed by the chop bar owners. However, the benefits of the relationship between restaurants owners and tour operators, 171 reinforces the importance of partnerships and networking that enhance businesses and market opportunities. (e) Hotel owners Although the hotels have greater market access to western and domestic tourists than the other tourism facilities, the extent of this varies according to the size of the hotel. The hotel owners stated that the two larger hotels in Elmina have more rooms and better facilities, including internet services, conference and sport facilities, alongside having established networking relationships with tour operators who organise all-inclusive packages tours for group tourists. Conversely, the smaller hotels offer basic facilities and low room tariffs, mostly attracting backpackers. As one small hotel owner said: The tour operators and tourists say our facilities and service are poor and basic…but how can you offer a quality service at cheaper prices when the government does not give you loans and tour operators don’t bring the tourists here? [Hotel owner] This illustrates both the limited opportunities and challenges hotel owners encountered in trying to gain a share of the tourism market. Small hotel owners recognised the need for two key initiatives to enhance their businesses: (i) the making available of micro-finance to permit them to invest in up-grading their facilities; and (ii) the enhancement of market opportunities through the construction and establishment of partnership with the tour operators. (f) Fishermen and Fishmongers Tourism has created economic opportunities for fishermen and fishmongers in Elmina, through selling of fish to the hotels, restaurants and chop bars. The selling of fish to tourists, as shown in Figure 9.6, is also an important way for the fishermen and fishmongers to increase their income. The common standard of measure used by the fishermen and fishmongers in trading with the hotels and chop bar owners is a bucket and bowl respectively. The fishermen prefer to trade with the hotels, as a fixed price is given for the duration of the season, permitting the security of being able to estimate the income from sales. However, in both cases of the chop bars and restaurants, the price is open to constant negotiation 172 and bargaining, making income unpredictable. Figure 9.6: Tourists buying fish from fishmongers The hiring of their boats and services to tourists undertaking sea or lagoon cruises, organised by the Tourism Information Office, was recognised by the fishermen as a further income opportunity. The total income the fishermen earn from hiring the boats varies according to the type of service they offer to the tourists and length of trip. The fishermen earn more income when they undertake an overnight fishing trip than a day cruise to nearby communities. While these activities imply a link between tourism and fishing activities, the respondents felt such opportunities are limited but could be enhanced through government support and tour operator partnerships. For example, tour operators could be encouraged to include fishing trips in their inclusive packages, whilst the government could supply cruise boats and train the fishermen in customer care and safety issues. (g) Hawkers In Elmina, hawkers perceive that tourism is creating an opportunity for selling a variety of goods including snacks, seashells, oranges and coconuts. Hawkers typically interact and frenetically bargain with tourists, whether on the buses or the street, as shown in Figure 9.7. 173 Figure 9.7: Hawking activities in Elmina Hawking is the traditional way of buying and selling of goods on the streets and markets and is characterised by shouting, bargaining and haggling. However, some interviewees commented that some tourists are unenthusiastic about hawking and resent the manner in which they are approached, as one hawker stated: Hawking is a freely, ubiquitous activity which demonstrates our traditional way of retailing to earn money…It should be appreciated by tourists. They should not be offended when we say, '‘Oburoni’ [white person] buy something from me. [A Hawker] Other hawkers were more positive about the hawking and tourist interaction, commenting that some tourists are fascinated by the activity, often believing they have bought goods at a better price. Overall, the respondents perceive tourism as providing opportunities for their hawking activities, but these could be enhanced if the tour operators educated tourists about the traditional practices of buying and selling. They further suggested a training programme for themselves as hawkers, would enhance their skills and ability to interact with tourists, without driving them away. 9.2.3 Employment and Income Opportunities The majority of interviewees indicated that tourism has created a variety of employment and income opportunities for the local people, although they are limited in number. The main places and types of employment that local people were directly and indirectly involved in, both in the public and private sectors, are 174 illustrated in Table 9.1. Table 9.1: Places and types of tourism employment opportunities in Elmina Public Sector Locally Owned i.Elmina Castle and Fort St. Jago i. Hotels ii.Tourist Information Office ii. Restaurants iii.Elmina Beach Resort iii. Chop bars iv. Drinking bars v. Handicrafts vi. Selling of fish to tourism facilities and tourists vii. Hiring boats for sea/lagoon cruises viii. Hawking iced water, minerals and snacks ix. Petty and retail trading x. Transport xi. Construction Source: Researcher’s fieldwork In the public sector, sixteen local people are employed by the Ghana Museum and Monuments Board (GMMB) at Elmina Castle and Fort St. Jago, two are employed at the Tourism Information Office (TIO), and 122 by the Elmina Beach Resort. However, as is common in many developing countries in which there is a lack of human resource capability, respondents indicated that the local people were employed in lower positions of the organisations due to their low education levels. In the case of the locally owned facilities, employment for local people is typically in the hotels, drinking bars, handicraft shops, restaurants and chop bars. Examples of the numbers of employees working in these organisations include: two chop bars owners that employ five and seven locals respectively; a small budget hotel that employs fourteen people; and a 3-star-rated hotel that employs sixty workers. The interviewees identified two main challenges to gaining employment in tourism, particularly in hotels and restaurants. The first of these was that local people felt migrant workers were favoured by hotels and restaurant owners because of their higher level of education and skills. This observation by local people was supported in interviews with facility owners and emphasises the requirement to enhance the training and capacity of local people to work in the tourism industry. The second major challenge is gender specific, relating to 175 cultural prohibitions to women working in the tourism industry. Some men do not want their wives and daughters to work in either hotels or bars, equating such employment opportunities as being associated with prostitution, due to likely sexual advances from male customers. As result, the majority of men prefer women to be involved in activities that entail limited male interaction, such as hawking and chop bars. This gender bias is emphasised in the data obtained from one hotel manager, which showed that they employed eighty-three male but only thirty-nine female employees. It was accepted that tourism employment generates a variety of income opportunities, typically through salaries for workers, profits from the selling of goods and services, and entrance fees collected from tourists who visit the castle. Workers employed at the Elmina Castle earn salaries based on the Government's minimum wage of GH¢ 1.9 (GB£0.82) a day. One castle worker disclosed he earned GH¢150 (GB£64.50) per month, which he felt was low, but comparatively better than what he could have earned in the fishing and mining industries. Income data in the private sector was more problematic to obtain. There appeared to be no norm of minimum wage in the private sector, so workers who are employed in roles that require lower skills levels, the majority of the people in Elmina, could have low levels of remuneration. For example, one restaurant worker revealed she earned a monthly cash income of GH¢30 (GB£13.08) which is substantially less than the castle worker earned. Although respondents recognised the marked differential in their salaries, they often considered their work offered them a better status and a more regular income than if they were unemployed or working in other economic sectors. Unsurprisingly, the owners of tourism businesses were unwilling to divulge their incomes, interpreting the question as a personal intrusion or citing a lack of available accounts. It is apparent that local people, with the exception of the owners of facilities that already have access to the tourism market, realise there is a much greater potential for tourism to enhance employment opportunities and livelihoods than it does at present. For example, the fishermen who hire their boats and services for the sea and lagoon cruises recognise that their income is low, but that it could be 176 substantially improved through better coordination between the Tourism Information Office, tour operators and themselves. The themes of improved networking, partnerships and participatory involvement in development planning, are recurring ones, of how tourism can be used to benefit the poor in Elmina. A requirement for greater transparency of how the monies acquired through public-owned tourism facilities was also demanded. For example, local people suggested that a proportion of the entrance fees to Elmina Castle collected by the GMMB should be handed to them to finance community development projects. Interviewees questioned why revenue generated from the entrance fees is paid into the Government Consolidated Fund without a share being given to the local people. When a government official was asked why the locals were not allocated a share of the revenue, whilst there was a government directive to re- direct a percentage of the revenue to the Traditional Council and Municipal Assembly, he gave a non-committal reply that government policy has not been implemented due to administrative procedures. This lack of openness and trust between government bodies such as the GMMB, and local people, needs to be overcome if structures are to emerge that enhance the participation and control of local people in the tourism development process. 9.2.4 Improved Infrastructure Development and Social Amenities Local people recognised that the development of tourism was concurrent with improving infrastructure and social amenities. Improved road access has led to an easier movement of goods and people to and from Elmina, for example, the roads are now tarred and linked to the Trans-West African Highway, giving access to regional and national capitals. Besides this improvement providing a convenient and faster way of travel for tourists, it also gave easier access for traders to markets, and made commuting to work and school easier. One observation by the researcher was that the only arterial road not tarred, was regularly repaired by the owner of a hotel during the rainy season for use by guests, also offering locals a route to commute to work and market centres. This example illustrates how local people may benefit from tourism in an indirect way without reliance upon the municipal assembly. 177 A further improvement in infrastructure attributed to tourism development was the securing of a more regular supply of electricity for household and business use. The expansion of the provision of electricity poles in the local community was attributed to the location of hotels, letting individual house owners extend the wires to their homes, negating the payment of installation fees to the electricity company. Alongside the availability of household electricity enhancing the quality of life, it has also brought income earning opportunities, for example local people can now sell ice blocks to fishermen and fishmongers, and cold minerals and water to tourists, as shown in Figure 9.8. Figure 9.8: Tourists buying cold drinks However, the cost of electricity is considered expensive and many people questioned why the government is not promoting the use of solar energy as a potential source of cheaper electricity for locals and tourism businesses. Additionally, whilst tourism has indirectly improved the electricity supply, it is associated with a reduced access to water, as was explained in Section 8.3.1. It was evident to the local people, that whilst they lacked access to good quality drinking water, the owners of the large hotels buy water for swimming pools and irrigation of hotel gardens. This demand from the hotels is felt by local people to be a significant reason for water scarcity and high prices. It also highlights an element of competition between the tourism industry and local people for resources. Criticisms were also made that the revenues generated by the tourism industry had not been used to improve systems of waste disposal and sanitation in Elmina, the problems of which were discussed in Section 8.3.3. In summary, local people felt that whilst tourism has indirectly provided access 178 roads and a supply of electricity, it has not improved access to good drinking water, nor the sanitation and waste management disposal systems. The challenge is therefore to plan tourism development in such a way that it does not utilise resources at the expense of local people but rather offers them the chance to gain enhanced access to improved social amenities. 9.2.5 Tour Guide and Artisans’ Training One area where local people perceived that opportunities had been enhanced through the provision of training was for local guides and artisans. Interviewees stated that the provision of the training schemes was an outcome of the analysis conducted during the Cultural Heritage and Local Development in Elmina Programme (CHLDEP), explained in Section 1.5.4. The basis of this analysis was to understand which types of products and services tourists were looking for. Tour guiding, wood carving and kente weaving were identified as priority areas for development. The training was free of charge which allowed sixty artisans and twenty tour guides to attend training for between three and six months, in broad areas of customer care, communication skills and presentation of information on Elmina. While respondents believed the training had improved their local knowledge and skills, they questioned its effectiveness because there was no additional support to access credit. The artisans said that whilst they lacked capital, they were not given credit to buy raw materials and equipment that would allow them to produce the goods for sale; hence they had to look for alternative employment opportunities. Whilst the respondents perceived training as one aspect of enhancing their capacity to participate in tourism, they also stressed the need for access to credit facilities, and the requirement to establish partnerships with tour operators. 9.2.6 Promotion of Cultural Values A positive outcome of the arrival of international tourists to Elmina is that local people view Elmina’s international recognition with pride and self-esteem. 179 Specifically, the restoration of the castle and fort, rehabilitation of fourteen historical merchant houses and the organisation of the Panafest and Emancipation festivals, as explained in Section 1.5.4, were viewed as lending symbolic importance to Elmina. However, some interviewees felt too much focus had been directed on the castle, while other local cultural elements had been neglected as being of insignificant interest to tourists. For example, they wanted to see the annual traditional festivals (i.e., Bakatue and Edina Buronya festivals), foods, traditional dress, craftworks, and music and dance elements developed and promoted, as a way of offering tourists the opportunity to experience their culture. The need for the government to engage in dialogue with chiefs, Asafo companies and fishermen and women, was suggested as a strategy to develop and promote these cultural attractions, whilst creating livelihood opportunities and mitigating seasonality. 9.3 The ‘Castle Boys’ and Tourist Harassment A group called the Castle Boys, who are associated with tourist harassment, as is explained in Section 7.3.2 (c), understand their interactions with tourists as a means to monetary and non-monetary benefits which allow them to escape from poverty. The Castle Boys consisted of approximately forty-five local boys whose ages ranged from ten to twenty-three years, and who possessed varying levels of educational achievement. Some were still in school, others had completed their schooling, whilst some had dropped out of the educational system. This last category cited reasons such as their parents’ inability to pay school fees and an inability to find employment on finishing school. The Castle Boys are unorganised, lacking a leader and designated responsibilities, although the majority have been interacting with tourists for many years. Despite this undefined structure, members were known to each other, implying that outsiders could easily be identified. New members had to be either informally or formally introduced by current members before being considered for entry into their fold. The Castle Boys interacted with the tourists in a variety of ways to earn money including the selling of seashells, providing informal tour guiding and begging, typified in Figures 9.9 (a) and 9.9 (b). The amount they each earned per day varied between GH¢5–GH¢10 (GB£2.18–GB£4.36), dependent upon the number 180 of tourists they could interact with and their willingness to give them money. The income is used to meet their livelihood needs and typically those of their siblings including food, school fees, clothing and saving for their future. Some of the Castle Boys have had their schools fees and ancillary expenses paid for by ‘philanthropic tourists’ to enable them to continue secondary and tertiary level schooling, whilst one former Castle Boy interviewed said that apart from being sponsored to attain higher education, he was invited by his benefactors to visit them in Switzerland. He explained: I was a street boy for more than 11 years and begged for money from tourists…I was lucky a couple told me to stop begging, sponsored my education and helped me to visit them in Switzerland. [A former Castle Boy] Although the kind of tourist ‘harassment’ indulged in by the Castle Boys is disapproved of by government officials, tour operators and some tourists, it does have positive aspects in terms of combating poverty. The perception amongst the Castle Boys was that the benevolence of tourists improved the quality of their lives and had economic benefits. However, the Castle Boys argued that government officials, and some tourists and tour operators viewed them as having a negative effect on tourism and the image of Elmina. As a result, the police were deployed to restrict their activities and opportunities for contact with tourists. For example, one Castle Boy noted: The big men don’t know how we are suffering…They don’t sympathise with us…They did not train us as tour guides but are using the police to chase and prevent us from the tourists…Our survival depends on the money we receive from tourists. [Castle Boy] Significantly, the Castle Boys, unlike officials and tour operators, interpreted the benefits they received from the philanthropic tourists as voluntary support for reducing poverty in the local community, a task that they viewed as being the prime responsibility of the government. They suggested the need for the government to offer them training in local tour guiding, after which they should be employed by the management of the castle and municipal assembly as a way of earning regular income. 181 Figures 9.9a: and 9.9b: Activities undertaken by the Castle Boys In summary of Sections 9.2 and 9.3, local people understand tourism as generating a variety of monetary and non-monetary opportunities which impacts on their well-being including: business opportunities and access to the tourism market; infrastructure development; employment creation; enhancement of the image of their culture; and philanthropic support from tourists. 9.4 How Other Stakeholders Understand the Significance of Tourism As discussed in Sections 1.4.4 and 7.3, tourism development in Elmina is influenced by a number of stakeholders. Alongside local people, they include government, donor agencies, the private sector and tourists. Their understandings of the benefits of tourism are explained in the subsequent sections. 9.4.1 Government The government considers tourism a significant sector for development and poverty reduction, as is evident from its role in the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy and Millennium Development Goals (Sections 3.2.3, 5.2.2 and 5.3). The development of cultural tourism in Elmina forms an integral part of the national policy to encourage growth in international arrivals and realise macro-economic benefits, including foreign exchange earnings, revenue from taxes, contribution to GDP and employment. Integral to realising these benefits is the stimulation of private sector investment, micro-businesses and small and medium size 182 enterprises (SMEs), including hotels, restaurants and chop bars. There is a general acceptance that through the stimulation of tourism development there will be employment and income opportunities created for local people through the ‘trickle-down’ and multiplier effects. However, when asked whether an evaluation of the impact of tourism in Elmina has been undertaken, the government officials replied ‘no’. Although government officials perceived salaries generated by tourism as income benefits accruing to local people, this was a conjecture without empirical data to substantiate the assertion. This lack of research is primarily a consequence of resource and personnel constraints at both local and national levels collection and analysis of tourism data. The government officials also explained that local people do not benefit from entrance fees collected at the castle because government directives for revenue sharing have not been implemented because of administrative constraints, as was mentioned in Section 9.2.3 with reference to the Government Consolidated Fund. The government interviewees stated that local people are given resources in the form of grants to organise durbars and to showcase their traditional culture to international tourists during Panafest and the Emancipation Day celebrations. Additionally, the government supports the Chiefs and people to celebrate the traditional Bakatue festival through monetary and non-monetary donations. The government’s policy is that these donations are integral to developing cultural values as part of stimulating tourism development and thus improving economic opportunities in Elmina. In their view, the government is playing a key role in providing the enabling environment for the sustainable development of tourism which will provide economic and livelihood benefits for the poor. Integral to this framework is the policy and regulatory development, marketing and promotion of tourism to Elmina. Little emphasis has yet been placed upon developing human resource strategies for training and enhancing the capacity of the poor to gain employment in the tourism industry. 9.4.2 Donor Agencies In Elmina, donor agency involvement in tourism is critical to its development, with funds being used for the restoration of key tourist sites. For example, the 183 European Commission’s involvement in tourism as the funding agency for the restoration of the Elmina Castle is shown in Figure 9.10. Figure 9.10: A donor agency’s involvement in tourism in Elmina Representatives of the donor agencies cited their involvement in a number of tourism activities including the restorations of Fort St. Jago, the Dutch cemetery and fourteen merchant houses. They perceived their primary objective in Elmina to be aimed at conserving the historical heritage and to develop tourism as a lead sector to unlock sustainable livelihood opportunities for poor people in Elmina. This objective of creating livelihood opportunities was understood as a part of helping Ghana move towards fulfilment of its Millennium Development Goals and the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy. When asked “to what extent the local people were involved in the projects”, one donor agency representative said; The people were only consulted in the project selection of a number of activities from which the priority list was drawn by the Steering Committee of which a representative from the Traditional Council was a member …Apart from that the implementation of all the identified activities were done by the experts. Although the belief was emphasised that tourism has created employment opportunities for local people, they could not prove how their projects had impacted on the population as evaluations had not been carried out. As in the case of the Central Regional Integrated Development Programme (CERIDEP) programme, as explained in Section 1.5.4, the respondent noted that the evaluation report only spelt out the lack of involvement of the key beneficiaries such as the District and Municipal Assemblies, not local people. 184 Two main challenges with the implementation of the Cultural Heritage and Local Development in Elmina Programme (CHLDEP) were identified despite the absence of an evaluation report. The first related to an increase in project costs as a consequence of delays associated with the required tendering processes to recruit expert advice on project development. The representatives noted that they would have saved time and reduced the expenditure on foreign consultants if qualified local personnel had been available, underlying the lack of local expertise in tourism. Additionally, these projects were embedded in political and bureaucratic policies, which delayed decision-making, and were a causal factor of the non-participation of key stakeholders who ought to be involved in the project implementation. For example, although a key government official was appointed to a higher political office outside of the Municipality, he refused to relinquish the position of Chairman of the Project Steering Committee to his successor even though he could not attend the majority of the scheduled meetings, thus creating dissatisfaction amongst the members. 9.4.3 The Private Sector The private sector identifies itself, and is identified by government, as a key stakeholder in tourism development in Elmina. In terms of having resources to influence the direction of tourism development, the major players in Elmina are the tour operators, who operate the all-inclusive tour packages. When asked what policy strategy they were implementing to help reduce poverty, the tour operators stated that they contribute to national development in a variety of ways which benefit the people of Elmina, for example through payment of taxes and employment opportunities created by their business operations. The interviewees considered poverty reduction action as a government responsibility, not theirs, which could be partially addressed by providing an enabling environment for private sector investment. As was emphasised by the local people and explained in Section 9.2, there was thought to be a need to improve and diversify the tourism product. It was also stressed that capacity building was necessary for local people in aspects of tour guiding, service quality and food hygiene preparations, before they could be given serious consideration 185 as employees. However, the responsibility for establishing the capacity training programmes was felt to be that of government vis-à-vis the private sector. It is evident that similar to the government, poverty was viewed by the tour operators as something that was to be alleviated through economic growth. There was no evident consideration by the operators to change the structure of their operations away from all-inclusive packages which they viewed as creating wealth and employment opportunities in Elmina. The emphasis appeared to be that it was the responsibility of government to address the economic and social problems of Elmina, not theirs. 9.4.4 Tourists It was evident that tourists recognised the economic impact of their expenditure in the Elmina community. The main types of expenditure they identified included: food and beverage; souvenirs; lagoon and sea cruise; walking tours; entrance fees; accommodation; local transport; and giving money to beggars as reflected in the comments of the respondents. (a). I bought minerals from the castle restaurants and paid the entrance fees… I don’t have any money left to give to the beggars. [Tourist] (b). I was asked by some of the boys to give them money which I did and also bought one of the sea shells with my name written on it as a souvenir. [Tourist] (c) Elmina is a wonderful place to visit but there are not enough activities to make me excited to stay…the accommodation and meals are expensive at the hotels and I cannot give money to any beggar. [Tourist] Influential to the significance of the economic impact of tourism is the tourist typology arriving in Elmina. For example, the all-inclusive international tourists spend less time in the local community, with their expenditure being limited to the payment of entrance fees and the purchasing of souvenirs bought. In contrast, it was found that backpackers spend a longer time in the local community and spend their money on a variety of goods and services including smaller and budget hotels, food, fish, snacks and beverages. 186 As is the case of local people, a recurring theme amongst respondents was the issue of tourist ‘harassment’. Some tourists felt they were already financially over- burdened with the total cost of their holiday and should not become involved in poverty issues, which they viewed as the responsibility of government. Other tourists cared about the livelihood of local people, viewing their welfare as the collective responsibility of tourists, donors, the private sector and government. Subsequently, monetary and non-monetary donations made to beggars were sometimes emphasised as the tourists’ contribution to poverty reduction in Elmina, as exemplified in the following statements: (a) People only talk about the castle and not the town. There are some signs of poverty here, the children playing on the street and are not well dressed, open drains and poor sanitation, and they need to be helped. [Tourist] (b) Giving money to local people is tourists’ voluntary support to poor communities…the people are poor and need to be helped because you can see that the children are walking on the street without having decent clothes on. [Tourist] (c) Although I am not rich, but coming from a rich country I feel like giving something back to this community to help the people go to school. [Tourist] Although these comments reflect the willingness of these philanthropic tourists to make contributions to the local community, respondents felt a proper and transparent way to solicit support from tourists was for the government to provide information about specific projects that could help the poor. Generally, it is not uncommon for tourists to be approached by the Castle Boys or a chief during a festival event, to make donations for very specific causes, for example for medical equipment or books for schools. A notable example of the extent of the help that can be given by individual tourists, is the Nana Etsiapa Methodist Primary School, where funding for the building of six classrooms has been given by one tourist. However, the respondents generally felt that a practical way to increase tourists’ length of stay and expenditure to create more economic opportunities for local people was to diversify and improve the tourist experience. Whilst the tour of the castle was generally acceptable, they felt that the cultural experience would be richer if the beach and lagoon were developed with recreational facilities, and 187 cultural dance and music performed by the local people. As Lisa said; “I want good and clean cafes and local food, open places to seat and relax”, emphasising the need to diversify the tourism product. However, not all the tourists had positive views about how the culture in Elmina was being used for tourism. Concerns were raised by tourists of African-American identity about the use of Elmina Castle for tourism, as exemplified in the following quote: They are desecrating my ancestral heritage for tourism…whoever is responsible for this idea should stop…this castle has to be preserved as sacred ground for pilgrimage by Blacks in the Diaspora. [Tourist] The issues being raised about the ‘use’ of culture in tourism may become more prevalent in the future, as tourism continues to develop in Elmina. The use and presentation of culture for tourism strengthens the call for participatory involvement in the planning of tourism, to attempt to avoid accusations of inauthenticity, neo-colonialism and patronisation that can accompany cultural tourism. However, an evident difference would seem to exist in this case between those living in Elmina and the diaspora resident in America. The concerns over how history and culture were being used for tourism were being raised by the diaspora, not the local people. 9.5 Chapter Conclusion This chapter has explained the different ways stakeholders understand the role of tourism in combating poverty in Elmina, from which a conclusion may be drawn. This relates to perceptions of the socio-economic opportunities from tourism, which is understood in several ways. These include opportunities for: business investment; infrastructure development; employment creation; cultural enhancement; and philanthropic support from tourists. A combination of several factors interacts to determine the extent of benefits that local people obtain from the tourism industry. Issues of resource ownership; availability and access to finance; educational levels and skills capacities; and the degree of openness and access to tourism market are all influential in deciding the degree of benefits gained from tourism. The inter-actions of these variables are also influential for determining the role that an individual plays within the tourism industry of Elmina, 188 for example whether as a business owner; public sector employee; worker in a hotel or restaurant; Castle Boy; hawker; fisherman; and fishmonger. Whilst tourism is evidently providing some employment opportunities, it is evident that livelihood opportunities through tourism are presently limited. There are several reasons for this, ranging from the structural, to the individual. A lack of attention from government to encourage local people's participation in tourism, combined with the engrained practice of the tour operators, restrict opportunities to gain a livelihood through tourism. Tour operators have a key role to play in the tourism market in Elmina but they have not attempted to form linkages with businesses in the local economy. The practice of all-inclusive tours negates any real benefits for local people through tourism. The control of the movements of tourists by the operators when on tours, for example to the selected restaurants and handicraft-selling outlets, restrict opportunities for other local people to become involved in the tourism market. At the individual level, there is a lack of knowledge and skills to work in the tourism industry, which is compounded not only by a lack of specific training opportunities but a more general failing of the educational system. This failure is mainly a consequence of poverty, with parents unable to afford the ‘extras’, e.g. uniforms that are required within the non-fee paying state sector, and the necessity for children to help out in their parents’ work and businesses. In terms of willingness to have a direct impact on poverty, the most important stakeholder in Elmina at present is the tourist, some of whom have directly supported schools and individuals. However, acts of philanthropic tourists merely treat the symptoms of poverty, not its structural causes. The role of direct intervention in poverty alleviation by tourists could be enhanced, if they were provided with information by government and non-governmental organisations of which types of projects to channel their contributions to, to bring benefits to the wider community. The emphasis of both the government and tour operators is upon ‘growth’ as the way to reduce and alleviate poverty. The dominant paradigm is neo-liberal, with an emphasis upon wealth ‘trickling-down’ to the poor. Whilst there is a limited 189 evidence of this, through employment creation and indirect benefits such as local people being able to ‘tap’ into the electricity grid developed for hotels, from the perspectives of local people opportunities to improve their livelihoods are not emerging. There are also adverse effects on people lives from pursuing growth through increased international tourism arrivals, e.g. water supply problems and increases in prices. It is suggested that there is a need to shift away from an approach of ‘Tourism First’ to ‘Development First’ which embodies within it the principles of participatory approaches and sustainable development. Partnerships between government, donor agencies, the tourism industry and local people need to be established, to ensure an inclusive approach to tourism development. If not, many local people will remain marginalised from the tourism market, unable to access it in the absence of the availability of finance and individual capacity to work in the tourism industry. Thus tourism in Elmina will remain demarcated between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’, meaning missed livelihood opportunities and possible rising social tensions. Thus, understanding the social and economic perspectives within the local community should be an important part of policy formulation for tourism interventions aiming to maximise gains, livelihood opportunities for local people. However, a range of barriers exist, identified by local people that currently restrict their participation in tourism, as is explained in Chapter Ten. 190 Chapter 10 Barriers to Local People’s Participation in Tourism 10.1 Introduction This chapter explains the barriers that impede local people’s participation in tourism in Elmina and subsequently restrict their livelihood opportunities. Although the local people’s desire to participate in tourism is strong, opportunities are restricted by several barriers which are explained in the subsequent sections. 10.2 Lack of Financial Capital A lack of income, credit and financial capital has been identified as a major constraint in the establishment of new businesses and the expansion of existing ones. 10.2.1 Lack of Income Lack of income for investment was identified by respondents as a major barrier affecting local people’s participation in tourism in Elmina. This supports the finding in Section 8.2, that a lack of steady income was identified as one defining characteristic of poverty by local people, which was attributed to the dwindling salt and fishing production activities. As a consequence, profits generated from non-tourism business are too low to allow savings and possible investment in tourism. Although tourism has created a variety of business opportunities, tourism business owners reported that the income generated from their business operations was low, consequently they lacked the investment to expand their businesses. The reasons they cited to explain their low income included the effects of seasonality, limited access to the tourism markets and payment of a multiplicity of taxes. 191 From the perspective of workers, lack of income was a consequence of low wages earned as employees in tourism and salt production businesses. They said that whilst wages were generally low, the high costs of basic needs including food and buying of drinking water did not allow for savings or investment in tourism, as indicated in the following comment: How can I buy a taxi to pick up tourists from Elmina to Cape Coast [regional capital and also a tourist destination] when I don’t have enough money to pay for my rent, buy water to drink and food to feed my family…the wages are not good…there is nowhere to go…there is no alternative employment for me as a worker. [Hotel worker] From the point of view of the Castle Boys, their lack of income related to their inability to gain employment due to their low level of education and skills. Although unemployed, the Castle Boys receive money from tourists through begging activities but do not earn enough to make savings to invest in tourism enterprises. When respondents were asked whether they received financial support from their families which could be invested in tourism businesses, some respondents said “yes”, but added that such remittances were inadequate for the needs of their household. 10.2.2 Lack of Access to Credit Lack of access to credit was a major obstacle facing local people who wished to establish or expand tourism businesses. Although formal financial services are offered by different banks, including the Edina Rural and Standard Chartered Banks in Elmina, tourism and non-tourism business owners reported that they did not have access to credit. There are two principal reasons for this: local people’s inability to provide the necessary collateral security demanded by the formal banks, normally land and property; and the high transaction costs to prepare business plans, including the requisite payment of bribes to officials at the banks. When asked whether they were able to access loans from the micro-finance scheme that was implemented by the Municipal Assembly, the respondents’ replied ‘no’, and reported that tourism was not included in the list of beneficiary 192 sectors. When an official of the Municipal Assembly was interviewed concerning the micro-finance loan scheme, she stated that disbursements were made by priority poverty economic sectors. She explained that whilst the tourism industry is important, farmers and fishermen were the main beneficiaries in the Poverty Reduction Strategy Report, prepared by the Ministry of Local Government and presented to the Municipal Assembly for implementation. However, tourism business owners felt that the action taken by the Municipal Assembly reflected inequality in the distribution of financial resources and a lack of support for local people’s initiatives in tourism development. One beer bar owner said: We don’t have money to operate guest houses or restaurants as demanded by the donors and Municipal Assembly…many of us [local people] asked the banks for loans but they did not give us…how can I use a family house as collateral to obtain a loan from the bank…[Beer bar owner] The statement reflects the general view of local people that without access to income it is difficult to invest in tourism businesses, unless they can have access to credit without collateral security. Given that this is usually taken as being property and land ownership, the poor in Elmina are effectively disenfranchised from acquiring credit. Due to a lack of accessible credit from the formal and micro-finance scheme, the ‘Susu’ savings and credit scheme has become a major source of fund mobilisation for local people. ‘Susu’ is a traditional and informal banking system that allows individuals to make daily or weekly fixed deposits into a ‘pool’, which they collect at the end of the month. Although the contributors to the ‘Susu’ scheme do not earn interest, they perceive it as a mechanism to mobilise a substantial sum of money, which is used to buy goods to expand their business operations. They can also have access to loans with little interest from the ‘Susu’ operators without having to offer collateral. The respondents said that the ‘Susu’ scheme was making a significant contribution to business start-ups and expansion because it guaranteed regular access to savings and loans, typified in the following statements: 193 (a) I don’t receive any loan from the banks…I don’t have property and can’t pay the interests…I only save with the ‘Susu’ man and collect my contribution at the end of every month to plough back into my business [Handicraft seller]. (b) I pay my daily ‘Susu’ contribution of one Ghana Cedis [GB£0.43]…You see, the money I collected last month was used to buy tables and chairs for use by my customers…which bank will give me money to buy them? [Beverage seller] As the above comments imply, financial resources are not available, hence the dependency on savings outside the formal banking system. As a result the growing link between tourism business owners and ‘Susu’ collectors has become an important financial mechanism to provide credit to local people in Elmina. These views not only emphasise the lack of available credit that has restricted local businesses from fully realising the opportunities and benefiting from tourism development, they also exemplify how the lack of financial capital acts as a barrier to local people’s participation in tourism. Local people do not have enough capital to establish new businesses such as guest houses nor to upgrade existing enterprises such as hotels and chop bars to serve tourists. As the business owners stressed, a lack of financial capital makes it difficult for local people to play a leading role as entrepreneurs in the tourism industry in Elmina. They also suggested that the government should establish a ‘Tourism Development Fund’ that could provide credit facilities to accelerate small scale enterprises in tourism by local people. In summary, a lack of financial capital for investment in the locally owned tourism industry has resulted from a marked lack of available income and credit to local people from the formal banking and micro-financing institutions. The respondents suggested the need for the government together with themselves to discuss their financial problems. They said that this partnership could create an opportunity to share information and help the financial institutions to understand the nature of tourism businesses, hopefully moving them to consider it as a priority sector in their lending portfolios. 194 10.3 Lack of Human Capital As alluded to in Section 9.2, a lack of capability has been found to impede local people’s participation in tourism. One aspect of this capability is a lack of human capital, which can be separated into a lack of education and skills, combined with the apathy of local people toward programmes initiated by the government and tour operators 10.3.1 Lack of Education and Skills Capacity The low educational level of tourism business owners and workers was found to be the most fundamental challenge facing their participation in tourism. This concern was expressed most forcibly by the tourism business owners, who were aware that to be successful in tourism in an international market demanded training. However, a problem associated with education in Elmina is that some girls and boys do not attend school because they have to spend a great deal of time helping their parents in their fishery and retailing activities, as explained in Section 8.3.4. Others leave school because they can not afford to pay for their school fees, as was the case of some of the Castle Boys. The low level of education of local people had stimulated an influx of employees from other parts of country to work in tourism in Elmina. One Castle Boy said: “when you go to the hotels to look for job, they tell you to bring your certificate…but we don’t have it”. Whilst local people had been offered employment by the public sector tourism organisations, they occupy unskilled positions that pay low wages, as a consequence of their low level of education. Workers interviewed said that as a consequence of a lack of skills, opportunities to earn higher wages, seek promotion and find employment with better conditions of services were highly restricted. Tourism business owners also strongly felt that they lacked skills and identified a range of training needs that could enhance their capabilities, including management skills, customer relations, record keeping, pricing and negotiation techniques. For example, chop bar and drinking bar operators identified that an improvement in their skills in customer care and book keeping would have a substantial positive impact on their business in the long term. 195 Three main measures to tackle the barriers to participation and enhance livelihood opportunities through tourism were identified. Firstly, training should target the needs of the unemployed and tourism business owners. For example, the unemployed should be offered training in the skills needed in businesses such as chop bars, drinking bars and craft shops. Secondly, preference should be given to ‘on-the-job training’ and ‘on-site training’ and held in Elmina, which is closer to the potential trainees. Respondents stated that training programmes organised to take place in the regional and national capitals restricted their participation because of the costs of fees, accommodation, meals and transport. However, a representative of the Hotel Tourism and Training Centre (HOTCATT) did not see this proposal as feasible because his organisation lacked the requisite logistics to organise training in Elmina, unless the trainees could demonstrate their ability to pay the costs involved. In his view, non-participation by local people was not associated with the course fees but rather the fact that the business owners and workers lacked meaningful commitment to training and improving their skills. Finally, the training of local people for employment in tourism should be seen by government as an integral aspect of poverty reduction, to include the establishment of a ‘Tourism Training Fund’ as a means of making training in tourism accessible to local people. 10.3.2 Issues of Apathy Apathy amongst local people is a contributory factor to their non-involvement in tourism. Whilst local people hold the government and tour operators accountable for the extent to which apathy has become a problem in Elmina, the government and tour operators blame the locals. Chop bar and drinking bar owners stated that local people lacked motivation to be involved in tourism, mainly as a consequence of being ignored by the government in its planning and development, which rendered them apathetic about taking part in matters beyond their traditional, religious, businesses and family domains. The respondents stated that the Municipal Assembly and other government organisations did not give money for transportation costs the very few times they invited local people to meetings, making the cost of participation expensive. Moreover, attending government meetings was seen as a waste by local people as their views were usually ignored in the final decision-making. It was felt that their presence was 196 little more than symbolic tokenism and no one was really interested in what they felt would bring about changes in their well-being. Very often local people were never invited to meetings about tourism development in Elmina. For example, the fishermen said that they had never been invited to any meeting connected to tourism, as exemplified in these comments of a fisherman and a fishmonger. (a) They [Government] did not invite us [fishermen] to the Panafest meetings because we have not been to school…if they had invited us we would advise them to include boat racing to the programme which would offer a competition between fishermen in Elmina and our brothers in Komenda, Cape Coast and others…this is also tourism [Fisherman] (b) You can’t invite yourself to a meeting…it is somebody’s responsibility to invite you if he values your idea. [Fishmonger] However, a government representative said that the majority of the people involved in fishery activities were not interested in issues of tourism development, believing that these did not directly affect their businesses. He also said that owners of tourism businesses often failed to attend scheduled meetings to discuss issues on tourism because they were generally not interested in activities undertaken by the Municipal Assembly. The government representative said: They [local people] don’t want us to hear their side of views …and so we talk to the Chief when we need to discuss tourism development programmes, and it is his responsibility to inform his people…of course, this approach may not service a large proportion of local people, but they [local people and business owners] don’t want to be converted through the meetings which forms an integral part of the awareness programme to sensitise the people on tourism development in Elmina. [Government representative] Tour operators interviewed also said that there was apathy among tourism business owners, who often failed to attend meetings planned to facilitate the formation of local associations and promote co-ordination. For example, three meetings organised to help promote partnership amongst stakeholders were poorly attended, whilst some of the owners were represented by employees who could not take decisions. 197 Given the divergence in views held by stakeholders about the ‘apathy’ of local people, it is difficult to gauge the extent of a real attempt at a participatory approach for tourism development in Elmina. There exists no formal government strategy to encourage local participation, and there would seem to be a mutual deafness, of the government and local people each accusing the other of not wanting to hear. Any attempt of a participatory approach would on the evidence of the results of this research seem to be highly ineffective. For a participatory approach to be truly pluralistic, giving voice to all sections of the community, whether ‘educated’ or not, implementation of capacity building programmes through co-ordinated activities amongst government, private sector and local people is essential. 10.4 Lack of Social Capital Besides financial capital, a lack of a variety of social resources needed to advance livelihoods has been found to impede local people’s participation in tourism. One aspect of this social resource is a lack of ‘social capital’, which can be separated into several main components. These are a lack of access to: the tourism market; diversified tourism product; institutional capacity; information; involvement in decision-making; co-ordination; and poor infrastructure. These seven themes are explained in the following sub-sections. 10.4.1 Lack of Access to the Tourism Market Variable and a total lack of access to the tourism market is a major constraint in realising economic livelihood opportunities. The degree of access to the tourism market varies between tourism businesses, for example, the larger hotels had a greater share of the market than the smaller ones because of their frequent use by tour operators for all-inclusive packages. The smaller hotels were predominantly used by adventure tourists who often sought basic and low-priced accommodation; however in the opinion of the owners the number were too small to provide livelihood all year round. 198 Access to the tourism market for restaurants and chop bars also varied significantly due to their location in relation to the larger hotels and the different types of foods they offer to tourists. Whilst the chop bars sell local foods to mainly adventure tourists, the restaurants primarily serve imported foods to both package holiday and adventure tourists. The chop bar owners were particularly critical of the tour operators, regarding their frequent use of the hotels and restaurants as the underlying reason for their marginalisation in the tourism market. They hoped the government would persuade the tour operators to patronise their services within a context of promoting local food promotion, subsequently unlocking economic opportunities for chop bar owners. Handicraft sellers reported that a major causal factor of the lack of access to the tourism market is the location of the craft market well away from the main tourist area around Elmina Castle, meaning it is not visited by either tourists or tour operators. As a consequence, some of the handicraft sellers and trained artisans who produce arts and crafts felt compelled to leave Elmina and establish their businesses elsewhere, as witnessed in the following statements: (a) Most traders have left the business and re-located to the Cape Coast Castle where space has been allocated to them by GMMB…we don’t understand why the same GMMB has given preference to only one handicraft seller to operate in the Elmina Castle, whilst asking the rest of us to go to the craft market that has been provided by the Municipal Assembly. [Handicraft seller] (b) Who goes there [craft market] to buy souvenirs? The market is not properly constructed, besides tourists don’t go there. The craft market should have been constructed here [near Castle] so that tourists who come to the castle can have more time to buy things from us. [Handicraft seller] The handcraft sellers said that tour operators who transported tourists to and from Elmina had entered into a contract with the large hotels, restaurants and selected handicraft shops, from whom they gained a commission from the goods and services sold to the tourists. However, the tour operators indicated that such contracts were ‘normal’ business practice to earn additional income from their operations. Whilst the tour operators accepted that their business operations were influenced by their profit motives, they argued that tourists felt unsafe from harassment when outside their hotels or not participating in organised tours. 199 Subsequently, for tourists to visit more handicraft sellers, the tour operators stressed the need for a solution to harassment and the poor sanitation arrangements that created a low quality environment in Elmina. Restricting local people’s access to the tourism market affects employment and income earning opportunities, whilst also negating the potential use of tourism for poverty reduction. For tourism to realise its potential, it is important that barriers to access to social capital for the poor are overcome. Local stakeholders felt it important for the relationship between tour operators and local people to be strengthened, through partnership and capacity building programmes, which would ease access to tourists and considerably enhance opportunities for selling their products and services. The variety of strategies the respondents proposed to strengthen the relationship included: (i) promoting complementary products including local foods and arts and crafts; (ii) making Elmina more attractive to tourists to lengthen their stay, so that they integrate more fully with the local economy, whilst increasing their spending on local goods and services; and (iii) establishing capacity building training programmes to provide the skills training necessary for local people to be able to offer a quality service to tourists. 10.4.2 Lack of a Diversified Tourism Product A lack of development of productive activities that could allow local people to generate income in the tourism market was constantly emphasised by respondents as a barrier to their participation in tourism. Although there is a range of festivals and places where tourists and locals can interact, e.g. Bakatue festival, the beach and the lagoon, and where arts and crafts are sold, they are not sufficiently developed to give local people a focal point from which to sell to tourists. From the perspective of the business owners, the development of the lagoon and beach areas, combined with provision of recreational facilities, could draw tourists away from their regular routes and offer them more localised experiences upon which they could spend money. They suggested the need to diversify tourism development away from an over dependency on the immediate locale of Elmina Castle, and were also of the view that major events of the Pan African Historical Festival and Emancipation Day, had yielded few livelihood 200 opportunities for local people. They also added that their views had not received any attention from the government. The craft sellers favoured the development of arts and craft production to sell to tourists, which would create employment for skilled and unemployed local people, helping to arrest the increasing rate of emigration to seek livelihood opportunities elsewhere. However, the Municipal Assembly [government] has failed to provide the financial and institutional support to stimulate local entrepreneurs to produce arts and crafts. Subsequently, there is reliance by handicraft sellers upon the importation of curios from outside Elmina for sale to tourists. Whilst recognising that the cultural elements of Elmina offer great opportunities to increase and diversify the range of tourist services, a government representative interviewed felt that the initiatives to meet this demand should come from local people. This approach is indicative of a non- commitment on the part of the government, to provide capability building aimed at diversifying tourism activities, as a strategy to widen livelihood opportunities. 10.4.3 Lack of Institutional Capacity: Business Registration and Regulation A lack of institutional capacity to facilitate business registration and regulation, and the payment of the multiple taxes demanded by government, were identified as constraints affecting local people’s investment in tourism. The tourism business owners criticised the highly bureaucratic system of business registration and requirement of licensing (permits) in the industry. Table 10.1 lists the various permits that tourism business owners must acquire before they are allowed to establish and operate a tourism enterprise. These range from the certification of incorporation of a business to building permits and feasibility study reports. All registered business have to cope with voluminous paperwork, as several copies of the application forms have to be completed, and together with the required fees, submitted to the governing bodies that are located outside of Elmina, i.e. Cape Coast or Accra. This involves high transaction and travel costs, often involving the payment of bribes. 201 Tourism business owners reported epidemic corruption amongst officials from the various governing bodies who often demanded money to facilitate the process of acquiring the necessary permits and licenses. This included bribes to officials during the submission of registration forms, establishing electricity supplies, requests for police and fire reports, and establishment inspections to ensure they met required safety standards. During the fieldwork, the author witnessed more than one situation whereby electricity company officials were seen demanding money from hotel owners to ensure a regular supply of electricity. The hotel owners would experience a constant interruption of the electricity supply if they refused to give money to the officials. Corruption is not uncommon and it is clear that ongoing and unresolved corruption can hinder participation in tourism by local people, especially those without access to resources. Respondents said that bribery has the effect of fostering a climate of apprehension amongst tourism business owners, whilst also diverting resources that could have been utilised to expand their business and create employment opportunities. This situation of the payment of ‘incentive’ to speed up the process favours the wealthy over the poor. The tourism business owners also wanted government bodies to revise the multiplicity of taxes imposed on their enterprises. The cost of these taxes was perceived as a disincentive to investment in tourism, made more perplexing by the imposition of more than twelve different annual taxes. These include: permit fees, property rates; value added tax; income tax; internal revenue tax; and music copyright tax. While the interviewees acknowledged the need for regulation of their operations, the present registration, regulation and tax systems were perceived as constraining the growth of businesses. They wanted the various government agencies to consult them and establish a mutually beneficial streamlined approach. However, Ghana Tourist Board and Municipal Assembly representatives interviewed categorically denied that the registration and regulations were cumbersome, time-consuming and expensive. When asked if it was not possible to enter into dialogue with the tourism business owners to resolve this problem, they were non-committal but stated that they (business owners) should submit their grievances to the government [Ministry of Tourism and Diasporan 202 Relations]. The views of the government representatives indicated a lack of transparency and accountability, whilst the highly cumbersome, corrupt and inefficient registration and regulation procedure weakened the government’s policy of using investment in tourism to tackle poverty in Elmina. Table 10.1: Different permits required by tourism business operators in Elmina Formal Tourism Establishment Informal Catering Establishment Certification of Incorporation of Manager’s name, sex, educational background and Business professional experience Certificate of Commencement of Ownership (Partnership, Limited Liability, Sole Business Proprietorship) Company Regulations Nature of Business (Drinking Bar, Snack Bar, Traditional Catering Establishments, Others such as Outdoor Caterer) Site Plan and Basic Drawing Structure (Kiosk, summer hut, concrete etc.) Evidence of Ownership of Service (waiter/self-service) Premises Building Permit Hours of operations Development or Change of use Discotheques, Concerts and Cinemas. of permit from Town & Country Planning Department Report from the Police (CID) on Environmental Unit permit from Metropolitan/ Municipal/ the security of the premises and District Assembly criminal records of the proprietor, manager and key personnel Suitability Report from the Report from Ghana National Fire Service Ghana National Fire Service Suitability Report from Permit from Commissioner of Police Environmental Protection Agency Feasibility Report/Plan Business Registration Certificate Sources: Author’s Own Work 10.4.4 Lack of Involvement in Decision-Making Local people in Elmina see their non-involvement in decision making as a barrier to expressing their priorities and making choices. To the open-ended question; “how have the local people been involved in the decision making process relating to tourism?”, the government view was that a representative from the Traditional Council represented local people on the Project Steering Committee, which 203 supervised the implementation of the Cultural Heritage and Local Development in Elmina Programme (CHLDEP), discussed in Section 1.5.4. However, tourism business owners and the Asafo companies felt strongly that they had been excluded from tourism programmes, citing the example of the Pan African Historical Festival (Panafest) and annual Emancipation Day celebrations which are being planned by a committee in Accra away from the venue. Typical views of the lack of involvement of local people are expressed in the following statements: (a) The Authorities aren’t helping to develop tourism in Elmina. They aren’t using local experts like me…I wasn’t involved in the Elmina project, Panafest and Emancipation Day activities which took place here [Elmina]…A prophet is not accepted in his home... [Tour guide] (b) During the 1992 and 1994 Panafest, the local people were involved and felt it was their festival and the world was coming to them…but now the owners of tourism facilities and local people who receive the tourists are not consulted and involved in the designing of activities…the organisers are doing their own things in Accra. [Beer bar operator] However, a representative of the Ghana Museums and Movements Board (GMMB) wondered why the views of the local people should be sought when they were not providing the funding for the programmes. Asked whether there were a policy and strategies to involve the local people in tourism programmes, the GMMB official responded: We only consult and give money to the Traditional Council when we need them to organise durbars to showcase their traditional culture during national and international events held in the area…Apart from that, there is nothing to discuss with them. [Government representative] These statements are an example of the context in which the decision making process works in Elmina, suggesting a lack of the elements of participatory approaches such as consultation and imposition as opposed to dialogue and partnerships. 204 In terms of poverty reduction, it is essential to understand and develop strategies of how local people can overcome non-involvement in decision making in order to actively participate in and benefit from tourism. A lack of involvement can exacerbate tensions between local people and government in Elmina, due to a lack of trust and transparency in the institutions responsible for tourism development and the conservation of the cultural sites. A lack of participation combined with an absence of transparency can also lead to bureaucratic abuse in the process of the allocation of resources for tourism, subsequently denying livelihood opportunities for local people in Elmina. For example, only consulting and giving money to the Traditional Council to organise durbars during national and international tourism events, supports a ‘top-down’ approach. This means local people, including the poor, have no voice and cannot express their views or be involved in decision-making about development programmes which impact upon their livelihoods. 10.4.5 Lack of Information A lack of information about tourism development in Elmina was found to hinder local people’s participation in the industry. The Municipal Assembly and Ghana Tourist Board were frequently cited for their failure to openly and transparently inform the people about issues that impacted upon their business activities as well as their well-being. For example, respondents reported that the two bodies often did not inform tourism business owners about changes in government policies and the implications for their business activities. They were dissatisfied that the larger hotels had easy and open access to the governing bodies responsible for the regulation and approval of tourism investment and incentives, whilst as small business operators they were marginalised. The lack of information is worsened by a lack of resources for the government bodies and Municipal Assembly to gather up-date information about tourism or even produce marketing literature. For example, the Tourism Information Office in Elmina lacks a website and does not have maps and brochures to give to tourists and local people. Asked why the office did not have promotional materials, the official interviewed said that; 205 This office is finding it difficult to market Elmina because whilst it lacks financial resources there is also a lack of collaboration among the Municipal Assembly, the Traditional Council [chief and elders], Member of Parliament and the Tourism Organisations…Every body is doing its own thing...Although the Assembly is responsible for this office, they are not allocating money for production of promotional materials…Apart from that only few operators bring copies of their brochures here to give to tourists. [Official, Tourist Information Office] As a consequence of this lack of information there was a communication gap between local people and tourism governing bodies, often compelling locals to rely on word-of-mouth to know what was going on in the context of tourism development. Consequently, such a system is open to widespread misinformation leading to marginalisation and exclusion from tourism. Access to up-to-date information was considered important by respondents since it could help enhance their understanding of economic opportunities in tourism and consequently the roles that they could play. 10.4.6 Lack of Co-ordination The lack collaboration between stakeholders to market Elmina is representative of a wider malaise of a lack of vertical and horizontal co-ordination. At a vertical level, there is an absence of a working relationship and networking between governing bodies and the local people in the selection, designing and management of tourism projects and programmes. For example, the chiefs and Asafo companies maintained that the Ghana Museums and Monuments Board (GMMB) did not co-ordinate issues regarding the management of the Castle, Fort and Dutch Cemetery which attract tourists to Elmina. As stakeholders, they expected the government agency to have a co-ordination mechanism focusing around the identification of tourism programmes that were mutually beneficial and likely to enhance the sustainable management of the cultural heritage. One chief commented: We [local people] own the land and the government and donors claim they own the Castle…this means that there are three parties owning it and there must be co- ordination amongst them to manage the property. You don’t exclude the Traditional 206 Council and expect it to tell the people to stop defecating around the Castle…management is a joint effort and the government must know that the people are also shareholders… By contrast, horizontal co-ordination was explained as a lack of networking, relating to intra-government agencies and intra-tourism business owners. For example, a government representative said that often government bodies kept their respective policies and activities a secret from other government departments, a practice that often contributed to an ineffective implementation of development programmes. Often structures such as ‘steering committees’ and ‘planning committees’ were formed, comprising representatives of various agencies, but they were frequently abolished during the project implementation process or immediately after the task had been completed. One government representative said: You don’t know who is responsible for tourism development in Elmina…everybody is having a piece of a small cake… Respondents reported that although business activities within the tourism industry were fragmented, a lack of co-ordination had been a major causal factor impeding the ability collectively to identify strategies to create business opportunities. For example, when respondents were asked whether there had been meetings on some specific tourism issues, such as tax regimes and marketing initiatives, they all replied ‘no’. Co-ordination was advocated by respondents as an important mechanism that could allow tourism business owners to have a common ‘voice’, constructed on a broad basis of trust and networking collectively, to formulate actions and negotiations with government bodies and tour operators on significant issues affecting their operations. They reiterated that the co-ordination of business activities could be a route to creating a strategy of tourism development in which cultural tourism, based on the diverse cultural heritage of Elmina, would contribute to an overall strategy of sustainable development. 207 10.4.7 Poor Infrastructure Development As explained in Section 9.2.4, tourism was held as a direct and indirect contributor to the provision of social amenities, particularly tarred roads and the supply of electricity, whilst poor waste disposal management and limited access to drinking water supplies were frequently cited by local people as restricting investment in tourism in two main ways. Firstly, local entrepreneurs needed to be able to operate their businesses without having to purchase water from private tanker drivers which led to increased costs of operations as explained. They felt that the provision of clean and safe drinking water by government could catalyse expansion of local businesses, whilst encouraging the further establishment of guest houses and home stays, once water was available to flush their toilets and provide drinking water for guests. Secondly, poor waste disposal was cited by tourism operators as one main reason they do not often encourage or include walking tours as part of their programmes for tourists in Elmina. The problems of waste disposal were discussed in Sections 8.3.3 and 9.2.4. From a poverty reduction perspective, local people in Elmina considered the provision by government of a range of affordable infrastructure facilities, including drinking water and improved sanitation, as instrumental to encouraging small scale investment in tourism. 10.5 Chapter Conclusion While tourism is important to the government in terms of its potential contribution to macro-economic growth, it has not created widespread livelihood opportunities for local people in Elmina. The analysis indicates that barriers exist that restrict different groups from participation in tourism in a variety of ways. A lack of available financial capital has impeded local people from investing in tourism businesses and expanding existing ones, limiting tourism’s role as an agent of poverty reduction. A lack of access to credit from banks and micro-finance institutions further limits opportunities and local people are reliant upon ‘Susu’ schemes as an alternative financing mechanism. However, the Susu scheme is limited by the quantity of financial resources that it has available to lend to local people. 208 A lack of human capital, caused primarily by a low level of education skills and lack of training opportunities, has become a major barrier to participation in employment in the tourism industry. Whilst training programmes are organised outside of Elmina by the government training body, the high costs of attending them exclude local people from participation, limiting their opportunity for employment in tourism. A lack of social capital was also considered a barrier to participation, including a lack of a participatory approach to decision-making and a local supply of information about tourism from the government. From the perspective of tourism’s use for poverty reduction, several policy implications can be drawn from the findings. Tourism has not brought greater prosperity to local people because of barriers, i.e. a lack of financial, social and human capital, which needs to be mitigated. As several scholars, including Tosun (2000) and Scheyvens (2003), have indicated, it is not sufficient to stress that local people should benefit from tourism, but rather that their capabilities should be enhanced and that they should be empowered to participate in the tourism development process necessary to create employment and business opportunities. Various policy measures are therefore needed to tackle these barriers. The commencing point could be a shift in the development approach, suggesting the need for government and donor agencies to de-emphasise modernisation, economic growth and neo-liberal policies in favour of the adoption of sustainable development, placing the concerns and ideas of local people at the centre of the decision-making. Local people felt that the success of tourism should not be assessed by indicators of growth, e.g. international arrivals and the stock of tourist facilities, but by the effect on their well-being. Policies could also aim at identifying all the stakeholder groups in Elmina and engaging them in dialogue to identify their specific interests and roles in tourism and poverty reduction development programmes. This could take place as part of a co-ordinated plan to improve access to financial, human and social capital, the lack of which has contributed to their marginalisation and exclusion from participation in the tourism industry. In practice, local people seem more likely to participate in activities when they are assured of trust, the sharing of knowledge 209 and experiences, and are reimbursed with the cost of participation in meetings. Local people therefore view these barriers as a cause of their lack of empowerment, which hopefully can be overcome through capacity building programmes, aimed at developing their potential and ability to participate in tourism. 210 Chapter 11 Analysis and Discussion 11.1 Introduction Based upon the findings presented in Chapters Eight, Nine and Ten, this chapter assimilates the main thematic findings into the context of the research aim and objectives detailed in Section 1.4. The literature suggests that there has been limited empirical policy and academic work in the relationship between poverty reduction and tourism development, focusing on local people and other stakeholders’ perspectives. Research works in this area have largely been reliant upon macro-economic growth and ‘trickle-down’ effects, based on a number of assumptions, as opposed to empirical data based on local people’s perspectives that tourism does not automatically create benefits and opportunities to increase their participation in the industry as evident from the findings of this research. The poverty reduction focus of this research adds to a widening of the comprehension of the role of tourism as a possible component of policy development strategy and academic research in local communities. The thematic question of this research study is: what enhances or impedes the role of tourism in reducing poverty in Elmina? The following discussion is situated in this context, considers the implication of the results for: (i) the advancement of tourism policy as an aid to poverty reduction; and (ii) their application to a wider understanding of the relationship between tourism and poverty in developing countries. This discussion leads to investigation of the socio-economic opportunities and barriers of using tourism as both policy and academic means of tackling poverty in developing countries, and Elmina in particular. 11.2 Poverty and Tourism-The Multiple Perspectives The findings of this study reveal the multiple ways stakeholders perceive the relationship between poverty and tourism as explained in Chapters Eight, Nine and Ten. As the body of literature suggests, there is certainly a potential for tourism to contribute to poverty reduction in developing countries, however the 211 theoretical and empirical analyses of the industry’s potential is largely focused on ‘conventional’ approaches (Roel et al., 2004; Scheyvens, 2007) explained in Section 4.3. Evidence from the literature suggests that whilst research findings were corroborated with other studies, the statistical analyses had been based on insufficient data to establish trends of tourism’s contribution to national economies. At the macro level, governments and donors are reliant on a neo- liberal macro economic framework with which to examine the role of tourism development in poverty reduction. In Ghana, evidence from the poverty and tourism sector analysis agrees largely with the body of literature on tourism’s contribution to poverty reduction in developing countries, in terms of tourism revenues, employment and stock of facilities (GSS, 2006; GTB, 2007) as discussed in Section 5.3. The importance of tourism is stressed as a major contributor to foreign exchange earnings in Ghana, and a means of diversifying the economy in view of the current over-dependence on cocoa, gold and timber (ROG, 1996; Asiedu, 1997; Gartner, 1999; Bank of Ghana, 2007). At the micro level, such as Elmina, the macro economic benefits of tourism are the foreign exchange earnings represented by the visitor fees to Elmina Castle, while hotels, restaurants and craft shops receive income earnings from direct tourist expenditures as discussed in Sections 1.4.5 and 9.2. However, there is no evidence that such expenditures are targeted at improving the well-being of poor people. Thus, in terms of poverty and tourism perspectives, the findings of this research suggest a gap exists between tourism’s role in poverty reduction at the national and local economies. In order to overcome this challenge, there is need to capture all the different ways in which poor people participate in tourism as evident in the findings of this study. This action is justified on the basis that, while growth in tourism revenue and tourist arrivals may have positive dynamic effects on the rest of the economy, this research findings suggests that local people in Elmina consider the creation of an enabling environment as requirement for increasing livelihood opportunities and decision-making process. This is because business and employment opportunities associated with tourism through trickle- down effects have occurred by default, and not as necessary outcomes of conscious efforts and poverty-reduction programmes. Evidence from this research reveals that trickle-down effects that are linked to tourism, such as employment, business and infrastructure development, are not significant to help 212 alleviate poverty in Elmina. The findings of this research, therefore, challenge the ‘conventional view’ and adoption of neo-liberal approach for tourism development as means of reducing poverty. 11.3 Tourism and Poverty Reduction in Elmina: A Discussion Attention is now turned to the key focus of this research, i.e., the role of tourism in poverty reduction in Elmina. This section discusses the key findings with regard to stakeholders’ perceptions of the significance of tourism to reduce poverty, in the context of objectives 1 and 3 of this research. The development of tourism in Elmina has been influenced by its history of colonialism and slavery, a theme which has remained inextricably linked to the government’s and donor agency interests in the development and funding of tourism, discussed in Section 1.5.4. The pull for Elmina’s tourist attractions for international tourists and the associated economic impacts, means government and donor agencies are increasing using tourism as a mechanism for economic development and poverty reduction. This is a similar situation to other developing countries, for example Burns (1999) comments on the role of tourism in development (and poverty reduction) in Eritrea. The government-funded tourism development in Elmina typifies donor-funded projects in developing countries, which focus on economic, commercial and conservation interests (UNDP, 1993; Bruner, 1996; ROG, 2006a). However, the current tourism development plan of the government reflects a conventional top- down approach, framed in a neo-liberal paradigm that emphasises a ‘trickle- down’ effect. The potential for tourism to reduce poverty in Elmina is evident but opportunities are negated by a range of economic and social factors and discussed in the following sections. 11.3.1 Socio-Economic Opportunities from Tourism This section discusses the key findings related to objectives 1 and 3, which relate to the socio-economic opportunities of tourism. Based upon stakeholders responses these can be categorised into foreign exchange and revenue 213 generation; employment and income opportunities; and philanthropic support to local people. (a) Foreign Exchange and Revenue Generation Government and donor agencies strongly emphasise the macro-economic contribution of tourism to foreign exchange earnings and revenue. Foreign exchange earned from international tourism is used for national development in order to achieve the targets of the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy and Millennium Development Goals, discussed in Section 5.3 (a). Ghana’s need for foreign exchange earnings from tourism is emphasised in the annual hosting of international events, within which Elmina Castle and the history of the slave trade are key components. The growth in international arrivals and receipts form part of the indicators used by the Government of Ghana to highlight tourism’s success and contribution to poverty reduction. Revenue generated from entrance fees to Elmina Castle is viewed by government and donor agencies as a major source of revenue for conservation of the site and for national development, with the increases in visitor numbers and revenue justifying the conservation of the colonial monument. However, the revenue that is generated from the castle is paid into the central government Consolidated Fund which excludes local people from a share of the income benefit. Nor is there evidence of a wider ‘trickle-down’ effect to local people from expenditure on the castle. One explanation for this is that the government makes decisions on how to re-allocate income flows for overall poverty reduction programmes including provision of education and sanitation which, in turn, may benefit local people in Elmina. The increases in tourism arrivals in Elmina are not reflected in the well-being of local people, indicating the failure of neo-liberal policy in this instance, a finding that challenges the conventional approach of tourism development as the correct strategy for tackling poverty in Elmina. Similar conclusions were reached by Roe et al., (2004), who noted that although developing countries such as The Gambia and Kenya receive high volumes of international tourism arrivals and receipts, they continue to have a large poor 214 population because of the failure of conventional approaches. In Elmina, while an increase in overseas tourists, foreign exchange earnings and revenue are held to be significant from government and donor perspectives, growth itself is only a means to an end, an end that currently does not benefit local people. It is evident that growth in the volume of tourism simply does not automatically create benefits in local communities. There is a subsequent need for an alternative approach to tourism policy and development, incorporating principles of sustainable development, aiming to create greater livelihood opportunities for local people in Elmina. (b) Tourism Employment and Income Opportunities That tourism is a creator of employment opportunities is evident in Elmina, and it is viewed by both the government and local people as an important mechanism for reducing poverty. As discussed in Sections 9.2.2 and 9.2.3, local people are employed in a variety of tourism businesses and although tourism activities are affected by seasonality, it is evident from the study that employment in the industry is relatively stable when compared with fishery and mining activities. While some locals are employed by tourism establishments in the public and locally owned sectors such as hotels and restaurants, others such as fishermen and fishmongers are indirectly employed through the selling of fish and hiring of boats. It was evident from the study that the character of businesses influences income opportunities, for example public sector tourism organisations and larger hotels in Elmina offer better employment and income opportunities than family-owned and small scale businesses. This is a consequence of access to tourism markets and the types of the business activity such as hotels, restaurants and chop bars. Schilcher (2007) has argued that pro-poor policies should emphasise income and working conditions and require inherent regulations such as minimum wages. However, this study found that local people consider access to employment and steady income as priority needs, rather than wages and conditions of services. Local people in Elmina do not consider conditions of service of tourism employment as being important, whilst wages from tourism are relatively stable and higher than those of the declining fishing and salt mining productions. Subsequently, employment in tourism was often held as an attractive option in 215 comparison to other economic sectors. Cukier (1996) reached a similar conclusion in her study of Indonesia, finding that tourism-employment is well- remunerated when compared with other business-employment options, making employment in it attractive to local people. It is argued that although the government regards tourism as a generator of employment opportunities, these have occurred by default rather than as a consequence of policy. As explained in Section 5.3 (b) tourism employment statistics in Ghana only include data collected from licensed tourism establishments, focusing on accommodation, restaurants, car hire and tour operations. Thus employment creation in the more informal tourism sector, including hawking, handicrafts and chop bars which have employed the largely unskilled and semi-skilled labour force in Elmina, is ignored. Subsequently, the economic and social impacts of job creation in the informal tourism sector are not properly understood. Yet, the ability of this sector to employ unskilled workers indicates that it has a potential role in poverty reduction strategies, if allocated adequate resource support. It has also been found that local people desire training in skills to work in the tourism industry, a desire that needs incorporating into policy to capacity build the human resource base. (c) Philanthropic Support to Local People Tourists’ attitudes towards local people generally influence the potential role that tourism can play in poverty reduction in Elmina, through consumption of good and services and donations. The degree to which tourists are interested in the inter-relationship between their activities as tourists and the well-being of the local people suggest a far wider relevance in their role as stakeholders in tourism and achievement of sustainable development in Elmina. It was evident that the majority of tourists do not perceive their roles as having responsibilities to support local people beyond looking for holidays, as the primary motivation for their travel to Elmina. However, the activities of a small number of tourists and their decisions to provide support for local people have a significant bearing on the whole sustainable development agenda, and the role that tourism could play in poverty reduction. There was evidence of philanthropic tourist support for the Castle Boys 216 in Elmina, through donation of money and sponsoring of their schooling. The actions of the tourists have subsequently contributed to building capacity of the Castle Boys, as explained in Sections 9.3 and. 9.4.4. Thus, some of the tourists are prepared to contribute to poverty reduction provided that local benefits could be clearly identified. This information that centres around the assistance needs to be properly disseminated, although this is not the case in Elmina. In the wider poverty perspective, organised tourists who undertake holidays have contributed to the general improvement of well-being in the society in developing countries (Wearing, 2001, UNEP/UNWTO, 2005). Therefore the role of government, especially the Municipal Assembly in Elmina in supporting and promoting the philanthropic schemes would be important to its success, particularly emphasising the mechanism through which tourists’ assistance can be provided. Local people and tourists viewed as important the need to promote transparency and accountability as mechanisms to minimise corruption and enhance decision-making. This is a challenge for government: to provide strong leadership and information in order to receive positive response from tourists who need to be informed of the benefits of their contributions to local people. 11.3.2 Barriers to Local People’s Participation in Tourism This section discusses the key findings related to barriers causing local people’s marginalisation and exclusion from tourism in Elmina. As discussed in Sections 10.2 to 10.4, local people in Elmina experience a combination of multiple and interacting deprivations, which they consider as barriers to their participation in tourism. There is a subsequent need to overcome these barriers through capacity building. Local people view capacity building as developing their potential and ability to make and implement decisions that could lead to sustainable development of economic opportunities. Instrumental to this capacity building is the need for: financial capital; human capital; and social capital. 217 (a) Financial Capital As explained in Section 10.2, the availability of financial capital, defined as income and credit, is scarce for local people. This shortfall is considered a major limitation of the necessary investment to create livelihood opportunities. Whilst financing for tourism is not available from the formal banks due to local people’s inability to provide collateral, they are also excluded from the government poverty micro-financing programmes implemented by the Municipal Assembly as it does not incorporate the tourism sector. A proposal to establish a ‘Tourism Development Fund’ that could provide financing for tourism entrepreneurs in Ghana and benefit local people in Elmina has not been implemented by government. Local people’s dependency on the informal financial sector ‘Susu’ scheme, as the primary source for savings and credit for investment in a variety of small businesses, is clearly evident among local tourism entrepreneurs. In spite of the government’s objectives of stimulating tourism investment in Elmina, its micro- financing policy that excludes tourism is a barrier to participation in tourism. Thus, local people do not have enough financial capital to establish proper hotels and shops to serve tourists. To achieve poverty reduction it is suggested that a targeted tourism financing policy is needed to provide the capital base for local entrepreneurs necessary to stimulate local investment in small enterprises. (b) Human Capital As explained in Section 10.3, a lack of human capital of knowledge and skills restricts the opportunities for employment in the tourism industry. Subsequently, the ‘best’ job in terms of employment and remuneration are taken by Ghanaians from outside Elmina and foreigners, whilst local people are left to work in the informal sector or the relatively poorly paid public sector, with many others being excluded from employment in tourism. Two reasons that could explain the lack of development of human capital in Elmina are: (i) a lack of available financial resources required by the government training institute to implement capacity building programmes targeted at the 218 specific needs of the poor; and (ii) poor attendance in schools by children caused by their families poor incomes and the subsequent necessity to work with their parents. To date, government attempts to increase the levels of school attendance through ‘Capitation Grant’, aimed at increasing the supply of classrooms and teaching equipment, has not improved educational achievement. School enrolment in the primary schools in Elmina has not significantly increased, whilst books and teaching equipment are still inadequate. Therefore more government action is required to increase levels of school attendance as is the need to formulate policy and strategies to augment the capacities of local people to work in tourism (Becton and Graetz, 2001; Benavides, 2001; Black and King, 2002; Mason, 2005). This requires a participatory approach that gives local people a voice, listening to suggestions by local people for on-the-job training in Elmina. The formulation of training programmes would require financial support from the government and the willingness of local people to pay for any incidental expenses related to their participation in the training programme. (c) Social Capital As explained in Section 10.4, local people are excluded from employment and investment opportunities and the decision-making process partly as a consequence of a lack of social capital, i.e. the non-monetary and institutional resources used to secure livelihoods (Putnam, 1993; Berger, 1996; Portes, 1998; Schaffer, 2008). The key social capital elements which restrict local people’s participation in tourism are discussed in the following sub-sections. (i) Inadequate linkages between and within the tourism and non- tourism sectors A lack of connection to the tourism market restricts tourism benefits and the creation of further work opportunities for local people in Elmina. It was evident that having access to the international tourism market matters to local people as they are reliant on it to sell their products. For example, fishmongers sell fish to tourism business hotels and restaurants, whilst fishermen occasionally hire their boats and services to tourists for sea and lagoon cruises. There is also evidence to suggest that other local goods and services could potentially benefit from 219 better linkages to the tourism market. Currently, supplies of agricultural products consumed by tourists, including eggs, chicken and fruits, are purchased from market centres outside Elmina, located elsewhere in Cape Coast and Accra. Similarly, the variety of crafts sold to tourists by the handicraft sellers are obtained from production centres located outside Elmina. Not only does outside sourcing increase the transaction costs of the businesses owners, it also restricts revenue and employment opportunities for local people. Local people view the development of the economic links between tourism and the agricultural and craft sectors as important for the creation of demand and employments opportunities. The position of local services of handicraft sellers, chop operators, beer bar operators and hawkers is worsened by the all-inclusive holiday. The lack of linkages between local people and tourism illustrates a shortcoming of the ‘trickle-down’ effect, emphasising the need to create meaningful economic linkages between the tourism market and local people through capacity building. A pragmatic policy could further demand for local procurement, employment of local staff and partnership amongst a range of stakeholders, and subsequently enhance upgrading of products and services, and distribution of tourism benefits in the local economy. (ii) Inappropriate institutional arrangements The existing institutional relationship between the tourism governing bodies and local people not only impedes tourism businesses operations, but also inhibits their involvement in decision-making processes. The activities of various governing bodies impact on local people livelihoods through control and management of tourist sites, businesses regulation and licensing, and political and traditional administrations. Whilst tourism businesses are excluded from decisions taken by the governing bodies, the procedures for the payment of taxes and registrations are bureaucratic and resource-intensive. Local people also consider their non-involvement in the tourism decision-making process as a cause of apathy. They argue that the government’s decentralisation policy should encourage local people’s involvement and be more responsive to their priorities. However, it has been found that mistrust and a lack of 220 transparency characterise the relationship between policy-makers and local people. There is therefore a need to develop participatory tourism strategies. These can have success, for example different stakeholder groups were brought into the policy-making process in Namibia, where local people play a central role in tourism decision-making with regard to livelihood opportunities (Ashley, 2000). The inclusion of local tourism stakeholders in Elmina, a participatory approach could promote trust and networking between local people and the government. However, a successful participatory tourism development approach would also require the empowerment of local people through capacity building. Non- governmental organisations, which Burns (2004) refers to as the interface between local people, government and donors, could have essential role to play in bridging the gap between local people and policy-makers in Elmina. (iii) Absence of research and information flow A factor that undermines the use of tourism for poverty reduction and acts as an obstacle to local people’s understanding of it is the lack of research and information on Elmina’s tourism industry. The limited amount of data that is collected by the governing bodies is not disseminated in ways that are understandable to the majority of local people, often being published in English rather than local languages. However, access to information by local people would allow them to participate in tourism decisions in a more informed manner. It has been found that improving access to information could be achieved from what the local people viewed as destination promotion, through print and electronic media, and familiarisation tours for visiting travel writers, academics, foreign and Ghanaian tour operators. Consequently it is argued that more resources need to be invested in research into the tourism industry in Elmina, with a principal aim being the production of information that would enhance the opportunities for local people to be involved in participatory decision-making. To achieve this would require increased funding from the government aimed to strengthen the destination image in view of the increasingly competitive international tourism environment and need to promote local people’s participation in tourism. 221 (iv) Poor infrastructure development Contrary to the view that tourism development accelerates the provision of infrastructure for a local population (UNEP/WTO, 2005; UNWTO, 2009), this was found not to be entirely the case in Elmina. Although local people perceived access road and the supply of electricity as indirect benefits from tourism, they viewed access to clean water and the poor waste disposal system as restricting their participation in the industry. It was evident from the study that locally owned tourism businesses, for example chop bar owners, are not competitive in the international tourism market in view of tourists and tour operators demand for food prepared in a hygienic manner. Local people view the availability and affordability of water, electricity, sewerage and waste disposal as of fundamental importance for the successful functioning of the tourism sector. These can have success, for example women were brought together into the decision-making process, where local people play a major role with regard to the provision and management of water in Nepal (UNDP, 2006). Although, the direct provision of infrastructure facilities is solely the responsibility of the government, the involvement of local people in their management should be seen by the various governing bodies as an instrument of decision-making making, and collective responsibility in the ownership and management of the communal resources (Holden, 2005). From poverty perspective, provision of infrastructure facilities is critical to the socio-economic sustainability of tourism, and the provision of these services also forms a key component of the enabling environment that needs to be created by government for a more sustainable development tourism industry. At present a focus on the use of tourism as a means to reduce poverty at the local level is not a central part of the government’s plan. Whilst the ‘15-year Plan’, described in Section 5.2.2, provides the framework for tourism development at the national level, it does not encompass a strategy for poverty reduction in local communities, including Elmina. Nor is the use of tourism to reduce poverty incorporated into the Municipal Assembly Medium Term Plan (2002-2003) for Elmina (KEEA, 2002). 222 Local people felt that a systematic approach to link national and local tourism development and poverty reduction is needed. It is consequently suggested that: (i) in Ghana, tourism policy and planning needs to formulate an overarching policy to reduce poverty through tourism at a local level; and (ii) a coordinating body needs to be established by government to facilitate partnership amongst tourism stakeholders, to identify and develop the natural and cultural resources which can create livelihood opportunities for local people and achieve sustainable development. 11.4 Recommendations: A Need for Symbiotic Relationship Between Tourism and Poverty Reduction in Elmina The findings of this study suggest that whilst tourism development in Elmina follows a conventional approach based on macro-economic and ‘trickle-down’ theory, tourism will not be a means for poverty reduction. The research findings provide convincing evidence to support the claim that tourism development does not automatically create more opportunities to increase participation by local people in Elmina. The findings indicate that tourism projects in Elmina have failed to deliver substantial benefits to local people because such initiatives had inappropriately been government-and donor-driven and not local people-led, hence the industry’s role in poverty reduction is questioned by local people. A tourism policy that reflects the realities and aspirations of local people is needed if poverty is to be significantly reduced and the objective of sustainable development achieved. For the majority of people, the reality is that whilst the opportunities from tourism appear to be marginal, they are faced with a myriad of deep-seated barriers such as a lack of diversified products, availability and affordability of social amenities, and limited employment and income. To achieve a symbiotic relationship between the development of tourism and poverty reduction a number of recommendations are made in the context of objective 4, all of which have implications on financial, human and social resources. The recommendations include: (a) Incorporate a poverty-focus into tourism policy; (b) Emphasise local people’s priorities and circumstances; (c) Build partnership among stakeholders; (d) Improve opportunities for the wider involvement of local people in the supply chain of tourism products and services; (e) Increase access 223 to training and skills capacity development for local people; (f) Strengthen institutional capacity; (g) Increase access to financial capital for local people; and (h) Enhance local people’s employment opportunities. As presented in Tables 11.1 to 11.8, the recommendations illustrate a shift from ‘conventional’ approach to participatory approach geared towards policies, impacts on tourism business and tourists, poverty reduction, as well as expected outcomes. From a poverty perspective, the recommendations are important means of building capacity and increasing opportunities for participation by local people. At policy level, the expected outcomes could increase the role of tourism in poverty reduction in the macro-and micro-economies through socio-economic opportunities for all stakeholders. At academic level, the expected outcomes could provide basis for longitudinal research, through constant monitoring and evaluation of the relationship between tourism and poverty reduction at the macro-and micro-levels. The recommendations and their potential implications are explained in the following sub-sections. (a) Incorporate a poverty-focus in tourism policy For tourism to have a role in poverty reduction, a pre-requisite is recognition of this relationship in tourism policy that is based upon a participatory contribution with local people. Thus, as shown in Table 11.1, it is recommended that the framework of a tourism policy for poverty reduction should focus upon: (i) removing or reducing barriers that hinder local people’s empowerment and participation in tourism; (ii) creating livelihood opportunities through strengthening linkages between tourism and other sectors of the local economy; and (iii) harmonising stakeholder economic-and non-economic benefits through partnerships and participation in decision-making. It is also important to develop poverty-focused indicators from the perspective of local people, which will guide tourism policy, planning and monitoring of livelihood opportunities and benefits. The shift in policy would be a departure from the conventional top-down planning towards sustainable development at the local level, emphasising the informed participation of all relevant stakeholders, alongside the empowerment and participation of local people. As presented in 224 Table 11.1, implementation of the policy issue is expected to yield outcomes to help increase tourism’s role in poverty reduction. However, a major requirement to ensure success of this recommendation would be the need for government and donor agencies to provide adequate financial, human and social resources. Table 11.1: Incorporate a poverty-focus into tourism policy Policy Resource to be Potential impact Potential impact Potential impact mobilised on business on poverty on tourist reduction experience i. Make tourism a i. Available and Poverty- i. Greater i. A greater priority sector in adequate focused policy emphasis on sense of local policy and financial could stimulate tourism should ownership programmes resources, e.g. small- scale create an should agenda of the grants and business enabling strengthen Central budgetary development environment for feeling of Government, allocation through expansion in authenticity and District and involvement of tourism eliminate Municipal ii. Trained local people in livelihood residual hostility Assemblies, Donor personnel with decision- opportunities towards ‘rich’ Agencies and Non- knowledge in making ii. Local people foreigners Governmental leadership skills process, have a strong Organisations and clear streamlining of sense of ii. Strong local understanding of business involvement in supply chains ii. Harmonise the role of registration and tourism mean strong stakeholder tourism in poverty regulation, development local purchases economic and non- reduction in local training and through leading (for economic benefits communities skills capacity investment, example) to the through building and working and provision of partnerships, local infrastructure participation in fresher and more people’s provision decision- authentic food participation in programmes making process and other decision-making, products and power- sharing iii. Stakeholders iii. Remove/ reduce feel strong sense barriers that hinder of ownership and local people’s pride leading to empowerment and higher quality participation visitor experience iv. Create livelihood opportunities through promoting small scale tourism businesses and strengthening linkages between tourism and other sectors of the local economy Context: The prerequisite in ensuring a useful role for tourism in poverty reduction at the micro levels is the idea of a participatory approach and linking macro-and micro-policy objectives to create an enabling environment that could help achieve sustainable development Expected outcomes: The possible outcomes would include: (i) Enhanced enabling environments and removed/ reduced barriers as requirements to stimulate small tourism and non-tourism enterprise development; and (ii) Streamlined institutional arrangements to encourage local people’s involvement and their priorities considered in the decision-making process. Source: Author’s Own Work 225 (b) Emphasise local people’s priorities and circumstances A major factor in poverty-focused tourism is the need to understand local people’s priorities with regard to the multiple ways they define and measure poverty. It is evident from this research study that local people’s priorities in Elmina are not understood by government, a consequence of lack of consultation and participation in the decision-making process in tourism. Table 11.2: Emphasise local people’s priorities and circumstances Policy Resource to be Potential impact on Potential impact Potential impact mobilised business on poverty on tourist reduction experience i. Involve all Grants and Emphasis on local Local people’s i. Tourists are stakeholders, budgetary people’s involvement in likely to support particularly local allocation from involvement in decision-making and commit people through Donor decision-making could sustain themselves to participation and Agencies, could promote the development projects that empowerment Government partnership process and reflect local approaches in and NGOs amongst ownership of people’s the decision- stakeholder groups policies, projects ownership and making process and development of and have access to prioritised livelihood programmes information about iii. Incorporate activities based on potential benefits local people’s trust, transparency, to the wider views in the responsiveness, society formulation of and accountability poverty-tourism ii. Philanthropic policies and programmes selection of should bring projects and local people and programmes tourists together by drawing them out of season, or away from their regular routes to spend more time and money locally Context: A major factor in poverty-focused tourism is the need to give local people a voice in the decision-making process, understand their priorities, realties and choices as means of emphasising partnership, ownership and wider distribution of benefits to the population. Expected outcomes: The expected outcomes may include: (i) Policies are formulated and projects selected and managed based on local people’s involvement in the decision-making process; (ii) Greater ownership of tourism resources as local people, especially the marginalised and excluded are empowered to make choices on policies and projects that affect their livelihoods; (iii) Emphasis placed on poverty-driven programmes that bring all stakeholders together through partnership; and (iv) Organised cultural events, provision of goods and services developed to bring tourists and local people together. Source: Author’s Own Work The recommendation that policies should facilitate local people’s welfare, in which they have the opportunity to make a choice, as explained in Table 11.2, 226 aims to promote empowerment and active participation in the decision-making process by poor people. A poverty-focused and participatory process could facilitate the inclusion of their views into the tourism development planning process. This is important in Elmina in view of the different social and economic groups, and the need to consider their perspectives by giving them a voice to enrich the process of identifying their priorities. For far too long, tourism development has been government and donor agency-led and dominated by the private sector, and the policy direction has been driven by search for growth and profit, rather than sustainability. This recommendation would have financial implications and positive potential impacts on businesses and tourists experiences in terms of activities that may be carried out by local people to demonstrate their ownership and commitment to develop and manage their own natural and cultural resources in Elmina. This could be achieved from involvement of local people in decision-making process; particularly those who have been marginalised and excluded from tourism. (c) Build partnership among stakeholders The development of stakeholder consultation and partnership is weak within the tourism sector in Elmina. However, partnerships are increasingly used to further tourism development and for the creation of opportunities in developing countries, as is the case in Nepal (Souvnou and Holden, 2005). A recommendation is therefore made for a need to build partnership among stakeholders. The purpose of establishing partnerships would be to give a ‘voice’ to local tourism owners and local people. Working successfully, these partnerships should produce practical actions to enhance livelihoods, as explained in Table 11.3. A partnership amongst stakeholders could be applied to create significant economic opportunities for local people as a means of providing insights into the strengths and weaknesses of the individual stakeholders; and creation of a platform for large and smaller businesses to share information, in-house training and outsourcing of goods and services to their mutual benefit. Suggested 227 strategies to achieve partnerships amongst stakeholder groups would include: (i) the establishment of trust, networking and information; (ii) securing agreement of the stakeholders to implement decisions collectively agreed upon; and (iii) improving training and skills. As presented in Table 11.3, the achievement of the expected outcomes would depend on release of financial and human resources from government and donor agencies, non-governmental organisations and the private sector. Table 11.3: Build partnerships among stakeholders Policy Resource to Potential impact Potential Potential impact be mobilised on business impact on on tourist poverty experience reduction i. Promote Grants and Partnerships Partnerships Increased partnerships budgetary enhance amongst partnership through networks allocation collaboration and stakeholders amongst and from Donor increased should create stakeholders collaborations Agencies, knowledge through an enabling should give between and Government, sharing of environment tourists access to within identified Private sector information and and stimulate information and stakeholders and NGOs training to investment in understanding of groups including encourage diversified charitable tour operators, Availability of entrepreneurial skills businesses, donations and Municipal qualified and understanding and creation of flows of Assembly, personnel to of the tourism employment philanthropic Traditional provide market and and income support which Council, Tourism leadership involvement in earning may reinforce Businesses, and facilitate decision-making opportunities tourists’ pride and Asafo the process commitment to Companies, partnership wealth creation Fishermen, process Fishmongers and Castle Boys ii. Establish trust, networking and information iii. Improve training and skills Context: Partnership is a requirement for collaboration and networks amongst different stakeholders in the supply chain which help them to acquire knowledge and understanding of tourists and tourism business needs. Expected outcomes: The potential outcomes include: (i) Increased knowledge and understanding of tourism as a result of improved access to and sharing of information and training amongst stakeholders; (ii) Increased access to tourism market and market networks tapped into by small businesses through mentoring, shared information and training and capacity skills programmes amongst stakeholders; (iii) Enhanced distribution of tourism benefits in the society; and (iv) Stronger and consultative community Organisations as a result of having given voices to different stakeholder groups. Source: Author’s Own Work 228 (d) Improve opportunities for the wider involvement of local people in the supply chain of tourism products and services Apart from the sale of fish and the casual hiring of boats, goods produced by local people are rarely sold to tourism businesses in Elmina. The government- donor funded craft market and training of artisans to produce crafts have not yielded the desired results as explained in Sections 9.2.2 (a) and 10.4. There is a subsequent need to strengthen urgently the linkages between productions of goods and services by local people and the tourism market. Local people view linkage between tourism and other sectors, including agriculture and fishing, as a matter that affects their livelihoods. Stronger linkages could widen the supply chain, necessary to broaden employment and income opportunities for local entrepreneurs and the unemployed through the increased production of a range of goods including craft, poultry and vegetables. Derived from Table 11.4, strategies to develop strong local supplies of goods and services to the tourism market would involve a combination of policies and mobilisation of human and financial resources. As shown in Table 11.4, the strategies could include: i. Evaluating and diversifying the tourism products to include attractions that offer tourists additional experiences. For example, developing the beach and the Benya lagoon, local foods and cultural performances which could create additional employment for local people; ii. Encouraging tour operators to use small tourism businesses including hotels chop bars and handicraft sellers; iii. Building partnerships among tourism businesses to create and sustain a supply chain dependent upon locally produced goods and services; iv. Improving local people’s capacity to produce products of a suitable quality, quantity and reliability to service the tourism industry; and v. Improving infrastructure development including water supply and waste disposal systems. 229 The major requirement to ensure a success of this policy recommendation would be government’s commitment to provide loans from formal banks and micro- credit facilities, as well as qualified personnel from governing bodies to the implementation process. Table 11.4: Improve opportunities for the wider involvement of local people in the supply chain of tourism products and services Policy Resource to be Potential impact Potential Potential impact mobilised on business impact on on tourist poverty experience reduction i. Diversify cultural i. Available loans Diversified Poor people’s Diversified tourism to include and micro-credits tourism products engagement tourism products products and from the create many in the supply should present services, and Government, livelihood chain could be tourists with a provide Donor Agencies opportunities for an important wide range of opportunities for and NGOs participation by and goods and participation by local sustainable services to buy poor people ii. Qualified entrepreneurs, source of and shop as Government and workers and steady means of ii. Boost local NGO personnel unemployed employment substantially inputs into the to provide creation and increasing the tourism supply extension and income amount of money chain through technical advice generation that stay in the production and on improving opportunities local economy sale of diversified quality, volume goods and and reliability of services, and goods and Improve linkages services between tourism and other sectors Context: Engagement of local people in the supply chain through boosting local inputs into the supply chain may well be a positive change. This could lead to the creation of greater participation of the poor in tourism and non-tourism businesses and thereby create greater employment and income opportunities to overcome poverty and promote sustainable development. Expected outcomes: The anticipated outcomes may include: (i) Cultural tourism product diversified to include products of the poor; (ii) Increased local entrepreneurial skills and small enterprise; (iii) Established supply chain for tourism businesses through improved and greater access to tourism markets by local producers and suppliers of goods and services; (iv) Reduced leakages through emphasis on internal outsourcing and built linkages between local suppliers and buyers of goods and services, as a result of enhanced capacity to meet demands for quality, volume and reliability required by tourism enterprises and tourists; (v) Diversified and increased employment and income earnings; (vi) Reduced effects of seasonality through production and supply of diversified products to meet tourists demands and expenditure patterns; and (vii) Reduced/removed identified barriers that are obstacles to local people’s entry into the supply chain including access to information, training, business support and advice, credits, infrastructure and information. Source: Author’s Own Work (e) Increase access to training and skills for local people The requirement to improve the human capital of local people through training and skills provision is evident from the findings of this research. While training was offered to tour guides and artisans as an integral part of the Cultural Heritage 230 and Local Development in Elmina Programme (CHLDEP), it excluded a greater proportion of the population as explained in Section 9.2.5. Although the 15-year Tourism Development Plan, explained in Section 5.2.2, highlights the need to improve the skills of personnel who work in tourism, the costs of courses offered by the training institutions are beyond the means of local people. Whilst a lack of finance and the reluctance of local people to participate in training programmes would be constraints to overcome, lack of training hampers their participation in poverty reduction. Table 11.5: Increase access to training and skills capacity development for local people Policy Resource to be Potential Potential impact Potential mobilised impact on on poverty impact on business reduction tourist experience Enhance access i. Grants and Help increase Improved access Tourists should to education budgetary the pool of to education helps enjoy quality through a variety resources from skilled and reduce gender service delivery of training and Government, trained local disparities, while at tourism skill capacity Donor Agencies people to work in formal training and facilities and building and NGOs tourism or invest apprenticeship have access to programmes in tourism targeted at the information targeted at needs ii. Social businesses as unemployed, through of different resources such entrepreneurs workers, business interaction with tourism and non- as institutional owners and wider trained tourism tourism and policy population should personnel and stakeholder framework, create ready well-informed groups, classrooms, labour force and population especially the training general marginalised and institutions, understanding of excluded teachers and the relationship teaching between tourism materials and poverty iii. Qualified personnel to facilitate training and capacity skills programmes Context: Training and capacity building are necessary tools to develop targeted entrepreneurial and employment skills to meet the standards that tourism businesses and tourists require in view of the critical need to empower local people to participate in tourism businesses as workers and investors. Expected outcomes: These may include: (i) Schools and tourism training institutions equipped or upgraded to facilitate quality education and training delivery; (ii) Increased trained and skilled local people through schooling, on-the-job training, in-house training and on-site training and able to work in tourism and deliver quality service to tourists; and (iii) Developed local entrepreneurial skills to access existing and potential investment opportunities in tourism and non-tourism businesses. Source: Author’s Own Work As presented in Table 11.5, training programmes have to be specifically targeted to meet the different needs and challenges of different stakeholder groups in 231 tourism and non-tourism activities. As the development of the tourist industry crucially depends on the availability of appropriate skills in Elmina, human resource development is important for local people’s empowerment and participation in tourism. Strategies to train local people need to include: (i) on-the- job or in-house training for workers; (ii) on-site training for local entrepreneurs; (iii) provision of subsidies to reduce the cost of training and increase the participation of local people; (iv) formal training and apprenticeships targeted at the unemployed; and (v) tourism awareness programmes among the wider society. A major prerequisite to building the capacity of local people is availability of funding from donor agencies, and grants and budgetary allocation from governments; while Non-Government Organisations could be encouraged to facilitate the implementation process through provision of leadership and logistic support. (f) Strengthen institutional capacity Local people need strong support from government institutions to facilitate their participation in tourism, as outlined in Table 11.6. Most significant in this process are the Municipal Assembly, Ghana Tourist Board, Ghana Museums and Monuments Board and the Ministry of Tourism and Diasporan Relations, which can assure access to: (i) markets for new and existing tourism businesses; (ii) employment for local people; (iii) training and skill capacity building as well as streamlining business regulation, licensing and tax regimes and promoting incentives for small enterprises; and (v) providing social amenities and managing tourist sites. In Table 11.6, a major requirement needed to hasten tourism’s roles in poverty reduction would be to strengthen the capacity of institutions whose activities impinge on tourism development in Elmina. At the macro level, effective advocacy and improved regulatory and legal frameworks are needed to sustain the tourism-poverty reduction agenda in national budgetary allocations and create synergies with other donors’ initiatives. At the micro-level, there would be the need to build the capacity of targeted stakeholder groups including, Fishmongers and Fishermen; Asafo Companies; Owners of Hotels, Chop Bars, 232 Drinking Bars, Restaurants; Hawkers and Handicraft Sellers; Castle Boys; and the Traditional Council. Table 11.6: Strengthen institutional capacity of identified stakeholders Policy Resource to be Potential impact on Potential impact Potential impact mobilised business on poverty on tourist reduction experience Build institutional Grants from Institutional Enhanced Institutional capacity of Donor Agencies strengthening is institutional strengthening identified and budgetary likely to motivate capacity should should ensure stakeholder resources from local entrepreneurs help greater that tourists groups through Governments to invest in a economic have NGOs and NGOs variety of tourism livelihood information, facilitations and non-tourism opportunities and incentives and businesses, make tourism capacity to especially when businesses thrive spend more information is to substantially locally and accessible and create more contribute to licensing and employment and identified and regulation income prospects publicised procedures are for local people projects as their streamlined contribution to poverty alleviation Context: Institutional strengthening constitutes an important sustainable development approach for tourism to fight poverty through formulation, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies, projects and programmes that should aim to benefit poor people. Expected outcomes: The expected outcomes include: (i) Institutional capacity of public, private, civil society and local stakeholder groups strengthened to promote partnerships necessary to create enabling environment for business growth and development; (ii) NGOs established to facilitate capacity building programmes and interface between local people and other stakeholders; (iii) Business regulations and licensing procedures streamlined to encourage local entrepreneurial development and investment in small businesses; and (iv) Infrastructure facilities provided and managed to enable entrepreneurs to operate without having to purchase water and operate in hygienic conditions. Source: Author’s Own Work A number of outcomes are expected to be generated from this recommendation. These may include: (i) strengthened institutional capacity of public, private, civil society and local stakeholder groups to promote partnerships necessary to create enabling environment for business growth and development; (ii) established NGOs to facilitate capacity building programmes and interface between local people and other stakeholders; and (iii) streamlined business regulations and licensing procedures to encourage local entrepreneurial development and investment in small businesses. However, to ensure successful achievement of the outlined outcomes, government needs to provide adequate financial resources to implement this recommendation. 233 (g) Increase access to financial capital for local people Local entrepreneurs need access to savings and credit if they are to invest in the tourism industry in Elmina. Local entrepreneurs currently lack financial capital and access to credit; as a result they are reliant upon the ‘Susu’ scheme as a means of mobilising financial resources. As outlined in Table 11.7, access to financial capital could not only facilitate investment in existing enterprises but also lead to the diversification of products and services offered to tourists. Unless local entrepreneurs are assisted with micro-credits and loans from formal banks, there is no evidence to suggest that they could overcome their financial barriers and thrive in the tourism market. Tourism activities should be included in the list of economic sectors that benefit from the government poverty reduction micro-finance facility being implemented by the Municipal Assembly. Additionally, a Tourism Development Fund should be established, with revenue from government and an accommodation tax, as a mechanism for mobilising financial resources from which local people could access credit for investment in small tourism enterprises. Such programmes have gained popularity in many developing countries, such as Kenya (WTO, 2003) and micro-finance has been widely implemented with varying degrees of success in countries, such as Bangladesh and Bolivia (Hulme and Mosley, 1996). Despite the potential risks that may be associated with the ‘Susu’ scheme through savings with the ‘Susu’ collectors, it is evident that it is a widespread and popular traditional mechanism for mobilising financial capital in the local community, as explained in Section 10.2.2. Increased micro-credit and savings capacity for local people and removing or reducing barriers such as collaterals and high transaction costs would provide a potentially important source of financial resource for local entrepreneurs. However, as shown in Table 11.7, a major requirement necessary to achieve the expected outcomes would be availability of micro-credits and loans, and qualified personnel to facilitate local people’s access to potential credit and saving schemes. Increased access to financial capital for local people could have potential impact on businesses and tourists, with overall consequences for poverty reduction. 234 The anticipated outcomes could include: increased local entrepreneurs and investment in tourism and non-tourism businesses, and diversified production and supply of goods and services to satisfy the needs of tourism businesses and tourists. Table 11.7: Increase access to financial capital for local people Policy Resource to be Potential impact Potential Potential mobilised on business impact on impact on poverty tourist reduction experience i. Increase micro- i. Availability and Access to credit Local people The increased credit and savings access to micro- and savings would have the investment in capacity for local credits provided schemes could capability to diversified people by Governments stimulate own and tourism and NGOs investments new manage small businesses ii. Remove/reduce small scale tourism and should give barriers that ii. Availability of tourism non-tourism tourists wider restrict access to qualified businesses and businesses as sources of formal bank loans personnel to expansion of means of goods and and micro-credits, facilitate access to existing ones, income services, and e.g. high interest credit and saving e.g. generation and propensity to rates and schemes chop bars, craft employment spend more collaterals, high shops, hotels creation time as means transaction costs, and restaurants of deriving nepotism and and boat hires greater and corruption ‘richer’ experiences Context: A primary requirement for local entrepreneurs is availability of access to micro-credit and savings schemes, either as main source or complementary source of financial resources to facilitate investment in tourism and non-tourism businesses in the supply chain. Expected outcomes: The likely outcomes include: (i) Increased availability and access to credits and savings schemes (e.g. formal bank, micro-credits and ‘Susu’ schemes); (ii) Increased local entrepreneurs and investment in tourism businesses; and (iii) Diversified production and supply of goods and services to satisfy needs of tourism businesses and tourists. Source: Authors Own Work (h) Enhance local people’s employment opportunities A deliberate employment policy strategy could unlock employment opportunities but would require collective types of capital, i.e. financial, human and social. For example, a considerable increase in the development of local suppliers and lodges in Madikwe Reserve in the Republic of South Africa subsequently created a significant number of direct employment opportunities for local people (Relly, 2004 cited in Ashley, 2006:15). As presented in Table 11.8, a tourism employment policy in Elmina are expected to generate various outcomes including: (i) equality of employment opportunity created for men and women, aiming to remove cultural barriers; (ii) an enabling 235 environment created for small enterprises to thrive through linkages in the supply chain; (iii) access to credit provided and regulations and tax system streamlined; (iv) the capabilities of unskilled and semi-skilled people enhanced in order for them to gain entry into the tourism employment market, or invest in small tourism business as entrepreneurs; and (v) access to information improved and awareness among local people created in order to reduce apathy about government programmes and encourage broader understanding of tourism opportunities. Table 11.8: Enhance local people’s employment opportunities Policy Resource to be Potential Potential impact Potential impact mobilised impact on on poverty on tourist business reduction experience i. Promote i. Financial i. Enhanced i. Tourism could Wider employment resources from employment generally employment and opportunities Donor Agencies, opportunities become a income earning through sustained Government promote contributor to opportunities access to and NGOs widespread re- improved local should provide education, training distribution of livelihoods tourists to have and skill capacity ii. Human income could through access rich experience skills programmes resources in stimulate to gainful as they shop and terms of trained savings and employment and buy goods and ii. Remove/reduce personnel to capital income earning services from existing and train and mobilisation to opportunities for local people potential provide encourage the poor, institutional and extension investment in especially the cultural barriers. services to local businesses. marginalised, people excluded and iii. Build capacity ii. Capacities of unemployed and enhance iii. Social unskilled and capabilities of resources in semi-skilled ii. Removal local people terms of people are built and/or through education, institutional and their reduction of training and policy and capabilities barriers could programmes in regulatory enhanced to create equality of order to frameworks allow them to employment participate in access tourism opportunities for tourism as employment the marginalised workers or opportunities and excluded, entrepreneurs especially women and the Castle Boys Context: The creation of employment opportunities through tourism is one of the key indicators used to analyse the industry’s benefits to local people and the poor as a huge potential exists in tourism development, but existing barriers restrict access to existing employment opportunities, and subsequent marginalisation and exclusion of a great number of the total population. Expected outcomes: The expected outcomes may include: (i) Barriers removed as means to increase employment opportunities for men and women; (ii) An enabling environment created for small enterprises to thrive through linkages in the supply chain; (iii) Access to credits and loans created and business regulations and tax regimes streamlined; (iv) Access to information improved and awareness created among local people to reduce apathy; and (v) Capacity skills of local people improved to work or invest in tourism businesses. Source: Author’s Own Work 236 These outcomes could be achieved through regular public meetings, radio programmes, workshops and involvement in decision-making process. However, there is need for financial, human and social resources to be made available by governments and donor agencies, while Non-Governmental Organisations are encouraged to provide logistical and leadership support. In summary, the recommendations provide policy strategies that could be applied to achieve outcomes that could make tourism play a leading role in poverty reduction in Elmina. Enhancing economic opportunities would not mean merely maximising tourist arrivals and income but rather taking into account a wide range of local people priorities, particularly removing barriers that cause their marginalisation and exclusion from tourism. 11.5 Chapter Conclusion In conclusion, this discussion has argued that financial, human and social factors interweave to create opportunities, whilst their absence exacerbates or perpetuates the poverty of local people. Whilst these factors reflect the complex nature of poverty, they also mean that improving local people’s well-being can be effected through development mechanisms that tackle the multi-dimensional nature of poverty. The positive contribution of tourism to poverty reduction could be significant, if the outlined barriers that currently restrict local people’s participation are tackled through deliberate policy interventions and achievement of specific outcomes in Elmina. This policy objective needs to, arguably, emphasise principles of sustainable development through: (i) widening of socio- economic opportunities; and (ii) effectively removing or minimising barriers that impede participation. 237 Chapter 12 Conclusion 12.1 Introduction This research has aimed to analyse and discuss the role of tourism in relation to poverty, and to suggest ways that tourism can contribute to poverty reduction, based on the principles of sustainable development. Relationships between poverty, development and tourism have been discussed in the context of Elmina in Ghana. Fundamental assumptions inherent in the meaning and measurement of poverty and the use of tourism as a development agent to reduce poverty have been critically analysed and challenged by the findings of this research. Recommendations have subsequently been made for how tourism policy and implementation can be used to reduce poverty. 12.2 Failure of Macro-Economic Growth and ‘Trickle-Down’ Effects It is evident from the analyses that, although tourism’s contribution to development has been widely recognised, its relationship with poverty reduction within the context of the ‘development’ agenda has not been given much attention, as discussed in Chapter 4. Certainly, the economic and social impacts that flow from the development of tourism are widely researched (Brohman, 1996; Cukier, 2002; Sharpley, 2002; Telfer, 2002; Hampton, 2005; Holden, 2005). Later works have started to link tourism and poverty, emphasising the importance of tourism development in government and donor agency poverty reduction agenda, particularly in achieving the targets of the Poverty Reduction Strategy and Millennium Development Goals (Roe et al., 2004; Goodwin, 2006; Hall, 2007; Scheyvens, 2007; Zhao and Brent Ritchie, 2007; Blake et al., 2008). While the multidimensional nature of ‘poverty’ and ‘tourism’ are recognised in the literature, the findings from this research suggest that the relationship between tourism development and poverty reduction is obviously beyond simply tracking macro-economic growth and trickle down effects, and inherently requires policy interventions and comprehensive research. 238 Although poor people are often viewed as the target of poverty efforts, the development processes are not driven by local people’s needs and choices. Despite the belief within both policy-making and academic circles that tourism can be a tool for development, relatively little attention has been paid to the inherent processes and their outcomes on poverty reduction. There are few theoretical and empirical works in the literature, beyond the conventional tourism development approach focusing on macro-economic multipliers and impact studies within local communities in developing countries. It was against such a context that the aim and objectives, and subsequent methodology of this research were developed. 12.3 Tourism’s Role in Poverty Reduction in Elmina Discussion of the findings of this research has highlighted three main issues of theoretical importance, relevant to tourism’s role in poverty reduction in Elmina. Firstly, it highlights the need to understand the multiple ways local people define poverty; i.e. not in terms of low income alone but also non-income matters, particularly opportunities and barriers that affect livelihoods and involvement in decision-making processes. Secondly, it highlights the need to view the relationship between poverty and tourism in the destination concerned, in the context of development paradigms emphasised in the literature and policy agenda of donors funding tourism development in developing countries (Harrison, 1995; Burns, 1999). In the case of Elmina, the development of tourism was clearly conditioned by Ghana’s importance as a former colony of European countries, to which Elmina is inextricably linked through monuments associated with colonial rule such as Elmina Castle and Fort St. Jago. Finally, the findings of this research reveal a conventional neo-liberal approach to tourism development in Elmina, emphasising Government and Donor Agency policies to reduce poverty through international tourism, economic growth, ‘trickle down’ effects, and employment and income multipliers. By contrast, local people see beyond issues of employment and income, to how tourism could provide wider economic and social livelihood opportunities, in view of declining fishing and salt production activities. Local people also stress the need for a participatory approach to tourism development in Elmina, one in which they have ‘voice’ and 239 influence. The conventional approach of emphasising the significance of tourism in poverty reduction, particularly macro-indicators associated with ‘trickle-down’ effects through statistical employment and income multipliers, is of little importance to local people. On the contrary, their priorities and realities are embedded in a broad range of socio-economic impacts, including empowerment and participation to make choices that affect their lives. This is important in supporting a shift from a conventional approach to an alternative approach, the ‘Development First’ (Burns, 2004), focusing on sustainable development principles, including a participatory and holistic interrelationship between tourism and other sectors such as fishing and agriculture. The findings have revealed a range of institutional and policy barriers that undermine tourism’s role in poverty reduction, as well as a tendency for government to place emphasis on tourism development at the national level, rather than at the local level. This means that care should be taken by policy- makers not to generalise tourism’s role in poverty reduction in Ghana. Policy and practical measures to address the identified shortcomings have been discussed in Chapter 11. The implication is that specific policies that deliver benefits to meet local people’s needs are required, if poverty is to be reduced through tourism development. However, a number of challenges are associated with tourism development at the macro level in Ghana, as explained in Section 5.3. Based on the above understanding, this research has questioned the prevailing theoretical conventional approaches discussed in Chapters 3 and 4 that tourism automatically contributes to poverty reduction without the need for clear poverty policy interventions. It argues that whilst poverty reduction requires government and donor intervention at the local level, the quantitative measurement of poverty based on ‘poverty lines’ of income and consumption, and the measurement of tourism success through volume of arrivals, receipts and licensed businesses, pays inadequate attention to local people’s wider livelihood opportunities. Clearly, whether the conventional approach of tourism development has succeeded in reducing poverty in Elmina depends on how poverty is defined and tourism assessed. 240 12.4 Recommendations for Increasing Tourism’s Role in Poverty Reduction in Elmina Based upon a comprehensive analysis of the literature and discussion of the findings of this research, a number of research and policy needs have been identified and recommended as worth considerable attention in Elmina. It is recommended that a sustainable approach to tourism development be taken in Elmina, which recognises the central role of local people, as well as economic, social and political institutions at global, national and local levels. Sustainable development principles emphasise poverty-focused development; focusing on local people, a responsive and participatory process, inter-relationship at national and local levels, and economic and social factors affecting livelihood activities and decision-making. Such an approach does not radically reject neo-liberal market forces but stresses holistic and participatory processes aimed at balancing local people’s priorities and other ‘stakeholders’ objectives. This shift in emphasis of the development paradigm towards a sustainable philosophy is necessary, as whilst the current focus on arrivals, revenue and expansion of licensed tourism businesses in Elmina provides macro benefits to government, donor and private sector, it weakens the role of tourism in creating socio-economic opportunities for local people. Instead of contributing significantly to the goals of poverty reduction, rather they exacerbate or perpetuate poverty in the local community. However, the question should be asked: whether tourism can provide a legitimate means of reducing poverty in Elmina? Whilst tourism policy provides a pathway, it is not a panacea for poverty reduction in Elmina or elsewhere, unless livelihood opportunities are created and barriers reduced or minimised. Five challenges to this are identified: i. As discussed in Chapters 2 and 8, poverty is dynamic and multi- dimensional, passing beyond income to non-income perspectives. Therefore, reducing poverty would require a broader tourism development agenda, emphasising local people’s priorities and choices; ii. The need to remove barriers causing local people’s marginalisation and exclusion from opportunities in the tourism industry and market. As 241 discussed in Chapters 9 and 10, although it has the potential to create economic and non-economic opportunities for local people through stimulation of small business, employment and decision-making opportunities, there are several barriers that need to be overcome through government policy interventions and actions by donors, non-governmental organisations and the private sector. These include building capacity and access to training, credit, diversified tourism products and markets; iii. The existing lack of clear structure for the planning and development of tourism and the uncoordinated actions of different stakeholders need to be overcome to allow the potential socio-economic benefits of tourism to be realised. It is recommended that an organisation solely responsible for tourism development in Elmina is created. There is an existing lack of accountability, responsiveness and transparency in infrastructure service delivery and business regulation and legislation discussed in Chapters 8, 9 and 10, challenging donor commitment to tourism and good governance. It is suggested that, an independent non-governmental organisation should relieve government bodies, particularly the Municipal Assembly, of the burden of tourism policy and planning, and emphasise partnerships with local people in Elmina. iv. The need to encourage the establishment of non-governmental organisations that are participatory in approach and pay attention to local needs is emphasised by Burns who, on the basis of a comparable tourism developmental planning approach in Eritrea, concluded that ‘the extent to which tourism goals are subsumed, diverted or even dropped will be the result of the complex web of inter-relations among various actors involved in planning which may pay little heed to development needs of (especially at a local level)’ (1999:334). A tourism policy mechanism is thus required that aims to develop institutions and promote inter-relationships amongst stakeholders (Burns, 2004), and gives voice to local people (Hollinshead, 1996, 2006). Such an institution could be a wealthy non-governmental organisation, may have the resources to stimulate economic livelihood opportunities through micro-finance and empower local people and governing bodies to assess and access a variety of tourism and poverty reduction policy and planning options in Elmina; and 242 v. The final major challenge is to address the shortcomings of the 15-year Integrated National Tourism Development Plan (1996-2010) that was jointly prepared by government and donors, but for which there has been a lack of commitment to its implementation, with subsequent consequences of a lack of creation of socio-economic opportunities. Having advocated the need for a shift in policy towards sustainable tourism development, there is a need to address how it can incorporate a poverty reduction policy at the local level. As discussed in Section 3.3, despite the debate about sustainable development, the influence of the concept has increased significantly in national and international policy development, making it a core precept of the policy documents of governments, donor agencies, non- government organisations and the private sector. The concept stresses ‘needs’ and ‘aspirations’ (Mebratu, 1998:504), which are applicable to all forms of tourism including cultural tourism; types of tourists; a variety of socio-economic opportunities; institutional strengthening and the empowerment and participation of local people-centred policies. However, the policy process is very broad and sometimes ambiguous; embodying wider stakeholder group consultations and formulation; the implementation, monitoring and evaluation of goals and strategies; and requiring a political commitment to resources from the government and donors. One of the major obstacles to overcome in order to use tourism for poverty reduction is to change the approach from ‘top-down’ policy planning. Despite the implementation of decentralisation processes in Ghana, policy processes remain ‘top-down’. Occasionally there are consultations with stakeholders about policy, but these never include any representation for poor people, whose views are not considered in the final decisions by policy-makers. Where participatory processes are adopted by policy-makers, typically a Rapid Rural Appraisal approach had been utilised to extract data rather than a Participatory Rural Appraisal approach, which emphasises a ‘bottom-up’ process of eliciting data from poor people as discussed in Sections 2.4.3 and 6.4.3. For a poverty-reduction tourism policy to be effective, policy-makers should be accountable, transparent, responsive and able to distinguish between indicators identified by different stakeholders and local people. While understanding the linkage between tourism policy and poverty 243 reduction is important, the significance of integrating a sustainable development approach lies in placing emphasis on increasing stakeholder participation in the policy process with an emphasis on local people. To date, national tourism planning for Ghana has failed to consider the financial, human and social resources necessary to promote local people’s participation. Tourism’s potential for poverty reduction cannot be realised until there is a development paradigm shift from macro-economic oriented goals to poverty- focused livelihood opportunities and decision-making process. The lack of integration between national and local level development objectives in Ghana justifies research into tourism’s role in poverty reduction in local communities. 12.5 Strengths and Limitations of the Research The strengths of this research are rooted in the emphasis on interpretive paradigm and qualitative methodology, in which voice is given to local people rather than other stakeholders, i.e. government, donor agencies, private sector and tourists. Based upon methodological triangulation, as explained in Chapter 6, this study aims to provide a broader view of local people’s understanding and meanings of tourism’s role in poverty reduction, as opposed to earlier works in Elmina. A key strength is enhancing the focus on the marginalised and excluded, as means of advancing theory and empirical basis for research and development policy for the relationship between tourism and poverty reduction. However, a number of limitations can be noted in the study. A key limitation is that interpretations of poverty and tourism opportunities were reliant upon the respondent’s ability to identify the relationships between tourism and poverty, remembering experiences from encounters and activities since the industry was introduced into the local community in 1993. Therefore, methodological design was limited to studying the perspective of stakeholders’ experiences and knowledge of tourism development in Elmina. Although, these accounts were verified to a large extent, using triangulation of methods and sources of data, there was no way they could be value-free. In addition to this, investigating the role of tourism in poverty reduction Elmina is prone to a wide range of influences, on the part of the researcher and the people studied. These include the prevailing 244 economic, socio-cultural, political and power balances which influence the data collected, and issues relating to being ‘emic’ and ‘etic’, as explained in Section 6.11. To overcome these weaknesses, the investigation into the role of tourism in poverty reduction was conducted from the perspective of stakeholders, and not with regard to a position that reflects the view of one particular stakeholder. 12.6 Contribution to Knowledge A strength of this research lies in its emphasis on poverty reduction through considering local people’s views in the decision-making process, rather than policy-makers’ and the private sector’s. The tourism and development literature has focused much attention on measuring the impacts of tourism development, whilst comparatively little emphasis has been placed on poverty reduction in local communities. This study represents a broader and more detailed comprehension of tourism’s role in poverty reduction, within the context of sustainable development of Ghana and in Elmina in particular. A contribution to the current global tourism and poverty agenda has been made through the critical evaluation of development theories and concepts, alongside an assessment of their relevance to poverty and tourism relationships. A significant contribution to knowledge has been made through bringing understanding to how the ‘poor’ perceive poverty and the livelihood opportunities that tourism has the potential to bring. It has given marginalised groups in society, such as the women, Asafo companies, fishermen and fishmongers, and the Castle Boys a voice, an opportunity to be heard that they have not previously had. The study has also listened to their views of how the planning of tourism to reduce and alleviate poverty should proceed. There is a clear emphasis on participation; partnerships with the private sector and government; allowed access to the market; the provision of affordable training, and having availability of credit. The research also enhanced understanding of a group of marginalised young men, the Castle Boys, the tourist ‘harassers’, of how and why they undertake their activities and perhaps, more importantly, how they see a way out of their present status. 245 This emphasis on participatory approach to decision-making greatly enhances the understandings of the poverty and tourism relationship. It gives understandings to the kinds of solutions that the poor think would help to deal with their problems, rather than relying on externally imposed solutions, which often fail to deliver the desired results. The research provides information upon which to develop strategies to build the capacity of local people to gain livelihoods through tourism. It is argued that these strategies should continue the participatory approach with the poor and other stakeholders. As a means of reducing poverty, this kind of strategy is likely to have a much better chance of success than externally imposed solutions, which are construed in the absence of local understandings. The methodological approach of the research, emphasising participation and consultation with all stakeholders, including the poor, establishes a framework that is transferable to other geographical locations. In this sense it is advocating, ‘local solutions for local problems’, whilst at the same time recognising the global character of the tourism industry. This methodology is also radical in the sense that it challenges the traditional status quo of externally imposed solutions of major donor agencies such as the World Bank, for poverty reduction. 12.7 Recommendations for Future Research Based upon consideration of the literature and discussion so far, research needs and opportunities have been identified and recommended for attention in future enquires into tourism and poverty reduction in developing countries. There is a need to address two main issues concerned with the practical outcomes of this research. The results of this research need to be integrated into tourism policy and planning for Elmina and applied at a local level. Longitudinal research then needs to proceed with the local community to assess its effectiveness in ensuring the use of tourism to combat poverty. The second issues relates to the requirement to implement the methodological approach of this study to other locations, to both provide comparative data of the understanding and experiences of poverty, and to devise and implement appropriate tourism poverty reduction strategies. This programme of research would develop knowledge of how local people understand poverty in multiple ways, and how to develop 246 appropriate frameworks for using tourism to arrest poverty. This is difficult to assess, in view of the lack of data on which livelihood opportunities can be directly and indirectly attributed to tourism. An emergent finding of this research was the role of philanthropic tourists in aiding the Castle Boys and providing resources to extend schools. However, philanthropic tourism is a relatively new concept and a much better understanding of how it could be harnessed to fight poverty needs to be acquired. 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Available at: http://www.wttc.org/eng/Tourism_Research/: Site accessed on 14 November 2009. Zhao, W. and Brent-Ritchie, J. R. (2007) Tourism and Poverty Reduction: An Integrative Research Framework, in: M. C. Hall (Ed.) Pro-Poor Tourism: Who Benefits? Perspectives on Tourism and Poverty Alleviation, pp. 9-29, Clevedon: Channel View Publications. 270 Appendix 271 Appendix 1: Licensed Tourism Establishments in the Central Region: 2004-2007 Year Hotels Restaurants Home Tour Car Hire Drinking Traditional Lodge Agency Bars Catering 2004 114 21 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 2005 104 16 n/a 2 1 316 48 2006 108 7 n/a 5 1 n/a n/a 2007 116 14 1 4 n/a 360 84 Source: Ghana Tourist Board Office, Central Region, 2007c. Note: n/a= not available 272 Appendix 2: Projections for Tourism Growth in Ghana: 1994-2010 Indicator 1994 1995 2000 2005 2010 Tourism Arrivals (In 271 286 399 638 1,062 thousands Tourist Receipts (In 222 237 386 757 1,562 USD Millions) Contribution to 3.5 3.5 3.9 5.2 7.4 GDP (In percentages) Employment (In 56 59 90 161 307 thousands) Source: Adapted from 15-year National Tourism Development Plan, ROG (1996:227). 273 Appendix 3: Registered Accommodation Establishments in Ghana Year Number Rooms Beds 1996 703 10232 13791 1997 751 10921 14164 1998 730 10879 14299 1999 834 11384 16184 2000 992 13641 17558 2001 1053 15453 19648 2002 1169 16180 21442 2003 1250 17352 22909 2004 1315 18079 23538 2005 1344 18632 23915 2006 1405 19967 28006 Source: Adapted from the Annual Reports, Ghana Tourist Board, 2005 & 2007. 274 Appendix4: Licensed Restaurants by Category in Ghana: 1995-2006 Classification 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 Grade 1 29 30 33 43 51 50 101 66 Grade 2 78 61 67 74 88 90 154 97 Grade 3 113 115 149 145 169 134 186 153 Fast Food 13 25 22 50 59 25 59 n/a Total 233 231 271 312 367 299 372 250 Source: Adapted from the Annual Reports, Ghana Tourist Board, 2000, 2005 and 2007 275 Appendix 5: Licensed Catering Establishments in Ghana: September 2007 Region Snack Bar Traditional Drinking Bars Total Catering Establishment Greater Accra 1 303 790 1094 Eastern n/a 138 266 404 Brong-Ahafo n/a n/a n/a n/a Upper East n/a 16 51 67 Central n/a 84 128 121 Western 2 68 388 458 Upper West n/a 19 87 106 Volta n/a 88 107 195 Northern n/a n/a n/a n/a Ashanti n/a 67 130 197 Total 3 783 1947 2733 Source: Adapted from the Annual Report, Ghana Tourist Board, 2007 276 Appendix 6: Appropriateness of Data Collection Methods to Research Study Objectives Research Study Objective Data Collection Method Contribution to study 1. Comprehend how the socio- • Unstructured Interviews The data collection economic opportunities arising • Semi-Structured Interviews methods aim to contribute from tourism can be utilised to • Focus Group to an understanding of combat poverty. • Participant Observation how local people view the relationship between poverty and tourism, and impacts on their well- being. 2. Identify the barriers that • Unstructured Interviews The data collection cause the marginalisation and • Semi-Structured Interviews method may assist in the exclusion of local people from • Focus Group collection of data to the tourism industry. • Participant observation understand barriers which restrict local people’s participation in tourism. 3. Investigate the stakeholder • Unstructured Interviews The data collection perception of the significance • Semi-structured interviews methods aim to identify of tourism as a means of • Focus Group how other stakeholders, combating poverty. apart from local people, understand the significance of tourism in combating poverty. 4. Make recommendations on • Unstructured interviews The data collection can how tourism can be utilised to • Semi-Structured Interviews help provide key themes reduce poverty in Elmina. • Focus Group and sub-themes for policy • Participant Observation planning and decision making, ranging from local to international levels of tourism development to tackle poverty. Source: Author’s construction 277 Appendix 7: Unstructured Interviews: Strengths, Weaknesses and Solutions Strength* Weaknesses* Solutions to Weaknesses Gather rich and thick Inability to obtain data Combined with other methods descriptions of multiple from wider population To engage many respondents in realities It can only be used for a the construction and The conduct of the small sample size, and not interpretation to gather ‘rich’ data interview exposes the extrapolated to the wider and ‘thick’ descriptions of poverty multiple realities that population. and tourism. explain poverty and tourism relationship. Establish rapport and There is a large Interviewed respondents trust investment time in The interviewee was assured gathering data from that the information provided was The rapport and trust interviewees absolutely confidential, and between researcher and The researcher has to would not be held against interviewer facilitate the explain the rationale of the him/her. interaction and depth of study to interviewee and discussion on the sought permission to take research ‘topic’. notes, or tape-record the interviews, or make no record at all and have to rely on his memory to recollect the salient information Probing for in-depth Limited time does not allow Allow Interviewees to talk information the researcher to probe for more It is the open-ended more details for a long Engage interviewees to talk more interview that allows the period, during interviews whilst the researcher listens researcher to interact with with tourists. attentively. interviewees at any setting and probe for detailed information *Source: Adapted from Jennings, 2001 278 Appendix 8: Semi-Structured Interviews: Strengths, Weaknesses and Solutions Strength* Weaknesses* Solution to Weaknesses Multiple realities can be Unwillingness of interviewee to Scheduled time at the determined from the participate in the interview, or convenience of the interviews answer questions respondent The interviewee is not obliged to The interviews allowed data to respond to any or all questions The interviewees should be collected from different during the interview. Analysis of be put at ease before stakeholder groups and do not data is difficult when key beginning formal constraint the interviewees to interviewees refused to divulge questioning. following the researcher a priori information. reasoning. Data on sensitive and Rapport is important for Researcher assured complex Issues can be collection of complex and interviewee of obtained through established sensitive data in the social setting. confidentiality and rapport between the researcher privacy and interviewees. Allowed the interview to answer questions freely and to seek for further clarifications and details without negatively affecting the quality of data collections process. Follow-up questions can be Takes much longer time due to Re-schedule interviews, framed to clarify issues for the interruptions during the or wait for interruption interviewees and further extend interviews, which seep into to cease responses. fieldwork time. Therefore, interview should be conducted and questions revisited at a later date, or time using different data collection techniques. *Source: Adapted from Bryman, 2004 279 Appendix 9: Focus Groups-Strengths, Weaknesses and Solutions Strength* Weaknesses* Solutions to Weaknesses Focus groups can promote The focus group can be Facilitator needs skills related time effectiveness of dominated by vocal and strong to group discussion. collecting data from more participants Researcher encouraged people in a short period Session can be easily dominated interactions amongst participants, This approach fits into the by few participants and ensure all views are respected, traditional system of consensus subsequently divert attention from equal time to participants to building. the issues. contribute and no one dominate the session. Focus groups allow the The selected participants may Explain rationale for focus researcher to gather and not truly represent or reflect the group to participants cross-check different opinions study population, or unwilling Encouraged use of both English from different stakeholders to join groups and Fanti languages and Different viewpoints add to the English language and level of interpretations by participants to richness of the data collected education were considered reflect and clarify their positions. through group members barriers by some participants. The focus groups method should questioning, clarifying and be combined with other qualitative discussing their respective data collection techniques. positions. The researcher can gain The difficulty of getting Incentives are used to prolong access to participants who participates to participate participation may be difficult to reach Focus groups are difficult to Appropriate selection of cross- because of their daily schedules. arrange, duration of sessions and section of groups, and incentives number of participants. provided by the researcher in the context of traditional norms. *Source: Adapted from Patton, 1990 280 Appendix 10: Participant Observation-Strengths, Weaknesses and Solutions Strengths* Weaknesses* Solution to Weaknesses Provides first hand It may be prone to researcher’s The integration of information bias other activities The researcher observes The observed events and objects The researcher should interactions and behaviours of are selective and interpretation integrate other activities participants in the social differs from the participant’s to avoid being treated settings. perspectives. suspiciously or hostile by participants. It enables the researcher to The interaction between the A combination with become aware of how the researcher and participants other methods participants interpret and give may create familiarity, thereby enriches data meanings to poverty and tourism losing objectivity of the data Focus group method in the social setting. obtained. should be supplemented with other qualitative techniques in order to cross-check data collected. It enables a wide range of data It may not work with large The need for data to be collected groups which can be Researcher collects a range of The researcher can only be in one observed data on human behaviour and setting, focusing on the present, First-hand data should events and compared with whilst the past or future settings be collected and information obtained through are not observable. assimilated into other techniques. unstructured, semi- structured and focus group interviews. *Source: Adapted from Bowen, 2001 281 Appendix 11: Bricoleurship Strength, Weakness and Solutions Bricolage-Strengths Bricolage-Weaknesses Bricolage-Solutions proposed outlined by Kincholoe outlined by Kincholoe (2001) by this researcher in (2001) and impact on this and impact on this research response to weaknesses research study study Weaknesses identified by Kincholoe (2001) Methodological Rigour Barriers of Boundary Works Reference to Literature A means to establishing Reluctance amongst Review rigour, using diverse researchers or discipline to An inspection and analyses of theoretical and philosophical facilitate intersections of disciplines or ‘outside’ fields with notions of qualitative traditional boundaries. an established links with poverty research. and tourism studies. Multiple Realities and Methodologically Wider in Seeking Relationship and Perspectives Scope Familiarity A combination of multiple Multiple research methods An overview of research basic perspectives obtained from involve learning from ethical, philosophical, different methodological and differences which may be time methodological assumptions interpretative perspectives consuming and frustrating due familiar to the researcher and due to limitations of single endless interactions between establishing diverse networks methods, or paradigm. researcher and diverse with research students of other stakeholders including the disciplines or domains marginalised and excluded. examining poverty and tourism. Synergy of Disciplines Time Consuming and Bias Transdisicplinary Approach Facilitate disciplinary Time is devoted to A focus on transdisciplinary mediations across scholarly comprehension of rather than interdisciplinary to domains by creating epistemological, ontological interact and collect ‘rich’ data in conceptual links that help and methodologies in other order to produce ‘thick’ researchers in different disciplines. description. disciplines to interact. Source: Adapted from Kincholoe, 2001 282 Appendix 12: Interview Guide Questions for the Stakeholders 1. General: Interviewer Profile Thank you very much for your acceptance to participate in this research study. I would like to ask you for some details about yourself, your household and community i. Name …… ii. Age……… iii. Education Level obtained……iv. Gender status………… 2a. Local People: Issues of Poverty I would like to ask some questions about your (you and your household) quality of life. i. How would you describe your quality of life in Elmina? ii. What are the things which you say affect your quality of life and that of your household? iii. Taking everything into account, would you say that this area has become a better place to live in, become worse or remained about the same? Please explain iv. Can you tell me which social amenities affect your quality of life? v. What do you think are the most important issues the government should be dealing with? vi. What would you say are the most important employment opportunities in Elmina? 2b. Local People: Issues of Tourism I would like to ask some questions about tourism development in Elmina and how it affects your quality of life and that of your family. i. What would say about tourism in Elmina? ii. Who would you say are/is responsible for tourism development in Elmina? iii. What roles do you think the local people play in tourism development? iv. What would you say are the activities/ businesses that deal with tourists? v. What benefits are you receiving from tourism? vi. I would like you to tell me, in order of importance, what you expect from tourism in Elmina vii. Please tell, how do you describe your employment situation in tourism? viii. Can I just check, how do you think of yourself as having a job or business in tourism (or related to tourism)? ix. What is your income (daily, monthly,) from your business/job; that is after paying for any materials, equipment or goods that you use in your work? x. How much money do you earn from your work? xi. What do you think restricts you from involving yourself in tourism (working, business etc.?) xii. What do you think are the most issues the government should be dealing with to improve tourism? 3. Tourists i. Please tell, what are the major reasons for your visit to this destination? ii. How would you describe your visit to this place? iii. What goods and services have you bought or spent money on? iv. What do you think are the important issues that should be addressed to encourage you to visit here again and stay longer in the community? 283 4. Private Sector i. With regard to your work, how would you describe your business activities? ii. May I just ask, is that your own or a family business? iii. Could you describe more fully what your business entails? iv. In relation to your business, how do you perceive tourism development in Elmina? v. How often do you organise tours in a year to this area? vi. How long do the tourists stay, what activities do they engage in, and what things do they buy when they visit the area? vii. What are the things which you would say affect tourism development in the area? viii. How would you describe the quality of life of the local people? ix. How many persons have you employed in your business? x. In your view, what benefits/opportunities are created for the local people from your businesses activities? xi. What do you think are the most important issues the private sector should be dealing with to improve tourism in Elmina? 5. Government/Donor Agency Representatives i. How does you organisation perceive poverty in Ghana? ii. How does you organisation perceive tourism development in Ghana? iii. What indicators do you use in measuring both poverty and tourism? iv. How would you describe the role of your organisations in both poverty reduction and tourism development? v. Could you tell me, who do you describe as the beneficiaries of the policies, plans and programme you produce and implement? vi. How have the local people in Elmina benefited from your activities? vii. How would you describe the tourism potential of Elmina? viii. What contribution is tourism making to help reduce poverty in Elmina? ix. And can you tell me, who are the local people benefiting from the socio-economic opportunities created from tourism, if any? x. Can you tell me which challenges are associated with the sustainable development of tourism at the national and local levels? 284 Appendix 13: Demographic Profile of Pilot and Main Study Sample Name Gender Age/Age Level of Occupation Range education 1 Abena F 45-50 Nil Fishmonger 2 Akuoko F 50-60 Nil Fishmonger 3 Adwoa** F 52 Nil Fishmonger 4 Sanyiwah F 70 Nil Fishmonger 5 Konadu F 30 Nil Petty Trader 6 Frimpomaa F 60-70 Nil Tourist 7 Joan F 50 Tertiary Tourist 8 Boatemaa F 55 Nil Fishmonger 9 Lisa F 35 Tertiary Tourist 10 Enyonam F 50-60 Tertiary Government Representative 11 Gloria F 19 Technical Tourist 12 Ahemaa F 35 Technical Beverage seller 13 Essiam F 30 Nil Fishmonger 14 Oparebea F 45 Nil Fishmonger 15 Ama Sika F 60-60 Nil Fishmonger 16 Asantewaaa F 45 Secondary Government Representative 17 Akosua F 48 Secondary Beer bar owner 18 Fatima F 32 Nil Fishmonger 19 Korkor F 40 Nil Hawker 20 Shola** F 42 Technical Handicraft seller 21 Nanaba F 45 Tertiary Teacher 22 Naa Dede F 53 Secondary Assembly woman 23 Korantemaa F 56 Tertiary Teacher 24 Awurafio F 42 Secondary Hotel owner 25 Judy F 33 Tertiary Tourism consultant 26 Menaba F 50-60 Nil l Unemployed 27 Kyeiwaa F 30 Secondary Seamstress 28 Akonorbea F 35 Tertiary Tour guide 29 Baaba F 45 Nil Fishmonger 30 Mary F 36 Nil Fishmonger 31 Barkey** F 30 Student Tourist 32 Ohenewaa** F 58 Secondary Handicraft seller 33 Elisabeth F 52 Tertiary Tourist 34 Takyiwaa F 46 Nil Fishmonger 35 Serwaa F 40 Nil Fishmonger 36 Naa Ode F 54 Nil Fishmonger 285 37 Naa Adako F 67 Nil Fishmonger 38 Kesiwa** F 45 Tertiary Government representative 39 Fati F 48 Secondary Vocational teacher 40 Maureen F 40-50 Secondary Government representative 41 Essihene F 42 Nil chop bar owner 42 Gyamfour F 24 Nil chop bar owner 43 Akwele F 45 Technical Hotel worker 44 Suzzy F 30 Tertiary Tourist 45 Hajia F 64 Technical Restaurant owner 46 Katiele F 66 Secondary Drinking bar owner 47 Haruna M 37 Secondary Handicraft seller 48 Kofi M 50 Technical Boat builder 49 Kwesi M 58 Tertiary Consultant/ Lecturer 50 Yaw M 30 Secondary Tour guide 51 Kojo M 24 Technical Former castle boy 52 Craig M 20 Tertiary Tourist 53 Bonsu M 27 Tertiary Government representative 54 Mohammed M 66 Nil Fisherman and a member of the Asafo Company 55 Owusu** M 36 Nil Salt worker and a member of the Asafo Company 56 Boateng M 66 Nil Fisherman and member of the Asafo Company 57 Akwei M 52 Secondary Assembly man 58 Kwabena M 62 Nil Fisherman and a member of the Asafo Company 59 Aryee M 34 Tertiary Government representative 60 Sowah M 42 Tertiary Tour guide 61 Nii Armah M 48 Tertiary Hotel worker 62 Opanyin M 57 Tertiary Government representative 63 Quainoo M 44 Tertiary Government representative 286 64 Akrofi M 59 Secondary Salt worker 65 Yeboah M 64 Lecturer Government representative 66 Asantewaaa M 37 Secondary Tour guide and Unemployed 67 Togbe M 60 Nil Fisherman and a member of the Asafo Company 68 Kwetia M 51 Tertiary Government representative 69 Opoku** M 21 Secondary/Tec Castle boy and hnical unemployed 70 Jimmy M 62 Secondary Fisherman and a member of the Asafo Company 71 Ofori Atta M 20 Secondary Castle boy and unemployed 72 Odame M 42 Nil Fisherman and a member of the Asafo Company 73 Aboagye** M 47 Tertiary Tour operator 74 Terry M 50 Secondary Tourist 75 Frank M 45 Secondary Tourist 76 Osei M 62 Nil Fisherman and a member of the Asafo Company 77 Kwapong M 43 Tertiary Government representative 78 Baffour M 55 Tertiary Chief 79 Agyeman M 58 Nil Fisherman and a member of the Asafo Company 80 Christian M 50 Tertiary Donor Agency 81 Acheampong M 61 Tertiary Tour guide and a consultant 82 Amankwaa M 19 Secondary Castle boy 83 Kpakpo M 58 Tertiary Hotel owner 84 Frimpong M 18 Secondary Castle boy and a student 85 Roberts M 58 Tertiary Donor agency 86 Gariba M 22 Secondary Handicraft seller 87 Ofori M 64 Secondary Tour guide 287 88 Brown M 40 Secondary Tourist 89 Onyame M 18 Primary Castle boy and a unemployed 90 Mantey M 20 Primary Castle boy and unemployed Source: Author’s Fieldwork **Respondents who participated in the pilot study 288 Appendix 14: Mailed Correspondences-Researcher Letter Universityof •• • Bedfordshire University of Bedfordshire School of Business (Department of Tourism) Park Square Luton Bedfordshire, UI3JU, England (Date) Dear Sir/Madam, REF: RESEARCH INTO TOURISM AND POVERTY REDUCTION IN ELMINA I am a Ph.D. research student at the University of Bedfordshire, in the Department of Tourism. I am investigating the role of tourism in poverty reduction amongst the people in Elmina. My research involves conducting interviews with a number of people in Elmina; therefore, I would be grateful if you would be willing to participate in this research. The interview will last approximately one hour; the place, date and time will be arranged at your convenience. The research explores social and economic variables such as livelihood opportunities and barriers to participation in tourism. Therefore, I will need to interview you over a period of time. In order to maintain the highest form of privacy and confidentiality your name will remain anonymous throughout the research process and in the final publication of this thesis. As a proof of identification, I will carry a letter from my supervisor and University of Bedfordshire Student Card, which will be produced on all visits. I would be grateful for your participation in this research because it will make an invaluable contribution to sustainable development of tourism concerning poverty reduction in Elmina. Please complete the attached form overleaf. I will call you by telephone or come personally to ask of your acceptance. If you have any question in the meantime please do not hesitate to contact me on 0244 234490 (Mobile). Your time and cooperation is most appreciated. Thank you. Yours faithfully Signed: Joel Sonne 289 Appendix 15: Mailed Correspondences-Respondent’s Form ••.1 ·.41111 Universttyol •• • Bedfordshire University of Bedfordshire School of Business (Department of Tourism) Park Square Luton Bedfordshire, UI3JU (Date) Dear Sir/Madam, REF: RESEARCH INTO TOURISM AND POVERTY REDUCTION IN ELMINA Researcher: Joel Sonne, University of Bedfordshire, Tourism Department, Park Square, Luton, Bedfordshire, LU1 3JU PART A PLEASE TICK (√) ONE OF THE FOLLOWING: ( ) I WOULD LIKE TO PARTICIPATE IN THE RESEARCH (PLEASE FILL IN PART B) ( ) I DO NOT WANT TO PARTICIPATE IN THE RESEARCH PART B Respondent: Name: Address: Contact Number: RESPONDENT AVAILABILITY: Date: Time: THANK YOU FOR COMPLETING THE FORM 290 Appendix 16: Thematic Process-Perceived Problems and Solutions Strengths identified by Anticipated problems in Solutions proposed by the Gomme (2001 this research researcher A range of responses Themes impose structure Data is subject to cross-check obtained. into data. and scrutiny. A range of interesting The researcher imposes a The interpretative triangulated responses emerged and structure to ‘fit’ qualitative data collected should be themes and sub-themes findings into themes, subjected to triangulating and are decided upon after the categories and concepts. endless scrutiny by using interviews. themes, sub-themes and sub- sub-themes in the data analysis. Moreover, triangulation helps to avoid quantifying data. Thematic analysis themes Thematic analysis themes Data is interpreted and analysed reflect perspective of look like measurement of to produce ‘thick’ description of respondents. variables. respondents' perspectives. Thematic analysis focuses The themes appear like Transcripts for field notes, on what is said rather than measurable variables that unstructured, semi-structured, how it was said. seek to count the number focus groups and participant of times themes emerge in observation should be analysed interview responses during manually, making comparisons the coding and data and contrasts between different analyses. respondents, firstly with interpretation notes before themes are assigned. Thematic analysis is a Themes tend to influence The use of methods fits into flexible research method choice questions interpretive paradigm, ontology Thematic analysis is not Thematic analysis has no and qualitative methods to wedded to any pre-existing analytical method and not encourage interactions between theoretical framework, and embedded in any particular researcher and respondents and can be used within theoretical framework. collection of ‘rich’ data. different theoretical frameworks. Source: Adapted from Gomm, 2004 291 Appendix 17: Pilot Study-Unstructured Interview An extract from transcript of unstructured interview-A thematic analysis of unstructured interview between the researcher and respondent Respondent: Adwoa Date: 8 July 2007 Time: 6.00-6.30pm Place of Interview: Respondent’s home, Elmina Language: Fanti Theme: Understanding poverty and tourism Recording Device: Note pad Respondent: Adwoa Interview Main Theme/ Researcher: Joel Sub-themes/ Sub-sub-themes Joel Could you describe more fully what you do? Main theme: Poverty Adwoa I am a fishmonger…a job I have done for 35 Sub-theme: years…’me hyei ase akye [I have been in the Socio-economic business for a long time] opportunity Joel May I just check, is that your own or a family Sub-sub-theme: business? Business Adwoa Yes…I was working with my mother, and Establishment/ inherited it when she died…It is now my Ownership business but I sell the fish with my Income daughter…’adwuma no asae’ [dwindling Employment fishing activities] because the catch and income earned are low. We can’t buy fuel, outboards and nets, and feed the family...My son, life is difficult for everybody in Elmina because fishing is our umbilical cord but they are not helping us...our children need to work. Joel If you say ‘they’, who are you referring to? Sub-theme: Barriers Adwoa Hmmm…’they’ are the government people, Sub-sub-theme: including the officials of the Municipal Decision-Making Assembly, management of the Castle, Information Member of Parliament. They don’t tell us anything. Look, we are poor in this community. Joel What do you mean when you say ‘people are Main theme: poor’? Meaning of Poverty Sub-theme: Adwoa Yes people are poor [laughter] hmmm…people Barrier don’t have work to do, money to buy food, care Sub-sub-theme: for the family, buy water, pay for the use of Social Amenities public toilets…many people in Edina [Elmina] Food can’t afford all these things…but government 292 does not provide it freely. We are forced to pay for using public toilets…why? …Oye dzen papa [it is difficult for us]. Joel Tell me…where do you sell your fish? Sub-theme: Tourism Market Adwoa We sell to the hotels, chop bars, restaurants Employment and women who come from other market centres to buy from us… I can’t stop selling fish because I was born into it, but want my children to look for better job in the hotels or travel elsewhere after schooling. Joel Do you mean to work in tourism? (Researcher Main theme: has to explain) I mean…all the things and Tourism facilities that tourists [ahoho] come here to participation enjoy. Sub-sub-theme: Adwoa Ebaadze? [What is that?] They come here and Tourism Market go to the Castle, and stay in the hotels… only few of them come to the fish market, take photos or buy fish from us…we don’t benefit from them. Joel How about the fish you sell to the hotels, chop Main theme: bars and restaurants…would say they are Tourism benefits or not? Participation Adwoa No, we don’t get anything from tourism...you Sub-theme: ask everybody… I can arrange for you to meet Socio-Economic the members of our association [fishmongers] Opportunities and they will tell you the same things. Joel Meda wo ase. [Thank you very much] Adwoa Me nda ase [You are welcome] Source: Author’s own work 293 Appendix 18: Pilot Study-Semi-Structured Interview An extract from Semi-structured interview between the researcher and respondent Respondent: Ohenewaa Date: 28July 2007 Time: 2.00pm-3.00pm Place of Interview: Craft Shop, Elmina Language: English Theme: Understanding poverty and tourism Recording Device: Note pad and tape recorder Respondent: Interview Theme/Sub- Ohenewaa themes/ Researcher: Joel Sub-sub-themes Joel Could you describe more fully what you do? Main theme: Tourism Ohenewaa I own this shop and sell craftworks to tourists who Participation visit the Castle…a few of them [tourists] come here to buy beads, kente products, earnings and carvings. Sub-theme: Socio-Economic Opportunities Joel How do you feel about the success of your craft Sub-sub theme: business? Tourism Market Ohenewaa Well, the business is on-and-off [fluctuates]…but most often it is not good…I sell more goods during Panafest and Emancipation Days …let me say between July and September when more tourists visit the castle. Joel Tell me…What would say about tourism in Elmina? Sub-theme: Tourism? Barrier Ohenewaa [Laughter]…they are not developing tourism in a Sub-sub theme: manner that can bring more tourists and let them stay Tourism product longer. Tourists who buy from me always complaint Tourism Market. about lack of activities they want to do, apart from visiting the Elmina castle. Joel What do they want to see and do? Main theme: Tourism Ohenewaa They want to relax at the beach and also observe Participation how these crafts are produced…You see, the Assembly has built a craft without consulting us Sub-theme: [handicraft sellers]…the tour operators and tourist Barrier don’t go there because it is far from the castle…the trained people [artisans] have left Elmina because Sub-sub theme: they are not making sales. The Museum authorities Tourism product have allowed one shop to operate from castle which Tourism Market 294 is not fair…...They asked me to leave this place but I refused, and now they charge me GH¢2 every month…how do I pay when I don’t sell my things? Joel How do you describe business performance (e.g. Main theme: income, profits) Tourism Participation Ohenewaa Hmm… Look! It is 2.30pm and I have not sold anything today…how do I feed my family? ...I collect Sub-theme: the items on credit and pay the producers when they Barrier are sold…I don’t even have to tell you or anybody because nobody gives me loans…it is my family’s Sub-sub theme: private affairs Access to Credit Joel What would say are the challenges [problems] you Main theme: face in your business? Tourism Participation Ohenewaa I have told you so many times. I don’t get many customers, the banks will not give me loans because Sub-theme: I don’t have land or house as a security [collateral], Barrier no proper place to sell my things because any time it rains I have to pack the things and go home. Sub-sub theme: Access to credit Tourism Market Joel How would you describe your quality of life in Main theme: Elmina? Meaning of poverty Ohenewaa People are poor and can only afford one meal a day. Look at these children…they are not schooling Sub-theme: because we [parents] can’t pay the fees...There are Barriers no industries to employ the people. Sub-sub-theme: Income Education Employment Joel Thank you Source: Author’s own work 295 Appendix 19: Main Study-Unstructured Interview An extract from unstructured interview between the researcher and respondent (tourist) Respondent: Lisa Date: 23 August 2007 Time: 12.00pm-1.30pm Place of Interview: Restaurant in Elmina Language: English Theme: Understanding poverty and tourism Recording Device: Note pad Respondent: Lisa Interview Main theme/ Researcher: Joel Sub-theme/ Sub-sub-theme Joel Please tell me, what are the major reasons for Main theme: your visit to Elmina? Tourism Participation Lisa I am visiting my daughter in Ghana and decided Sub-sub-theme: to visit here Tourist Motivation Joel How would you describe your visit to this place? Sub-theme: Socio-Economic Elmina castle has a different story to tell than Opportunities Lisa Cape Coast Castle and Kakum National park. I would not have this wonderful experience of Sub-sub-theme: walking through the town and seeing other Tourism product attractions if we had not met you…people only Information talk about the castle and not the town. Interaction with local people Joel What goods and services have you bought or Sub-theme: spent money on? Socio-Economic Opportunities Lisa Paid entrance fees to the Castle, bought a necklace from the handicraft shop, gave money Sub-sub-theme: to the beggars, and now having a good lunch. Tourism product For two hours I have spent so much but it could Tourism Market have been more if there are a range of interesting places and activities to do here…the beach should be developed for tourists whilst creating opportunities for local people. Joel What do you think are the important issues that Sub-theme: should be addressed to encourage you to visit Socio-Economic here again? Opportunities Lisa A lot…there are many things to talk about. Although the local people appear friendly, you Sub-sub-theme: need clean beach for tourist to relax and buy Tourism product coffee, water sports, variety of crafts and local Tourism Market 296 food. But services at the hotels and restaurants are slow…tourists will give tips if the quality of service is good. Joel What else can be done? Main theme: Meaning of Poverty Lisa I can some signs of poverty here…the children are playing on the street and not well dressed, Sub-theme: begging and open drains. They can provide Education information and encourage tourists to contribute Infrastructure money to development projects that can benefit the people…whoever is responsible should make Sub-sub-theme: the people benefit from tourism; otherwise it Tourist philanthropy become exploitative…I gave money to the beggars because I want to help them. Joel Thank you Source: Author’s own work 297 Appendix 20: Main Study-Semi-Structured Interview An extract from semi-structured interview between the researcher and respondent Respondent: Essihene Date: 30 August 2007 Time: 4.00pm-5.00pm Places of Interview: Chop bar, Elmina Languages: Fanti/English Theme: Understanding poverty and tourism Recording Device: Note pad and tape recorder Respondent: Interview Main theme/ Essihene Sub-theme/ Researcher: Joel Sub-sub-theme Joel May I just check, is that your own or a family Main theme: business? Meaning of Poverty Tourism Participation Essihene Yes, I inherited it from my mother and I have operated it for ten years now. Sub-theme: Socio-Economic Opportunities Sub-sub-theme: Employment Business Establishment Joel How many people have you employed and pay Sub-sub-theme each worker? Tourism product Employment Essihene I have employed six workers and pay them every month. I don’t pay myself…it my business and can buy anything I want if I need money. Joel With regard to your work, how do you describe Sub-theme: its performance (e.g. income, profits)? Socio-Economic Opportunities Essihene At least I make a little profit from the daily sales of food to the general public and few tourists who Sub-sub-theme visit the castle and want to eat local food come Employment/Income here. The [tourists] like our food and said it is Tourism Market tasty and spicy…some want to learn the way prepare our food. Joel How do your define your business activity with Main theme: regard to tourism? Tourism Participation Essihene Hmmm…officers from the Tourist Board came Government support here and said that because I prepare food and sell I am involved in tourism business and would come back to give me a license…I told them to 298 think about the support they can give me to make the business grow…the government is not helping but want us to pay money…nobody has come back to me. Joel What would say are the challenges you face in Main theme: your business? Tourism Participation Essihene I need money to buy roofing sheets, tables and Sub-theme: chairs. The bank will not give me a loan…and Barriers the interest is too high. I have to buy water Sub-sub-theme everyday to prepare the food… Social Amenities Joel What do you think could be done to address Main theme: these challenges? Tourism Participation Essihene The people who bring the tourists to the castle Sub-theme: should also bring them here to eat our local food. Barrier Government should promote local food, build hotels, provide clean water, waste disposal Sub-sub-theme: management and credit…they don’t ask our Tourism Market views before taking decisions. Product Diversification Access to Credit Social Amenities Decision-Making Joel How would you describe the quality of life in Main theme: Elmina? Meaning of Poverty Tourism Participation Essihene People are poor… the fishing industry has been the main economic activity for every household Sub-theme: but it is no more…this is why we [Chop bar Socio-Economic operators] want tourism and tourists to buy the Opportunities local food we prepare and sell...we want more Sub-sub-theme: tourists to come here and stay for longer periods. Tourism Market Joel Meda wo ase [Thank you] Essihene Me nda ase. [You are welcome] Source: Author’s own work 299 300