The Intersection between Working Life and Parenthood: A Literature Review Arja TyrkkoÈ National Institute for Working Life

This article aims at investigating the research concerning the interplay between working life and parenthood in an effort to sort out what is interesting to discuss and study further. The relationship between working life and parenthood is discussed focusing on the working life. Parenthood puts into focus the extent to which there is room for adjusting to demands from other life spheres when engaged in paid work. The investigation shows the importance of taking into account the gendered structures and practices in working life when trying to explain individual adjustment strategies. Approaches which are built upon a holistic research design, have proven to be valuable strategies in analyses of such complex phenomena as the adjustment between working life and family life.

Keywords: adjustment strategies, balancing working life and parenthood, gendered working life, working parents

Introduction

Being a working parent today entails moving between two different organizations, that of work and that of the family. It involves integrating these life spheres in order to create a satisfactory every- day life for oneself and one's family. The focus of this article is on the research concerning the situation of working parents in Swedish working life. First Ipresent a survey of the questions at issue within the ®eld of research, divided between different analytical levels. Subsequently, some theories and models of integration of paid work and parenthood are presented. A short survey is also given of approaches and methods used within the ®eld of research.

Economic and Industrial Democracy & 2002 (SAGE, London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi), Vol. 23: 107±123. [0143±831X(200202)23:1;107±123;021509] 108 Economic and Industrial Democracy 23(1)

As regards the empirical research in this ®eld, the presentation of the results is focused on the workplace level and on the individual level. The main issue is how important the organization of working life is for women's and men's ability to successfully integrate paid work and parenthood.

Analytical Levels

The research which has focused on the relationship between working life and parenthood has emphasized that this relationship is affected by several factors at different levels (see NaÈ sman et al., 1984; TyrkkoÈ , 1999). Based upon this research, the following research questions at different analytical levels can be formulated.

The Society

At the society level there exist formal legislation and agreements which regulate the labour market and the conditions for families with children outside work and `offer' solutions to the `institutional' problems. Access to care at daycare centres or leisure centres, joint taxation and are examples of these partial solutions. Then there are the overall cultural beliefs, values and norms regard- ing parenthood and working life.

The Local Community

The structural conditions for parents' actions at the workplace and in the family include the local community with its infrastructure and labour market, which offers people employment with more or less room for the needs of parenthood. The formal legislation and agreements are implemented at the local policy level with a certain variation.

The Workplace

It is at the workplace level that the individuals meet and where they encounter social conditions. It is at this level that formal rights TyrkkoÈ : The Intersection between Working Life and Parenthood 109 to integrate paid work and parenthood are put into practice. The relationships and the circumstances that affect the possibilities to integrate work and parenthood at this level are of two types: struc- tural conditions (distribution of work and the power and authority relations) and cultural conditions (norms and rules).

The Family

The family can be said to comprise both the values, norms and rules that the small organization represents and the practical situations that characterize everyday life, such as the division of paid and unpaid work between the parents. When the parents' individual con- ditions at the workplace are taken into account in the family context, a picture of the conditions for reproductive work within the family becomes visible. In turn, the private family situation is a framework for parents' action at the workplace.

The Individual

The individual's living conditions and scope of action as well as the barriers and opportunities for combining working life and family life in many ways affect mental and physical well-being. An imbalance between perceived demands and perceived capabilities and possi- bilities for meeting these demands can lead to ill-health and illnesses. By employing individual adjustment strategies, women and men seek to form their everyday conditions in order to ®nd a balance between their working and family situation. In this article the distinction between working life and family life is looked upon from the perspective of the individual's membership in a work organization. Parenthood is the basis for deciding which work conditions are interesting to study as possibilities or restric- tions for adjusting work and family life.

Theoretical Models

The connection between paid work and parenthood has been described and analysed from different theoretical points of view. 110 Economic and Industrial Democracy 23(1)

The boundary between these areas of life has been exceeded theore- tically, among other things, by using the concepts life mode and life context. The mode of life theory aims at, based on the society's basic structure, explaining what it is that holds life together, while the con- text of life theory is based on the individual's everyday experiences. Hùjrup (1983) has identi®ed three modes of life. In the paid work life mode there is a sharp boundary between work and leisure. In the career life mode, the employment is the goal and family and leisure are adjusted to the career. In the life mode of self-employment, work and leisure are not sharply separated (see also BjoÈ rnberg and BaÈ ck-Wiklund, 1987; Rahbek Christensen, 1987; Andersson, 1993; Jakobsen and Karlsson, 1993; TyrkkoÈ , 1999). Friberg (1990) has developed Hùjrup's analysis and emphasized women-speci®c life modes. Women in all life modes are family oriented with the children in focus. Yet, how this is expressed and what adjustments women make between children, housework and time of their own vary and are linked to the attitude towards paid work. In studies based on theories of life context the everyday life has been illustrated from a gender point of view, that is gender is the leading principle of everyday life. The literature re¯ects the different gender perspectives. In earlier studies, men's perspective was included only to a limited extent (see, for example, Prokop, 1981; Strandell, 1983). However, a change in this respect can be noted in that more researchers have begun to pay attention to a `new' phe- nomenon, namely the change in the male role and/or the role (see, for example, Connell, 1995; Holter and Aarseth, 1994). Holter and Aarseth (1994) have studied men's context of life based on the interviewed men's personal experiences. The fact that these experiences are not only private, but also form a part of a social change, is described by means of four types of family orientation, `the man's way to family' (cf. Nilsson, 1992; BjoÈ rnberg, 1994; Pappagruppens slutrapport, 1995). The question of how paid work and care responsibilities are being combined is a central aspect of the concept of gender contract. It refers to an unspoken contract between the sexes, which regulates the gendered division of labour at different levels and in different contexts (Hirdman, 1990, 1994; cf. Silius, 1992; TyrkkoÈ , 1999). Different gender contracts contain different types of answers to the dilemma between working life and family life. Hirdman uses the concept to examine different historical periods in Sweden in TyrkkoÈ : The Intersection between Working Life and Parenthood 111 terms of the contract, the equity contract and the equality contract (cf. Hagemann and AÊ mark, 2000). A step towards a more processual understanding of integrating work and parenthood is provided by the (family) life cycle perspec- tive (BaÈ ck-Wiklund and Lindfors, 1990; KylloÈ nen, 1993: 18). It puts the intersection between work and family in relation to stages of parenthood. The choice of strategy changes with the developmental stages in family life rather than the total life situation. To have or not to have children and the age of the children affect how you value and allocate your time between work and family. The interaction between family and work has also been analysed based on more limited approaches than the theories of life mode, life context and gender contract. In the more limited approaches the interaction between family and work is described by means of rela- tively simple in¯uence models. These models are built on descrip- tions of the transition between these areas and/or the effects one area has on the other. Three more general theoretical models can be distinguished (see Holter, 1990; KylloÈ nen, 1993; Lambert, 1990). Before the 1970s the so-called separate spheres model was often referred to. An alterna- tive to viewing working life and family life as separate spheres is the integration model, which is based on the fact that what is happening in one sphere cannot be separated from what is happen- ing in the other. The latest model to be developed is the con¯ict model, which means that there is an inner, inherent con¯ict or dilemma in the relationship between work and family. For example, if we think about the relationship between working life and family life from a time perspective, the everyday life is often a zero-sum game. Within the sociology of work, the relationship between work and family has often been looked upon from the view of the separate spheres model, with two inherent variants in the thinking, namely a job model and a gender model (see Ellingsñter, 1995). The job model is in most cases applied to men's occupation and work situation, while the gender model is applied to women's rela- tionship to the labour market. Instead of starting from the work situation, the gender model starts from women's personal character- istics and family conditions. Ellingsñter criticizes this model for being outdated: it simpli®es men's and women's complex and changing relationship to work and family by dichotomizing it into rigid categories. 112 Economic and Industrial Democracy 23(1)

There are also a number of models which capture the relationship at an individual level. These models describe how the relationship between working life and family life can be looked upon as a depen- dence, a re¯ection or a complementarity (coping, mastery, spill over, colouring ± see Lunde n Jacoby and NaÈ sman, 1989: 199). The theoretical perspectives focus on the different analytical levels mentioned earlier and can thus be used as analytical tools, which complete each other in empirical research. The study of parents' practices vis-a-vis the workplace and the family needs concepts and strategies which are ¯exible to handle work and family struc- tures and value systems as well as more speci®c areas and problems. With the help of such concepts, one can look at the situation of working parents as a complex phenomenon that can take on varying forms in different contexts.

Research Approaches and Methods

Most of earlier research on how to cope with family and work is based on quantitative survey designs, which measure statistical rela- tions, correlations or causal relations between speci®c independent variables and coping strategies. Even though there has been a tendency towards multivariate analyses in order to examine a more extensive range of work, family and individual characteristics, often only a few independent variables are taken into consideration (see KylloÈ nen, 1993: 16±17). Many structural and situational features whose interconnections to work±family relations are complex remained unquestioned. During the last decade, there has been an emphasis on research that focuses on the collective cultural and structural patterns at workplaces and on governmental welfare policies. This has called for research with qualitative data securing multilevel analyses (Kaul, 1991). How the legal rights of working parents are imple- mented in work organizations and practised by parents is a main issue in this kind of study (Lunde n Jacoby and NaÈ sman, 1989; NaÈ sman, 1997; Holt and Thaulow, 1996). The results show how parents' strategies interact with conditions at the workplace and in the family. In traditional case studies of particular workplaces, the relation- ship between working life and family life has been explored by com- bining interviews and observations at the workplace and sometimes TyrkkoÈ : The Intersection between Working Life and Parenthood 113 even at home (Lindgren, 1992; Kugelberg, 1999; Bekkengen, forth- coming). Several studies have combined a case study of particular workplaces and occupational groups with questionnaires in the data collection (Bonke, 1997; Roman, 1994). Qualitative bio- graphical interviews are used in studies of the processes of subjective experiences and strategies at work and in the family within the frame of the context of life approach (Strandell, 1983; Andersson, 1993; Holter and Aarseth, 1994). In conjunction with interviews, the inter- viewees have in some studies been asked to keep diaries in order to study the organization of daily life in relation to time and place in different life modes (Friberg, 1990). In these approaches, the changes in structural contexts are interpreted through the subjective meanings attached to them. Empirical studies typically emphasize one of the interrelated explanatory mechanisms for the diversity in combining working life and family life. Social causes, however, often modify effects of other social causes, sometimes mutating and transforming their impact. As argued by Ragin (1987), any adequate social-scienti®c explanation characteristically involves `multiple conjunctural causa- tion'. By this he means that recurrent events will usually have a number of alternative causes, each of which comprises a number of conjoined events. Such causal complexity cannot be captured easily in statistical analyses. This methodological argument was a starting point in my study of the intersection between working life and parenthood (TyrkkoÈ , 1999). Iused a qualitative comparative method based on a Boolean approach (Ragin, 1987) to compare women and men at different types of workplaces and occupations. In contrast to triangulation of several different methods, as in the approaches mentioned earlier, Ragin's qualitative comparative method is built upon a holistic research design, which integrates the case-oriented method's sensitivity for complexity with the statistical method's ability to generalize. Ideveloped an analytical model, which covers a part of the complexity of the conditions and actions of everyday life for working parents. The model re¯ects the complexity of the inter- relations between working life and parenthood through conjunc- tures of causal conditions, that is leading position, the dominance of one of the sexes at departmental level, children-speci®c scope of action, general scope of action, and the outcome, that is different adjustment strategies used by parents. My analysis leads to a complex pattern of adjustment strategies brought together with 114 Economic and Industrial Democracy 23(1) different types of adjustment situations.

The Gendered Working Life and Parenthood

Research results show a number of interesting dimensions of how segregation in working life affects the possibilities to integrate paid work and parenthood. A general observation indicates that the gendered working life con®nes both women's and men's freedom of action in the labour market and in the family (Lindgren, 1982; Lewis and Lewis, 1996; Bonke, 1997). However, the structural male dominance in working life leads to a con®nement of women's freedom of action in comparison to that of men's. At the same time, this male dominance can deny men opportunities to act as caring- oriented (NaÈ sman, 1992, 1997; cf. Kugelberg, 1993). The fact that one of the sexes dominates at a workplace or in a part of the workplace may characterize the practices connected to parenthood. The question is whether occupations, workplaces and departments are being kept separate, in order to establish and main- tain a single-gendered practice (Acker, 1994: 17). This question has been examined, among others, in a Nordic project (see Bonke, 1997). The project focused on the organizational level and studied how working life and parenthood can be integrated within the frame of formal and informal rule systems at workplaces dominated by either men or women, or with a mixed composition. The Nordic pro- ject found that the conditions for parenthood vary between different types of workplaces and occupational groups. There seem to exist workplaces and occupational groups where a traditional gender con- tract, based on a dualistic and asymmetrical model, is at hand. There are, however, also indications of more equal opportunities. It appears from Skjortnes's (1997) study that the greatest opportunity to combine parenthood and paid work is to be found at the more integrated type of workplaces. NaÈ sman's (1995b, 1997) results show that the children-speci®c scope of action for practical care is largest at female-dominated workplaces. For example, it is easier to make use of the right to parental leave and part-time work (cf. Kaul, 1991; BjoÈ rnberg, 1992). The remaining ¯exibility, however, is often larger at male-dominated workplaces.

The results from the project `Modern Working and Living Condi- TyrkkoÈ : The Intersection between Working Life and Parenthood 115 tions for Women and Men' (the MOA project) show that those who feel most at ease in today's society are those who have a good bal- ance between work, family and leisure (HaÈ renstam et al., 1999: 23±8). This group of people, which in the MOA project is called `the decent group', is found in gender-mixed, stable workplaces, which have not been exposed to organizational changes or down- sizing during the previous two years. People in `the decent group' are more equal in the family than other groups and think that they have time for both work and leisure.

Flexible Working Hours

Time allocation studies show that women and men work just as much, but allocate the hours differently between paid and unpaid work. Nearly two-thirds of the unpaid work is carried out by women (SCB, 2000: 34). A part of the research, describing the con- sequences of the organization of working life for the family, has focused on time adjustment problems in the family and how the forms of working hours restrictions intervene in the family life (e.g. Magnusson and Nilsson, 1979; Friberg, 1990; Thaulow, 1993). When parents' working hours increase, the importance of working conditions that allow ¯exibility in connection to and during work can also increase. As regards the length of working time, the studies show that paid work has become more ¯exible in relation to family life (OÈ stberg, 1994). The possibility of ¯exible working hours has a great impact on how it works in everyday life to move between the two spheres, working life and family life. Flexible time schedules, differentiated working hours, compensatory leave instead of over- time and so forth can contribute to solving the coordination problems between work and family life. Not only the extent of the working hours but also their allocation are of importance for the adjustment between work and family (Magnusson and Nilsson, 1979; HaÈ renstam et al., 1999). The existence of different forms of working hours (when work is performed) varies for the employees. The possibilities of adjusting working hours to the family's needs are unevenly distributed between sexes and social groups (Ahrne, 1988; OÈ stberg, 1994; TyrkkoÈ , 1997). 116 Economic and Industrial Democracy 23(1)

Parenthood's Scope of Action

Parenthood is mainly performed within three areas: ®nancial sup- port, practical care and emotional care and rearing (socioemotional care) of the children (NaÈ sman, 1997; Ellingsñter, 1997). The areas of parenthood are factors that in different ways structure the everyday life; practical and socioemotional care often require closeness to the children, but ®nancial support does not. Practical care of children includes responsibilities and obligations for parents; it requires time, availability and physical presence. The research shows that what is de®ned as `female' interest in parenthood (practical care) is regulated at the workplace mainly in other ways than general employee interests (e.g. ®nancial support) (Petersen, 1991; Stang Dahl, 1991). Historically, the development has led to an increased overlapping of the roles of men and women and has reduced the differences between various strategies to integrate work and family (NaÈ sman, 1995a: 25; Sandqvist, 1993). Men have extended their participation in practical care at the same time as women have increased their par- ticipation in employment. The organization of family life becomes more and more an issue of negotiation. However, the old patterns of a gendered division of labour exist parallel to an establishment of new patterns (Ahrne and Roman, 1997; Kugelberg, 1999). Kugelberg (1999) explores in her dissertation `Perceiving - hood and Fatherhood: Swedish Working Parents with Young Children' the way in which a group of parents of preschool children construct the meaning of motherhood and fatherhood and cope with discourses that hold con¯icting rules and value systems. The study shows that the discourses at the investigated workplace (a food- production company with an equal number of men and women) predominantly regenerate the conventional concepts of motherhood and fatherhood. At the workplace, motherhood is associated with absenteeism and part-time work. Therefore, women encounter other expectations than men, which also give them opportunities different from those of men. The social/political ideology stresses equality and that parenthood and paid work should be possible to combine. In spite of the fact that legislation within the area of parental leave is gender neutral (see Kaul, 1991; Widerberg, 1991; AÊ stroÈ m, 1990; cf. SFS, 1991), the everyday practices are still to a large extent gender determined. The normative rights and obligations associated with motherhood TyrkkoÈ : The Intersection between Working Life and Parenthood 117 and fatherhood seem to be relatively clearly formulated even today. Bekkengen (1996, 1997) maintains that men's parenthood is a ¯exible and negotiable right, while women's parenthood is an obligation, a fact that has to be solved.

Adjustment Strategies

Gender has a great impact on which individual adjustment strategies you use. Research on men's relationship to the family shows a trend towards a new father role in the form of increased family orientation (Nilsson, 1992; BjoÈ rnberg, 1994). However, it appears from the research that the integration of employment and parenthood still often has different meanings for women and men when you study real actions, and not orientations. The results of the studies in this ®eld indicate that women are more anxious than men to integrate paid work with the rest of their lives. It is women who discuss the con¯ict between demands and ambitions at work and demands and ambitions in life outside work (HaÈ renstam et al., 1999). Women employ more strategies to cope with the combination of a professional role and a parental role: (1) they shorten their working hours and/or change the alloca- tion of working hours, (2) they let their professional career wait until the children have become relatively old, (3) they postpone childbirth, limit the number of children or choose not to have children, (4) they hire others for domestic work and (5) they use their social networks (see Roman, 1994: 217). The choice of adjustment strategy depends, among other things, on professional status, education and which phase of life the women have reached (Roman, 1994; BaÈ ck-Wiklund and Lindfors, 1990; Lindgren, 1992). Several studies show that the con¯ict between paid work and parenthood can give rise to both emotional and practical problems especially for of young children (Roman, 1994; Friberg, 1990). In terms of the theoretical concepts presented earlier, the variation of strategies thus depends, among other things, on the life mode, the gender contract and the life cycle. Men's interest in the family and in the home is still strongly characterized by the man as the main breadwinner. Practically all fathers work full-time and most of them have higher wages than their cohabitors/spouses (Ahrne and Roman, 1997). Parenthood does not have the same structural meaning for men's employment 118 Economic and Industrial Democracy 23(1) as for women's. However, the results from several studies within the ®eld (e.g. Holt, 1994; Skjortnes, 1997; TyrkkoÈ , 1997) show also that men are home and family oriented, but it is more a question of short- term solutions to problems which occur when working life demands cannot be integrated with parenthood. By regarding gender as a relationship within the family, attention is being paid to a relationship where one partner always pre- supposes/conditions the other, where women and men constitute each other's opportunities and limitations. Studies focusing on this level show, among other things, that if both partners have demand- ing occupational roles, the traditional gender contract can be ques- tioned. Then a `renegotiation' of the contract is needed in order to solve its inner tensions, created by a con¯ict between labour market demands and family demands (Roman, 1994; Bejerot and HaÈ renstam, 1995; Skjortnes, 1997; TyrkkoÈ , 1997). Different types of parental leave and the right to work part-time until the youngest child is eight years old are the most important instruments for parents in Sweden to adjust their working life to parenthood. The parents' insurance has contributed to keep women in the labour market, as it reduces the pressure on women to choose between motherhood and paid work. The fact that more and more women take part in working life implies that parenthood has become more visible at the workplaces in the form of different types of parental leave. Parental leave constitutes a large part of women's absence, but has a small impact on men's absence. How- ever, men's participation in the care of their children through parental leave has gradually increased (see SCB, 2000: 38).

Future Prospects

The last few years have been characterized by major changes of working conditions and in the organization of women's and men's employment and family life. The interaction between work and family depends on several factors, which have been subjected to drastic changes (e.g. forms of employment, downsizing, internal organization development). The changes have led to, among other things, the growth of many different forms of employment with varied degrees of security for the employees. Larger ®nancial insecurity and less access to public services can mean a renaissance TyrkkoÈ : The Intersection between Working Life and Parenthood 119 for more asymmetrical relationships between men and women both at work and in family life. The results of research on new organizational conditions at work show deteriorated adjustment opportunities for certain groups (e.g. HaÈ renstam et al., 1999). A clear tendency is that the boundary between working life and family life is loosening up in a way that may risk health and quality of life (Allvin et al., 1999). The development of a theoretical frame- work for these new tendencies is needed for a greater understanding of the organizational changes in relation to work and family demands. The result of a report from the Committee on the Distribution of Economic Power and Economic Resources between Women and Men shows that ideas of equality as regards domestic work and ®nancial support are deeply rooted at a principal level. Nevertheless, the actual division of labour between the sexes shows that the ideal of equality seems to be hard to implement (Ahrne and Roman, 1997: 165). The research results mentioned in this article show without exception that working life and family life are closely integrated at a society level, an organizational level and at the individual level. In working life organizations, however, parenthood is often looked upon as an individual problem, and by tradition, in the ®rst place a female problem. It is something the individuals have to take care of themselves. For future research it is an important task to study which institutional and organizational solutions lead to a more family-friendly labour market practice. The development of new ways to organize the relationship between paid work and parenthood which can create `new modes of life beyond female and male roles' (Beck, 1992) is a prerequisite for the implementation of equality within these central areas of life. The investigation of the empirical studies shows that both qualita- tive and quantitative approaches are used in the research on the relationship between working life and parenthood. Triangulation of several different methods has been a valuable strategy, especially in multilevel analyses. Even methods which aim at overcoming the differences between a case-oriented and a variable-oriented research strategy are ¯exible instruments in analyses of such complex phenomena as the adjustment between working life and family life. To develop analytical tools for the study of the mutual relation- ship between gender equality in working life and more equal rela- tionships within the family is a challenge for this ®eld of research. 120 Economic and Industrial Democracy 23(1)

Note

This article is based upon an article in Swedish published in GonaÈ s et al. (2001).

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Arja TyrkkoÈ is a researcher at the National Institute for Working Life in Stockholm, Sweden. Her research interests include gender segregation/ integration in working life, work organization and balancing between working life and parenthood. Her current research activities focus on gendered work organization and working conditions in media companies in Sweden.