‘Why was it then that out of the hundreds of towns and universities in the English-speaking lands scattered over the seven seas, only one should at that time act as a focus of creative literature of more than local significance; that it should be in , , that a group of young writers had appeared who were eager to assimilate the pioneer developments in style and technique that were being made in England and America since the beginning of the century… and to give their country a new conscience and spiritual perspective?’ – John Lehmann

For two decades in Christchurch, New Zealand, a cast of extraordinary men and women remade the arts. Variously between 1933 and 1953, Christchurch was the home of Angus and Bensemann and McCahon, Curnow and Glover and Baxter, the Group, the Caxton Press and the Little Theatre, and Tomorrow, and . It was a city in which painters lived with writers, writers promoted musicians, in which the arts and artists from different forms were deeply intertwined. And it was a city where artists developed a powerful synthesis of European modernist influences and an assertive New Zealand nationalism that gave mid-century New Zealand cultural life its particular shape.

In this book, Simpson tells the remarkable story of the rise and fall of this ‘Bloomsbury South’ and the arts and artists that made it. Simpson brings to life the individual talents and their passions, but he also takes us inside the scenes that they created together: Bethell and her visiting coterie of younger poets; Glover and Bensemann’s exacting typography at the Caxton Press; the yearly exhibitions and aesthetic clashes of the Group; McCahon and Baxter’s developing friendship; the effects of Brasch’s patronage; Marsh’s Shakespearian re-creations at the Little Theatre. Simpson recreates a Christchurch we have lost, where a group of artists collaborated to create a distinctively New Zealand art which spoke to the condition of their country as it emerged into the modern era.

A writer and scholar who now lives in Auckland, Peter Simpson lived in Christchurch for 25 years and both graduated from and subsequently taught at the . Simpson is the author of six non-fiction books, includingFantastica: The World of (2011), Patron and Painter: and Colin McCahon (2010), Colin McCahon: The Titirangi Years 1953–1959 (2007) and Answering Hark: McCahon/Caselberg: Painter/Poet (2001). He has edited, or contributed to, many other titles, including books on , Kendrick Smithyman, Ronald Hugh Morrieson, Charles Spear and Peter Peryer. A former head of English at the University of Auckland, Simpson was also co-founder and part-time director of the Holloway Press, an institution which drew on the small-press tradition of Lowry and Glover. Contents

Preface Introduction

1933–1939

Chapter One: : The Mother of All . . . Chapter Two: Tomorrow, Glover, Curnow and the Caxton Press Chapter Three: Angus, Bensemann, Woollaston and The Group, 1932–1938

1939–1945

Chapter Four: Douglas Lilburn and Music, 1934–1946 Chapter Five: Ngaio Marsh, Shakespeare and the Little Theatre, 1932–1946 Chapter Six: The Group and the Caxton Press 1939–1945

1946–1953

Chapter Seven: Charles Brasch and Landfall Chapter Eight: Colin McCahon and James K. Baxter Chapter Nine: Consolidation and Dispersal, 1946–1953 Conclusion

Appendix: Three Poems Notes Select Bibliography List of Art Works Image Credits Index Chapter Three

Angus, Bensemann, Woollaston and The Group, 1932–38

An old wooden house at 97 Cambridge Terrace, Henderson (the future editor of Tomorrow), some Christchurch, close to the Bridge of Remembrance of whom taught with Thompson at the Canterbury in Cashel Street, was, in the 1930s, the home and/or College School of Art until he went back to France studio of four significant Canterbury artists of dif- in 1911. His New Zealand reputation was sus- ferent generations and artistic tendencies: Sydney L. tained by successful return trips in the 1920s and Thompson, Archibald F. Nicoll, and Leo 1930s, involving well-publicised solo exhibitions Bensemann. Between them, and those they knew in Christchurch (held at 97 Cambridge Terrace), and worked with, these inhabitants of the ‘house , Auckland and Dunedin.1 of art’ covered every style and genre, from the most Thompson was best known for his landscapes of conservative to the most radical, being made in the Concarneau in Brittany and Grasse in Provence, city during this vital decade. incorporating some of the innovations, especially The house, long since demolished, was owned by in colour, of French post-impressionist painting, Thompson (1877–1973), a leading post-impressionist and for landscapes of New Zealand subjects painted artist of his generation, who shuttled between in a ‘Frenchified’ manner, including Lyttelton New Zealand and France, always using Cambridge Harbour, Wellington Harbour, the Southern Alps Terrace as his headquarters when he was in and St Bathans in Central Otago. As fellow artist Christchurch – as he was for most of the 1930s. said of his work, ‘Everyone Thompson bought the property in 1905 after his took notice; he’d brought more colour than had been first return from study in Europe and fitted it out as artists’ studios (with skylights), which he used himself and rented to others. It became the venue for Rita Angus with Leo Bensemann and his sister Peggy at 97 Cambridge Terrace in 1938, photographed by a sketch club of Canterbury artists including Cecil Lawrence Baigent (a portrait of whom, painted by Kelly, Raymond McIntyre, Alfred Walsh, William Bensemann in 1937, can be seen on the wall behind). Menzies Gibb, Leonard Booth and Kennaway The Breton furniture belonged to Sydney L. Thompson.

73 Chapter Three

Angus, Bensemann, Woollaston and The Group, 1932–38

An old wooden house at 97 Cambridge Terrace, Henderson (the future editor of Tomorrow), some Christchurch, close to the Bridge of Remembrance of whom taught with Thompson at the Canterbury in Cashel Street, was, in the 1930s, the home and/or College School of Art until he went back to France studio of four significant Canterbury artists of dif- in 1911. His New Zealand reputation was sus- ferent generations and artistic tendencies: Sydney L. tained by successful return trips in the 1920s and Thompson, Archibald F. Nicoll, Rita Angus and Leo 1930s, involving well-publicised solo exhibitions Bensemann. Between them, and those they knew in Christchurch (held at 97 Cambridge Terrace), and worked with, these inhabitants of the ‘house Wellington, Auckland and Dunedin.1 of art’ covered every style and genre, from the most Thompson was best known for his landscapes of conservative to the most radical, being made in the Concarneau in Brittany and Grasse in Provence, city during this vital decade. incorporating some of the innovations, especially The house, long since demolished, was owned by in colour, of French post-impressionist painting, Thompson (1877–1973), a leading post-impressionist and for landscapes of New Zealand subjects painted artist of his generation, who shuttled between in a ‘Frenchified’ manner, including Lyttelton New Zealand and France, always using Cambridge Harbour, Wellington Harbour, the Southern Alps Terrace as his headquarters when he was in and St Bathans in Central Otago. As fellow artist Christchurch – as he was for most of the 1930s. Olivia Spencer Bower said of his work, ‘Everyone Thompson bought the property in 1905 after his took notice; he’d brought more colour than had been first return from study in Europe and fitted it out as artists’ studios (with skylights), which he used himself and rented to others. It became the venue for Rita Angus with Leo Bensemann and his sister Peggy at 97 Cambridge Terrace in 1938, photographed by a sketch club of Canterbury artists including Cecil Lawrence Baigent (a portrait of whom, painted by Kelly, Raymond McIntyre, Alfred Walsh, William Bensemann in 1937, can be seen on the wall behind). Menzies Gibb, Leonard Booth and Kennaway The Breton furniture belonged to Sydney L. Thompson.

73 BLOOMSBURY SOUTH ANGUS, BENSEMANN, WOOLLASTON AND THE GROUP, 1932–38

Sydney L. Thompson’sLyttelton from the Bridle Path (1937); and the man himself with one of his many studies of almond blossom in Provence.

Archibald F. Nicoll, photographed about 1931. He painted The Hilltop in 1943. in the place. Even though a lot of his colour was not he lacked Thompson’s patina of extensive European like New Zealand colouring. He probably knew far experience, became an establishment figure in more about it; he was influenced by Cézanne and the Christchurch. He taught briefly in Auckland, businessman Robert McDougall and musician and 1934.4 Angus had come to Christchurch from Napier post-impressionists. He gave impetus to the local art before travelling to Europe for further training in professor J. C. Bradshaw. in 1927 to attend the art school, where her main world and one noticed from that time a bold change London and Edinburgh. He exhibited at the royal Nicoll never exhibited with The Group or the teachers were Wallwork (composition, drawing), in the colour of local artists.’2 academies of London and Scotland before the war, New Zealand Society of Arts but was a working Leonard Booth (life drawing) and Cecil Kelly (still Thompson was an establishment artist: he was in which he fought: he had a leg amputated at the member of the CSA from 1905 until his death in life, landscape). The academic training there, con- vice-president of the New Zealand Society of Battle of the Somme. In 1920 he was appointed 1953; during the 1930s and 1940s he was one of the servative in nature, was closely based on that of the Artists in 1934, president of the Canterbury Society director of the Canterbury College School of society’s dominant members, serving twice on the Royal College of Art in London. As Angus’s biogra- of Arts (CSA) from 1935 to 1937 and a member Art and oversaw its expansion and built its repu- council and once as president (1943–44). He was also pher Jill Trevelyan has explained, students ‘emerged of Christchurch City Council’s advisory com- tation as the country’s leading art school, before adviser to the city council on matters relating to the with a sound academic training in the essentials mittee on art; he was given an OBE in 1937. He was retiring in 1928 to become a full-time artist. In 1934, Robert McDougall Gallery and a central figure, of their craft: draughtsmanship, composition and also the expatriate artist par excellence, at a time however, he went back to teach at the school, under along with Richard Wallwork and Cecil Kelly, in design, perspective, geometry, anatomy and colour when success overseas carried great prestige in the directorship of Richard Wallwork, until finally the notorious Pleasure Garden affair of the late 1940s theory’.5 Angus left before completing her diploma New Zealand, but unlike Frances Hodgkins and retiring in 1945. As Neil Roberts has written, ‘In (discussed in Chapter Nine). Nicoll became an OBE but took night classes later. She became a regular Raymond McIntyre, he always kept one foot in New the 1920s and 1930s, Nicoll’s reputation as a land- in 1947, the year before the Hodgkins brouhaha. exhibitor at the CSA from 1930, joined The Group in Zealand and exploited his ‘European’ reputation. scape artist and strong identity as an interpreter In 1936 a new painter joined the older artists at 1932 and was a member of the New Zealand Society Archibald F. Nicoll (1886–1953), who rented of the Canterbury landscape in particular made Cambridge Terrace. Rita Angus (1908–70), who of Arts in 1933–34. a studio at 97 Cambridge Terrace, was a decade him a leader of what was to become known as the was 30 years younger than Thompson and 20 years After her marriage ended, Angus lived alone in younger than Thompson, who had been one of his “Canterbury School”.’3 He was also a well-known younger than Nicoll, was known at that stage as flats in Cranmer Square and Chancery Lane until teachers at the art school from 1905 to 1907. Their portrait artist, who completed more than 100 Rita Cook, from her four-year marriage to fellow November 1936, at Thompson’s invitation, she moved paths also crossed in Europe. Nicoll in turn, though commissioned portraits of such dignitaries as painter Alfred Cook, which had ended in divorce in into a vacant flat at number 97. She brought with her

74 75 BLOOMSBURY SOUTH ANGUS, BENSEMANN, WOOLLASTON AND THE GROUP, 1932–38

Sydney L. Thompson’sLyttelton from the Bridle Path (1937); and the man himself with one of his many studies of almond blossom in Provence.

Archibald F. Nicoll, photographed about 1931. He painted The Hilltop in 1943. in the place. Even though a lot of his colour was not he lacked Thompson’s patina of extensive European like New Zealand colouring. He probably knew far experience, became an establishment figure in more about it; he was influenced by Cézanne and the Christchurch. He taught briefly in Auckland, businessman Robert McDougall and musician and 1934.4 Angus had come to Christchurch from Napier post-impressionists. He gave impetus to the local art before travelling to Europe for further training in professor J. C. Bradshaw. in 1927 to attend the art school, where her main world and one noticed from that time a bold change London and Edinburgh. He exhibited at the royal Nicoll never exhibited with The Group or the teachers were Wallwork (composition, drawing), in the colour of local artists.’2 academies of London and Scotland before the war, New Zealand Society of Arts but was a working Leonard Booth (life drawing) and Cecil Kelly (still Thompson was an establishment artist: he was in which he fought: he had a leg amputated at the member of the CSA from 1905 until his death in life, landscape). The academic training there, con- vice-president of the New Zealand Society of Battle of the Somme. In 1920 he was appointed 1953; during the 1930s and 1940s he was one of the servative in nature, was closely based on that of the Artists in 1934, president of the Canterbury Society director of the Canterbury College School of society’s dominant members, serving twice on the Royal College of Art in London. As Angus’s biogra- of Arts (CSA) from 1935 to 1937 and a member Art and oversaw its expansion and built its repu- council and once as president (1943–44). He was also pher Jill Trevelyan has explained, students ‘emerged of Christchurch City Council’s advisory com- tation as the country’s leading art school, before adviser to the city council on matters relating to the with a sound academic training in the essentials mittee on art; he was given an OBE in 1937. He was retiring in 1928 to become a full-time artist. In 1934, Robert McDougall Gallery and a central figure, of their craft: draughtsmanship, composition and also the expatriate artist par excellence, at a time however, he went back to teach at the school, under along with Richard Wallwork and Cecil Kelly, in design, perspective, geometry, anatomy and colour when success overseas carried great prestige in the directorship of Richard Wallwork, until finally the notorious Pleasure Garden affair of the late 1940s theory’.5 Angus left before completing her diploma New Zealand, but unlike Frances Hodgkins and retiring in 1945. As Neil Roberts has written, ‘In (discussed in Chapter Nine). Nicoll became an OBE but took night classes later. She became a regular Raymond McIntyre, he always kept one foot in New the 1920s and 1930s, Nicoll’s reputation as a land- in 1947, the year before the Hodgkins brouhaha. exhibitor at the CSA from 1930, joined The Group in Zealand and exploited his ‘European’ reputation. scape artist and strong identity as an interpreter In 1936 a new painter joined the older artists at 1932 and was a member of the New Zealand Society Archibald F. Nicoll (1886–1953), who rented of the Canterbury landscape in particular made Cambridge Terrace. Rita Angus (1908–70), who of Arts in 1933–34. a studio at 97 Cambridge Terrace, was a decade him a leader of what was to become known as the was 30 years younger than Thompson and 20 years After her marriage ended, Angus lived alone in younger than Thompson, who had been one of his “Canterbury School”.’3 He was also a well-known younger than Nicoll, was known at that stage as flats in Cranmer Square and Chancery Lane until teachers at the art school from 1905 to 1907. Their portrait artist, who completed more than 100 Rita Cook, from her four-year marriage to fellow November 1936, at Thompson’s invitation, she moved paths also crossed in Europe. Nicoll in turn, though commissioned portraits of such dignitaries as painter Alfred Cook, which had ended in divorce in into a vacant flat at number 97. She brought with her

74 75 BLOOMSBURY SOUTH Chapter Four

Douglas Lilburn and Music, 1934–47

In the Festschrift for Douglas Lilburn, published civilised context . . . All those writers and painters I when he retired from Victoria University in 1980, knew listened readily to music and could talk very his long-time friend Allen Curnow remarked: intelligently about it and in fact they gave me a lot of encouragement at that time and of course I was From the start – as far back as the thirties, but more learning a tremendous amount from them too.2 especially the forties – a few of us poets, and painters, and musicians realized that in Douglas our New * Zealand generation had found its composer. Poet or painter would hardly have done so, but for Douglas’s When Lilburn arrived in Christchurch in 1934 as an own understanding of what we were up to, and up eighteen-year-old Canterbury University College against, in those days . . . That music mightoriginate student, the musical life of the city was dominated by here . . . had hardly occurred to anybody, least of all to Dr John Christopher Bradshaw, as it had been since those who were busiest making it.1 his arrival from England in 1902 to take up the post of organist and choirmaster at the Anglican cathe- Curnow emphasised the reciprocal relationships dral. He became, simultaneously, the university’s first between Lilburn as composer and the artists, poets and initially the sole lecturer in music; later he was and musicians who were his friends, contemporaries dean of the music faculty and eventually, from 1937 and collaborators. As he told fellow composer Jack to 1941, the inaugural professor of music. As a choir- Body, Lilburn himself understood the importance master Bradshaw extended his activities beyond the of this mutually supportive environment. cathedral to many other choral groups in the city and was also well known for his public organ recitals. [In 1941] I picked up the old Christchurch context According to Frederick Page, who was a student of I’d known and it was a very good one indeed . . . There were excellent people at the Caxton Press like In Rita Angus’s Douglas Lilburn (1945), Lilburn is and Leo Bensemann – other people depicted against the background of South Brighton like Lawrence Baigent, excellent painters like Rita Spit as seen from the cottage on Clifton Hill above Angus, poets like Allen Curnow. I mean it was a very Sumner where Angus lived from 1943 to 1953.

106 107 BLOOMSBURY SOUTH Chapter Four

Douglas Lilburn and Music, 1934–47

In the Festschrift for Douglas Lilburn, published civilised context . . . All those writers and painters I when he retired from Victoria University in 1980, knew listened readily to music and could talk very his long-time friend Allen Curnow remarked: intelligently about it and in fact they gave me a lot of encouragement at that time and of course I was From the start – as far back as the thirties, but more learning a tremendous amount from them too.2 especially the forties – a few of us poets, and painters, and musicians realized that in Douglas our New * Zealand generation had found its composer. Poet or painter would hardly have done so, but for Douglas’s When Lilburn arrived in Christchurch in 1934 as an own understanding of what we were up to, and up eighteen-year-old Canterbury University College against, in those days . . . That music mightoriginate student, the musical life of the city was dominated by here . . . had hardly occurred to anybody, least of all to Dr John Christopher Bradshaw, as it had been since those who were busiest making it.1 his arrival from England in 1902 to take up the post of organist and choirmaster at the Anglican cathe- Curnow emphasised the reciprocal relationships dral. He became, simultaneously, the university’s first between Lilburn as composer and the artists, poets and initially the sole lecturer in music; later he was and musicians who were his friends, contemporaries dean of the music faculty and eventually, from 1937 and collaborators. As he told fellow composer Jack to 1941, the inaugural professor of music. As a choir- Body, Lilburn himself understood the importance master Bradshaw extended his activities beyond the of this mutually supportive environment. cathedral to many other choral groups in the city and was also well known for his public organ recitals. [In 1941] I picked up the old Christchurch context According to Frederick Page, who was a student of I’d known and it was a very good one indeed . . . There were excellent people at the Caxton Press like In Rita Angus’s Douglas Lilburn (1945), Lilburn is Denis Glover and Leo Bensemann – other people depicted against the background of South Brighton like Lawrence Baigent, excellent painters like Rita Spit as seen from the cottage on Clifton Hill above Angus, poets like Allen Curnow. I mean it was a very Sumner where Angus lived from 1943 to 1953.

106 107 BLOOMSBURY SOUTH DOUGLAS LILBURN AND MUSIC, 1934–47

J. C. Bradshaw, photographed in 1922, who ruled over music in Christchurch for three decades but did not encourage original composition. His student Frederick Page – seen here in a drawing by (c. 1932) – became a critic, pianist and concert organiser and a friend and supporter of Lilburn.

his in the 1930s, Bradshaw ‘was a martinet and kept to harmony, based on conservative English text- up standards. The standard of singing at Evensong books by C. H. Kitson and Percy Buck, ‘cultivated was as high as any I’ve ever heard in England . . .’ no harmonic sense whatever . . . A more stultifying As an organist, he was ‘a very able player indeed’ course was hard to imagine.’6 Lilburn, speaking in and ‘amazing’ particularly with the works of Bach.3 1946, was more generous in his assessment: ‘I should Bradshaw, a traditionalist, had the respect if not like to pay Dr Bradshaw the tribute of saying that George Chance’s 1933 photograph of the Cloisters, Canterbury University College, where the admiration of progressive students such as Page he looked after our training with an excellent Lilburn studied from 1934 to 1936. As Curnow wrote in a verse letter to Glover: ‘I wonder if and Lilburn, who were frustrated by his conserva- thoroughness. The aim of it all seemed to be that half our worries / Were 19th century Gothic. / These were the stones laid on us’. tism – ‘There was one good 20th century composer, keeping your nose hard on the Kitson grindstone for Elgar; all other music was decadent if not mad’4 – two or three years, at the end of which time, you were and what music historian and critic John Thomson likely to become a Bachelor of Music, and then you documented the creativity and intellectual vigour at friendships among the younger writers, such as has called his ‘remorseless concern for “the rules”’. were at liberty to do some composing.’7 the college in those Depression years among both Curnow and Glover, and among musicians such as Lilburn rejected Bradshaw’s offer of £40 a year His academic instruction may have been unin- students and the more enterprising and dynamic fellow students Ina Buchanan and Baigent. to join the cathedral choir: ‘I was antagonistic to spiring, but Lilburn was greatly stimulated by the members of staff, including the rector, Professor Lilburn got a kickstart in composition through notions of the Establishment and unwilling to give cultural environment of the university and the city. James Hight, classics teacher L. G. (Greville) an initiative of the touring Australian-born up freedom of time, especially at weekends when I ‘I was lucky again to be a university student in that Pocock, Shelley, Sinclaire and Rhodes. Beyond the composer Percy Grainger, who in 1936 offered enjoyed walks on the [Port] hills.’5 Christchurch of the thirties, less, retrospectively, university were choirs and orchestras, Tomorrow a prize for an original composition by a ‘native- Students had to find out about modern music for its music than for its ferment of poetry and (to which Lilburn contributed in 1937), the Caxton born’ composer. When Lilburn submitted the tone on their own, mainly through gramophone painting and politics . . . it was positive, stimulat- Press – just getting started when Lilburn came to poem, Forest, written that year after a holiday at records and in Page’s view Bradshaw’s approach ing, energising’.8 His biographer Philip Norman has town – and The Group. He quickly formed firm Peel Forest in South Canterbury, he told Grainger:

108 109 BLOOMSBURY SOUTH DOUGLAS LILBURN AND MUSIC, 1934–47

J. C. Bradshaw, photographed in 1922, who ruled over music in Christchurch for three decades but did not encourage original composition. His student Frederick Page – seen here in a drawing by Evelyn Page (c. 1932) – became a critic, pianist and concert organiser and a friend and supporter of Lilburn.

his in the 1930s, Bradshaw ‘was a martinet and kept to harmony, based on conservative English text- up standards. The standard of singing at Evensong books by C. H. Kitson and Percy Buck, ‘cultivated was as high as any I’ve ever heard in England . . .’ no harmonic sense whatever . . . A more stultifying As an organist, he was ‘a very able player indeed’ course was hard to imagine.’6 Lilburn, speaking in and ‘amazing’ particularly with the works of Bach.3 1946, was more generous in his assessment: ‘I should Bradshaw, a traditionalist, had the respect if not like to pay Dr Bradshaw the tribute of saying that George Chance’s 1933 photograph of the Cloisters, Canterbury University College, where the admiration of progressive students such as Page he looked after our training with an excellent Lilburn studied from 1934 to 1936. As Curnow wrote in a verse letter to Glover: ‘I wonder if and Lilburn, who were frustrated by his conserva- thoroughness. The aim of it all seemed to be that half our worries / Were 19th century Gothic. / These were the stones laid on us’. tism – ‘There was one good 20th century composer, keeping your nose hard on the Kitson grindstone for Elgar; all other music was decadent if not mad’4 – two or three years, at the end of which time, you were and what music historian and critic John Thomson likely to become a Bachelor of Music, and then you documented the creativity and intellectual vigour at friendships among the younger writers, such as has called his ‘remorseless concern for “the rules”’. were at liberty to do some composing.’7 the college in those Depression years among both Curnow and Glover, and among musicians such as Lilburn rejected Bradshaw’s offer of £40 a year His academic instruction may have been unin- students and the more enterprising and dynamic fellow students Ina Buchanan and Baigent. to join the cathedral choir: ‘I was antagonistic to spiring, but Lilburn was greatly stimulated by the members of staff, including the rector, Professor Lilburn got a kickstart in composition through notions of the Establishment and unwilling to give cultural environment of the university and the city. James Hight, classics teacher L. G. (Greville) an initiative of the touring Australian-born up freedom of time, especially at weekends when I ‘I was lucky again to be a university student in that Pocock, Shelley, Sinclaire and Rhodes. Beyond the composer Percy Grainger, who in 1936 offered enjoyed walks on the [Port] hills.’5 Christchurch of the thirties, less, retrospectively, university were choirs and orchestras, Tomorrow a prize for an original composition by a ‘native- Students had to find out about modern music for its music than for its ferment of poetry and (to which Lilburn contributed in 1937), the Caxton born’ composer. When Lilburn submitted the tone on their own, mainly through gramophone painting and politics . . . it was positive, stimulat- Press – just getting started when Lilburn came to poem, Forest, written that year after a holiday at records and in Page’s view Bradshaw’s approach ing, energising’.8 His biographer Philip Norman has town – and The Group. He quickly formed firm Peel Forest in South Canterbury, he told Grainger:

108 109 Chapter Five

Ngaio Marsh, Shakespeare and the Little Theatre 1932–46

Through her insightful Shakespearean produc- He was also a gifted actor and reader: on arriving tions (with their musical assistance from Lilburn), in Christchurch he immediately initiated extra- Ngaio Marsh dominated theatre in Christchurch in curricular discussions of modern plays and weekly the early 1940s. But she was preceded in the 1920s readings in which he played all the parts himself. and 1930s by another energetic promoter of drama, Within a year he had set up the Canterbury Professor James Shelley, without whose achieve- University College Drama Society (CUCDS) and ments Marsh’s great Shakespearean productions of begun producing plays with student casts. Shaw’s The the 1940s may not have been possible. Man of Destiny, with Shelley himself as Napoleon, Born in England in 1884, Shelley, who was a was an early success in 1922–23. Cambridge graduate, had a passion for art and In 1926 Christchurch Boys’ High School, which theatre as well as for education and had gained shared the central city site with the university, moved much experience as an actor and director of student to new premises in Straven Road, and Shelley seized productions in Manchester and Southampton the opportunity to provide the drama society with of plays by Ibsen, Masefield and other modern its own theatre. He persuaded the college authori- writers. Frustrated in Christchurch by bureaucratic ties to modify an upstairs assembly hall into a small and academic opposition to his plans for educa- theatre, adding a stage and an upstairs gallery which tional reform, Shelley taught the required courses increased the audience capacity to around 200. at the university but turned his abundant energies ‘What the Old Vic was for the slums of London,’ in other directions. As a firm believer in the demo- proclaimed Shelley, ‘we want this Little Theatre to be cratic potential of education for ordinary citizens, he strongly supported the college’s WEA programmes. Key figures behind Ngaio Marsh’s 1943 production A compelling speaker, he was said to have given of Hamlet in Modern Dress: Dundas Walker over 1000 lectures to WEA and other organisations (the Ghost), Marie Donaldson (Gertrude), Ngaio during his sixteen years in Christchurch. Marsh, and Jack Henderson (Hamlet).

133 Chapter Five

Ngaio Marsh, Shakespeare and the Little Theatre 1932–46

Through her insightful Shakespearean produc- He was also a gifted actor and reader: on arriving tions (with their musical assistance from Lilburn), in Christchurch he immediately initiated extra- Ngaio Marsh dominated theatre in Christchurch in curricular discussions of modern plays and weekly the early 1940s. But she was preceded in the 1920s readings in which he played all the parts himself. and 1930s by another energetic promoter of drama, Within a year he had set up the Canterbury Professor James Shelley, without whose achieve- University College Drama Society (CUCDS) and ments Marsh’s great Shakespearean productions of begun producing plays with student casts. Shaw’s The the 1940s may not have been possible. Man of Destiny, with Shelley himself as Napoleon, Born in England in 1884, Shelley, who was a was an early success in 1922–23. Cambridge graduate, had a passion for art and In 1926 Christchurch Boys’ High School, which theatre as well as for education and had gained shared the central city site with the university, moved much experience as an actor and director of student to new premises in Straven Road, and Shelley seized productions in Manchester and Southampton the opportunity to provide the drama society with of plays by Ibsen, Masefield and other modern its own theatre. He persuaded the college authori- writers. Frustrated in Christchurch by bureaucratic ties to modify an upstairs assembly hall into a small and academic opposition to his plans for educa- theatre, adding a stage and an upstairs gallery which tional reform, Shelley taught the required courses increased the audience capacity to around 200. at the university but turned his abundant energies ‘What the Old Vic was for the slums of London,’ in other directions. As a firm believer in the demo- proclaimed Shelley, ‘we want this Little Theatre to be cratic potential of education for ordinary citizens, he strongly supported the college’s WEA programmes. Key figures behind Ngaio Marsh’s 1943 production A compelling speaker, he was said to have given of Hamlet in Modern Dress: Dundas Walker over 1000 lectures to WEA and other organisations (the Ghost), Marie Donaldson (Gertrude), Ngaio during his sixteen years in Christchurch. Marsh, and Jack Henderson (Hamlet).

133 BLOOMSBURY SOUTH NGAIO MARSH, SHAKESPEARE AND THE LITTLE THEATRE, 1932–46

John Masefield’sGood Friday was the first production in the Canterbury University College Little Theatre, in 1927.

for those in Christchurch who are capable of appre- group outside the university – the Canterbury ciating the best of modern drama.’1 The opening in Repertory Theatre, with the general intention of pre- March 1927 was followed by a solo performance of senting plays that would appeal to ‘the man in the Ibsen’s Peer Gynt. street’. For its first production the CRT borrowed The Little Theatre had some serious deficiencies: the Little Theatre but in 1929 acquired its own venue, there was no backstage, no wing-space and only one the Radiant Hall, a newly constructed Spanish- side entrance. Improvements were gradually made Mission-style building in Kilmore Street.2 One of by installing a fairly primitive lighting system and an their boldest early shows was Karel Čapek’s expres- up-to-date cyclorama, of which Marsh would make sionist play R. U. R., produced by Shelley in 1929, impressive use. An early production was a revival of though the aim was generally to employ professional Shaw’s The Devil’s Disciple, previously performed in producers. several South Island towns. With Shelley frequently called upon to act and/ Not content with these achievements on campus, or produce for the CRT, and with his absence on Shelley moved in 1928 to establish a second theatre a United States lecture tour in 1932, the CUCDS

134 137 BLOOMSBURY SOUTH NGAIO MARSH, SHAKESPEARE AND THE LITTLE THEATRE, 1932–46

John Masefield’sGood Friday was the first production in the Canterbury University College Little Theatre, in 1927.

for those in Christchurch who are capable of appre- group outside the university – the Canterbury ciating the best of modern drama.’1 The opening in Repertory Theatre, with the general intention of pre- March 1927 was followed by a solo performance of senting plays that would appeal to ‘the man in the Ibsen’s Peer Gynt. street’. For its first production the CRT borrowed The Little Theatre had some serious deficiencies: the Little Theatre but in 1929 acquired its own venue, there was no backstage, no wing-space and only one the Radiant Hall, a newly constructed Spanish- side entrance. Improvements were gradually made Mission-style building in Kilmore Street.2 One of by installing a fairly primitive lighting system and an their boldest early shows was Karel Čapek’s expres- up-to-date cyclorama, of which Marsh would make sionist play R. U. R., produced by Shelley in 1929, impressive use. An early production was a revival of though the aim was generally to employ professional Shaw’s The Devil’s Disciple, previously performed in producers. several South Island towns. With Shelley frequently called upon to act and/ Not content with these achievements on campus, or produce for the CRT, and with his absence on Shelley moved in 1928 to establish a second theatre a United States lecture tour in 1932, the CUCDS

134 137 $69.99 238 x 200mm, 360pp, hardback, colour illustrations ISBN: 9781869408480 Published: July 2016