RACE COUNTS: Advancing Opportunities For All Californians WINTER 2017 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
“WHEN YOU RUN ALONE, YOU RUN FAST. We would like to offer our immense appreciation to our steering committee and statewide partners for their willingness to pioneer this project with us and generously share their time and expertise. WHEN YOU RUN TOGETHER, YOU RUN FAR.” —ZAMBIAN PROVERB STEERING COMMITTEE Edgar Beltran, California Calls
Veronica Carrizales, California Calls Advancement Project California is grateful to the many movement partners across Jennifer Ito, USC Program for Environmental and Regional Equity (PERE) California who supported this ground-breaking initiative and deepened our under- Magaly Lopez, USC Program for Environmental and Regional Equity (PERE) standing of how to best leverage data-driven tools to advance racial equity. These part- Joseph Tomás McKellar, PICO California ners include: organizers, researchers, policy advocates, funders, and government of- Dr. Manuel Pastor, USC Program for Environmental and Regional Equity (PERE) ficials working at the city, county, district, and state level to improve the conditions of Anthony Thigpenn, California Calls low-income communities of color. We are proud to say that we have been able to con- Corey Timpson, (formerly with) PICO California nect with over 100 organizations across the state throughout this project to provide James Woodson, California Calls input on indicators, preliminary findings, and messaging. We are especially grateful STATEWIDE PARTNERS to our funders—The California Endowment, The California Wellness Foundation, the Alliance of Californians for Community Engagement (ACCE) Rosenberg Foundation, and the Sierra Health Foundation—for their generous contri- Asian-Americans Advancing Justice—Los Angeles butions to this initiative. Chrissie M. Castro & Associates
Mobilize the Immigrant Vote
PolicyLink
YO! California/Free Our Dreams
II III Similarly, we are indebted to the dozens of organizations and individuals who have provided feedback on We would like to thank past and current staff at The development of RACE COUNTS was collab- preliminary findings and discussed the political implications of our analysis. Advancement Project California. Led by Chris orative in every sense of the word. Whether it was Ringewald and Katie Smith, our Research and engaging partners, conducting literature reviews, or Communications teams—Diana Benitez, Kim implementing communications tools, this initiative AARP California Ella Baker Center for Human Rights Los Angeles Unified School District Engie, Leila Forouzan, Rob Graham, John Joani- would not be possible without the organizational ACLU, San Diego Engage San Diego Movement Strategy Center no, and Yvonne Yen Liu—worked tirelessly to get support of our incredible Advancement Project Bay Area PLAN Faith in Action—Bay Area Oakland Rising RACE COUNTS to the finish line. Your remark- California staff. Additional thanks to Jennifer Arce- able leadership does not go unnoticed. A special neaux, Asad Baig, Mina Brock, Kim Pattillo Brown- California Budget and Policy Center Faith in the Valley The Opportunity Institute note of thanks to Michael Russo, who took on the son, Juana Rosa Cavero, Wajenda Chambeshi, California Housing and Community Government Alliance for Race & Orange County Congregation Com- tremendous responsibility of writing this report. Carmen Davis, John Dobard, Sandra Hamada, Karla Development Department Equity (GARE) munity Organization Pleitéz Howell, Kathleen Manis Johnson, Wendelyn California Immigrant Policy Center Haas Institute for a Fair and Inclu- PACT San Jose Killian, John Kim, Jamila Loud, Megan McClaire, California Pan-Ethnic Health Net- sive Society Prevention Institute Dan Meltzer, Devon Miner, Darlene Neal, Jonathan Nomachi, Carolyn Rogers, JuHyun Yoo Sakota, work (CPEHN) Zoltan Hajnal, Professor of Political Public Advocates, Inc. Science, UC San Diego Amy Sausser, and Daniel Wherley. Center for Community Action and Race Forward Environmental Justice (CCAEJ) Hahrie Han, Associate Professor of For communications support, including website Karthick Ramakrishnan, Professor of Political Science, UC Santa Barbara design and development, collateral design, mes- Center on Policy Initiatives Political Science, UC Riverside saging, and outreach: Cavan Huang, Chris Colbert Coalition for Humane Immigrant Investing in Place Root & Rebound and Feibi McIntosh with Superfame; Bill Smith and Rights of LA (CHIRLA) Inland Congregations United For San Francisco Rising Dave Shulman with designSimple; Bilen Mesfin Change (ICUC) Californians for Safety and Justice and Layla Crater with Change Consulting. SCOPE LA Congregations Organized for Pro- Inland Empowerment Southern California Association of phetic Engagement (COPE) InnerCity Struggle Nonprofit Housing (SCANPH) Community Clinic Association of LA Justice in Aging The Utility Reform Network County Korean Resource Center TRUST South LA Community Health Councils, Inc. LA Voice UCLA Civil Rights Project Communities for a New California Los Angeles County Public Health Urban Peace Institute (CNC) Department The Education Trust—West Violence Prevention Coalition
IV V TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction 2
Executive Summary 4
1 – Reclaiming the Vision: Racial Equity in California 14
2 – California’s History: Racial Oppression and the Multiracial Movement for Equity 18
3 – Drivers of Racial Inequity in California 22
4 – Summary of Research Approach and Methodology 28
5 – Key Findings 34
6 – Conclusions and Recommendations 58
Endnotes 64
VI 1 INTRODUCTION
California is at a turning point—one that has been 50 years in the making. comes for communities of color and Indigenous We are proud that after over 18 months of collabora- peoples. This report, as a part of the launch of the tion and discussion with over 100 social justice orga- larger RACE COUNTS initiative, confirms the per- nizations throughout the state, we are able to present In 1968, California officially declared itself the Through the hate-filled, immigrant-bashing rheto- vasive nature of racial disparities in every county this report, the companion website—RACECOUNTS. “Golden State.” We gave our state that nickname not ric and politics of the 1990s and the passage of state and across seven issue areas critical to California’s org—and a community-oriented training curriculum just because of our natural resources but also be- propositions like 187, 209, and 227, California con- future. This work confirms that while we may to help move those conversations forward. cause of the major investments we had made in our tinued to fall further away from the earlier dream have become a solidly “blue state” we are far from K–12 schools, our higher education system, and our of the Golden State until we reached the crisis of the Now is the time for these conversations and for being a “blue paradise”—particularly for people overall infrastructure as our state’s population grew Great Recession. Finally, in the late 2000s, California California to finally address that fundamental of color and Indigenous people. But this work is by leaps and bounds after the turn of the century. found itself at the precipice of political and financial contradiction that has plagued our state for the past not just about describing how bad things are—it meltdown—we were 43rd in the nation in per-pupil 50 years. This is not just because our current role But this promise, this aspiration of what we could was also designed to help point a way forward. We spending, our jails were woefully overcrowded, and in national politics—as the hotbed of the so-called be as a state, rang hollow for many Californians. In aim to help each county in the state to understand we had a structural budget deficit so wide that you “Resistance”—requires us to address the injustice particular, low-income communities of color and its unique challenges, to show where it is starting could drive another state’s entire budget through it. within our own borders. Rather, it’s because next Indigenous communities were left out of this larger from, and to point it toward the direction it should year, in 2018, it will be 50 years since our decision vision of California and saw many of these big in- In the end, it was the very people and communi- be moving to improve both its overall performance to assume the mantle of the “Golden State.” On that vestments in the state’s future simply pass them by. ties the state had spent decades under-educating, and also lower critical racial disparities. anniversary, we will be once again faced with the Looking back now, it was our state’s unwillingness over-criminalizing, and otherwise shutting out With the launch of the overall RACE COUNTS initia- central question of who benefits from the state’s to resolve this fundamental contradiction of equal from the California Dream who stepped up and tive, we are hoping to open the space for new, more lofty vision—and who is left out. Half a century later, access to California’s Promise that over the decades saved it from the brink of failure. For within the fact-based, constructive conversations around race and we finally have a shot to reclaim California’s prom- led our public institutions to become engines of past few decades, the state has seen a new arrange- racial disparities throughout the state. We hope to spark ise, and truly become the Golden State for everyone. widening racial disparities. ment of power between elected officials, labor conversations at the local level, with the communities partners, and newly-formed statewide alliances Given this contradiction, we eventually saw a most impacted by these injustices leading the way. of community organizers working to turn things wholesale retreat from that dream of the Gold- around for this state. This rising tide of commu- en State as investments in our public services nity organizations and organizers not only helped grew smaller in relation to the needs of the state’s to save the state from financial collapse, not only growing and much more diverse population. This helped to pass other critical reforms in our educa- retreat caused the most critical trend lines to shift tion and criminal justice systems, but has also given in the wrong direction. We saw worsening educa- us another shot at living into our destiny as a state. John Kim Executive Director, Advancement Project California tional outcomes and the rise of the mass-incarcera- Megan McClaire Director of Health Equity, Advancement Project California tion state. We witnessed the shredding of the social But even as we watch this turnaround in Califor- Anthony Thigpenn President, California Calls Veronica Carrizales Policy and Campaign Development Director, California Calls safety net and crumbling infrastructure which hit nia’s fortunes, we find that the ghosts of the past Joseph Tomás McKeller Deputy Director, PICO California low-income communities of color and Indigenous are still very much with us. Antiquated systems and Dr. Manuel Pastor Director, USC Program on Environmental and Regional Equity (PERE) Jennifer Ito Research Director, USC Program on Environmental and Regional Equity (PERE) groups the hardest. policies continue to produce very disparate out-
2 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
California has long been Today, it’s clear that race con- The RACE COUNTS initiative is tinues to be a major predictor of built around a comprehensive, California’s History: known as a beacon for success and life chances. This is cutting-edge tool that tracks progressive politics: a land not simply a question of history: three dimensions of racial equi- Racial Oppression and the race-based injustice is a daily ty: performance, racial dispari- of hope and promise— presence in the lives of Califor- ty, and impact. Performance is Multiracial Movement for Equity nians of color and Indigenous assessed by how well or poorly dubbed the “Golden State” communities. Our initiative— a county’s population scores RACE COUNTS—uses race as on a particular indicator. Racial 50 years ago in 1968. But California still struggles with These systems of exploita- the primary lens for under- disparity is measured by how the undigested legacy of a long tion were built in an explicitly standing racial disparities and far each racial group is from for many communities of and unique history of racism. race-conscious way, but they focuses on systemic racism—the the group with the best perfor- Understanding that history re- persist today in new, seeming- color and Indigenous peo- way that racism has been em- mance. Impact is indicated by quires, first, acknowledging the ly race-neutral forms, thanks bedded in our public political, the size of the county’s popu- ple, this idealistic vision of very roots of the settler colonial- to a second major trend in our economic, and social systems to lation. The tool compares and ism upon which California was state’s race-relations history: the subordinate people of color and ranks counties across 44 indica- California has never been founded—the theft of Native creation of facially color-blind Indigenous peoples. Our key tors in seven key issue areas: tribes’ land and forced labor that systems. These systems codify the reality. Acknowledging aim is to change the conversa- DEMOCRACY was frequently justified with and reinforce the racially unjust tion—both inside government these facts does not mean cultural and racial chauvinism. status quo while giving them the and out—through increasing un- ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY Since its creation, California’s veneer of legality. However, Cal- derstanding of the toll systemic giving up on the possibility CRIME AND JUSTICE racial history has in large mea- ifornia has also pioneered new, racism continues to take on our ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE sure been a push-pull of domi- powerful approaches to fighting of a fair and inclusive Cal- communities and advancing nant, elite Whites exploiting im- back against racial oppression by policies to eradicate it. Only HEALTHY BUILT ENVIRONMENT ifornia, however: we have migrant and nonwhite labor and building multiracial organizing by putting race squarely on the EDUCATION wealth as the engine of econom- coalitions to challenge the ineq- the responsibility to step table can we rise to the challenge HOUSING ic growth, while simultaneously uities we have inherited. that now confronts us and help up and achieve our state’s hemming their communities in California’s next 50 years be with racialized restrictions that ones of equity and justice. promise for all Califor- prohibit them from obtaining the fair fruits of their labor. nians.
4 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Drivers of Racial Disparity in California
Traditional approaches to un- With our partners, we have derstanding race and racism identified four key dynamics that often center on individual acts drive and maintain race-based of bias and discrimination. This inequity in public systems: approach, however, risks under- 1. Inequitable systems that turn stating the full weight of race race-based biases into disparities; and racism as a determining force in California society, which 2. Exclusionary patterns of eco- motivates our focus on systemic nomic development that give or racism. withhold prosperity based on race;
3. An imbalance of political pow- er, including voting, represen- tation, and voice between racial Photos of RACE COUNTS groups; and convenings in Oakland 4. Need- and color-blind policies and Los Angeles that lock in place already existing (Photos by Katie Smith). disparities.
6 7 Key Findings
Even a cursory look at the data confirms that de- Islanders are clearly also a highly-impacted pop- Beyond race-specific analysis, there are clear re- spite our significant history of movement-build- ulation, facing disparities such as the highest rate gional trends in many of the areas that we studied: ing and progress, racial disparity remains om- of fatalities by police. nipresent in California. Across the indicators we • THE BAY AREA: A RISING TIDE DOES NOT LIFT • THE CENTRAL VALLEY: MANY NEEDS, MANY Finally, while data limitations mean that quan- examined statewide, Black Californians were the ALL BOATS. The Bay Area is a cautionary tale OPPORTUNITIES. In contrast to the Bay titative approaches suffer from important gaps most heavily weighed down by disparities—they to other parts of the state because its expe- Area, the Central Valley is the lowest-per- when attempting to present the lived reality of have the worsts rates on 18 out of 41 indicators. rience shows that great prosperity will not forming region in the state, although it has Indigenous peoples such as Native Americans and For example, Black children are arrested for tru- necessarily be broadly shared. For example, both higher- and lower-disparity counties. Alaska Natives, it is clear that they grapple with ancy at more than three and a half times the rate Marin County is not just the highest-per- Slightly larger and more wealthy counties persistent injustice and high levels of disparity. for White children. Latinos also carry a heavy forming county in the state—it also has the in the region have a higher level of dispar- For example, the racial makeup of elected offi- burden: statewide, they are never the top-ranked highest level of racial disparities. High-pop- ities—such as Fresno County, which is the cials is least representative for them than for any racial group on any indicator, and they are the ulation Alameda County is the sixth-most eighth-most disparate county in the state— other group. single largest racial group impacted by disparities disparate and San Francisco is the four- with Whites having a disproportionate share in California. teenth-most disparate county. These trends of a slightly-bigger pie. Smaller and poorer are related: at the same time that the tech counties have fewer disparities, as most Predictably, Whites are among the highest-per- boom created wealth and attracted a high- residents are deprived of adequate resourc- forming racial groups across almost all issue ly-educated, high-earning workforce, it also es. Because the injustices of the region areas and indicators. On many indicators, Asian increased housing prices and promoted sometimes impact members of all races in Americans appear to be doing well. However, gentrification, while exacerbating existing comparable ways, there are opportunities to data disaggregated by ethnic group consistently racial disparities. As a rich region, the Bay form coalitions that include all high-need shows significant social and economic diversi- Area has the resources to do better and there residents, though in the course of these ef- ty among Asian Americans. For example, while is a strong tradition of advocacy and orga- forts, advocates must not allow racial equity the statewide homeownership rate for Chinese nizing for justice in the area—although the to be sacrificed. Americans (65%) exceeds that of Whites (63%), the persistence of disparities indicates that these rate of homeownership among Hmong Ameri- advocates must have more of a say in local cans is far lower (33%), falling below that of Blacks decision-making. (34%). Similarly, Native Hawaiians and Pacific
8 9 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
There are a small number of mid-sized counties • LOS ANGELES COUNTY: A REGION OF ITS OWN. that have generally moderate to high performance, Conclusions and Recommendations Due to its size, conditions in Los Angeles and disparities that are smaller than the statewide County have a significant statewide im- averages, including Santa Clara, Orange, San Diego, and Sacramento. There are many specific indica- pact—the greatest number of people labor- Considering the history and intersecting inequi- A few clear strategic principles already emerge tors where these counties have low performance or ing under disparities live in Los Angeles. ties that created our modern-day systems, and the from our findings: advocates in counties that are high disparity levels, and countywide aggregates While the county ranks somewhat low in broad and severe racial disparities these systems both high-performing and low-disparity should may also conceal higher disparities in some geog- performance terms and is about average continue to produce, there can be no credible be mindful of the need to protect gains that may raphies, or for some racial subgroups. With that in terms of racial disparity, this obscures debate about the immediate need for transforma- soon be at risk, and can use data to identify the said, these four counties are doing comparatively important sub-county issues and concern- tion. The question of how to accomplish this lacks a high-need communities and issues that may be better than most others. One thread that may link ing findings within individual indicators. simple answer that can be the same everywhere in concealed by a more positive countywide picture. them is that they each have at least one nonwhite One encouraging sign is that on several the state, but with RACE COUNTS, we are present- Meanwhile, in low-performing, low-disparity areas racial group that has a comparatively high eco- education indicators, L.A. has comparatively ing a framework to understand these systems and that are struggling to prosper, there is an urgent nomic status. It may therefore be the case that modest levels of disparity and overall mid- conditions in a new way and to support efforts to need to focus efforts on the highest-need areas and where the economic order is slightly less segregat- dle-of-the-road performance, impressive build capacity and cohesion around racial-justice build new coalitions to create solidarity across all ed by race, other racial disparities are also begin- progress given the crisis-level challenges work throughout California. racial groups, but it will be important for coalitions ning to break down. Deeper study is needed to fully that have recently confronted districts in the to center their efforts on achieving racial equity. county. In other issue areas, people of color understand what lessons, if any, these counties have We hope that these initial findings—alongside in Los Angeles confront a much harsher for California as a whole. the far more detailed data now available at RACE- Concerted action will also be needed to take on landscape. L.A.’s incarceration rate is among COUNTS.org—can support local conversations the four drivers of racial disparity that we have the highest in the state, and it also has the across the state about the unique racial equity dy- outlined. First, all of our public systems—especial- second-highest level of disparity. Advocates namics and needs at play in each region or county. ly those dedicated to criminal justice and public in L.A. are well aware of these challenges It will be most important to create space for com- safety—need reforms to root out the impact of bias and have won numerous campaigns to im- munity residents most impacted by racial inequity and stereotyping. Second, business leaders must prove the lives of people of color. But given to have a say in decision-making, as they have a work with advocates and policymakers to ensure Los Angeles’ size and its persistent race- deeper, first-hand experience of the harms created that economic gains are shared more equitably. based disparities, the work of advocates and by these systems that goes beyond what any data Third, California public officials must be made organizers continues to be much-needed. project can ever understand on its own. aware of the voices of communities of color when making decisions that impact them, through build- ing the capacity of communities of color to engage in political participation and by creating better
10 11 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
forms of public engagement that allow impacted criminal justice. Finally, we will explore the da- communities to have a say in budget and policy ta-collection challenges and opportunities identi- RACIAL INJUSTICE HAS DEEP ROOTS decisions. Fourth, Californians will need to creative- fied through this report in more detail, focusing on ly develop new policies that proactively address specific populations. IN CALIFORNIA—IT WAS BUILT race-based disparities through targeted investments This moment is long overdue. Building power, and new programming or interventions. Policy- INTO OUR PUBLIC SYSTEMS FROM creating solidarity, and developing effective cam- makers should also create and use racial-impact paigns to move the needle require time, so prog- assessments to vet new policies for unintended THE BEGINNING AND HAS BEEN ress will always be slower than it needs to be. But consequences. Last, in the course of our analysis, we in California, we have the tools for change—due identified many data gaps and limitations that those NURTURED AND EVOLVED OVER to our inherited legacy of movement-building and who collect and publish data should take action to solidarity, we are fortunate to have the resources, address wherever possible. GENERATIONS. THE EFFORT TO political ecology, and organizing and advocacy Racial injustice has deep roots in California—it was strength to take on the challenge of racial injustice. UNTANGLE THESE INTERSECTIONS built into our public systems from the beginning It’s up to us now to make use of these tools and and has been nurtured and evolved over genera- make sure the California we pass down is fairer, AND PULL UP THESE ROOTS WILL tions. The effort to untangle these intersections and better, and stronger than the one we were given. pull up these roots will require a commensurate REQUIRE A COMMENSURATE LEVEL OF level of intentionality, coordination, and sustained attention. Taken together, all of this represents a INTENTIONALITY, COORDINATION, generation or more of work. This report is only the first portion of the RACE COUNTS initiative. In AND SUSTAINED ATTENTION. the months and years to come, we will extend our analysis by looking at disparities in the hundred cities in California with the largest populations of people of color. We will update the entire dataset available at RACECOUNTS.org with refreshed data as it becomes available, to better understand trends in disparity over time, and will publish issue area reports that explore the policies and practices that can reduce disparities in areas like health care and
12 13 1. RECLAIMING THE VISION: RACIAL EQUITY IN CALIFORNIA
It’s clear that today, race contin- of color often face additional and undocumented families ers, advocates, and funders alike Why Racial Equity? ues to be a major predictor of injustices beyond those that by an emboldened Immigra- have hesitated to call out race success and life chances. People confront straight men of color. tion and Customs Enforcement as a key factor. Our hope is that Why Now? of color and Indigenous people Putting race first in our analysis (ICE). These actions will have a RACE COUNTS can end some are more likely to be incarcer- does not mean ignoring these specifically race-based impact. of that hesitation—because only ated, to be trapped within the additional intersections with by putting race squarely on the Fortunately, across the nation and confines of the underground economics and identity. Rather, table can we rise to the challenge in California, community leaders California has long been known as a beacon for progres- economy, and to be suspended we aim to assess what is distinct that now confronts us and help are addressing racial equity head- from school. They are less likely and unique about race-based California’s next 50 years be ones on and pushing policymakers sive politics: a land of hope and promise—dubbed the to earn a living wage, have access injustice in California, which we of equity and justice. to answer the call of justice. We to health insurance, or live in hope can serve to bolster future “Golden State” 50 years ago in 1968. But for many com- see this in the rise of a national affordable, quality housing. The work exploring race and class, Black Lives Matter movement, munities of color and Indigenous people, this idealistic mismatch between the promise and race and other identities. the multiracial acts of solidarity to of the Californian dream and the This is not simply a question of stop the profiling of Muslims, and vision of California has never been the reality. Their ex- devastating realities confront- history. Race-based injustice is the quick construction of legal ing communities of color raises perience has too often been one of exclusion and margin- a daily presence in the lives of and rapid response networks to a contradiction between our Californians of color and In- protect immigrants. alization. Acknowledging these facts does not mean giving government’s stated promise and digenous communities. As we its actually-existing systems and But while community-led orga- up on the possibility of a fair and inclusive California, worked on this initiative, we race-stratified results. nizations are advancing racial bore witness to a new federal equity on the front lines, they however: our state has achieved great things because of Our initiative—RACE administration that seems to need support from all move- COUNTS—uses race as the bring racism to the forefront our residents’ audacity, drive, and refusal to settle for the ment-building partners. A key primary lens through which to every day. We have seen the De- aim of this initiative is to change world as it is. The fight for racial equity is more necessary understand these racial dispar- partment of Justice turn its back the conversation, both inside ities. To be sure, race does not on efforts to end racist polic- government and out, through and urgent than ever, and as Californians, we have the stand by itself: due to our histo- ing,1 the creation of a travel ban increasing understanding of the ry of discrimination and oppres- targeted at refugees and citizens responsibility to step up and achieve our state’s promise toll systemic racism continues sion, California’s class structure of majority-Muslim African and to take on our communities and for all Californians. is strongly linked to race, and Middle-Eastern countries,2 and advancing policies to eradicate it. women and LGBTQ people a violent assault on immigrant For some time, many policymak-
14 15 1. RECLAIMING THE VISION: RACIAL EQUITY IN CALIFORNIA
Our Approach: Balancing Truth and Aspiration
The truths told by this data are not easy ones to Every Californian has a stake in understanding The RACE COUNTS initiative is built around a Because it is clear that simply identifying dispar- confront. They demonstrate the barriers that con- the ways our systems create racially inequitable comprehensive, cutting-edge tool tracking three ities is not enough, future RACE COUNTS work front Californians of color in every aspect of their outcomes—individual residents, opinion leaders, dimensions of racial equity—performance, racial will focus on outreach to and engagement of or- lives, as they strive to obtain economic success, policymakers, and community leaders alike. Much disparity, and impact—across the state in seven key ganizing partners to support their use of the data, educate their children, take care of sick relatives, or of our engagement and partnership-building has issue areas: producing policy- and issue- specific reports that look more closely at particular inequitable systems resist the often-lawless power of the criminal jus- focused on the network of organizers and advo- DEMOCRACY tice system. But understanding how much is wrong cates currently advancing the cause of racial equity to identify new approaches that can reduce dispar- is a critical step that must be taken before making across the state. We aim to create a platform to sup- ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ities, and refining our data and analysis to provide things right. port their work to fight inequity at the local level, CRIME AND JUSTICE an even more powerful and specific resource. allowing them to use customized data to scrutinize California is in a unique position to advance the ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE Finally, at every stage in the initiative, we have the race-based consequences of current policy and movement towards racial equity, with the poten- relied on partnerships with key thought leaders, clearly assess the equity impact of new decisions HEALTHY BUILT ENVIRONMENT tial for drastic shifts in power. To push forward, community organizers, and policy advocates across and choices moving forward. RACE COUNTS EDUCATION we need effective ways to measure and address issues and regions, most notably the other mem- arms partners with tools to frame campaigns and long-standing racial disparities and to center these HOUSING bers of the RACE COUNTS Steering Committee: advance policy recommendations that can move conversations on the residents, organizers, and California Calls, PICO California, and the Univer- the needle on racial inequity in their counties and advocates with direct knowledge of inequity. sity of Southern California’s Program for Environ- throughout California. mental and Regional Equity (PERE).
16 17 2. CALIFORNIA’S HISTORY: RACIAL OPPRESSION AND THE MULTIRACIAL MOVEMENT FOR EQUITY
California still struggles with the undigested legacy of our To understand that history re- Since its creation, California’s ra- they saw their business and social than 22 million Mexican work- quires, first, acknowledging the cial history has in large measure opportunities limited by exclu- ers.8 Again, the program chan- long and unique history of racial oppression. Racialized very roots of the settler colonial- been a push-pull of dominant, sionary state and local measures, neled economic benefit to the policies and practices continue to structure our society ism upon which California was elite Whites exploiting immi- including the Chinese Exclusion largely-White owner class while founded. Native tribes thrived in grant and nonwhite labor and Act, which limited naturalization denying basic rights to the work- today. But we also have homegrown advocates and or- what is now known as California wealth as the engine of economic and prohibited the immigration ers, until grassroots activists—in- for at least 12,000 years prior to growth, while simultaneously of Chinese laborers for 10 years.5 cluding Cesar Chavez—helped ganizers who have pioneered new models and alliances contact with Europeans. Upon hemming their communities end it in 1964. This dynamic repeated itself sev- contact, the Spanish government in with racialized restrictions to advance the fight for equity. While a full accounting eral times during the twentieth Similarly, although California empowered Franciscan Catho- to keep them from obtaining century. In an attempt to address was always a free state, the Black of this history is clearly beyond the scope of this report, lic priests to enslave Indigenous the fair fruits of their labor.4 White unemployment at the on- community here has nonetheless peoples to build the California As the Gold Rush helped make set of the Great Depression, Pres- been exploited for its labor. For a brief overview of key moments can illustrate how the mission system under the guise California a desirable and pros- ident Herbert Hoover sanctioned example, during World War II, of civilizing them and converting perous state in the nineteenth disparities we study came to be—and also point the way mass deportations of Mexicans Black migration from the South them to Christianity. While some century, our state’s economy and Mexican Americans in the into the state helped keep fac- towards the strategies that can bring them to an end. missionaries were committed grew through White settlers’ use 1930s, which included 1.8 mil- tories open and running in the to dignifying the lives of Native of land seized from Mexican lion people, many of whom face of the war’s labor shortages. people and opposed Spanish im- rancheros, as well as attempts to were Californians.6 Japanese Many had hoped that their new perialist practices, nonetheless, eliminate any remaining Indig- Americans, whose labor likewise home could be a land of new op- the missions were rampant with enous presence in the state— helped build our state’s rail- portunities—but state and local physical, emotional, and sexu- which included paying bounties roads, factories, and farms, were policymakers adopted discrimi- al abuse and decimated entire for the killing of Native American forced into internment camps natory housing and labor policies tribal communities.3 Further, children, women, and men. during World War II, largely due that relegated them to a subordi- the roads, fields, and missions The Gold Rush also relied on to elites deploying race-based nate political, legal, and econom- that constituted the first Western immigrant labor, especially that accusations of disloyalty to reap ic position. infrastructure were often built of the Chinese workers who economic rewards.7 In the wake by enslaved natives. This theft helped build the railroad system. of the resulting labor shortages, of land and labor was frequently Characteristically, these new the government established the justified with cultural and racial Americans were seen as a threat Bracero program, a guest worker chauvinism. to the established order. Soon, program that employed more
18 19 2. CALIFORNIA’S HISTORY: RACIAL OPPRESSION AND THE MULTIRACIAL MOVEMENT FOR EQUITY
How We Use “White Supremacy”
“White supremacy” is a potentially loaded term, due to its frequent application to violent terrorist All told, California, much like discrimination in housing mar- These years also saw our Black groups such as the Ku Klux Klan. Our use of the phrase is broader and is not simply about individual the country at large, has used kets.9 And in the 1970s and 1980s, community especially targeted belief in the racial superiority of Whites. We use the term to refer to the systems that ensure White race and racism as a means to facing rising demands from by a “tough on crime” backlash primacy and power in all aspects of life, including politics and governance, the economy, and social enable and justify the exploita- leaders of color for equity in responding to what proved to be control. In this understanding, the use of extrajudicial violence to punish those who challenge White tion of nonwhite labor and the public spending, the forces bent a temporary increase in crime dominance is one tool among many used to protect and advance White supremacy. Public systems extraction of value from Indig- on protecting a racially-unjust rates, intensifying already-egre- and decisions that bar people of color from voting or exercising political power, that deny a quality enous communities and people status quo led a wave of public gious state violence against Black education to children of color depending on their home language, or that lock up people of color for of color. These systems of ex- divestment. One such example Californians. California’s three disproportionately long sentences play an important a role in enforcing White supremacy. These ploitation were built in an ex- is 1978’s Prop 13,10 which starved strikes law, Prop 184 of 1994, was systems function to oppress people of color regardless of the personal beliefs or intentions of actors 15 plicitly race-conscious way but California’s schools of resources perhaps the most notorious piece within them. persist today in new, seemingly and ushered in a new era of scar- of this system of criminalization, race-neutral forms, thanks to a city politics that most harmed over-policing, and mass incarcer- 13 second major trend in our state’s nonwhite communities. ation. tion 14. A coalition of Filipino to new, explicitly multiracial these foundations, but we also race-relations history—again and and Mexican American grape formations and organizations, face new challenges, including These assaults continued However, California has also pio- again, we have seen the creation harvest workers—led by Philip such as our steering committee a hostile federal administration through the 1980s and 1990s, neered new, powerful approach- of facially color-blind systems to Vera Cruz, Larry Itliong, Cesar partners California Calls and and too-broad public compla- as race- and immigrant-baiting es to fighting back against racial codify and reinforce the racially Chavez, and Dolores Huerta—de- PICO California—a distinctive- cency about racial injustice. We politicians used discriminato- oppression including building unjust status quo, while giving fined the farm labor movement ly Californian innovation in the are, once again, at a critical junc- ry ballot measures—like 1994’s multiracial organizing coalitions them the veneer of legality. when they organized the Delano racial-equity toolbox that has ture between retreating from or Proposition 187,11 denying state and a nonprofit infrastructure grape strike from 1965 to 1970.16 seen explosive growth in the past taking up the mantle of Califor- As nonwhite Californians grew services to undocumented immi- to challenge the inequities we 12 quarter-century. nia’s future—and the lessons of in number and power and or- grants; 1996’s Proposition 209, have inherited. During World These multiracial organizing the past point the way towards ganizers raised their voices to eliminating affirmative action War II, a Black lawyer named partnerships and coalitions did Our state’s history shows us that the work the present moment demand justice, the architects of programs; and 1998’s Proposition Hugh Macbeth worked alongside not always agree on strategy, but organized power and cross-racial calls us all to do. White supremacy in California 227, enshrining an “English-only” the Japanese American Citizens they shared a common goal of coalitions have led the charge pioneered this new playbook approach for students learning League to develop legal frame- challenging White supremacy in to push back against regressive of discrimination. In 1964, for English—as weapons to reduce works to challenge the removal the state. And as the years passed, forces and demand much-need- 14 example, California voters ap- the power of the rising majori- of Japanese Americans. Black moments of solidarity between ed improvements in our public proved Proposition 14, challeng- ty of Californians and maintain and Mexican Americans worked different groups organized safety, economy, health, and ing the 1963 fair housing laws their own personal wealth, pow- in coalition against the racist around specific racial or ethnic governance. Today, organizers and substantively legalizing racial er, and influence. housing provisions of Proposi- communities began to give rise and advocates have built on
20 21 3. DRIVERS OF RACIAL INEQUITY IN CALIFORNIA
Traditional approaches to understanding race and racism With our partners, we have identified four key dynamics that Systems That Turn Bias into Disparity often center on individual acts of bias and discrimination. drive and maintain race-based This approach, however, risks understating the full weight inequity in public systems: 1. Inequitable systems that turn Race-based stereotypes and bias- disparity, personal bias, in both a variety of biased views—and in- of race and racism as a determining force in Californian race-based biases into disparities; es are omnipresent in our society conscious and implicit forms, stitutionalize individual bias into society—which is what motivates our focus on systemic and shape the upbringing and ex- looms large. The consequences differential treatment and differ- 2. Exclusionary patterns of eco- perience of all Californians. These are permanent for those who lose ential investment. racism. These systems are historically determined, but we nomic development that give or attitudes may express themselves their lives and for families left to Biased views can also be built withhold prosperity based on via conscious and avowed dis- pick up the pieces. For those who must acknowledge that racial disparities are not simply into a system from the outset, race; crimination, as subconscious do survive, being stamped with and lead to disparities regardless a legacy we have inherited. They are reinforced through “implicit bias,” or in other, subtler the label “criminal” can shut them 3. An imbalance of political pow- of the personal biases of those ways—but they all have a long out from access to jobs, food er, including voting, represen- charged with administering it. deliberate action every day and there are places in Cali- and powerful reach. stamps, student loans, housing tation, and voice between racial The long-existing disparity in assistance, and voting rights, as fornia where new racially-unjust policies are being creat- groups; and Some of our most important sentencing severity for drug well as separate them from their public systems rely on personal crimes involving crack versus ed even today. 4. Need- and color-blind policies communities and families.18 discretion for their operation, powder cocaine, for example, that lock in place already existing which can transform these in- It is not just the criminal justice was largely based on racist views disparities. dividual factors into systemic system. The same dynamic plays about the distinct users of the disparities. Study after study has out in other aspects of life, such two forms of the drug. As a result, found that nonwhite and espe- as when a teacher pushes a White dismantling the impacts of bias in cially Black and brown people student to take Advanced Place- public systems may require both are far more likely to be stopped ment classes, while overlooking changing the officials running by police, subjected to excessive similar potential in nonwhite it, as well as the rules by which it levels of incarceration and other students due to preconceptions operates. state violence, and even killed, about what studiousness and compared to White people per- intelligence look like.19 In both forming the same behavior in cases, the systems are designed the same situations.17 While there to rely on discretionary acts by are many factors behind this individual actors—who may have
22 23 3. DRIVERS OF RACIAL INEQUITY IN CALIFORNIA
goodwill, giving them limited Exclusionary Patterns of power to demand fair wages and Imbalance in Political Economic Development fair treatment. Power At the same time that people of color and Indigenous people see a smaller share of the benefits California’s economy remains in recent decades the economy have been operative in California of California’s economic expan- In 2015, Latinos outnumbered There are many reasons for these one of the most dynamic in the has transformed, with agriculture for the past several decades. We sion, they are also paying more Whites for the first since Cal- disparities. First, faced with the world, but it provides very differ- and manufacturing becoming experienced the largest loss of than their share of the price. As ifornia became a state in 1850, threat of losing control, Whites ent opportunities to those at the concentrated in fewer areas and manufacturing jobs in our histo- tech-industry wealth has in- and Asian Americans continue who wish to safeguard power bottom of the economic ladder relying on a smaller labor force, ry from 2000 to 2010 due to ex- flated housing prices in the Bay to add to California’s growth as for themselves have adopted than it does to those at the top. while the size of the tech indus- panding information-technology Area, for example, communities a predominately people of color strategies to deny communities Formerly, California’s economy try has drastically increased. At advances, automation, and the of color are being priced out state. But raw numbers do not of the ability to elect candidates brought the benefits of growth the same time, de-unionization finance-industry-created Great of their homes and even their themselves translate into political of their choice. These include 21 broadly across economic class. efforts have reduced the influ- Recession. Meanwhile, the whole neighborhoods. They are power, and as a result of barriers cramming people of color and Our world-leading universities ence of organized labor, robbing fastest-growing sections of the displaced into lower-cost regions to the ability of communities Indigenous people into as few and knowledge workers coex- workers of one of their strongest economy, including tech, remain where housing may be less un- of color to win office or lift up districts as possible and adopting isted with large agricultural and advocates. As a result, where once overwhelmingly White, partially affordable, but where they have an organized voice, the political at-large voting systems to deny manufacturing businesses that wage growth was highest for due to a reliance on networking fewer roots and an even smaller power of people of color and In- racially-distinct neighborhoods 23 also relied on less-skilled and low-income workers, this trend and other in-group-privileging number of opportunities for eco- digenous people does not match representation. Voting rules and 20 22 low-wage labor. Black workers has reversed in recent decades. social customs. This means that nomic mobility. their share of the population. systems also create barriers for with high school diplomas could even highly-educated people Because the systems that create immigrants, Native Americans, Due to the impact of conscious get living-wage jobs with enough of color and Indigenous people With income inequality acceler- and sustain race-based dispari- native speakers of languages oth- and implicit bias, generations disposable income to purchase struggle to get a fair shot at op- ating and people of color being ties are primarily public systems er than English,24 the recently in- of disinvestment, and wildly homes and support their fami- portunity. And many people of denied their equitable share of and can be changed only through carcerated,25 low-income people, inequitable access to quality lies. Migrant workers who came color working in high-skill jobs growth, communities of color political means, these disparities and those who move frequently. education, people of color and here from other countries could are immigrants recruited from will have a harder time obtain- are not just important in their Where these barriers overlap— Indigenous people make up the earn enough to bring their fam- overseas whose presence in Cali- ing the education, health care, own right—they also constitute as for California’s fast-growing majority of the working class—a ilies here and work their way up fornia or eventual naturalization and other resources they need an important driver perpetuating African immigrant population, class conspicuously left behind the economic ladder. However, may depend on their employer’s to prosper. inequities in all other areas. for example—electoral participa- by the patterns of growth that
24 25 3. DRIVERS OF RACIAL INEQUITY IN CALIFORNIA
tion can be extremely challeng- Beyond disinvestment, col- cal governments can also adopt larly, color-blind systems that do ing. As a result, registered voters, Use of Need- and or-blind rules governing college intentional community engage- not track results based on race and especially likely voters, are admission and prohibiting affir- ment approaches to bring the make it harder to create account- far Whiter, older, educated, and Color-Blind Policies to mative action have pushed Black people most impacted by injus- ability for decisions grounded more affluent than our popula- and Latino Californians out of tice into the decision-making in bias. Therefore, our analysis tion as a whole. This phenome- Perpetuate Disparities higher education, and many local process and allow their voices looks at racial disparities not on non was dubbed the “exclusive funding decisions are made with- to reveal what their community their own, but as the result of electorate” by the Public Policy out regard to need, for example, needs. multiple complex systems, which Institute of California.”26 adopting simple rule-of-five ap- call for solutions that will like- The previous three drivers serve both to create and to perpetuate race- proaches that give equal resourc- wise be complex and work across To be sure, voting is only one based disparities. By contrast, the use of need-blind or color-blind es to each of a County’s super- issue areas. of many forms of political par- policies in our public systems generally does not create new disparities, These four drivers are power- visorial districts. Similarly, local ticipation and Californians of but plays a powerful role in “freezing in” the discriminatory effects of fully active in today’s Califor- planning and zoning decisions color make their voices heard by historical disinvestment and racial animus. Legal and social restrictions nia and they ensure that racial that use ahistorical, race-neu- directly contacting public offi- prevent those who benefit from inequity from using directly race-con- disparities are maintained and tral criteria to decide things like cials, serving on public commis- scious systems to maintain their privilege. But by creating policies that even strengthened by our pub- where to place new industrial sions, and gathering petitions or ignore race, history, and need, they have managed to obscure the way lic systems. They do not oper- facilities can end up targeting holding public meetings. How- many facially-neutral systems contribute to the ongoing subordination ate in isolation, but instead are communities of color and Indig- ever, these processes also favor of people of color and Indigenous people. interconnected. Political voice enous peoples,31 because they fail those with already-high levels correlates with economic clout, Because so many of our systems are need-blind, and were created to acknowledge the ways racist of political capital and resources for example, so an exclusionary when racial injustice was more broadly tolerated, these policies are systems put people of color into and may be inaccessible to those economy likewise weakens the ubiquitous, especially in the area of fiscal policy, which has long been low-property-value, unhealthy with a justifiable fear or mistrust capacity of people of color to weaponized in California. In the 1970s, people of color became a places and then kept them there. of engaging with public process- participate in politics and exert larger share of the population and began winning victories for equi- es—such as the undocumented, While legal prohibitions do influence, while a political sys- ty, such as the Serrano v. Priest litigation,28 which required equality in new immigrants, and Indigenous mean that in some cases, race tem that’s already hostile to their school funding. The immediate response was the passage of 1978’s people who have experienced cannot be directly considered interests will frustrate attempts Proposition 13, which sharply cut property taxes and made it signifi- a long history of governmental by public systems, data-driv- to create more economic oppor- cantly harder to raise revenues for public investment.29 The painful policies intended to destroy their en needs-assessments can help tunity. This is one of the many results were California’s fall in 2010 to 43rd in the nation in per-pupil culture and way of life.27 capture the consequences of our ways in which race and class are spending30 and a politics of scarcity that pits communities and needs history of discrimination. Lo- intertwined in California. Simi- against each other.
26 27 4. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY32 LOS ANGELES COUNTY HIGH SCHOOL GRADUATION RATES
BEST RATE RACE COUNTS presents a three-dimen- Measuring performance and impact are straight- forward. Performance is how well or poorly a coun- sional analysis of racial equity by looking ty’s total population is doing on a particular indi- at performance, racial disparity, and im- cator, issue area, or overall. For example, when we compare performance in high school graduation pact and by assessing California counties rates between Los Angeles and Orange counties, we are comparing their overall graduation rates. across seven key issue areas: democracy, Impact is the size of the total population. Following economic opportunity, crime and justice, this example, Los Angeles has a population of near- ly 10 million people, more than three times the size access to health care, healthy built en- of Orange, with a population of nearly 3.1 million people. All else being equal, the expected impacts vironment, education, and housing. We of disparities are larger in Los Angeles than Orange Asian: Filipino/a: White: Two or Pacific Latino/a: Black: Native selected a total of 44 indicators spanning County, based on population size. 91% 91% 86% More: Islander: 76% 70% American: 84% 79% 65% the seven issue areas after reviewing the Racial disparity is more complicated. We measure racial disparity for two primary reasons: to com- literature and meeting with organizers and pare racial groups directly to one another (e.g., life expectancy of Blacks versus Whites) and to sum- Comparing Racial Groups advocates with on-the-ground experience. marize the overall level of disparity for all races for comparison across counties (e.g., disparity in high school graduation rates between Los Angeles and Racial groups are directly com- geles County the graduation-rate are improving from an absolute Orange counties). pared with a straightforward rate difference between Blacks (70%) standpoint for all groups, dividing difference. To compare high and Whites (86%) is 16%. one group’s rate over another’s school graduation rates of Blacks (i.e., a rate ratio) can show that and Whites in a county, for exam- We use rate differences because inequity is increasing if the differ- ple, we simply subtract the Black they “implicitly endors[e] the po- ence between groups is growing high school graduation rate from sition that inequality matters but it despite overall better conditions. the White high school graduation is not all that matters.”33 Other po- In contrast, rate differences reflect rate, with a result of 0 implying to- tential metrics focus solely on eq- both inequity and progress toward tal equity. In the Figure, in Los An- uity—for instance when outcomes positive outcomes.
28 29 4. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY
Scatterplot of performance, Summary Scores of Racial Disparity disparity, and impact for high school graduation rates. The size of each circle denotes a county’s size, and its color indicates the To summarize overall equity in The ID is sensitive to how we performance-disparity quadrant outcomes we use a metric called characterize the data (e.g., mea- the Index of Disparity (ID), which suring insurance rates as against into which it falls. averages the absolute rate differ- measuring uninsurance rates, ences between group rates and or employment rates as against a reference rate and expresses it unemployment rates). We made as a percentage of the reference these decisions by assessing the Rankings rate.34 We use the best rate as the best way to represent a given reference rate for IDs to priori- outcome or experience, based tize both equity and progress. In on how it is typically used in the To rank all 58 counties by per- performance on the y-axis (rela- may be under threat by chang- rare cases where the “best” rate literature, what we think is help- formance and racial disparity, tively higher performance to the ing economic or demographic cannot be used because of data ful for this initiative, and how the we calculated z-scores for county top, relatively lower performance trends. Counties colored orange limitations, we have substituted indicator is understood and used total performance values and IDs. to the bottom), with the size of are those with “Prosperity for the total population rate or the publicly. These z-scores also are averaged their circles—which depends on the Few,” as they have overall best non-zero rate. For example, across indicators to provide an their total population—represent- high performance but relatively the Los Angeles County high aggregate score for each county ing impact. This is what we call the higher race-based disparities. school graduation ID is 13.8%, by issue area and for all 44 in- three dimensions of racial equity. Yellow counties are “Struggling meaning that the average differ- dicators overall. (See the Figure to Prosper,” as they have relative- We have used color coding to ence in high school graduation for the composite scatterplot of ly lower disparities often due to display the relationship between rates of each race from the best these z-scores for high school lower performance, indicating performance and disparity for racial rate—the Asian graduation graduation rates.) deprivation affecting all county each county. Counties colored rate of 91.3%—is 13.8%. This is residents. Finally, red counties The results are visualized on scat- green are those with “Gains at more than double Orange Coun- are “Stuck and Unequal,” with terplots with disparity measured Risk”; they have above average ty’s high school graduation ID low performance and high dis- on the x-axis (relatively higher performance and below aver- of 5.9%, indicating a significantly parities both representing barri- disparity to the right, relatively age disparity metrics—indicat- higher level of racial disparity. ers to progress. lower disparity to the left) and ing progress in some areas that
30 31 4. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY
Limitations and Data Shortfalls
Race and disparity are clearly we use data at the state and some communities that have low complex subjects. As a result, county levels. As we will discuss population counts in many coun- IN EVERY CORNER OF THE STATE, IN our analysis inevitably has some in more detail in the following ties—such as Native Americans limitations that should be kept section, this may obscure import- and Alaska Natives—which is EVERY ASPECT OF LIFE, PEOPLE OF in mind. First, race is intersec- ant trends at sub-county levels. often due to a lack of data collec- tional and our work focuses on tion in their communities, a lack COLOR AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES Finally, while RACE COUNTS is the racial experience, meaning of participation in official data the most comprehensive compi- STILL FACE THE CHALLENGE OF that intersectional experiences collection due to distrust aris- lation of data about racial equity related to class, immigrant status, ing from historic oppression, or by county in California, weak- RACE-BASED DISPARITIES and other population character- small population sizes, meaning nesses in the available data are istics are largely absent from the that on some indicators, the data evident. Data availability in the performance, racial disparity, for these communities may be democracy issue area was partic- and impact calculations. We also unreliable. Reliable data on the ularly challenging for less-popu- are largely unable to go beyond state’s significant undocument- lous counties and we rely on sur- race to disaggregate by specific ed population is also extremely name data to characterize race in ethnicities or national origins, limited. In the “Conclusions and three indicators. The availability which for some racial groups— Recommendations” section of of data by race at sub-state levels such as Asian Americans and Na- this report, we offer suggestions was challenging across the board, tive Hawaiians and Pacific Island- for those who gather and analyze and we needed to create weight- ers—may mask a high degree of data that would address these ed averages to address this issue variation. Second, in this report issues. in some cases. There are also
32 33 5. KEY FINDINGS
Even a cursory look at the data confirms • Within Fresno County’s public schools only 28% of Latino third graders were rated proficient Statewide Findings in Disparity by Race that despite our significant history of in math, which is less than half the rate of their movement-building and progress, racial White peers. • In San Francisco, the incarceration rate for California’s history, as described above, has fre- disparity remains omnipresent in Califor- Blacks is more than 28 times higher than that of quently seen White supremacist policies and prac- nia. The evidence is that in every corner of Whites. tices targeted at specific racial groups as well as at Going Deeper • Asian Americans in San Diego County have a people of color generally. As a result of this history, the state, in every aspect of life, people of voter registration rate of only 45%—far lower our analysis unsurprisingly finds that some racial groups are systematically more likely to be harmed color and Indigenous peoples still face the than the countywide average of 76%. by race-based disparities, while others are more This report presents only an initial set of However, these kinds of pairwise racial compari- findings based on the data we have collected. challenge of race-based disparities. Our frequently found to be higher-performing. sons, shocking as they are, do not do justice to the While this overview demonstrates the broad research shows that injustice plays itself full reach and scale of race-based inequity in Cal- Across the indicators we examined statewide, Black range of racial disparities that affect people ifornia. All the aspects of daily life intersect, from Californians were most heavily weighed down by of color and Indigenous peoples across Cal- out differently in each of our regions and housing to education to economic opportunity. disparities. They are the lowest-performing group ifornia, in many cases a richer analysis will on 18 out of the 41 indicators for which they are be required to fully understand the specific different racial communities experience The accumulated weight of disparity can bear down against the well-being of communities of color. included in the data—higher than any other group. challenges and opportunities in particular higher barriers in some issue areas relative Through our analysis, we have attempted to come For example, Black children are arrested for tru- counties. At RACECOUNTS.org, advocates, to grips with this burden by looking at trends in ancy at more than three and a half times the rate organizers, and researchers can dive deep- to others. The array of race-based dispari- disparity by race at the state level, by region, by issue for White children. They also have the worst rates er into 44 indicators across all seven issue in California for life expectancy, homeownership, ties currently at play in California is almost area, and also by county type. areas, with race-specific data available at the suspensions, household income, census partici- indicator and county level. Future RACE overwhelming. Consider just a few repre- pation, and incarceration. Across every issue area, COUNTS publications will also take a closer Black Californians face multiple interlocking dis- look at particular issue areas, key popula- sentative findings: parities that accumulate into the greatest burden of tions, and policy priorities. any racial group in the state.
34 35 5. KEY FINDINGS
Cities and Counties
Evaluating disparities and performance at have radically different economic, social, or Latinos also carry a heavy bur- homes, while the increase would disaggregated data is needed to the county level has a number of important political realities, which are lost when zoom- den: they have the lowest rates be nearly 730,000 for Latinos. understand the ways that dis- advantages for understanding racial inequities ing out to a countywide perspective, includ- on 7 out of 41 indicators, in- parities impact Asian-American in California. First, it puts the focus on county ing systematic differences between cities and Predictably, Whites are among cluding having a usual source communities. unincorporated areas. Cities have their own the highest-performing racial supervisors and officials who have significant of health care, housing quality, areas of responsibility and accountable deci- groups across almost all issue Native Hawaiians and Pacif- power to impact residents’ lives across issue drinking-water contamination, sion-makers, and the priorities of advocates areas and indicators. On many ic Islanders are clearly also a areas—counties play an important role in and managerial occupations. working with mayors and city councilmembers indicators, Asian Americans highly-impacted population, providing health care and social services, over- Statewide, they are never the may not exactly match the priorities of those also appear to be doing well. although the story told by the seeing local education agencies, and prosecut- top-performing racial group on working countywide. As a result, in the future However, data disaggregated by data is sometimes made cloudy ing and locking people up through the criminal any indicator. The Latino popu- we will expand the RACE COUNTS initiative ethnic group consistently shows by a number of factors: they have justice system. This approach also allows for the lation is the single largest racial by incorporating city-level data for the Cali- significant social and economic comparatively small numbers in grouping of counties into regions to understand group impacted by disparities in fornia cities that are home to large numbers diversity among Asian Ameri- California and tend to be more dynamics that are playing out across a broad California, meaning 14.5 mil- of people of color. Where zip-code and cen- cans. Data on homeownership geographically concentrated, area of the state. lion Californians are impacted sus-tract-level data is available, we will also and health insurance coverage and on some indicators, they are by these disparities. On indica- However, the county-level picture does have offer it through our visualization and mapping illustrates this diversity: while categorized together with Asian tors where Latinos have among limitations. Different parts of a county may platform HealthyCity.org. the statewide homeownership racial groups whose relatively the worst rates, such as health rate for Chinese Americans (65%) higher performance, as discussed insurance, the numbers can exceeds that of Whites (63%), the above, may mask the reality be breathtaking: statewide 2.3 rate of homeownership among experienced by this distinct set million more Latinos would have gaps when attempting to present elected officials is least represen- they lag all other groups in high Hmong Americans is far lower of communities. Still, even on the basic protection of health the lived reality of Indigenous tative for them than for any other school graduation and low birth- (33%), falling below that of Blacks statewide measures, Native Ha- coverage if they were insured at peoples such as Native Americans group. As a population that is weight rates. When considering (34%). Similarly, while the per- waiians and Pacific Islanders face the same rates as Whites. Small and Alaska Natives. Much like Na- more rural-based than most oth- the disparities faced by Indige- centage of Japanese Americans in significant disparities: they have differences in rates can mask tive Hawaiians and Pacific Island- ers in California, they also per- nous peoples, it is critical to look California who are uninsured (7%) a higher suspension rate than significant differences in scale. ers, they are often geographically form worse on indicators such as at local data as much as possible is lower than the percentage for Latinos, for example, and have For example, Latinos have slight- concentrated and have com- internet access, where they are and consider the specific context Whites (8%), the share of Korean the single highest rate of fatali- ly higher homeownership rates paratively smaller populations. the lowest-performing statewide. and circumstances. Americans without health insur- ties by police. than Blacks, but if both groups Nonetheless, it is clear that they There are also substantial urban ance (20%) exceeds that of Blacks did as well as Whites on this As discussed earlier, data limita- grapple with persistent injustice Indigenous populations who face (12%) and approaches that of indicator, over 230,000 more tions mean that quantitative ap- and high levels of disparity. For their own challenges—such as Latinos (23%). Further analysis of Blacks Californians would own proaches suffer from important example, the racial makeup of in Los Angeles County, where
36 37 Findings in Disparity by Region
Scatterplot of Crime and Justice composite index, which incorporates all indicators within the issue area. Most higher-population counties are also lower-performing and higher-disparity. Each county in California is unique and has its own landscape of disparities, inequities, and signs of progress. However, there FINDINGS IN DISPARITY BY ISSUE are clear regional trends in many of the areas that we studied, indicating that advocates in these places may be able to learn from Although we found substantial disparities in systemic racial injustice. These disparities are each other, create a common each issue area that we examined, they are not largely driven by the incarceration indicator, agenda, and take coordinated all equal. We calculated statewide issue-level which is in turn the single most racially-dispa- action focused on the challenges Indices of Disparity (ID) by averaging together rate indicator we studied. particular to their counties. the Indices for all the indicators within each issue area. Through this approach, we can Notably, almost all medium-sized or larger determine the domains where racial inequity counties are both low-performing and highly- is sharpest—as well as where California has so disparate, compared with a tight cluster of Scatterplot of the composite index incorporating all 44 indicators, far made the farthest progress towards jus- high-performing, low-disparity small counties. with counties labeled according to their region. tice—acknowledging that progress is needed in This suggests that disparities in criminal jus- every one of the seven areas. tice are not a regional problem—they appear to persist everywhere in California that is large CRIME AND JUSTICE (MOST DISPARATE ISSUE) enough to have a substantial system. Encour- The greatest race-based disparities in California agingly, advocates’ strategies have been well- are in the realm of criminal justice, a reflection aligned with this reality, as they have pushed of the fact that the justice system is built on the to win state-level reforms while watchdogging kind of discretionary decision-making—pick- county-level implementation, including the ing who to stop, who to arrest, who to charge, Proposition 47 sentencing-reform campaign and what sentence to hand down—that, with- and current efforts to reform bail practices and out safeguards, can turn individual bias into limit jail expansion.
38 39 5. KEY FINDINGS
FINDINGS IN DISPARITY BY ISSUE
EDUCATION (SECOND MOST will require progress on efforts of disparity and very low levels DISPARATE ISSUE) to improve school discipline of performance. via implementing restorative Education is often seen as a Some of these trends may be justice practices, making key equalizer, providing op- related to uninsurance rates, as schools safe and welcoming for portunities for talented chil- those immigrant-rich Southern all students, providing school dren and youth of all races to California counties generally districts with adequate fund- make the most of their talents. have lower levels of coverage, ing, and adopting equity-based It’s therefore deeply concern- which may reflect the challeng- funding approaches that direct ing that the second-greatest es that immigrants—both those extra support to the school area of disparity is the realm with and without documenta- sites with the greatest numbers of education. Many small and tion—often face in obtaining of high-need students. mid-sized counties, especially insurance, even after the im- in the Central Valley, strug- ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE plementation of the Affordable gle with low performance (THIRD MOST DISPARATE ISSUE) Care Act. Current work to build and high disparity, reflecting on the successes of health care There is some good news when the challenges these often reform by expanding coverage assessing disparities in health under-resourced districts to all county residents can help care access—there are a few confront, including the diffi- address these gaps. But cover- mid-sized counties, includ- culty of recruiting a sufficient age is not enough: even many ing Orange County and San number of qualified teachers counties with lower uninsur- Diego, that are comparatively and staff. ance rates have high levels of high-performing and have race-based disparity in some Scatterplot of the suspension rate indicator, which is the most disparate indicator within the Particular indicators show relatively-lower health dispari- key indicators, like low birth- Education issue area. more specific trends. Other ties (although this may partially weight and preventable hos- than Orange County, most reflect that undocumented pitalization, meaning a com- mid-sized and larger counties residents are not being counted prehensive approach to health have high levels of disparity in official data). However, there access is required. in third-grade math achieve- are also many high-performing ment. School discipline and counties that nonetheless have As one of the first compo- suspensions see the highest high levels of disparity, such nents of RACE COUNTS levels of disparity within this as San Francisco and Marin following up on the initiative’s issue area, often driven by ex- County. It’s also concerning launch, we will soon be releas- cessively high suspension rates that many populous counties ing a report focusing on how for Black, Latino, and Native in Southern California, like Los counties’ safety nets can be American students. Making Angeles, Riverside, and San used to address disparities in progress on these disparities Bernardino, have average levels access to health care.
40 41 Scatterplot of the renters’ income after paying for housing indicator, with Bay Area counties highlighted. All the region’s counties are higher-performing, but there are high disparities in many.
THE BAY AREA: A RISING TIDE DOES NOT LIFT ALL BOATS
The Bay Area is a cautionary tale of the nine Bay Area counties are in the Bay Area, while Black and to other parts of the state because all included in the top 17 high- Latino residents are frequently its experience shows that a rising est-performing counties, with denied their fair share. tide does not by itself lift all Marin ranked number one in the Santa Clara County: The economic opportunity issue boats and that great prosperity state (only Solano falls outside of area shows how these dynamics will not necessarily be broadly this top group, at 36). At the Frontier of Racial Equity play out. Bay Area counties are shared. New systems for equity This rising tide, however, is high-performing when it comes will be needed to remedy on- leaving people of color behind. to income once housing is paid going injustices and ensure that Santa Clara County is noteworthy because cation. City-level data is needed to assess how Marin County is not just the for, for example, showing that growth is shared fairly. unlike most of the other Bay Area counties, it people of color are faring in the areas with the highest-performing county in many owners and renters are combines very high performance with levels greatest economic growth, which may be lost The Bay Area has long been a the state—it also has the high- able to afford housing even with of racial disparity that are slightly better than in the countywide picture. It’s also the case prosperous region. For decades, est level of racial disparities. inflated Bay Area housing prices. those for the state as a whole. It is also notable that counties can end up in this quadrant due it has been in the throes of a High-population Alameda Coun- But high racial disparities and because it is the heart of Silicon Valley, home to having two or more relatively higher-per- tech boom the likes of which ty is the sixth-most disparate and a high cost of living mean that to tech-industry cities like San Jose, Mountain forming racial groups. In Santa Clara, the the world has never seen, led by San Francisco ranks fourteenth. people of color are hard-pressed View, and Cupertino. groups are Whites and Asian Americans, which Silicon Valley start-ups, venture These trends are related. At the to keep up, leading to many of may not reflect how higher-need racial groups capital firms, and companies like same time that the tech boom them being forced out of San As discussed in more detail in the “Trends by are doing. Apple, Facebook, and Lyft. Like- created wealth and attracted a Francisco and Alameda by rising County Type” section of this report, there are ly because of the tremendous highly-educated, high-earn- rents and forced to attempt to reasons to be interested in the “Gains at Risk” It’s also the case that the cost of living, and es- wealth in the region, the Bay ing workforce, it also increased find more affordable homes in high-performance, low-disparity counties and pecially of housing, is skyrocketing in the coun- Area is the highest-performing housing prices and promoted outlying counties. Many Bay Area also reasons to be cautious about looking to ty, meaning that Santa Clara’s communities of area across all the issue areas that gentrification, while exacerbat- counties are also high-perform- them as models. Santa Clara bears this out: color are at high risk of displacement and racial we studied. When we rank the ing existing racial disparities.35 In ing and high-disparity on me- while the general pattern holds true for de- equity gains are at risk.36 In many ways, it is counties strictly on performance general, Whites and Asian Amer- dian household income and on mocracy, economic opportunity, and healthy a county on the frontier of racial equity, with using the composite index incor- icans (at least in aggregates that the racial composition of compa- built environment indicators, the county has some reasons to be proud, persistent and pow- porating all 44 indicators, eight may mask disparities) prosper nies’ officials and manager-level comparatively higher levels of racial disparity erful areas of racial injustice, and new challeng- when it comes to crime and justice and edu- es on the horizon.
42 43 5. KEY FINDINGS
FINDINGS IN Scatterplot of Housing DISPARITY composite index, BY ISSUE which incorporates all indicators within the issue area. Many HEALTHY BUILT ENVIRON- medium-sized and MENT (FOURTH MOST smaller counties are DISPARATE ISSUE) relatively less disparate, though all counties face Because much of our state housing challenges. employees. People of color face a of advocacy and organizing for remains segregated by race painful dilemma when it comes justice in the area—although within counties, there are to economic opportunity—the the persistence of disparities significant race-based dis- best jobs are passing them by, indicates that these advocates parities when it comes to and the high cost of living is must have more of a say in local Californians’ built environ- forcing them out even as they try decision-making. Housing af- ment: whether communities The built environments in fication hits communities of able to afford them, even as to take advantage of what oppor- fordability advocates have won have access to clean drinking southern and inland counties color the hardest. The counties skyrocketing rents exact a toll tunities they can access. tenants-rights measures to limit water and sufficient food, are lower-performing, and that have the highest disparities on communities of color. rent increases and evictions in can easily access a neigh- In contrast to the general trend many of them have high dis- tend to be the most urbanized Alameda County and continue borhood park for exercise Beyond affordability, housing of high performance, many Bay parities to boot, including Los ones, unsurprisingly, such as to push region-wide. Organiz- and recreation, or are close quality may also be a barrier Area counties are low-perform- Angeles, Fresno, and Orange Los Angeles, San Francisco, ers have also taken aim at the to toxic facilities or other in many parts of the state. Los ing on criminal justice indica- counties. While changing the and Orange counties, while in criminal justice system, working hazards. Most of Califor- Angeles has low performance tors, including Santa Clara and built environment can be a general, small, rural counties to bring more transparency and nia’s coastal counties from on this indicator and very high Monterey. Once again, however, slow process, organizers and are both higher-performing better community accountability the Central Coast north are levels of race-based disparity, there is high disparity across the advocates are taking advantage and lower-disparity. Some to law enforcement actions and high-performing, unsur- with Latinos more than twice as region. For example, of the five of new environmental policies, medium-sized counties, like leadership—including district prisingly, but even though likely as Whites to live in hous- highest-disparity counties for like funding from California’s Riverside, San Diego, and San attorneys. And they have worked many of them have ample ing that lacks kitchen facilities, truancy arrests, three are in the cap-and-trade global warming Bernardino, are medium per- to reorient the incarceration-first environmental resources, plumbing, and heat. To ame- Bay Area. San Mateo and San auction program, to ensure that formers with comparatively status quo toward one that in- they are also among the liorate all of these problems, Francisco are in the top four resources for environmental lower disparity, underlying the vests in prevention, treatment, highest-disparity. For exam- organizers are working to win highest-disparity counties for fa- improvements are directed to significant role played by high and services, by leading the local ple, Alameda County has the tenant protections and promote tal shootings by police. While San the highest-need communities. housing prices in denser areas. implementation of statewide pol- third-highest performance the creation of new housing Francisco, Alameda, and Santa Outside of San Francisco, much icy like the sentencing reforms in level when it comes to park HOUSING (FIFTH MOST that is truly affordable for peo- Clara have lower incarceration of the Bay Area is high-per- Propositions 47 and 57. access, but is also the sec- DISPARATE ISSUE) ple of color, including statewide rates than most of the state, they forming but also high-disparity ond-highest disparity county campaigns to enshrine protec- are nonetheless among the high- Housing is a relatively low-dis- for housing issues, painting in the state on this measure. tions for tenants and limit spec- est when it comes to disparity. parity issue area, because the a picture of late-stage dis- ulation in residential property. state as a whole struggles with placement—costs are high but As a rich region, the Bay Area has affordability, although gentri- high-income racial groups are the resources to do better. Fortu- nately, there is a strong tradition
44 45 5. KEY FINDINGS
THE CENTRAL VALLEY: MANY NEEDS, MANY OPPORTUNITIES
In contrast to the Bay Area, the Indigenous people have strug- residents are deprived of ade- Central Valley is the lowest-per- gled by comparison. Notably, quate resources. This dynamic forming region in the state. local Asian Americans frequently is visible at the indicator level: While the agriculture industry come from subgroups that have when it comes to homeown- that dominates much of the experienced a higher level of dis- ership, Central Valley counties region remains strong, severe crimination and are often low- have lower levels compared to drought, labor shortages, and po- er-performing than Asian-Amer- the state as a whole, but there are litical uncertainty have affected ican populations elsewhere in high disparities in Fresno County the Central Valley in recent years, the state. With that said, in many and lower ones in Madera and and new investment dollars and counties the presence of large Merced. Similarly, many healthy industries have often been slow numbers of low-income Whites built environment indicators fit to come to these counties. All reduces the size of race-based this mold, reflecting the large eight Central Valley counties are disparities—though of course number of hazards and con- ranked in the 13 lowest-perform- this is not a model for reducing taminants in the industry-heavy ing counties, with Merced ranked racial disparities that is to any- Central Valley and segregated last in the state. one’s benefit. housing patterns that often dis- proportionately expose people of The Central Valley counties are As a result, slightly larger and color to the risks. spread across a wider spectrum more wealthy counties in the Scatterplot of Healthy Built Environment composite index, when it comes to disparity, in region have a higher level of dis- Crime and justice indicators are which incorporates all indicators within the issue area. contrast to their consistently low parities—such as Fresno County, a notable exception to this trend: Central Valley counties are highlighted; most are lower- performance. Whiter, wealthi- which is the eighth-most dispa- most Central Valley counties are performing, with a broad range of disparities. er owner classes have retained rate county in the state—with both very low-performing and advantages in education, profes- Whites having a disproportion- very high-disparity, indicating sional employment, and home- ate share of a slightly-bigger pie. that the justice system is especial- ownership, while poorer, often Smaller and poorer counties ly brutal for the people of color immigrant, people of color, and have fewer disparities, as most who live there. In Kern County,
46 47 5. KEY FINDINGS
The Inland Empire
The Inland Empire—San Bernardino and Riv- Riverside is highly disparate and San Bernardi- erside counties—is a vast area that includes both no is not). urban and rural communities and has both for example, law enforcement work to create deeper democratic tal hazards. They have also seen Despite this resemblance to the Central Val- communities that are almost entirely White agencies are particularly unrepre- engagement by people of color, successes such as the adoption of ley, however, it’s important to understand the and almost entirely nonwhite. In our three-di- sentatively White: the White rate which is much needed. new apartment inspection rules region in context with Los Angeles and other mensional analysis, it has some commonalities of law enforcement employment in Fresno to improve the quality coastal counties. Those who can no longer af- As with other regions, there is with the Central Valley: it is generally low- in Kern is roughly in line with the of rental housing. And they are ford the high cost of living on the coast are of- a high need for racial equity er-performing and has moderate to low levels state average for Whites, while taking on an often-unaccount- ten displaced into the Inland Empire and many advocacy in the Central Val- of disparity that are likely depressed due to the Latino rate is roughly two able criminal justice system, workers in the region labor for companies ley—indeed, across the perfor- the presence of larger numbers of low-income thirds of their state average, and pushing for more transparency owned elsewhere. Both are symptoms of the mance-disparity charts we cre- Whites. Economic opportunity and housing the Black rate less than one third and more representative law region’s economic dependence on—or some- ated for the seven issue areas, in indicators fit this trend, reflecting regional dis- their state number. This is likely enforcement personnel. Because times exploitation by—richer areas. As noted, only two cases did a Central Val- investment, but it also is both low-performing one reason why when it comes the injustices of the region some- there are significant governance gaps in many ley county wind up in the high- and highly-disparate on some crime and justice to communities’ perception of times impact members of all rac- areas of the region. But there is strong organiz- er-performance, lower-disparity indicators—including incarceration. Both Riv- safety, Kern is both low-perform- es in comparable ways, there are ing and advocacy capacity as well, which will “Gains at Risk” quadrant, indi- erside and San Bernardino are low-performing ing and the fourth most-disparate also opportunities to form coali- be much-needed as its larger neighbors export cating the scale of the challenge. when it comes to democracy indicators (though county in the state. tions that include all high-need their challenges to the Inland Empire. There are also global trends that residents. In the course of these Finally, on democracy indica- risk making things even harder efforts, advocates must not allow tors, the Central Valley is also for people of color in the region. racial equity to be sacrificed to sometimes low-performing and The agricultural industry con- approaches that ignore the reali- high-disparity—for example on tinues to shift towards smaller ty of racial discrimination. LOS ANGELES COUNTY: A REGION OF ITS OWN turnout in midterm elections. workforces, and people displaced There is less disparity on other from higher cost-of-living places democracy indicators such as how are coming to the area and mak- Los Angeles is the single largest share of the county’s population cerated, and over 850,000 Lati- racially representative Central ing portions of the Central Valley county in California, and with is approaching 50%. This means nos would gain health insurance Valley elected officials are of their more difficult to afford in turn. three quarters of its 10 million that disparities in Los Angeles coverage. While the county as communities. This is partially Advocates and organizers have residents being people of color, have a huge impact and reme- a whole ranks somewhat low in the result of powerful organizing risen to these challenges, mar- the greatest number of people dying them would significantly performance terms and is about and electoral efforts patterned on shalling support for campaigns to laboring under disparities live improve our future: eliminating average in terms of racial dispari- strategies that have been success- expand park access and improve there. Almost 40% of all the state’s racial disparities in Los Angeles ty, this obscures concerning find- ful in other regions of the state. land use rules to protect commu- Black residents are Angelenos, would mean that 16,000 fewer ings within individual indicators Advocates continue to do the nities of color from environmen- for example, and the Latino Black Angelenos would be incar- and sub-county hotspots of need,
48 49 5. KEY FINDINGS
such as South L.A., the East Side, the lowest-disparity counties, homelessness. County leaders are and Southeast Los Angeles. for example, in turnout in pres- beginning to change course and idential elections. This indicates make smarter investments, but One encouraging sign is that on that local advocates’ efforts to this history is perhaps one reason several education indicators, Los mobilize their communities have L.A. is a low performer when it Angeles County has compara- been bearing fruit, though as in comes to preventable hospital- tively modest levels of disparity so many other areas, the path izations. and overall middle-of-the-road ahead for Los Angeles remains a performance. There is a need for L.A. County is low-performing long one. a boost in performance, but on and highly-disparate on both Scatterplot of the incarceration indicator. Los Angeles, the largest certain indicators such as sus- In other issue areas, though, housing and healthy built envi- county in the state, is also low performing and very highly disparate. pensions, Los Angeles County is people of color in Los Angeles ronment indicators, which are high-performing and only mod- County confront a much harsh- likely interrelated. Because of ris- erately disparate. This reflects er landscape. The incarceration ing rents and high cost of living, the work of students, parents, or- rate is among the highest in the people of color have often been ganizers, and teachers—impres- state and the county also has the pushed into or kept in neighbor- sive progress given the crisis-lev- second-highest level of disparity: hoods that lack park access or are el challenges that have recently the incarceration rate for Black near unsafe industrial hazards. confronted districts in the coun- Angelenos is more than 10 times Because property values are but exporting those challenges to les Unified School District, and the most at stake. But given Los ty. There are nonetheless high the rate for Whites. Criminaliza- so high in much of the county, Riverside or San Bernardino will expanding the county safety net Angeles County’s size and its disparities in some education tion of Black and brown youth when new polluting usages or not improve outcomes either for program to cover Angelenos re- persistent race-based disparities, indicators, such as third-grade is a continuing problem—while industrial areas are built, they those who leave or those who are gardless of documentation status. the work of advocates and orga- math performance, and low per- schools have made progress in are disproportionately located in left behind. Their ongoing work includes nizers continues to be critical to formance on critical indicators reducing suspensions, Los Ange- communities of color. Unable to advocating against the criminal- improving outcomes. like high school graduation rate, les has the worst rate of truancy afford rising rents, many people Advocates in L.A. are well aware ization of youth and moving a underscoring that much work arrests in the state, with a high of color are increasingly dis- of these challenges and have won decarceration agenda, promoting remains to be done. degree of racial disparity. The placed to far-flung regions of the numerous campaigns to im- truly affordable housing for com- county has also often invested in county—or even into neighbor- prove the lives of people of color, When it comes to democracy, munities at risk of being priced law enforcement as a one-size- ing counties altogether. On some including raising the minimum the picture in L.A. is equivo- out, and leaning into successes fits-all solution to social chal- indicators, this may lead to Los wage, creating an equity-based cal, since while it is generally in the education arena to target lenges such as mental health and Angeles appearing to improve, funding formula for Los Ange- low-performing, it is also among investments to the students with
50 51 5. KEY FINDINGS
Race and Class
As we have mentioned several times through- Unpacking these questions is not simply an out this report, it is challenging, and at times academic exercise. Exploring the intersection of unfruitful, to attempt to divorce race from race and class is necessary because it can help Political Leaning class. There is much more work remaining to illuminate the ways in which the movement be done at the intersection of race and class to for racial equity can stand alongside economic explore the full contours of California’s racial justice movements in communities of low-in- landscape and the dynamics that determine come Whites. Attempting to create class-based The political leaning of a county may be relevant Perhaps surprisingly, we did not find strong con- how overall racial disparities impact different coalitions that ignore racial injustice are like- to its level of performance and race-based dispar- nections between disparity data and political lean- communities. Sometimes a county’s level of ly doomed to failure—true solidarity of the ities, since depending on the political opinions ing. One of the stronger findings—though still racial disparities is largely determined by the working classes, as envisioned in Martin Luther of a majority of voters, policymakers may pursue relatively weak—is that counties that leaned more amount of income and class inequality between King, Jr.,’s Poor People’s Campaign, requires a systematically different approaches to these issues. towards the Democratic party in their national Whites. For example, a major difference be- sensitive understanding of the way race-based They may put a high priority on addressing racial voting tended to have slightly higher disparities tween higher-disparity Fresno and lower-dis- discrimination has been used against workers of disparities or may not see them as a problem inde- in both crime and justice and housing indicators. parity Kern is that median household income all classes and a shared commitment to achiev- pendent of overall performance levels. While there are surely additional factors driv- for Whites is almost $10,000 lower in Kern. The ing full equity. We intend to delve further into ing this relationship, it behooves leaders in these There are many ways to quantify county-level presence of a particular community of color these intersections through future work in the communities to focus increased attention to these political inclinations, including voter registration that has a higher degree of education and there- RACE COUNTS initiative. key issues and consider whether their solutions are by party, party affiliation of elected officials, or fore economic mobility can also make a signifi- adequate to the tasks at hand. responses to relevant public opinion survey ques- cant impact. tions—each with their own strengths and pitfalls. As a first step in exploring the interaction between politics and disparity, we compared counties ac- cording to the two-party margin in the 2016 presi- Findings in Disparity by County Type dential election, though more work will be needed to grapple with the full nuances of the issue.
Counties in the same region may be very different from each other, and conversely, far-flung coun- ties may share characteristics based on where they fall in the performance-disparity distribution or the political leanings of their residents and policymakers.
52 53 FINDINGS IN DISPARITY BY ISSUE
ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY groups are doing comparative- may be realized and, eventual- (SIXTH MOST DISPARATE ISSUE) ly better in Fresno, this masks ly, locked in. the need for concerted action Many counties in California There is no cause for compla- to create broader economic have relatively lower dispari- cency, however, because the opportunity for all—such as ties when it comes to econom- remaining disparities within regional and statewide cam- ic opportunity, but this can democratic participation are paigns to increase wages and risk painting too optimistic a real, and uniquely dangerous raise more revenue for invest- picture. In many counties, in- because political power is nec- ment in jobs and education. come inequality and the class essary to address all other dis- Notably, there are efforts divide mean that on average parities. The indicators where underway to close some of Whites are lower-performing disparities persist are among the most egregious corporate and overall racial disparity is the most consequential. For loopholes in Proposition 13, similarly smaller. San Fran- example, turnout in midterm which benefit older, larger cisco and Fresno counties are elections is an indicator where companies at the expense among the exceptions. In San most high-population coun- of homeowners and entre- Francisco, disparities tend ties are in the high-disparity, preneurs. If successful, these to be in the context of high low-performance “Stuck and policy changes would empow- prosperity not being shared Unequal” quadrant—which is er currently revenue-starved equitably, a trend that’s clearly troubling given that California local governments to make visible when looking at medi- elects its governor and other significant investments in their an household income in the important officials in midterm communities’ future. county. The exception to this years. There are troubling high-performance, high-dis- DEMOCRACY (SEVENTH signs that racial disparities parity trend is homeowner- MOST DISPARATE ISSUE) in political participation are ship, where performance in being replicated in the Millen- While there are certainly San Francisco is unsurprisingly nial generation.39 The indica- significant race-based dispar- very low and also highly-dis- tors available to us also center ities in political participation parate—a significant barrier largely on voting, meaning in California, according to given that for most Americans, that we have only an incom- our data they generally ap- the greatest store of wealth plete picture of disparities in pear smaller than in other they have available to them is other forms of political partic- issue areas. California has seen a home. ipation. There are also limita- sustained efforts by organizers tions in data availability that Fresno County, meanwhile, to increase democratic par- Scatterplot of the voter turnout in midterm elections indicator. Many higher-population counties are both mean that our understanding much like other parts of the ticipation by communities of lower-performing and higher-disparity. of how disparities in democra- Central Valley often has low color, including campaigns to cy impact Indigenous peoples, performance on these indi- register and mobilize voters Blacks, and other communities cators. On poverty rates, it is of color and increase census of color remains incomplete. tied for the worst in the state, participation, which have be- alongside a high degree of gun to turn the tide and show disparity. While some racial the path by which equity gains
54 55 5. KEY FINDINGS
High-Performance, Low-Disparity Counties
There are a small number of and it’s worth considering wheth- household incomes significantly non-Hispanic Whites do rela- parity, higher-performing coun- mid-sized counties that on our er there is anything common higher than the state average and, tively less well). While analyzing ties, there are still many commu- composite index have generally to them that might explain this therefore, come closer to Whites the causes behind this dynamic nities of color that are being left moderate to high performance, trend. than they do elsewhere. Notably, is challenging, it is potentially behind. Further, countywide ra- and disparities that are small- Latinos in Orange County con- relevant that there are relatively cial aggregates may conceal high- One thread that may link these er than the statewide averag- tinue to struggle, with household more public-sector jobs in both er disparities if the higher-in- four counties is that they each es. These include Santa Clara income that is only 19% higher Sacramento (due to the state gov- come members of a racial group have at least one nonwhite racial County, Orange County, San than the statewide average—in ernment) and San Diego (due to are distinct in some way from the group that is doing better, espe- Diego County, and Sacramento line with the increase for Whites. the military bases), since in gen- lower-income members, in terms cially in terms of socioeconomic County—counties that seem to There are also an estimated eral the public sector has a larger of ethnicity or national origin, status. In Orange County, for have little in common in terms quarter-million undocumented share of employees of color than immigration status, or geograph- example, Whites’ median house- of geography, dominant indus- people in Orange County, whose does the private sector.38 ic location within the county. In hold income is twenty percent try, or local political leanings. It’s experience may not be captured Orange County, for example, higher than their statewide aver- As discussed earlier, class-based important not to overstate the in these figures.37 there are hot-spots of high need age, but Blacks in Orange County inequality is a major driver of progress that they have made: no such as Santa Ana, Anaheim, and have household income that is There are similar dynamics in racial disparities because of the county in California has come much of the northern and central over fifty percent higher than Santa Clara County (where Native way that people of color have close to achieving racial equity, portions of the county. As a result, the average for Blacks statewide. Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders been denied economic mobility and digging below the composite deeper study is needed to fully Although Blacks are still making and multiracial residents have over the decades. It may therefore index, there are many specific understand what lessons, if any, much less than Whites ($65,795 relatively higher incomes), San be the case that in these coun- indicators where these counties these counties have for California vs. $86,481), nonetheless Black- Diego (relatively higher Black and ties, where the economic order have low performance or high as a whole. White income inequality is small- Native American income), and is slightly less segregated by race, disparity levels. However, these er in Orange County than the Sacramento (Indigenous peoples other racial disparities are also four counties are doing compar- rest of the state. Native Hawaiians and Latinos have relatively higher beginning to break down. Again, atively better than most others, and Pacific Islanders also have income, and Asian Americans and even in these relatively lower-dis-
56 57 6. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Considering the history and intersecting inequities that With RACE COUNTS, we are presenting a framework to Local Engagement and created our modern-day systems, and the broad and se- understand these systems and vere racial disparities these systems continue to produce, conditions in a new way and to Movement-Building support efforts to build capacity there can be no credible debate about the immediate and cohesion around racial jus- tice work throughout California. We hope that our initial find- edge and information sharing to across the state. Our framework need for transformation. The question of how to accom- There will not be a single plan of ings—alongside the far more achieve maximum impact, the can support the development action that applies everywhere plish this, though, lacks a simple answer. As we have ac- detailed data now available at result will be powerful. It will be of customized policy and pow- in the state—due to the county RACECOUNTS.org—can sup- most important to create space er-building strategies unique to variation we have identified, it knowledged through the course of this report, disparities port local conversations across for community residents most each region and the specific issue is clear that decisions must be the state about the unique racial impacted by racial inequity to where there is the most need or exist at a complex intersection of region, racial and ethnic made locally and then flow up- equity dynamics and needs at have a say in decision-making, most opportunity. From these wards into coordinated statewide group, issue area, class, and more. Further, racial injustice play in each region or county. as they have a deeper, first-hand North Stars, successful coalitions action. Groups acting alone, whether experience of the harms created and narratives can be developed. has deep roots in California—it was built into our public inside or outside of government, by these systems that goes be- While there are no shortcuts to are unlikely to succeed in revers- yond what any data project can systems from the beginning and has been nurtured and avoid the hard work of fleshing ing deeply-rooted systemic injus- ever understand on its own, the out these analyses, a few clear evolved over generations. The effort to untangle these tice, so these conversations will expertise to know how to heal principles already emerge from be most impactful if conducted their communities, and the will intersections and pull up these roots will require a com- our findings. Advocates in “Gains by a broad set of partners across to fight for justice. at Risk” counties that are both mensurate level of intentionality, coordination, and sus- racial groups, as well as sectors: The three-dimensional analysis high-performing and low-dispar- advocates and organizers, gov- of racial equity we have present- ity should be mindful of the need tained attention and resources over a long period of time. ernment officials, and economic ed—looking to performance, dis- to protect their gains and can use leaders. parity, and impact—can help to data to identify the high-need Where such tables can be created jump-start these conversations. communities and issues that may or sustained, with shared com- We understand that there is not be concealed by a more positive mitment to reach cohesion, a simply one form of systemic countywide picture. Meanwhile, plan to obtain resources for long- racism in California, but rath- in low-performing, low-disparity term engagement, and knowl- er, that it comes in many forms “Struggling to Prosper” counties,
58 59 6. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
there is an urgent need to fo- mobility for people of color and places, there continues to be a whelmingly color-blind, a neces- cus efforts on the highest-need Taking on the Drivers will be key movement-building significant mismatch between the sary threshold step for addressing areas and build new coalitions to partners. The intertwined issues governed and those who govern, this driver is conducting a series create solidarity across all racial of Disparity of good jobs and affordable, which is a treacherous position of comprehensive reviews to groups and take on the shared quality housing will be at the top for a representative democracy determine which current policies challenge, but it will be import- of the agenda. Since gentrifica- to occupy. Increased voter regis- do the most to perpetuate racial ant for coalitions to center their tion and displacement play a key tration and turnout by people of disparities—so that advocates can Beyond conversation and coali- Reform campaign is working efforts on achieving racial equi- role in burdening communities color is one important ingredi- develop plans to revise or elim- tion-building, concerted action to transform public safety by ty. There is much more to learn of color, efforts to remedy the ent, such as the inspiring Million inate them. Just as importantly, will also be needed—both locally reforming local law-enforcement that can help guide effective housing crisis through construct- Voters Project. More must be Californians will need to cre- and statewide—to take on the departments’ hiring practices, systems-change strategies and we ing new affordable units and done to create stronger systems atively develop new policies that four drivers of racial disparity equipment and tactics, and look forward to developing more strengthening tenants’ rights will of public engagement that can proactively address race-based that we have outlined: training, as well as creating new detailed recommendations in the be critical. And in addition to allow for effective partnerships disparities through targeted in- systems for accountability. future. SYSTEMS THAT TURN BIAS creating immediate job opportu- with communities of color and vestments and new programming INTO DISPARITY: EXCLUSIONARY PATTERNS OF nities, progress will also depend give impacted residents a say in or interventions. One example ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: on developing upstream inter- budget and policy decisions. It’s is the school-site-level Student All of our public systems, but ventions. Finally, the Make it Fair also necessary to build the ca- Equity Need Index that advocates especially those dedicated to California’s economy will not campaign to close commercial pacity of communities of color are calling on the Los Angeles criminal justice and public safety, return to what it was in the property tax loopholes can help to engage in political participa- Unified School District to use as a need reforms to root out the im- mid-twentieth century—nor repair a fundamentally-flawed tion beyond elections—through guide for funding decisions. Pol- pact of bias and stereotyping. By should we want it to—but busi- system that advantages large, in- efforts such as the Census Policy icymakers should also create and thoughtfully updating practices ness leaders must work with ad- cumbent businesses and is biased Advocacy Network’s campaign use racial-impact assessments to related to training and hiring, as vocates and policymakers to en- against entrepreneurs and home- to ensure all Californians are vet new policies for unintended well as increasing transparency, sure that gains are shared more owners. These reforms will also counted when allocating political consequences, like those created accountability, and robust com- equitably and that the traditional help give localities the resources power and public funding. by Race Forward. Collaboratives munity engagement, our public spaces where economic develop- they need to invest in shared like the Government Alliance for USE OF NEED- AND institutions can regain the public ment decisions have been made prosperity. Race and Equity can help leaders COLOR-BLIND POLICIES TO trust and deliver equitable results are opened to new participants strategize together and share best IMBALANCE IN POLITICAL POWER: PERPETUATE DISPARITIES: that do not target nonwhite Cali- representing communities of practices. fornians. For example, PICO Cal- color. Unions have been respon- The shifting demographics of Because California’s governing ifornia’s Building Trust Through sible for significant economic California mean that in many policies and systems are over-
60 61 6. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Improving Data Quality and Equity In Conclusion
In the course of our analysis, we Wherever possible, data should Finally, more data should be We recognize that, taken togeth- whether particular counties are Due to our inherited legacy of identified many data gaps and be disaggregated by race, eth- made available through online er, all of this represents a genera- improving or losing ground. movement-building and soli- limitations that create important nicity, and national origin. open-data portals, rather than tion or more of work. This report darity, we are fortunate to have Further, in the months and years barriers to presenting the full This is especially important for held back behind laborious, is only the first portion of the the resources, political ecology, to come, we will publish issue scale of race-based disparities in Asian-American and Native-Ha- expensive, and slow individual RACE COUNTS initiative. Now and organizing and advocacy area reports using our three-di- California. The following rec- waiian and Pacific-Islander application processes. that we have gathered baseline strength to take on the challenge mensional equity framework to ommendations, directed at those communities, since the category data and begun ground-truthing of racial injustice. It is now up to explore the policies and prac- who collect and publish data, labels can mask very wide varia- our understanding of the racial us to make use of these tools, and tices that can reduce disparities would help end these gaps and tion. Latinos should also be con- disparities we have found, we make sure the California we pass in areas like health care and allow all communities of color sistently broken out separately are committed to expanding and down is fairer, better, and stron- criminal justice. Finally, we will to more fully be seen, and see from Whites, as their experiences building on this foundation to ger than the one we were given. also explore the data-collection themselves, in official statistics. in California are very different. support the advocates and lead- challenges and opportunities ers working tirelessly to bring Data broken down by race should Those who collect data should identified through this report in justice and equity to their com- be collected and published wher- devote sufficient resources to more detail, focusing on specific munities. First, recognizing that ever possible, especially at the allow for adequate sampling populations. detail below the county level will local, census-tract level. There of smaller or harder-to-count be crucial, we will extend our This moment is long overdue. are several important indicators populations, such as Indigenous analysis by looking at disparities Building power, creating soli- where this data is only available peoples and many Asian-Ameri- in the hundred cities in Califor- darity, and developing effective in larger geographies, including can subgroups. This is especially nia with the largest populations campaigns to move the needle housing quality and incarcera- the case for the Census’ civ- of people of color. We will also requires time—so progress will tion rates. ic-participation data collection, update the entire dataset avail- always be slower than it needs to which currently does not provide able at RACECOUNTS.org with be. But despite the scale of the county-level data by race that is refreshed data as it becomes task that confronts us, there is sufficiently reliable for analysis. available, to better understand reason for optimism. In Califor- trends in disparity over time and nia, we have the tools for change.
62 63 6. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Endnotes
1. “Department of Justice Announces Changes to the Collaborative Reform 13. Birchett, Colleen, Tiauna Boyd, Iva E. Carruthers, Alison Gise Johnson, and 24. “Voting Rights Barriers & Discrimination in Twenty First Century California: 34. Pearcy and Keppel 2002, Harper HARPER, SAM, et al. “Implicit Value Judg- Initiative.” The United States Department of Justice, 15 Sept. 2017, Michelle Alexander. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of 2000-2013.” Lawyer’s Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay ments in the Measurement of Health Inequalities.” The Milbank Quarterly, www.justice.gov/opa/pr/department-justice-announces-changes- Colorblindness. Chicago, IL: Samuel DeWitt Proctor Conference, 2011. Print. Area. Lawyer’s Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, Blackwell Publishing Inc, 24 Mar. 2010, Harper 2011 onlinelibrary.wiley.com/ collaborative-reform-initiative. 01 Nov. 2017. n.d. Web. 1 Nov. 2017. https://www.lccr.com/wp-content/uploads/EX- doi/10.1111/j.1468-0009.2010.00587.x/abstract. 14. Robinson, Greg. After Camp: Portraits in Midcentury Japanese American EC-SUMMARY-Voting-Rights-Barriers-Report.pdf. 1 Nov. 2017. 2. “EXECUTIVE ORDER: PROTECTING THE NATION FROM FOREIGN TERRORIST Life and Politics. Berkeley: UUniversity of California, 2012. Print. 35. Samara, Tony Roshan. “Race Inequality and the Resegregation of the Bay ENTRY INTO THE UNITED STATES.”“Executive Order Protecting The Nation 25. “Community Voices: Barriers to Voting for California’s Formerly Incarcer- Area.” Urban Habitat, Urban Habitat. http://urbanhabitat.org/sites/default/ From Foreign Terrorist Entry Into The United States.” The White House., 15. “Race Reporting Guide.” Race Forward, The Center for Racial Justice ated.” The Greenlining Institute. The Greenling Institute, 31 Aug. 2017. Web. files/UH%20Policy%20Brief2016.pdf. The United States Government, 23 Feb6 Mar. 2017. Web., www.whitehouse. Innovation, June 2015, www.raceforward.org/sites/default/files/Race%20 http://greenlining.org/. 01 Nov. 2017. 36. “Average Rent In Santa Clara & Rent Prices By Neighborhood - Rentcafé”. gov/the-press-office/2017/03/06/executive-order-protecting-nation-for- Reporting%20Guide%20by%20Race%20Forward_V1.1.pdf. 26. Baldassare, Mark, Dean Bonner, David Kordus, and Lunna Lopes. “Cali- 2017. Rentcafe.Com. https://www.rentcafe.com/average-rent-mar- eign-terrorist-entry-united-states. 01 Nov. 2017. 16. Hartmire, Wayne C., Jr. “The Delano Grape Strike: The Farm Workers’ Strug- fornia’s Exclusive Electorate: Who Votes and Why It Matters.” Public Policy ket-trends/us/ca/santa-clara-county/santa-clara/. 3 . Sheridan, Thomas E., Stewart B. Koyiyumptewa, John G. Douglass, and gle For Self Determination. February 1969.” University of California San Institute of California. Public Policy Institute of California, Mar. 2016. Web. 37. Pastor, Manuel, and Jared Sanchez. “PROMOTING CITIZENSHIP ASSESSING William M. Graves. “Hopi Oral Traditions of Seventeenth-Century Franciscan Diego. University of California San Diegp, n.d. Web. 1 Nov. 2017.Diego, Print. http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/report/R_316MBR.pdf. 1 Nov. 2017. THE IMPACTS OF THE PARTIAL FEE WAIVER.” USC Dornsife, USC Center Missionary Abuses.” N.p.: U of Colorado, 2017. 239-60. The.”.” New Mexico 17. Lyons, Christopher J., and Becky Pettit. “Compounded Disadvantage: Race, 27. “California’s Racial Disparities in Political Participation.” Advancement for the Study of Immigrant Integration, www.dornsife.usc.edu/assets/ and the Pimería Alta the Colonial Period in the American Southwest. Web. 31 Incarceration, and Wage Growth.” 58.2 (2011): 257-80. Web. http://www. Project California, Advancement Project, advancementprojectca.org/what- sites/731/docs/CSII_Citizenship_Brief_May2016_Final_A.pdf. Oct., University Press of Colorado, 2017. npc.umich.edu/publications/u/working_paper08-16.pdf. 1 Nov. 2017. we-do/political-voice/unequal-voices-part-i. 38. “The Public-Sector Jobs Crisis: Women and African Americans Hit Hardest 4. Almaguer, Thomas, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Su- 18. Birchett, Colleen, Tiauna Boyd, Iva E. Carruthers, Alison Gise Johnson, and 28. G. F. G., Iii. “Equality of Education: Serrano v. Priest.” 58.1 (1972): 161-76. By Job Losses In State And Local Governments”. 2017. Economic Policy In- premacy in California, Pages 18, 25. University of California Press, 2009. Michelle Alexander. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Web. www.law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/3d/18/728. stitute. http://www.epi.org/publication/bp339-public-sector-jobs-crisis/. 5. “Chinese Immigration and the Chinese in the United States.” National Colorblindness. Chicago, IL: Samuel DeWitt Proctor Conference, 2011. Print.; html. 1 Nov. 2017. 39. “Who Speaks for California?” Advancement Project California, Advance- Archives and Records Administration. National Archives and Records Flynn, Andrea, Susan Holmberg, Dorian Warren, and Felicia Wong. “Rewrite 29. Fischel, William A. “Serrano and Proposition 13: The Importance of Asking ment Project, advancementprojectca.org/what-we-do/political-voice/ Administration, n.d. www.archives.gov/research/chinese-americans/guide. the Racial Rules: Building an Inclusive American Economy.” Scribd. Scribd, the Right Question.” Law Professor Blogs Network, 25 Aug. 2008, taxprof. unequal-voices-part-ii. html. Web. 01 Nov. 2017. June 2016. Web. 01 Nov. 2017. typepad.com/taxprof_blog/files/49ST0535.pdf. 6. Wagner, Alex. “America’s Forgotten History of Illegal Deportations.” The 19. “Ethnic and Racial Disparities in Education: Psychology’s Contributions to 30. “Rankings and Estimates: Rankings of the States 2010 and Estimates of Atlantic. Atlantic Media Company, 06 Mar. 2017. Web. 01 Nov. 2017. www. Understanding and Reducing Disparities.” American Psychological Associ- School Statistics 2011.” National Education Association, National Education theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/03/americas-brutal-forgotten-his- ation. American Psychological Association, 3 Aug. 2012. Web. http://www. Association, Dec. 2010, www.nea.org/assets/docs/HE/NEA_Rankings_ tory-of-illegal-deportations/517971/. 01 Nov. 2017. apa.org/ed/resources/racial-disparities.pdf. and_Estimates010711.pdf. 7. “Executive Order 9066: The President Authorizes Japanese Relocation.” 20. Uhler, Brian. “Housing and Economic Mobility.” Housing and Economic Mo- 31. “L.A.’s Outdated Zoning Code Puts Residents’ Health at Risk.” Los Angeles HISTORY MATTERS - The U.S. Survey Course on the Web. N.p., www.history- bility. Legislative Analyst Office, 10 Oct. 2016. Web. http://www.lao.ca.gov/ Times. Los Angeles Times, 04 Nov. 2016. Web. 01 Nov. 2017. http://www. matters.gmu.edu/d/5154. 01 Nov. 2017. LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/212. 01 Nov. 2017. latimes.com/opinion/readersreact/la-ol-le-sea-breeze-zoning-donations- 8. “About,” Bracero History Archive, http://braceroarchive.org/about. 21. Hicks, Michael J., PhD, and Srikant, Devaraj, MS, MBA, PMP. “Myth and 20161104-story.html. 01 Nov. 2017. Reality of Manufacturing in America.” Center for Business and Economic 9. “How Prop 14 Shaped California’s Racial Covenants.” KCET. N.p., 10 Oct. 2017. Research. Center for Business and Economic Research, n.d. Web. https:// 32. Methodology RACE COUNTS. N.p., n.d. Web. http://www.racecounts.org/ Web.www.kcet.org/shows/city-rising/how-prop-14-shaped-californias-ra- projects.cberdata.org/reports/MfgReality-20170428.pdf. 1 Nov. 2017. data/methodology/. 01 Nov. 2017. cial-covenants. 01 Nov. 2017. 22. Panzar, Javier. “It’s Official: Latinos Now Outnumber Whites in California.” 33. Harper, Sam, and James Lynch. “NYT: Harper Report Reveals Racial Dis- 10. Fischel, William A. “Serrano and Proposition 13: The Importance of Asking Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 08 July 2015. Web. http://www. parity in School Discipline across the South.” NYT: Harper Report Reveals the Right Question.” Law Professor Blogs Network, 25 Aug. 2008, www. latimes.com/local/california/la-me-census-latinos-20150708-story.html. Racial Disparity in School Discipline across the South | Penn GSE. N.p., 24 taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/files/49ST0535.pdf. 01 Nov. 2017. Aug. 2015. Web. http://www.gse.upenn.edu/news/nyt-harper-report-re- veals-racial-disparity-school-discipline-across-south. 01 Nov. 2017. 11. Barabak, Mark Z. “The Politics of California’s Proposition 187 in One Chart.” 23. Sussell, Jesse, and James A. Thomson. “Is Geographic Clustering of Voters Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 18 June 2014. Web. 31 Oct. 2017. Driving Rising Polarization in Congress?” N.p.: RAND Corporation, 2015. 13- www.latimes.com/nation/politics/politicsnow/la-pn-politics-of-proposi- 24. Web. 1 Nov. 2017. https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR896. tion-187-in-one-chart-20140617-story.html. 31 Oct. 2017. html. 1 Nov. 2017. 12. “California Affirmative Action, Proposition 209 (1996).” Ballotpedia. Ballot- pedia, 9 July 2015. Web. www.ballotpedia.org/California_Affirmative_Ac- tion,_Proposition_209_(1996). 31 Oct. 2017.
64 65 LEAD ORG
1910 W. Sunset Blvd., Suite 500, Los Angeles, CA 90026 P: 213.989.1300 F: 213.989.1309 AdvancementProjectCA.org
OUR PARTNERS
66