Theocritus and Oral Tradition
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Philostratus' Imagines 2.18
Philostratus’ Imagines 2.18: Words and Images Vasiliki Kostopoulou CONSIDERABLE AMOUNT has been written about ec- phrasis during the time of the Second Sophistic,1 a period which, by placing a high premium on public A 2 displays and spectacles in general, stimulated the development of literary descriptions into rhetorical devices included in the technical handbooks (progymnasmata) of the sophists.3 A marked theoretical interest in defining ecphrasis is indeed easily attested in the Imperial period: Theon in the first century, Hermogenes of Tarsus in the second, Aphthonius and Nicolaus in the fourth and fifth all with minor variations emphasized the enargeia, 1 S. Bartsch, Decoding the Ancient Novel: The Reader and the Role of Description in Heliodorus and Achilles Tatius (Princeton 1989), is a classic discussion of ecphrasis in the novels. For ecphrasis in general the fundamental work remains P. Friedlander, Johannes von Gaza und Paulus Silentarius (Berlin 1912). For recent scholarly approaches, see among others J. Elsner (ed.), “The Verbal and the Visual: Cultures of Ekphrasis in Antiquity,” Special issue, Ramus 31 (2002), and S. Bartsch, J. Elsner (eds.), “Ekphrasis,” Special issue, CP 102 (2007), and the abundant bibliographies cited there. 2 See e.g. J. Onians, “Abstract and Imagination in Late Antiquity,” Art History 3 (1980) 1–24; S. Price, Rituals and Power (Cambridge 1984) 170– 206, although focused in particular on the impact of imperial image, high- lights the concentrated attention paid to the visual in the Roman world; S. Goldhill, “The Erotic Eye: Visual Stimulation and Cultural Conflict,” in S. Goldhill (ed.), Being Greek under Rome ( Cambridge 2001) 154–194, at 159– 160, discusses in particular the figure of the pepaideumenos theates whom he places within a “culture of display.” 3 On the progymnasmata see G. -
The Theoi of Theocritus: Generic Divinity in Idyll 1
The Theoi of Theocritus: Generic Divinity in Idyll 1 It sounds like the beginning of a bad joke: “three gods walk up to a dying cowherd and…” Yet nevertheless, it is under such unusual circumstances that we are first introduced to Theocritus’ bucolic poetry. A programmatic poem designed to establish a new “lower” genre, Idyll 1, in fact, includes more divine figures than mortals. Theocritus’ unusual treatment of divinities begins most strikingly with his portrayal of the Nymphs, but culminates in his depiction of a trio of erotic deities—Hermes, Priapus, and Aphrodite, a set who do not occur together elsewhere in the Idylls. While the invocation of such diverse gods may seem Homeric, the presentation of these divine figures falls short of the expectations and patterns set up by Homer. In their encounters with Daphnis, their divinity is strangely suppressed, and the approaches, attire, and overall portrayal of the gods are reduced to simple, mundane terms that utterly lack the glory of epic. Interpretation of the roles of these gods has varied over time. A. S. F. Gow proposed that Hermes, at least, comes to Daphnis as a fellow herder, a “god of flocks and herds” who reminds the reader of the pastoral environment (1950); Kathryn Gutzwiller, focusing on Daphnis’ conflict with Aphrodite, explains his divine encounters as Theocritus’ attempt to emphasize Daphnis’ mythical prowess in rejecting love (1991); Marco Fantuzzi simply accepted the presence of these deities as a vestige of the mythical background of Daphnis (1998). There is no consensus among scholars; rather, there is a clear dichotomy, as Gow’s interpretation relies on the familiarity of a god and Gutzwiller and Fantuzzi’s on their divinity. -
And Hesiod's Theogony
MINUTE PARTICULAR Blake’s “Introduction” and Hesiod’s Theogony By Kurt Fosso Kurt Fosso ([email protected]) is an associate profes- sor of English at Lewis & Clark College, where he teach- es courses on British romanticism, literary theory, and classical studies. He is the author of Buried Commu- nities: Wordsworth and the Bonds of Mourning (SUNY Press, 2004) and, recently, “Oedipus Crux: Reasonable Doubt in Oedipus the King” (College Literature, summer 2012). His current research examines romantic-era de- pictions of animals and human animality. Piper sit thee down and write In a book that all may read …. (“Introduction” to Songs of Innocence, E 7)1 1 ORTHROP Frye was, so far as I can find, the first N critic to shine a light on the Greek poet Hesiod’s in- fluence upon William Blake. Specifically, Frye judged the divine characters Tharmas and Enion from The Four Zoas (c. 1796) to be “probably the Thaumas and Eione of Hes- iod’s Theogony.”2 Kathleen Raine, following upon Frye, in turn detected the Theogony’s presence in Blake’s The Book of Urizen (1794),3 and recently Paul Miner has uncovered sig- nificant Hesiodic allusions in The Book of Ahania (1795).4 Songs of Innocence copy B (1789), frontispiece. Lessing J. The Theogony’s influence can similarly be traced in the di- Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress. Image © the vine struggles described in the continental prophecies William Blake Archive <http://www.blakearchive.org>. America and Europe (1793, 1794). 2 Blake would likely have read Hesiod’s eighth-century ge- nealogy of the gods in Thomas Cooke’s English translation (1728),5 the first, and have found there a useful source not only for the names and attributes of those Greek deities 1. -
Pessoa's Antinous I
Pessoa’s Antinous J. D. Reed* Keywords Antinous, English poetry, Decadent poetry, Modernism, Fernando Pessoa. Abstract Pessoa’s Antinous follows a tradition of poems on mythological dying-god figures mourned by their divine lovers, transferring the tropes of that tradition to the Roman emperor Hadrian and his lover, who had been appropriated by fin-de-siècle literary homoeroticism. Palavras-chave Antinous, Poesia inglesa, Decadentismo, Modernismo, Fernando Pessoa. Resumo O Antinous (Antínoo) de Fernando Pessoa segue uma tradição de poemas sobre deuses mitológicos moribundos sendo lamentados por seus amantes divinos. Pessoa transfere os artifícios dessa tradição para duas personagens, o imperados romano Adriano e seu amante, o qual tinha sido apropriado pelo homoerotismo literário do fim do século XIX. * Professor of Classics and Comparative Literature, Brown University. Reed Pessoa's Antinous I. For the student of Classical reception, Pessoa’s Antinous (1918), with its picture of the Roman emperor Hadrian’s grief for his dead boyfriend, caps a roster of nineteenth-century English poems inspired by “dying god” figures, Greek mythological characters like Adonis, beloved by a powerful deity, lost objects of beauty.1 Examples are Shelley’s “Adonais,” his elegy on Keats under the guise of an Adonis-figure; Keats’s own “Endymion,” particularly the Adonis section; Swinburne’s take on the Tannhäuser legend, “Laus Veneris,” with its heated eroticism and hopeless roster of the vampiric Venus’ cast-off lovers. The “Epitaph on Adonis” of the ancient -
Illinois Classical Studies
An Unnoticed Allusion in Theocritus and Callimachus SIMON GOLDHILL The relative chronology of the major Hellenistic poets and also of poems within each poet's corpus is a subject where modem scholarship is forced to admit considerable uncertainty. Although it is a generally—and, in my view, rightly—held opinion that there is an extremely important degree of cross reference or significant interaction between different texts and poets of the period, it has proved highly problematic to use the perceived relationships between particular texts to demonstrate with any certainty influence between poets or respective dates of composition (as, for example, the disagreement of scholars on the priority of Theocritus' or Apollonius Rhodius' treatment of the Hylas story shows).^ In this short article, I \yant to point to what seems a significant echo between passages in Callimachus' Aitia prologue and Theocritus' first and seventh Idylls not commented on in the editions of either poet. It has become a communis opinio that the prologue of the Aitia was composed late in Callimachus' life, perhaps even as a prologue to a collected edition of his work (and thus later than Theocritus' Idylls)? Since the evidence is far from certain on this matter, as with other aspects of dating, I shall consider the relationship between the passages in question in two ways, first as a Callimachean echo in Theocritus and then as an echo of Theocritus in Callimachus. This primarily heuristic method of argumentation is not put forward with the expectation of finally clarifying the question of dating; but rather with the aim first of pointing out this unnoticed interplay, and second of showing the constant difficulties of using such echoes to prove priority or influence. -
The Ancient Reception of Euripides' Bacchae from Athens to Byzantium
Simon Perris and Fiachra Mac Góráin The ancient reception of Euripides’ Bacchae from Athens to Byzantium Abstract: This chapter offers a reception history of Euripides’ Bacchae from its original production until its intertextual transformation in the Byzantine Christus Patiens. It traces a broad arc from Classical Athens through the Roman Empire, taking in also Hellenistic Alexandria, the Greek-speaking East, Christianity, and Byzantine literature. By examining the cultural contexts and inflections of the different receptions of one poetic text – Greek, Roman and Italian, ‘Eastern’, and Christian – it exposes distinctions between religious or cultural attitudes to Bac- chus/Dionysus across a broad range of Greek and Latin sources. The discussion is divided into four thematic sections, within which receptions are mostly pre- sented in chronological order: Classic Bacchae; Performances; Narratives; and Christian discourse. These sections encompass drama, epic, didactic, epyllion, historiography, biography, epigram, scholarly citations, and theological texts. A selection of the most significant case studies receive in-depth discussion in the body of the chapter; for completeness, the reception history of Bacchae is filled out by listing additional receptions in summary form in an appendix. Introduction Euripides’ Bacchae was undoubtedly the single most influential literary text for constructions of Dionysus throughout Greco-Roman antiquity. In this chapter, we examine how receptions of the play across the spectrum of Greek and Roman literature act as a barometer for cultural attitudes to Dionysus. Many of the most significant and revealing receptions occur in Latin texts or in Greek texts that deal with Roman subjects, whether Plutarch’s Antony, Greek epigrams about Italian pantomime performances, or Christian writings polemicizing against Greek and Roman cults. -
The Lament for Adonis: Questions of Authorship
The Lament For Adonis: Questions Of Authorship The Lament for Adonis or Epitaphios Adonidos has since the mid-sixteenth century commonly been known as 'Bion 1'. In editions of Greek Bucolic it comes along with four long and four short poems allegedly by Moschus, a number of short poems or fragments by Bion of Smyrna, and a long fragment (32 lines) also since 1568 often attributed to him. This subcollection is sometimes conveniently called 'Minor Bucolic': 'minor' in relation to the much bulkier surviving work of Theocritus and 'bucolic' apparently only by association with him and through the clear reputation of Moschus and Bion in ancient times as bucolic writers. Editions of Minor Bucolic, i.e. Moschus and Bion published other than as an appendix to Theocritus (though sometimes combined with Callimachus, Musaeus, or 'the Nine Poetesses'), appeared in 1565 (Meetkercke, Bruges), 1568 (Orsini, Rome), 1655 (Whitford, London), 1686 (Longepierre, Paris), and then copiously in the eighteenth century; I count at least eight in the years 1746-1795. Since then, following the example of Ludolf Ahrens and August Meineke in the mid-nineteenth century, it has been the practice to re-attach Moschus and Bion to Theocritus,1 thus rein forcing the supposedly bucolic character of poems printed under their names. What is 'bucolic' about the Epitaphios Adonidos? or about Bion, will be ex amined in this paper, as will the correctness of its ascription to Bion of Smyrna, since such ascription has no ancient authority. The Epitaphios Adonidos (hereafter Ep. Ad) is transmitted to us in only two primary manuscripts, namely Vaticanus Graecus 1824 (= V) and Parisinus Graecus 2832 (=Tr). -
The Italian Verse of Milton May 2018
University of Nevada, Reno The Italian Verse of Milton A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English by Francisco Nahoe Dr James Mardock/Dissertation Advisor May 2018 © 2018 Order of Friars Minor Conventual Saint Joseph of Cupertino Province All Rights Reserved UNIVERSITY OF NEVADA, RENO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL We recommend that the dissertation prepared under our supervision by Francisco Nahoe entitled The Italian Verse of Milton be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY James Mardock PhD, Adviser Eric Rasmussen PhD, Committee Member Lynda Walsh PhD, Committee Member Donald Hardy PhD (emeritus), Committee Member Francesco Manca PhD (emeritus), Committee Member Jaime Leaños PhD, Graduate School Representative David Zeh PhD, Dean, Graduate School May 2018 i Abstract The Italian verse of Milton consists of but six poems: five sonnets and the single stanza of a canzone. Though later in life the poet will celebrate conjugal love in Book IV of Paradise Lost (1667) and in Sonnet XXIII Methought I saw my late espousèd saint (1673), in 1645 Milton proffers his lyric of erotic desire in the Italian language alone. His choice is both unusual and entirely fitting. How did Milton, born in Cheapside, acquire Italian at such an elevated level of proficiency? When did he write these poems and where? Is the woman about whom he speaks an historical person or is she merely the poetic trope demanded by the genre? Though relatively few critics have addressed the style of Milton’s Italian verse, an astonishing range of views has nonetheless emerged from their assessments. -
Music for Monsters: OVID's METAMORPHOSES, BUCOLIC EVOLUTION, and BUCOLIC CRITICISM
Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Music for Monsters: Ovid’s Metamorphoses, Bucolic Evolution, and Bucolic Criticism Forthcoming in M. Fantuzzi-Th. Papanghelis (edd.), The Brill Companion to Ancient Pastoral, Leiden 2007 Version 1.0 December 2005 Alessandro Barchiesi Stanford University Abstract: The paper has been written for a collection whose aim is charting the entire development of a genre, pastoral or bucolic poetry, throughout Graeco-Roman antiquity. My discussion complements studies of poems that can be labelled ‘bucolic’ or ‘pastoral’ through an external vantage point: the perception of bucolic and pastoral in the perspective offered by Ovid’s Metamorphoses, a maverick, bulimic epic poem, a poem in which many traces of other genres can be identified and everything undergoes a transformation of some sort. The examination of some individual episodes in the epic suggests ways in which the bucolic/pastoral tradition is being reconsidered, but also challenged and criticized from specific Roman viewpoints, not without satiric undertones. © Alessandro Barchiesi: [email protected] 1 Music for Monsters: OVID'S METAMORPHOSES, BUCOLIC EVOLUTION, AND BUCOLIC CRITICISM Alessandro Barchiesi Ovidian epic promises what is potentially important evidence about the evolution of the bucolic genre after Virgil. The setting is a propitious one. After the instant success of the Eclogues, and while Theocritus as well as Moschus and Bion were still important poetic voices in Rome, bucolics must have been accepted, for the first time in the Western tradition, as an institutionalized genre. On the other hand, Ovid is the quintessential 'post-generic' poet: his epic presupposes a fully formed system of genres, substantially the very system that would be canonized and transmitted to the European tradition. -
Polyphemus in Pastoral and Epic Poetry Grace Anthony Trinity University, [email protected]
Trinity University Digital Commons @ Trinity Classical Studies Honors Theses Classical Studies Department 5-2017 The aC nnibal’s Cantations: Polyphemus in Pastoral and Epic Poetry Grace Anthony Trinity University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/class_honors Recommended Citation Anthony, Grace, "The aC nnibal’s Cantations: Polyphemus in Pastoral and Epic Poetry" (2017). Classical Studies Honors Theses. 6. http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/class_honors/6 This Thesis open access is brought to you for free and open access by the Classical Studies Department at Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Cannibal’s Cantations: Polyphemus in Pastoral and Epic Poetry Grace Anthony A DEPARTMENT HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT TRINITY UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR GRADUATION WITH DEPARTMENTAL HONORS April 17, 2016 Dr. Corinne Pache, Thesis Advisor Dr. Larry Kim, Department Chair Dr. Tim O’ Sullivan, VPAA Student Agreement I grant Trinity University (“Institution”), my academic department (“Department”), and the Texas Digital Library (“TDL”) the non-exclusive rights to copy, display, perform, distribute and publish the content I submit to this repository (hereafter called “work”) and to make the Work available in any format in perpetuity as part of a TDL, Institution or Department repository communication or distribution effort. I understand that once the Work is submitted, a bibliographic citation to the Work can remain visible in perpetuity, even if the Work is updated or removed. -
The Metamorphosis of Daphnis from Theocritus to Virgil
Phasis 21-22, 2019 THE METAMORPHOSIS OF DAPHNIS FROM THEOCRITUS TO VIRGIL PAOLA GAGLIARDI Abstract. The character of Daphnis, who has intriguing significance in folk- lore and religion, becomes an important literary figure in Theocritus, who, in his narrative of Daphnis’ death, makes him the founding figure of his new genre, bucolic poetry. Theocritus’ successors, Bion of Smyrna in his Adonidis Epitaphium, and the anonymous author of Bionis Epitaphium, refer to Daphnis – inevitably the Theocritean Daphnis – and transform his fig- ure, adapting it to the themes and purposes of their poems. After them, in founding Latin bucolic poetry, Virgil appropriates Daphnis, not only in order to pay tribute to the previous literary tradition, but as a point of de- parture (and of arrival) in his reflection on bucolic poetry and his relation- ship with his great Syracusan predecessor. The paper aims to retrace the path of Daphnis, to understand, in the treatment reserved for him by each poet, the elements of vitality and originality that his great inventor Theocri- tus gave him and that his successors developed at different levels. Virgil, in particular, is able to employ the figure of Daphnis and charge it with a new significance, in order to highlight the great difference between his own poetry and Theocritus’ bucolic production. 120 PAOLA GAGLIARDI Although lack of evidence renders the origin of bucolic poetry inscru- table,1 rooted as it is in ancient oral folk culture, in remote and unde- finable times, the creation of this genre was attributed in antiquity to a definite inventor, the Syracusan Theocritus, who transformed hints and suggestions coming from folk heritage into everlasting masterpieces. -
Download Theocritus
Theocritus by Theocritus Theocritus by Theocritus Produced by Ted Garvin, Garrett Alley and PG Distributed Proofreaders THEOCRITUS _TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH VERSE_. BY C.S. CALVERLEY, _LATE FELLOW OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE_. AUTHOR OF "FLY LEAVES," ETC. THIRD EDITION. page 1 / 172 PREFACE. I had intended translating all or nearly all these Idylls into blank verse, as the natural equivalent of Greek or of Latin hexameters; only deviating into rhyme where occasion seemed to demand it. But I found that other metres had their special advantages: the fourteen-syllable line in particular has that, among others, of containing about the same number of syllables as an ordinary line of Theocritus. And there is also no doubt something gained by variety. Several recent writers on the subject have laid down that every translation of Greek poetry, especially bucolic poetry, must be in rhyme of some sort. But they have seldom stated, and it is hard to see, why. There is no rhyme in the original, and _prima facie_ should be none in the translation. Professor Blackie has, it is true, pointed out the "assonances, alliterations, and rhymes," which are found in more or less abundance in Ionic Greek.[A] These may of course be purely accidental, like the hexameters in Livy or the blank-verse lines in Mr. Dickens's prose: but accidental or not (it may be said) they are there, and ought to be recognised. May we not then recognise them by introducing similar assonances, etc., here and there into the English version? or by availing ourselves of what Professor