A Critique of Crucial Concepts in the Freedom Charter, (Adopted 26 June 1955)

Wim J Booyse Senior Research Fellow, International Freedom Foundation, Southern African Branch

INTRODUCTION volunteers was to politically educate the The Freedom Charter, adopted by 2 884 masses. people (on 26 June 1955), at Kliptown, Arguments as to how and by whom is in this epoch one of the most the Freedom Charter was drafted, is for controversial documents in South the purpose of this article of no Africa. Some proclaim that it is an importance. What is of importance, is honest blueprint for a future South the perception and conceptual meaning Africa, whilst other approach the of the Charter, as perceived by the document with caution, question its ANC/SACP alliance. Although, Nelson all-embracing content, it's origin and its Mandela has said that the Freedom aims. Custodians of the Freedom Charter is a revolutionary document2l Charter are as numerous as the different and Mzala, (a major contributor to the approaches to it. One of its claimed SACP mouthpiece African Communist) custodians is the African National that the Freedom Charter is a statement Congress (ANC)/South African of aims, and does not go into real Communist Party (SACP) alliance, deptn3l, the important issue in this whose claim to the Freedom Charter is modern epoch remains the conceptual questioned, because even between meaning of the Freedom Charter. The members of the ANC/SACP alliance, aim of this article is to make a contradictions exist on both the value contribution to the current Freedom and applicability of this document. Charter debate and to finally challenge Although the ANC/SACP claim that its custodians to clarify once and for all, the Freedom Charter was a spontaneous the exact meaning of crucial concepts. result of people's demands in the early For this reason analysing concepts 1950's, a claim based on the fact that within the Freedom Charter and for so hundreds of fieldworkers travelled called "custodians" of the Freedom around South Africa to collect so-called Charter, to clarify the meaning of these "demands", -it is quite evident from concepts, is important. David Mahopa that this is not entirely The Freedom Charter for the purpose accurate.1l The real aim of the of this article, will be divided into

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. eleven clauses i.e., the preamble; the sparing neither strength nor courage, people shall govern; all national groups until the democratic changes here set shall have equal rights; the people shall out have been won." share in the country's wealth; the land shall be shared among those who work 1.1 "The People" it; all shall be equal before the law; all The concept of "the people" as used in shall enjoy equal Human Rights; there the Freedom Charter tends (on paper in shall be work and security; the doors of anycase) to include all individuals. learning and of culture shall be opened; However, when analysing the concept there shall be houses security and in Marxist-Leninist terminology a totally comfort; and, there shall be peace and different meaning of the concept friendship, clauses. becomes evident. Lenin said: "(t)here are enormous numbers of people, because 1. THE PREAMBLE the working class and the most diverse "WE, THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH strata of society, year after year, AFRICA, DECLARE FOR ALL OUR advance from their ranks an increasing COUNTRY AND THE WORLD TO number of discontented people who KNOW: desire to protest, who are ready to that South Africa belongs to all who render all the assistance they can in the live in it, black and white, and that no fight against absolutism, the government can justly claim authority intolerableness of which is not yet unless it is based on the will of all the recognized by all, but is nevertheless people; more and more acutely sensed by that our people hav~ been robbed of increasing masses of the people".4l Does their birthright to land, liberty and peace the concept "people" in the Freedom by a form of government founded on Charter imply only the working class, injustice and inequality; which is conceived as the revolutionary that our country will never be class? prosperous or free until all our people Mao Tse-tung clarified this even live in brotherhood, enjoying equal rights further, when he said: "(a)t the present and opportunities; time the 'people' are the working class, that only a democratic state, based on the peasant class, the petty bourgeoisie the will of all the people, can secure to all and the national bourgeoisie. These their birthright without distinction of classes have united under the working colour, race, sex or belief; class and the communist party in order And therefore, we, the people of South to form their own state and select their Africa, black and white together - own government to establish equals, countrymen and brothers - dictatorship over lackeys of imperialism adopt this Freedom Charter. And we the class of landowners and pledge ourselves to strive together, bureaucratic capital". 5l Custodians of the

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. Freedom Charter must dearly indicate 1.3 "Prosperous or Free" who the people and the anti-people are. Prosperity and freedom, as concepts, The Freedom Charter should when have different meanings when they addressing the people, imply all are analysed according to the individuals in South Africa and not only intellectual mindset of Marxist the strata of society indicated by the Leninist semantics. Campbell self-appointed Marxist-Leninist concludes in his analysis of the custodians. concept "prosperity and free" that it 1.2 "The Will of the People" implies: " ... that our country will Doubts exist as to what is implied by never be prosperous or free until all the concept "the people" leading to our people live under Marxism". 81 As the next question as to what is stated in a dictionary of Scientific implied by the concept of "the will of Communism: "(M)arxism-Leninism the people", and what this "will" correctly orientates people in life, entails. Assuming that the Marxist helps them to realise their place in the Leninist interpretation prevails, in the world and their relationships with form of the Vanguard Party: - that is, others .. , ". 9l The Marxist-Leninist the will of the Vanguard Party is by programme will thus orientate definition the will of the people. 6l In individuals to accept the Marxist fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism, Leninist interpretation of prosperity printed in Moscow, 1961, the "will" is and freedom. defined as: "(o)ne of the greatest Lenin wrote in "The State and sources of the strength of the Revolution" in 1917 that: "(o)nly in proletariat dictatorship lies in the very communist society, when the fact that all its activity shows its resistance of the capitalists has unanimous will and is directed by the been completely broken up, when the party according to a single plan. The capitalists have disappeared, .when party bases itself on Marxist-Leninist there are no classes (i.e. when there is theory and a study of the concrete not difference between the members conditions in working out a political of society as regards their relations to program in all the spheres of socialist the social means of production), only construction - economic, then does 'the state cease to exist' and administrative, military, education it becomes possible to speak of and foreign - and guides its freedom". 10l Freedom, as perceived in implementation in practice". 71 the Western World (the real The Marxist-Leninist custodians of democratic world) is not the same as the Freedom Charter must clearly the Marxist-Leninist interpretation. state what they mean by "the will of Masherov described freedom in the the people". Is it the will of a World Marxist Review as follows, revolutionary minority? "(s)ocialism ... rejects the distorted

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. idea of freedom of the individual create democracy for the people, for which bourgeois propaganda usually the majority, in addition to the associated with egoistic and necessary suppression of the minority individualistic aspiration. The price - the exploiters. Communism alone : of such freedom is the alienations of capable of giving really complete the individual from society, morality democracy, and the more complete it from humanism, conscience from is the more quickly will it become reason ... Only socialism and unnecessary of itself" .13) communism assent genuine freedom Democracy which is the basis of a by assuring every citizen real "democratic state" is explained in opportunities to create the present Fundamentals of Marxism-Leninisr;.1, and future for the good of the society as follows: "(a)s for socialist and for his own good".Ul Vasely state democracy, it is not directionless that, '"True' and 'genuine' freedom democracy, but directed democrac~ . exist only where 'capitalist' i.e. democracy directed by the party exploitation is abolished, ... ". 12l and the state in the interest of the The Marxist-Leninist (ANC/SACP) further development of socialism and self-acclaimed custodians of the the building of communism" .14l It is Freedom Charter must state clearly clear that Marxist-Leninists are of ~: whether their interpretation of the opinion that democracy can only be concept "prosperous or free" instituted by them. A belief further coincides with the abovementioned reinforced when they state: "(w]hiL approach. The time has come for exposing the fraud of bourgeois them to stop misleading South democracy, the communists remair: Africans. convinced champions of democratic ideals. They are against bourgeois 1.4 "Democratic State" democracy precisely because they aro Democracy in the Western world is protagonists of genuine democracy, seen as so-called bourgeois democracy democracy for the people, which c2 .. which according to Marxist-Leninist be won only as a result of the thinking is not "true democracy". liquidation of the exploiter system"."" Does the ANC/SACP alliance envisage The proposed "democratic state" ,,._ a Western world-type democratic thus be a communist state, which i;: state, or a so-called "Socialist real terms means a dictatorship. Democratic state". Lenin said, " ... "History confirms that dictatorship in capitalist society we have a and democracy could very well go democracy that is curtailed, wretched, together. Being a dictatorship in false; a democracy only for the rich, relation to certain classes, the state for the minority. The dictatorship of can at the same time be a demoGe.c the proletariat will, for the first time, in relation to others" .16l

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. No freedom will prevail in a from colonialism and democratic socialist "democratic state", Stalin change". 19l said: "(i)t is an impossible policy of The ANC/SACP, who perceive course to preach general political themselves as the custodians of the freedom: during the epoch of the Freedom Charter, are internationally dictatorship of the proletariat (the so recognised as a so-called "National called democratic state) there can be Liberation Movement", who are the no policy of universal freedom in our driving force behind a national country, i.e. no freedom of speech, liberation revolution. In claiming that press, etc"Yl Vyshinsky wrote in, The they are custodians of the Freedom Law of the Soviet State: "(i)n our Charter, it is obvious that "democratic state, naturally there is not and can be changes" to them means a violent no place for freedom of speech, press, revolution and not a free, multiparty and so on ... ".181 The Marxist-Leninist parliamentary democracy. "The custodians of the Freedom Charter dictatorship of the proletariat cannot then envisage a so-called democratic arise as the outcome of the peaceful state devoid of freedom for all South development of bourgeois society Africans. This envisaged "democratic (western society) and bourgeois state" contradicts any liberal democracy. It can only arise as the interpretation of the Freedom Charter. outcome of the destruction of the bourgeois state machine, the bourgeois army, the bourgeois bureaucracy, and 1.5 "Democratic Changes" bourgeois police force". 201 "Democratic changes" in Marxist WP...en analysing certain crucial Leninist semantics, are closely related concepts in the Preamble of the to their interpretation of Democracy, Freedom Charter, it becomes evident and the ·method of bringing about this then, that should the interpretation and so-called "democracy". Democratic implementation of the Freedom Charter changes can only, according to be left to the Marxist-Leninist orientated Marixism-Leninism, be brought about ANC/SACP alliance, the freedom they by a violent revolution, - this proclaim is the very antithesis of the revolution will transform the political, western concept of "democratic economic and social components of freedom". society. In Third World countries, such as South Africa, it also includes a so-called "national liberation 2. THE PEOPLE SHALL GOVERN! revolution": "(a) modern national "Every man and woman shall have the liberation revolution does not deal right to vote for and to stand as a directly with socialist tasks during its candidate for all bodies which make initial stage. Its main aim is liberation laws;

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. All people shall be entitled to take part in power, establishment of the state the administration of the country; administrative system based on the The rights of the people shall be the principle of democratic centralism anu 1 same, regardless of race, colour or sex; leadership by the Communist party. :: ' All bodies of minority rule, advisory This clause of the Freedom Charter boards, councils and authorities shall be possesses a universal appeal, but, the: replaced by democratic organs of self perceptions and intentions of its government". Marxist-Leninist custodians differ At face value this clause is seemingly radically from this universal appeal. The legitimate and without any hidden ANC/SACP's hidden agenda agenda. But, as discussed previously, corresponds with the universal appeal the concept "people" does not imply all of the Soviet Union's constitution on individuals in South Africa, it refers to paper, which in practise is quite the the revolutionary minority, the opposite. The political system envisag~ Communist Party. This party represents consists of a one-party dictatorship, within Marxist-ideology, the dictatorship which in no way represents the of the proletariat. Lenin stated that: authentic ideals of democracy. "The "(t)he dictatorship of the proletariat is leading nucleus of the political system is the rule of one class, which takes into the Communist Party. Under socialism its hands the whole apparatus of the it is in power and is a ruling party''. 24l new state, which vanquishes the Every man and woman shall have the bourgeoisie and neutralises the whole of right to vote for and stand as a the petty bourgeoisie, the peasantry, the candidate for all bodies which make lower-middle class, and the laws, (The Communist Party), and ;:-h intelligentsia". 21l The proletarian other party because there will be no government can only be brought about, oposition due to the fact that they t tne through violent revolution. The opposition) are perceived as so-caller' ANC/SACP alliance has stated clearly counter-revolutionaries, and will that the people shall govern after a naturally be eliminated. successful armed revolution has put an The universal appeal of "the people end to the state of affairs and an shall govern", is not universally "Assembly of the people" has been appealing when the intentions and created. 22l This implies a so-called perception of the Marxist-Leninist "people's democracy" which, custodians of the Freedom Charter U.ll.; " ...ensures participation by the workers carefully analysed and put in and all working people in perspective. administration of the state, electivity and rotation of the working people's 3. ALL NATIONAL GROUPS SHALL representatives on governmental bodies, HAVE EQUAL RIGHTS! the unity of legislative and executive "There shall be equal status in the bodies

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. of state, in the courts and in the schools Marxist-Leninist custodians of the for all national groups and races; Freedom Charter are allowed to All people shall have equal rights. to use implement them, in South Afljca. their own languages, and to develop their own folk culture and customs; All national groups shall be protected by 4. THE PEOPLE SHALL SHARE IN law against insults to their race and THE COUNTRY'S WEALTH! national pride; "The national wealth of our country, the The preaching and practice of national, heritage of South Africans, shall be race or colour discrimination and restored to the people; contempt shall be punishable crime; The mineral wealth beneath the soil, the All apartheid laws and practices shall be banks and monoply industry shall be set aside." transferred to the ownership of the In the political system which the people as a whole; ANC/SACP envisages, all individuals All other industry and trade shall be shall be equal because they will be controlled to assist the well-being of the oppressed by a small communist people; minority, which will be known as the All people shall have equal rights to trade communist party, or as the dictatorship where they choose, to manufacture and of the proletariat. The utopia of to enter all trades, crafts and "developing folk culture and customs" professions." will not materialise because it will be This clause clearly advocates contradictory to the "socialist culture", socialism, and the ANC has stated that which the ANC/SACP alliance will force these goals can only be achieved when onto all individuals in South Africa. It the existing state has been changed is stated in the programme of the completely. They have also stated that: Communist Party of the Soviet Union "(s)ome groups, like the liberals, have that: "(c)ommunist culture, which will the illusion that real ·democracy can be have absorbed, and will develop all the achieved within the existing best that has been created by world constitutional setup. They believe that culture, will be a higher stage in the the repeal of certain laws on the statute cultural progress of mankind. It will book is sufficient. Such a purely embody the versatility and richness of reformist attitude is unrealistic and the spiritual life of society, and the lofty takes no note of history". 261 The ideals and humanism of the new world. prerequisite for the achievement of the It will be the culture of a classless goals stipulated in this clause is a society, a culture of the entire people, of violent and revolutionary transformation all mankind".25l of society in South Africa, which totally The noble intentions of this clause negates the concept of freedom for all will only be noble on paper if the individuals in South Africa.

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. The goals stipulated in this clause are the Communist Party. "Only an agr< Marxist in nature, and can only be revolution, whose object is to achieved in a communist dominated expropriate large estates, can set ir state. Production and the means of motion the enormous peasant masses: production will be transferred into the is destined to exercise decisive infl hands of the dictatorship of the on the struggle against imperialisn' · proletariat, and the practical Goals set out in this clause cannoL ue consequences of the redistribution of achieved in a truly free and open wealth, will merely culminate in the society, it will only be possible in a redistribution of poverty. communist controlled society and ~::. The ANC/SACP alliance has stated one of the reasons why the ANC/S :\ r clearly that the goals set out in this Marxist-Leninist alliance portray clause, " ...would remain a dead letter themselves as the custodians oft] without the restoration of the basic Freedom Charter. They deliberate]·.. wealth of the country to the people (the misled the masses in 1955 whc"·- ,_ communist party), and without that the formulated the Freedom Charter. building of a democratic state (Marxist realising the benefits of promoting a Leninist state) is inconceivable". 271 document whose principles are both vague and yet seemingly reasonable t, 5 THE LAND SHALL BE SHARED anyone unaware of its Marxist-Ler.:: AMONG THOSE WHO WORK IT! interpretation, "Restrictions of land ownership on racial basis shall be ended, and all the land redivided amongst those who work it to 6 ALL SHALL BE EQUAL BE.ru. banish famine and land ·hunger; THE LAW! The state shall help the peasants with "No-one shall be imprisoned, deprr· implements, seed, tractors and dams to restricted without a fair trial; save the soil and assist the tiller; No-one sail be condemned by the ord Freedom of movement shall be of any Government official; guaranteed to all who work on the land; The courts shall be representative cj.: All shall have the right to occupy land the people; wherever they choose; Imprisonment shall be only for ser People shall not be robbed of their cattle, crimes against the people, and s!-: and forced labour and farm prisons shall at re-education, not vengeance; be abolished." The police force and army shuL '-"' . Analysing this clause according to to all on an equal basis and shaiJ t, · Marxist-Leninist semantics clearly helpers and protectors of the people; indicates an agrarian-type revolution, All laws which discriminate on grour where the ultimate aim is the transfer of of race, colour or belief shall be landownership from private to that of repealed."

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. The opening statement in this clause, communist morality and rules of viz that all shall be equal before the law, socialist intercourse which are is a situation that all civilized and right compulsory for Soviet people. A Soviet minded people strive for. Nevertheless, lawyer cannot confine his task merely to the Marxist-Leninist interpretation of the interests of the client, as a separate what is implied by the concept of isolated person, but must always think "Law" differs radically from its Western in the first instance of the interests of interpretation, as indicated in the people's, the interests of the state"30l, Vyshinsky's article on, "The Law of the and "(i)n the role of lawyer in the work Soviet State" which states that: of individual citizens, (the Soviet lawyer) "(M)arxism-Leninism gives a clear struggles for establishment of the truth, definition (the only scientific definition) guiding himself by state and public of the essence of law. It teaches that interest. The procurator, representative legal relationships (and, consequently, of the state prosecution, and -h"le judge, law itself) are rooted in the material who carries out justice, pursue that conditions of life, and that law is merely same goal". 31l the will of the dominant class, elevated "The courts shall be representative of into a statute. It starts from the all the people" in Marxist-Leninist prosposition that political, legal, terminology indicates that: "(s)ince the philosophical, religious, and literary court is one of the organs through development is defined by - and is a which the dominant class exercises its superstructure over- economics".29l rule, it cannot be outside of politics; This is a clear indication that the what is more, the activities of the courts Marxist-Leninist custodians of the are alv.•ays political activities. In our Freedom Charter perceive equality Soviet state, measures are taken to see before the. law, as stated in the Freedom to it that the court is in reality a· Charter as equality before the law of a conductor of the policy of the revolutionary minority. communist party and the Soviet regime. The task of a laywer in a so-called The independence of the judges referred "Socialist Democratic State" is a further to in Article 112 of the Stalin indication of what is really meant by the Constitution does not and cannot signify concept of "equality before the law". It their independence of politics".32l has been clearly stated in the Literary Within the same ideological Gazette of Moscow, that the role of a parameters, the Marxist-Leninist lawyer involves the following: "(i)t is custodians of the Freedom Charter, fail necessary to give up once and for all the to guarantee the independence of the ridiculous ideas of some sort of special judiciary, a cornerstone of any normal lawyer's ethics which by virtue of the and free society; and nor does it peculiarities of the profession justifies a guarantee a fair trial to any individual departure from the principles of who will appear before a so-called

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. "people's court". This clause of the 8 THERE SHALL BE WORK AND Freedom Charter does,. therefore not SECURITY! propose freedom, but structural and "All who work shall be free to form t::-;: constitutional enslavement, as defined unions, to elect their officers and to maij} by Marxist-Leninists. wage agreements with their employers; The state shall recognise the right and duty of all to work, and to draw full unemployment benefits; 7 ALL SHALL ENJOY EQUAL Men and women of all races shall recei1 HUMAN RIGHTS! equal pay for equal work; "The law shall guarantee to all their There shall be a forty-hour working right to to organise, to meet speak, week, a national minimum wage, paid together, to publish, to preach, to worship annual leave, and sick leave for all and to educate their children; workers, and maternity leave on full pay The privacy of the house from police for all working mothers; raids shall be protected by law; Miners, domestic workers, farm workers All shall be free to travel without and civil servants shall have the same restriction from countryside to town, rights as all others who work; from province to province, and from Child labour, compound labour, the tot South Africa abroad; system and contract labour shall be Pass Laws, permits and all other laws abolished". restricting these freedoms shall be abolished." This clause is a clear indication o: The aims and intentions of the law as socialism in practise. It is a known fact perceived by Marxist-Leninists were that trade unions in Marxist-Leninist discussed in the previous section, and states are the actual organs controlling the mere fact that so-called "human the workers and that only state rights" shall be protected by law, is a controlled trade unions are allowed to clear indication that human rights as function in industry. In Fundamentals advocated in this clause does not of Marxism-Leninism the role of the represent human rights that exist in a trade union is described as follows: normal society, which is both free and "(t)he trade union occupy an important: open. The pass laws have been place in the state of the proletariat scrapped in the abnormal society under dictatorship. From organs of struggle Apartheid and indications are that all against capital they became the most laws restricting human freedom will active assistants of t4~ state power of also be abolished, when creating a the working class, a reserve which normal society that will be free from supplies leading cadres and a source of both racial discrimination and a practical proposals for improving thingc Marxist-Leninist dictatorship. Defining their role after the seizure u~

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. power, Lenin said that the trade unions brotherhood, liberty and peace; were a school of administration, a Education shall be free, compulsory, school of management, a school of universal and equal for all children; communism". 331 Higher education and technical training In the dictionary of Scientific shall be opened to all by means of state Communism trade unions are defined allowances and scholarships awarded on as: " ...mass organisations and the the basis of merit; movement of the working class and Adult illiteracy shall be ended by a mass other strata of the working population state education plan; for protection of their political and Teachers shall have all the rights of other economic interest". 341 This clearly citizens; indicates that the trade union is first The colour bar in cultural life, in sport and foremost an instrument of state and in education shall be abolished." power, because 0~-the rule of the Within the Marxist-Leninist dictatorship of the proletariat. The trade interpretation, "the doors of learning union will in actual fact be in no and culture shall be opened", implies position to bargain for better wages and that the educational system will be working conditions for the worker, due based on their (the states) parameters of to the fact that the state is the employer education. Education implies: and it controls the trade unions. ", . .installing in the youth the Marxist The goals set out in this clause of the Leninist outlook on the world, on the Freedom Charter becomes irrelevant social life, on the role and position of when interpreted from a Marxist man and his behaviour in society. It Leninist (ANC/SACP alliance) means installing in them a materialistic viewpoint. This alliance will not be in a world ..6utlook based on a scientific and position to implement the goals that are materialist philosophy, alien to any set out in this clause of the Freedom superstitions or mysticism, seeking no Charter, they will only enslave most escape into 'other world', alien to any individuals in South Africa for a second diversion from real life and ... .inspiring time. them with confidence in their own power and with a knowledge of the 35 9 THE DOORS OF LEARNING AND conditions and means of victory". l OF CULTURE SHALL BE OPENED! These educational parameters do not "The government shall discover, develop include religious education. "Freedom and encourage national talent for the of conscience for believers must not be enhancement of our cultural life; converted into a denial pf the freedom All the cultural treasures of mankind of the community and the state to shall be open to love their people and interfere decisively in matters of family their culture, to honour human education. Parents must be made to

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. answer for any anti-social (anti Rest, leisure and recreation shall be communist), religious education of the right of all; children in the family. This Fenced locations and ghettoes shall ~v responsibility must be not only of a abolished, and laws which break up moral but also, if the interest of the state families shall be repealed." require it, of a legal nature". 36l Why is Freedom of Religion PER SE not The goals that are set out in this mentioned in the Freedom Charter? clause are utopian absurdities. The Could it be that the three or four people belief that the state and only the state who drafted it, perceived a Marxist capable of addressing the "needs" ~, Leninist state as the ultimate outcome of people in society, is an assumption the Freedom Charter? Within the which relegates individuals to the Marxist-Leninist interpretation of this whims and dictates of a faceless an:' clause of the Freedom Charter, the prying bureaucracy. This clause is a utopian goals regarding education are clear reflection of Marxist-Leninist not worth the paper they are goals, which in its practical implicatio: written on. means the total centralisation of state power and the means of production. The private sector will not be in a 10 THERE SHALL BE HOUSES, position to accomplish any of the SECURITY AND COMFORT! abovementioned goals. The state wi 11 "All people shall have the right to live have to increase taxation dramaticaily where they choose, be decently housed, fulfil these goals, which will lO\"'·e~ and to bring up their families in comfort standard of living. and security; Unused housing space to be made All the freedoms achievable in a available to the people; normal society are ignored in this rent and prices shall be lowered, food clause. This clause is misleading, plentiful and no-one shall go hungry; because, while the altimate goals are A preventive health scheme shall be run out, South Africans are not inform::.··_ by the state; the price (their individual rights) thP Free medical care and hospitalisation will have to pay, to achieve these shall be provided for all, with special care objectives. for mothers and young children; There will definitely be no security Slums shall be demolished, and new and comfort for ilie individual if the suburbs built where all have transport, accomplishment of the abovementioner~ roads, lighting, playing fields, creches and goals is left to the state. This clause of social centres; the Freedom Charter is a classical The aged, the orphans, the disable and Marxist-Leninist propaganda stunt, the sick shall be cared for by the state; making promises they can never keep!

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. 11 THERE SHALL BE PEACE AND revolution. And, conversely, every FRIENDSHIP! revolutionary gain makes for more "South Africa shall be a fully effective resistance to the forces of war, independent state, which respects the and is a guarantee of universal security. rights and sovereignty of all nations; The link between the two, peace and South Africa shall strive to maintain the class, revolutionary struggle, is a key world peace and the settlement of all aspect of communists' historical 39 international disputes by negotiation - optimism". 1 not war; The ANC/SACP alliance has also Peace and friendship amongst all our stated that the socialist democratic state people shall be secured by upholding the they envisage will support all equal rights, opportunities and status of revolutions against Western democracy all; (which they see as capitalism and The people of the protectorates - imperialism) to achieve world peace. 401 Basotuland, Bechuanaland and This is a clear indication that they Swaziland - shall be free to decide for support the following Marxist-Leninist themselves their own future; definition of peace: "(t)he conviction The right of all the peoples of Africa to that communism and peace are independence and self-government shall indivisible has been firmly established in be recognised, and shall be the basis of the people's consciousness. The struggle close co-operation." for peace is a most important factor in What do the Marxist-Leninist the struggle for socialism. It has now custodians of the Freedom Charter been proved, not only in theory but also mean or imply by the concept "peace". in movement of the working class, the Peace and the defence thereof is seen by national liberation movement, cannot be Marxist-Leninists as the struggle against divorce from the struggle for capitalism and so-called Western peace... ". 411 imperialism. 371 Lenin said: "(w)e cannot Friendship according to the Marxist wiggle out of an imperialistic war, we Leninist dialectical interpretation can cannot have a democratic peace, but only be achieved amongst socialist only a peace imposed by violence, until states. Within their interpretation of we overthrow the power of capitalism, "peace" it becomes evident that until the power of government passes peaceful coexistence; which is the basis into the hands of a different class, the of friendship amongst states does not proletarian class".38l Peace, according to imply friendship with other states if Marxist-Leninist semantics, is a they do not adhere to the principles of continuation of War until all individuals Marxism-Leninism. It has also been of the world have been enslaved by stated in Izvestiya (the USSR Communism. "Enduring peace is not an propaganda mouthpiece) that: "(t)here is obstacle to, but an invaluable ally of not and can be no friendship of

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. people's, no such real equality of rights publicly known for all South Afri, for nations, in conditions of capitalism. discuss and evaluate. Misleading ~· The capitalists and their servants are Africans into supporting the Freew stirring up hostility between the peoples Charter and failing to openly dec 1· and intensifying social and national their envisaged so-called Freedom oppression"Yl The Marxist-Leninist Charter-based South Africa, is a c.~···- interpretation of the concepts "peace" against all South Africans. and "friendship" as stated in the Against the backdrop of this Mar:,. Freedom Charter is not the same as its Leninist interpretation of the Freed, interpretation in normal societies. Peace Charter, it becomes evident that the and friendship then will only become a ANC/SACP Marxist-Leninist aE: ,.. reality between states and between not in a position to implement th c individuals once all vestiges of Freedom Charter in a normal anG capitalism and bourgeois consciousness society. Claiming that they are t• (individual liberty) has finally been and authentic custodians of the destroyed. The Marxist-Leninist Freedom Charter leaves all ratiGu ..... custodians of the Freedom .Charter are South Africans with no option, but. misleading all South Africans, and the simply reject the Freedom Charter. time has come for all freedom loving Until the ANC/SACP Marxist-;~>::: South Africans to demand from the alliance publicly state their ANC/SACP Marxist-Leninist alliance, interpretation of the Freedom C: that they release their hidden agenda release their hidden agenda anc' and their amended Freedom Charter. amended Freedom Charter, the Freedom Charter as it is knov. · must be rejected, because all So1

CONCLUSION Africans have been misled. So u.LH When analysing crucial concepts in the Africans should remember the follc· Freedom Charter it becomes clear that dictum: When the ANC/SACP Ma; this document can be interpreted in Leninist alliance asks you for fr, many different ways. For this reason it they do it because it is your cnr is of utmost importance to question the and principle. When you ask tllt.. validity of the Freedom Charter, and freedom they will not grant Y" most of all, the intentions of those self freedom, because it has never i::l' acclaimed custodians of the Charter one of their concepts or princ:. who are ideologically and theoretically speaking not incorrect in attributing their own interpretation to the Freedom Charter. However, it is important that these custodians make their interpretation and hidden agenda

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. .------The Impact of Sanctions and Disinvestment on Free Enterprise in South Africa

Mr Leon Louw Executive Director: Free Market Foundation

The free market position on sanctions illegitimate methods of persuasion, s and divestment (or disinvestment) is as threats of violence or intimidaL .. very simple. Voluntary sanctions by belief in freedom and free market~ anyone, against anyone, anywhere, for belief that others may have value. any reason, are consistent with free behaviour which one strongly enterprise. Coercive sanctions, imposed disapproves of as long as there by a government, are always and invasion of free market rights. 0G anywhere in conflict with free for the strictly, value-free, frer~ ,,. enterprise. Free enterprise means simply position. What are the broader the absence of government interference implications? in the form of ownership or control in economic activity. From a free market point of view, if a 1. BROADER IMPLICATIONS C multinational decides to invest in, or SANCTIONS AND DISINVES'i', withdraw from, South Africa On a free market analysis, r.c;c: _.. voluntarily, its decision is legitimate sanction and disinvestment laws regardless of how much one might the Comprehensiv13 Anti-apar~l:e.L disagree with their reasons. Given this in the USA, are essentiallv the ~ clear and unambiguous free enterprise protectionism and foreign exchange position, it is curious that at no time in control. The only real difference is +· the international sanctions debate have the former is imposed by a foreign conservative or liberal groups objected government and the latter by a doll: solely on the grounds that government government. The economic imposed sanctions would be an consequences are the same. The h unwarranted interference in the laws of economic reality, like lL. _ economy and economic freedom of the of gravity in physics, produce the country concerned. To the extent that results from a given interference IL anti-apartheid groups pressurise economy regardless of who imr multinationals to withdraw, there can be or for what it was intended. no free market objection unless they use Accordingly, it can be predicted t:

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. the consequences of sanctions and kind, (a la the sale of Barclays Bank to divestment will be similar to the effects Anglo-American) is a bitter blow to of protectionism and foreign exchange divesteers, most of whom see South controls. This has serious implications African "monopolies", of whom Anglo for both sanctioneers/divesteers and is the acetype, as a far greater "evil" their opponents, investors, both of than foreign investment. whom seem to have been seriously Divestment of the second kind, (a la mistaken throughout the debate. The the GM management buy-out) means former have had unrealistic high hopes that new, white multimillionaire of what could be achieved, and the South Africans take over with very latter have been unduly neurotic. little changing - except, from the Orthodox free market analysis predicted divesteers perspective, the distressing precisely what seems to be happening. result that ownership is transferred Like protectionism and exchange from "good" people (who divest) to control, sanctions and divestment are "evil" people (who invest in South likely to produce short-term stimulative Africa). And then, the new owners are effects. Whilst they are unlikely to be no longer impelled to support social the cause of the current economic programmes such as the Sullivan euphoria - with various indicators of Code. They become free to sell economic growth, a booming stock vehicles (in the GM case) to the South exchange, and a rising Rand - it is African police and defence force. probably no coincidence that the two Divestment of the third kind, (a la coincide. I have been told by staunch IBM sale to employees) has the effect sanctioneers that they are frustrated and that little changes other than the name disappointed. Most commentators say and that because of the nature of the that "sanctions have failed". To free new ownership- including "workers" marketers, they have not, in the same - action against the multinational for that they have had predictable maintaining a distribution network .is consequences. difficult to justify. Amongst the reasons why sanctions Divestment of the fourth kind, (ala are a short-term economic stimulant, the Coca Cola sale to a black-owned much like protectionism, is that new consortium) is lamented because market opportunities arise for local blacks who are willing to buy a entrepeneurs, such as import multinational subsidiary, are substitution. With divestment, foreign "collaborators". It is collaborators investments are "dumped" at bargain above all who are to be punished. prices for local investors. Indeed, a Certainly not turned into overnight particular frustration for divesteers is millionaires. that there seems to be no "satisfactory" Divestment of the fifth kind, (a la way to divest. Divestment of the first Kodak shutting up shop and leaving)

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. is, to divestment purists, the "correct" victory for its advocates. The ques"" thing to do. But there has been much becomes, in most cases, not whetner anguish about the inevitable divestment is good or bad, but whett< consequences. Employees, mostly it is possible. black, are turned out onto the streets It turns out that divestment, howe·. to join the unemployed. In Kodak's desirable or undesirable, may not bt, case, an impressive network of black possible, except in rare cases, and · · self-employed photographers had been there may not be a way of doing : · created. They were being serviced and satisfies divesteers. This no doubt trained by Kodak. They were naturally accounts for so many crossing tht,; left high and dry. Social programmes floor to join the gloating investeers were summarily terminated. "Evil" or, at least, putting divestment on tha competitors now move into the back burner. With sanctions, vacuum with relish. The Kodak paradoxes that free market analysis trademark may, depending on how the predicted have also arisen. Sanction;. courts will interpret the law, be up for whether of imports to or exports frc: grabs by anyone who wants to exploit South Africa, do not, and in most Kodak's immense reputation. The cases probably never can, stop tar' effects are typical of divestmeht of the trade. The best that can be achieve fifth kind. for the transactions cost, as is kno~;L. 1 Divestment of the sixth kind, (ala in economics, to be increased, us12" • American churches and universities only marginally. It becomes more selling their stock in multinationals difficult and costly to engage in with South African interests to other foreign trade. It doesn't stop it. This Americans) seems to .do no more than, has precisely the same effect as an at best, depress the share price in the import or export duty. Sanctions on USA, usually only fractionally. "Good" imports of South Afr:ican goods are US stockholders can no longer like tariff barriers in foreign cou:-~c .... influence company policy, which is and like various duties the South now left to the "evil" ones who refuse African government imposes on to divest. Even more "evil" investors exports. Sanctions on exports to Sc,· who buy the divested shares at Africa are like South Africa's own discount prices come on board. Whilst tariffs and import controls, though le~ depressing the share price in the USA effective. might penalise the "bittereinder" mutlinational to a greater or lesser 2. SOUTH AFRICA'S REACTION extent, it is doubtful whether there is a AND THE EFFECT OF SANCTlO detectible impact on South Africa. ON FREE ENTERPRISE In short, divestment of every kind, in If one wants to be facetious, one co1· the real world, seems to be a phyrric ask why governments who adopt

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. protectionist and foreign exchange the importance of sanctions or the controls intending to benefit their potential impact on both free countries, should predict that by enterprise and the economy in general. imposing them on South Africa, the It seems likely that 1987 will see the economy would be harmed. Or why peak of the sanctions campaign and the South African government opposes the possible adoption of dramatic "assistance" by foreign governments measures by foreign governments. On in the application of its own policies. my visit to the USA last month I met Even more bizarre is the appetite in with highly placed people in the high places in South Africa for forefront of the battle. The consensus responding to sanctions/divestment by was that the USA is likely to adopt intensified protectionist and foreign legislation that amounts to cutting off exchange controls i.e. self-imposed all trade and investment ties, even the sanctions/divestment. There is a freezing of foreign bank accounts. serious prospect that more damage Some EEC countries seem likely to will be done by the South African adopt extreme measures and some government response than by the analysts predict mandatory United initial action, since the South African Nations sanctions. It seems likely that government is much better placed to sanctions legislation could become enforce foreign trade barriers on South severe enough to have the impact Africa than foreign governments. intended, but my guess is that this is Much more serious is the prevailing unlikely. It seems to me that the "siege economy" impulse. By far the impact could never be more severe biggest danger on the horizon is that than intensified foreign trade and the South African government will foreign exchange barriers of the kind "stimulate" (i.e. inflate) the economy applied by many governments like that by printing money, increase taxes and of Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe has intensive generally derail the economy just self-imposed sanctions, anJ;i yet its when freer markets are needed more economy is performing satisfactorily. than ever. We find ourselves in a Whilst damage is done, the economy is weird Polyanna world in which the not destroyed and the government anti-apartheid movement rejoices at survives. its success in generating The South African government will unprecedented international action have the enviable advantage in the against the South African government, fullness of time being able to blame and their opponents rejoice at the foreign governments for whatever economic euphoria setting in now that damage is done to the South African "sanctions have failed". economy either by them or by itself. Having said all of this, it is not my Its counterparts in other countries intention to lampoon or underestimate have to bear the responsibility for the

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. state of their own economies. Again an made the patient sick will be extraordinary paradox presents itself administered. There will be mor" in terms of which the South African blood-letting - in both senses - u~;, government could manage the maybe, the patient does evenl.uu.~~J ~·-. economy disastrously though My own objective assessment is thal blamelessly. If sanctions/divestment the international pressure for do cause harm, most of it will sanctions/divestment did serve the probably be attributable to South interests of those concerned in the Africa's self-imposed same way that the sport and cultt!:- sanctions/divestment rather than that boycotts have done. It seems as if' of foreign governments. pressure on South Africa did Free marketers, being at variance encourage reform. But when the r with conventional wisdom on these Presidential veto was overruled, th i . matters, do caution investeers not to seemed to backfire. Attention w :.:..~ be so smug, so cock-a-hoop, at their shifted from reform to overcoming apparent unexpected victory l thanks sanctions and maximising security. not to their wisdom, but the 1aws of Prominent sanctioneers tell me th;· economics. It seems likely that the those who still advocate sanctions. ~" stimulative effects of so for two reasons. A handful be~ .. sanctions/divestment will be that intensified sanctions can inc: temporary. The real damage will bring the government to its knee:::;. strike in due course- say, two years Many ex-sanctioneers now belie - when international activists will not they have actually strengthened the be able to claim a belated victory as government's position as witness.:; ..... u. they emerge from a period of licking the election results, The second reasn their wounds and regrouping. for intrepid sanctioneer survivors b Attention will be distracted from doing the desire to "make a statement". T what is necessary to appease "do something". international pressure, namely, finding and implementing a genuine solution quickly. When the damage 3. THE FUTURE OF FREE does strike, it will be too remote to ENTERPRISE IN SOUTH AFRI! link cause and effect. No doubt the What of the immediate future of f economic slump that may ensue will enterprise in South Africa? Firs~:.._,, be attributed to the "imperfections of though not obviously, the need for tl: the free market" and the "inevitable" South African economy to be trade cycle. There will be the usual purposefully and urgently deregula~ clamour for the use of government and privatized not only remains, b,· instruments to "stimulate" the all the more crucial. Secondly, c ~ economy. More of the treatme-nt that - any change - such as

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. sanctions/divestment creates stimulate the South African economy; unprecedented entrepreneurial (c) benefit "villains" and penalise opportunities. Entrepreneurs being "virtue"; (d) induce whites to "rally what they are, do not need to be told behind the government"; (e) divert this. Creative and energetic minds are attention from reform to repression; at work finding ingenious ways of (f) disillusion South African blacks who benefiting from the situation. have sacrificed much for "the Economics being what it is, every struggle"; and (g) provide the endeavour to do so minimises the government with a watertight defence impact of sanctions/divestment. In against the effects of economic economic terms, competition amongst mismanagement. sanctions-busters lowers the transaction costs that sanctions 4. CONCLUSION legislation imposes on foreign trade. It is easy to say, and so let me say it, Sadly for sanctioneers, white South that a real, lasting and satisfactory Africans are best placed in terms of solution must be found with or their experience and resources to take without sanctions. A "solution" can up these new opportunities. The only only be called a solution if it is hope for sanctioneers is therefore that acceptable to the vast majority of in some undefined way "the system" South ·Africans of all races. It is said will indeed collapse, so that these that politicians see where the crowd is gains will be short lived. To my going, get in front, and say, "Follow knowledge sanctioneers have never me". The only short-term hope, it explained by what process, by what seems to me, is to identify scenario, sanctions are supposed to constitutional provisions that work. Nor have their opponents done overcome simultaneously white fears so. So sanctions/divestment fervour and satisfy black demands. It is this and neurosis are both unsubstantiated. which seems so impossible. And yet, I As some sanctioneers told me, they are believe that there is a realistic set of frustrated because they seem to be principles upon which consensus can getting the worst of all worlds. Foreign be achieved, and that could form the governments are reluctant to impose basis for negotiation. These principles fully-fledged sanctions and to enforce entail a strictly limited and complete divestment in areas where it depoliticised central government; would cause significant harm to their intensive devolution of power to own economies. In the absence of a numerous second, third and fourth tier total severance of all South African governments; a truly effective--and trade and investment, these measures extensive bill of rights protecting not (a) do not appear to achieve their only civil liberties but also such rights intended objective; (b) appear to as property rights and the right of

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. association and disassociation; an on the possible and usually counter effective and independent judiciary; intuitive impact of sanctions/ direct democracy through referenda; divestment; than to show that both and other democratic checks and are inconsistent with free enterprise balances against the abuse of power. per se if coercive in nature; than But this is not the place to elaborate. to argue that neither are likely to Suffice is to say that we need to shift than to argue that neither are likely to from the struggle for power to the achieve the intended, and feared, struggle for freedom, properly defined. effects. Enterprise, as distinct from Mark Twain wrote: "The trouble free enterprise, is having a field day by with people is not their ignorance; it capitalising on new opportunities and is the number of things they know that finding ways to duck and dive, twist ain't so." And UCLA philospher, John and turn, its way through, around and Hospers, responds to most conclusions past. Now that more and more that: "It ain't that simple". In observers are concluding that speculating on the subject of this "sanctions/divestment have failed" - article, I am constantly haunted by the albeit that they may be mistaken in dicta of Twain and Hospers. On both that they do not distinguish between sides there are people who know so the short and long term effects, as we much "that ain't so", and to whom I have seen - we are left with another say "it ain't that simple". I am conundrum with which to close off: reminded of the other trite s~ying that: the only thing we know for sure is "One should not make predictions - that the future isn't what it used to especially not about the future!" So, I be. have done no more than to speculate

Leon Louw is Executive Director of the Free Market Foundation and an internationally recognised expert on South African issues. He is the author of numerous published articles and papers on economics, politics and law. His latest book "South Africa: The Solution" was recently the number one, non-fiction, bestseller in South Africa.

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. South Africa's Black Community and Socialism

Dr P Nel Director: Institute for Soviet Studies, University of Stellenbosch

INTRODUCTION awareness of this link by more and "The vast majority of black workers more of our people is evidenced by the favour the free enterprise system and growing popularity of our party".Jl are not inherently inclined to socialism In equally apocalyptic words Mr Cyril or communism." Ramaphosa, the General Secretary of These words of Chief Mangosutu the National Union of Mineworkers, late Buthelezi spoken during a Industrial in 1986 claimed: "It is too late for free Relations Seminar in Durban in July enterprise to save South Afica. Workers 198611 contrast starkly with the other are now demanding a socialist claims made by various sources, some system".4) as disparate as the South African Mr Leon Louw of the Free Market Communist Party, COSATU and the Foundation despondently declares: Free Market Foundation. In the 2nd " ...virtually all propaganda to which quarter of 1986-edition of The African blacks, especially in the labour Communist, the SACP published a movement, are exposed is so-called statement, titled; "The ideas of socialism 'class analysis', i.e. are spreading" in which it claimed that socialisrn!Communism/Marxism. Every "as a result of a growing class black newspaper, magazine, periodical, consciousness among ... workers ..., pamphlet, charter, political figure and the ideas of socialism are spreading so on, with few exceptions, is in the among the workers and enjoy rising Marxist idiom, often unwittingly".s) popularity''. 21 What is to be made of these About the same time, Joe Slovo wrote contradictory claims? Which is correct: that: " ...the historically evolved the Buthelezi view that socialist ideas connection between capitalist have not made inroads on black exploitation and racist domination in conceptions, or that of the South Africa creates a natural link SACP/NUM/COSATU? Most between national liberation and social importantly, does the evidence suggest emancipation (read: socialist that the despondency of Mr Louw is reconstruction): a link which is virtually justified, or are there still windows of too late to unravel. An increasing opportunity for corporate strategy to

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. forestall the drift towards soCialism though, is that most of these persons amongst black employees? took great care to distinguish their This article aims to provide some desired models for doing so from a full answers to these burning questions. I scale socialism on Marxist-Leninist claim no special expertise to do so. I am lines. Robert Sobukwe, founder not an industrial relations expert and president of the Pan Africanist Congress my knowledge of business practices is, (PAC), for example, declared in the to say the least, dangerous. Yet I believe 1950's: "Economically, we stand for a any sensible person can do what I planned economy and the most suitable intend doing, and that is to take a hard distribution of wealth. Our problems, as nosed look at the available evidence we see it, is to make a planned and to conclude from that what the economy work within the framework of real extent of socialist sympathies in a political democracy. It has not done South Africa's black community are. so in any of the countries that practice The first two sections of my article will it today, but we do not believe that present this account. totalitarianism is inherent in a system of I ha¥e to point out that a similar, planned state economy".7J more restricted attempt to do what I On the side of supporters of the intend to do has recently been made by Freedom Charter (which the PAC is not) Lawrence Schlemmer in Indicator SA.6l care was taken to distinguish between From those of you who have read Prof communism/socialism and the economic Schlemmer's article, I ask forbearance measu.res proposed by the Charter, an since I do touch on some issues not interpretation endorsed by Justice raised by him, although our conclusions Rumpf in the Treason Trial of coincide. It is especially in the third part 1956-1961,8) of this article, in which I consider some This distinction between what can be of the pressures for a socialist choice in called a social democratic policy of the black community and raise some redistribution and full scale socialism suggestions about corporate strategy to was carried over into the 1970's. To deal with this, that I go beyond his again quote representative examples article. from otherwise wide ranging black opposition groups: 1. The Drive for Socialism In an interview with Africa (Nov Since at least the 1950's, black 1973), Reginald September, at that time spokespersons have emphasized that Chief Representative of the ANC in meaningful change in South Africa Europe, responded thus to a question must include some measures to about the ANC's economic ideals: redistribute wealth on a more equitable "Question: What ideological future do basis. What is important to note, you visualise for South Africa? Will it be

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. a socialist country? accepted (this will be questioned later), September: A socialist democratic indicate a significant radicalization South Africa. trend when compared with similar Question: Marxist? findings in 1981. Then, the Market September: No, not necessarily Research Departments of the Pretoria Marixst". 91 News, The Star and The Argus12l found Steve Biko, one of the founders of that of all the Black respondents in the Black Consciousness in SA, and who Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban has been accused of radical socialist areas, only 32% agreed with the tendencies, declared: "The Black statement that the state should own People's Convention believes in a mines and big industries, while 42% judicious blending of private enterprise disagreed. (The respective figures for which is highly diminished and state Johannesburg alone were 20% agreeing participation in industry and commerce, and 56% disagreeing, while Cape Town "lspecially in industries like mining ... had 35% agreeing, 17% disagreeing and and forestry, and of course complete Durban 49% agreeing and 35% ownership of land. Now in that kind of disagreeing. Unskilled Africans favoured judicious blending of the two systems state ownership by a margin of 310/o to we hope to arrive at a more equitable 35%). Even more alarmingly, the Orkin distribution of wealth" .101 survey found that 70% of Inkatha By 1985, due partly to increasing members surveyed in 1985 favoured a frustration; partly to rising revolutionary socialist future. expectations; and, partly to the b) In another 1985-survey, Dr JA prevalence of Marxist class analyses of Jacobz of tlw HSRC's Institute of the South African situation, this Manpower Research 131 found that 41% moderation has made way for a of Black respondents in the PWV area (a seemingly widespread black major metropolitan area in South commitment to full socialism. Africa) opposed the idea that business Indications in this regard are: undertakings should be privately owned. a) In a recent (September 1985) This compares with the abovementioned country-wide survey of 800 Black Argus-group survey which found that in respondents over sixteen years of age, 1981 only 20% of the respondents in including workers, unemployed, Johannesburg supported the idea of women, students and pensioners, in all state ownership. Again this superficially ten major metropolitan areas, Mark indicates a hardening of Black attitudes. Orkin of the Community Agency for c) On the basis of a survey which is Social Enquiry found that 77% of the well known, UNISA's School of respondents favoured socialism as an Business Leadership found that "a great economic strategy, while only 22% deal of ignorance about business and favoured capitalism.11l These findings, if Free Enterprise exists among corporate

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. employees in South Africa. Such expected to come about as a result of .. ignorance is particularly predominant change of heart from Big Business or a amongst the less-educated, unskilled and softening of attitudes by the regime".:'·, semi-skilled workers. These workers In addition it should be recalled thil~ regard themselves as grossly COSA TU President Elijah Barayi argued discriminated against in terms of forcefully in favour of nationalizing remuneration and perceive the Free mines during the November 1985 Enterprise system as ... beneficial solely launch of COSATU. One of the to the white managerial staff. Such expressed aims of COSATU, perceptions of gross inequality... do not incidentally, is: "To work for a auger well for the future of industrial restructuring of the economy which ·... · relation in this country" .14l (Black allow the creation of wealth to be employees indicated that they believed controlled and fairly shared"Yl 69% of post-tax profit goes towards Commenting on their talks with the management bonuses and salaries, 27% ANC and SACTU in late 1985, Jay to financial and capital investments, Naidoo, the general secretary of only 4% towards bonuses and salary COSA TU added: "I expressed very increases for workers, and 0% towards clearly to them (ANC/SACTU) our shareholders). commitment to see a society which ,,·o:; d) Fourthly, important Black not only free of apartheid, but also free spokespersons recently came out much of the exploitative, degrading and stronger than in the past in favour of a brutalizing economic system under full scale socialist transformation in which black workers suffered. This South Africa, or at least a deep-going meant a restructuring of society so that restructuring of the economy to allow tne wealth of the country would be for a massive re-distribution of wealth. shared among the people". 18l Some trade unions and their leaders e) Outside the trade union movement. have been most explicit about a socialist explicit calls for a socialist type transformation. During their 1986 transformation have emerged from the congress all 300 delegates from the Black Consciousness Movement, Metal and Allied Workers Union (33 000 members of the UDF, various Trotskyi:::,~ members) unanimously declared organizations and the Black youth. As "We are committed to building far as the BCM is concerned, the socialism" .15l In an interview with Azanian People's Organization (AZAPO) SASPU NATIONAL (No 9/1986) Chris has gradually moved away from a more Dlamini, vice-president of the populist stance in the late 1970's and 600 000 strong federation COSA TU has accepted the "black working class" declared: "What we are talking about is as the agent of revolution. Together the total change of the present system in with the Cape Action League, brought its entirety. This change can never be together, in 1983, 200 odd BCM

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. movements and trade union groupings in Progress and the SA Labour Bulletin such as CUSA to form the National are used to air these dissenting views Forum Committee which i.a. passed the which are basically of two kinds. Both following resolutions at its inception on are pressing for a more clear-cut 11-12 June 1983: "The struggle waged commitment to socialist ideals, but are by the toiling masses is nationalist in doing so via two different channels. The character and socialist in content"; and first argues that the real socialist content "The Black working class is the of the Freedom Charter should be vanguard of this just struggle towards acknowledged. Against the agrument the total liberation from racist that the Freedom Charter's political and capitalism". social demands are primarily of a At the same meeting an "Azanian bourgeois-democratic nature, this Manifesto" was accepted which i.a. approach argues that these demands daims: "Our struggle for national reflect working class desires for a liberation is directed against the system grassroots democracy in South Africa. It of racial capitalism, which holds the furthermore argues that all the people of Azania in bondage for the economic· demands of the Freedom benefit of a small minority of white Charter can be construed as the basics capitalists and their allies, the white of a socialist transformation; workers and the reactionary sections of alternatively as a set of minimum the black middle class. . . The struggle working class demands. 211 against apartheid is no more than a The other, more prevalent, approach point of departure for our liberation argues that the Freedom Charter is not efforts. Apartheid will be eradicated socialist enough. It points out that the with the system of racial capitalism".19l Freedom Charter was formulated in the In consequent working documents, 1950's, in the heyday of liberal and AZAPO and the NF have spelled out social democratic influence in the their unambiguous socialist vision and liberation movement, and had as its have indicated concrete measures to be audience a real multi-class alliance. adopted in this regard. 201 Since then the working class has, On the other side of the Black however, made considerable progr.ess, political spectrum, i.e. in the so-called capitalism, has been unmasked as the Charterist Movement, different kinds of unmitigated bedfellow of apartheid, and socialist rumblings can also be that real freedom can thus be obtained discerned. Although most affiliates of only through an immediate addressing the UDF still subscribe to a more social of economic exploitation. It rejects the democratic interpretation of the classical notion that liberation is a economic clauses of the Freedom distinct two stage affair; firstly political Charter, dissenting voices are coming to and secondly economic, and argues for the fore. Important media such as Work a fusion of the second stage with the

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. first. In conclusion it calls for a noted by a respected educationist Ken reformulation· of the Freedom Charter to Hartshorne, one of the major difference incorporate these immediate socialist between now and the disturbances of ideals. 22l 1976 is the socialist content of Full-blown socialist rhetoric has also educational demands being made by surfaces from another source, namely schoolchildren in their propagation of a the nascent Trotskyist movement in "People's Education". While in 1976 South Africa. This is centered around access to equal education and other the elitist Marxist Workers Tendency minor grievances were the focus of (MWT) in the ANC (disavowed by the action, socialist curricula are now ANC and expelled in 1985), the Cape actively propagated as preparation for a Action League of Neville Alexander, new South Africa. 24l A recent SACP and the New Unity Movement comment has this to say on this score: Oaunched in 1985). The central thesis of " ...greater numbers of the youth (are) this seemingly growing tendency is being won over to the socialist summarized by Alexander in these perspective. This is of great importance, words: "Because of the peculiarities of given the reality that the youth form a capitalist development in South Africa, sizeable portion of the working class the only way in which racial and the population in general, as well as discrimination ... can be abolished is the outstanding role they. ...are playing in through the abolition of the capitalist the revolutionary struggle, in all its structures themselves. The only class, formations''. 25l however, which can bring into being such a socialist system is the Black 2. Evaluating the evidence working class".23l Judged superficially, the above On the specific tactics to be employed evidence tends to give credence to a these three groups differ. For the MWT premonition that black resistance the ANC must first be transformed into politics have become over radicalized, a mass working class, socialist party, that the most important trade unions are while Alexander, as Cape Town in toto committed to socialism, and that Director of SACHED, views it is only a question of time before a propagandist and educational activity as socialist revolution descends on South the immediate task. The latter is also Africa. true of the NUM (National Union of In this section I would like to take Mineworkers). issue with the conclusion that the bla r: k Lastly, mention should be made of the commitment to socialism is so economic radicalization that has taken widespread that we have reached the place amongst the Black youth, the real point of no return. No matter how hard power house of the current phase of Marxists and other utopianists try to Black resistance politics. As has been convince us, there are no historical

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. inevitabilities. There are however government of your choice. There are abundant examples of people in history two main patterns how it should who have failed to fully understand organize people's work, and the trends and have not acted in time to ownership of factories and business. address these. I can only hope that Which view do you most support? South African businessmen and other - the capitalist pattern, in which decision-makers will not in future be businesses are owned by private referred to, as another example. businessmen, for their own profit. The central aspect is that the evidence - the socialist pattern in which referred to, neither individually nor workers have a say in the running of taken together, gives any conclusive businesses, and share in the ownership indication that the majority of and profits. employees are totally committed to Apart from restricting the choice to socialism. To prove this, reference has two, the phrasing of the question is to be made to the abovementioned obviously very much in favour of the section. socialist choice. Such a leading question a) The most startling piece of can surely not be regarded as the basis evidence is of course that presented by f.9r a scientifically sound conclusion. Mark Orkin's survey which found a b) Other, more scientific surveys do 77% support for socialist ideals. Yet if indicate increasing opposition to the one looks at the scientific merits of this idea of privately owned businesses if survey many reasons to doubt its compared with similar findings in 1981 legitimacy can be advanced. Firstly, (from 32% to 41%). It is, however, Orkin bases his startling conclusion on instructive to look at reasons given by only one question right at the end of his the respondents why business questionaire. No care has been taken to undertakings should not belong to slip in a control question. In addition, it private persons or privately owned is well established that the sequence of companies. Of all the respondents, only questions, especially on highly emotive 5,7% gave as their reason that the state issues, does have a leading effect. In this should own business, while another 5% case the respondent has been led claimed that private ownership is not in through a whole series of questions the interest of the public. Thus roughly which stack the deck in favour of 10% of the total number of respondents resistance politics to the detriment of favoured a socialist strategy. reconciliation politics. Most important In addition it has be recalled that though, is the specific wording of the almost an equal number of respondents question on which the finding is based. in the HSRC survey favoured private The exact question was: enterprise. Again different reasons were "Question 9 given, but 43% of this group indicated Suppose South Africa had the that they believe this is morally justified,

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. 11% believed private companies have elected government while 78% preferred the skills to conduct busines~ private ownership. In 1984 18% of this proficiently, 9% believed private group (urban industrial workers in the companies are financially strong Transvaal and Eastern Cape) favoured enough. Something that may give rise to state ownership while 60% preferred concern is that only 8,2% believed private ownership. Thus although there privately owned companies eventually was an increase in the number who contribute to the common good. were unsure, 3% less supported state Mention should also be made of two ownership in 1984 than in 1981. In 1982 surveys done by Prof L Schlemmer; the he did an identical survey under black findings of which fully support my migrant workers country-wide, 48% of perception. To steer clear of the the respondents favoured state capitalism-apartheid link in South ownership, but this can be explained by Africa, Schlemmer asked questions their more marginal status as migrant referring to a hypothetical African state workers in South Africa's economy. The ruled by a black government: In 1981 majority did, however, prefer private 21% of these respondents (being urban ownership (52%). 261 (See Table 1 for a blacks in the Transvaal and Natal) summary of all recent survey results.) favoured state ownership by a black

TABLE 1 SUMMARY OF RECENT SURVEY RESULTS OF BLACK PREFERENCES OF ECONOMIC SYSTEMS Favour Capit.;:lism Favour Socialism 1. ORKIN'S SURVEY (1985) 22% 77% - Inkatha members (70%) 2. ARGUS-GROUP SURVEY (1981) Opposed to state ownership Favour state ownership of mines and big industries of mines and big indus;ric~ 42% 32% Uohannesburg) (56%) (20%) (Cape Town) (17%) (35%) (Durban) (35%) (49%) 3. HSRC SURVEY (1985) Prefer private ownership Prefer state ownership of business of business PWV-area 40,7% 41,6% 4. SCHLEMMER'S SURVEYS Hypothetical country: Hypothetical country: Prefer private. enterprise Prefer state ownership - 1981 (Urban blacks 78% 21% Transvaal and Natal) - 1984 (Industrial workers 60% 18% in Tvl and Eastern Cape) -1982 (Migrant workers, 52% 48% country-wide)

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. Thus, in general, scientific surveys concerned, these have so far been indicate that socialist tenets are not well restricted to mostly White intellectual received amongst the black working publicists. There are no indications of a class as Orkin would like us to believe. significant UDF move to amend the c) Addressing the policies of some Freedom Charter to make provision for resistance groups and statements of more explicit socialist ideals. The same black spokespersons, it is obvious that holds true for the ANC. Recent for the greater part, overtly socialist meetings between businessmen and the programmes are restricted to the ANC revealed an absence of typically elitist type organizations. So far intransigence on economic policy, while Trotskyite groups such as MvVT, New a rising star such as Thabo Mbeki Unity Movement and CAL have recently quite emphatically distanced established no significant base in the the ANC from the label "socialist". Even 'Jlack communities. So small is their Joe Slovo, while still holding on to the support that Orkin's survey amongst ideal of eventual! full socialism, has, in urban blacks in 1981 did not even list a rGcent interview, been much more these as one of the groups that pragmatic than we are sometimes led to respondents could choose. Although believe the SACP is. Asked about future very prolific publicists, Trotskyites economic strategies, he said: "I believe surely form a very small minority in the that one of the cliches we must avoid black community. about a future South Africa is the one The same applies to the that is so easily thrown about by the far AZAPO/National Forum Alliance. Left in our conditions, of the immediate According to Orkin's survey, only 1% of leap forward into an egalitarian socialist the respondents favoured AZAPO and millennium as the immediate its youth movement AZASM. In consequence of the destruction of the addition the National Forum claims racist state. We are going to face the allegiance of an unspecified number of most enormous economic complexities mostly anonymous affiliated in South Africa, which will require a organizations, yet has not really really delicate balance to be achieved emerged as a national movement if between a number of imperatives. compared with the UDF. Its socialist Among those imperatives is the need to programme is extremely intellectualist begin to change the relations of and it has no proven grassroots support. production while continuing to supply If anything, evidence such as the 1981 the people with their daily needs and Argus group survey reveal a bias ensuring that the economy does not fall amongst AZAPO supporters against full into chaos". 271 scale nationalization strategies. d) I have indicated that prominent As far as overtly socialist tendencies trade union leaders and their advisors in the UDF conglomerate are are openly advocating a socialist future.

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. Extrapolating from what we have learnt pointed out, "empirical studies of black about general black perceptions, it may South African attitudes have revealed be surmised that shopfloor sentiment significant contradictions. In 1977 a may be less radical than those of the majority felt they were unhappy. A leadership-elite. Some indications in this slightly larger majority felt that they regard are supplied by the HSRC survey would be very happy ten years later" already quoted. According to this survey (that is now - recent surveys have 73% of the black respondents, mostly indicated a slightly less, yet still workers, regarded the bargaining for predominantly optimistic view of the better wages and working conditions as future). the primary aim of trade unions, with Hanf continues: "Since 1977 black only 9,5% dissenting; 47,9% discounted anger and rage have increased politics as a legitimate concern for trade dramatically (and) ... the prestige of unions, while 30,3% did see a political black protest movements, especially that role for trade unions. There seems of the ANC has grown considerably. therefore, to be at least a marginal gap Such findings may be interpreted as between the members and their leaders revolutionary expectations. But other about the radicalization of the trade findings are incompatible with these. A union movement. broad majority of blacks expect their e) One area of definite concern, leaders to practice moderation and though, is the commitment to socialism patience". (Many) "are opposed to amongst the Black youth, and especially disinvestment, and are prepared to schoolchildren. Although no hard share power with the whites under evidence on any side is available, no sGme future dispensation". 281 Although counter-factuals can be advanced to almost a quarter of the black population modify the earlier conclusion that by 1986 has come to accept violence as socialist rhetoric is very much part of a viable means to effect change, and up the call for "people's education". to 40% support the ANC and Mandela, There is, thus, enough verifiable the majority still believes in· peaceful evidence to indicate that, apart from changes. (In Orkin's survey only 40% of schoolchildren, the commitment to full ANC supporters condoned armed scale socialism may not be so prevalent struggle.) in South Africa's black community as This duality seems to..apply in the was summarily concluded in the case of economic ideals as well. While previous section of this article. calls for a redistribution of wealth is Indeed it can be argued that black's predominant - even in moderate circles vision of a future economic system is such as NAFCOC and Inkatha, full scale subjected to the same kind of "dual socialism still seems to be a generally consciousness" their general political less favoured model than a kind of visions are. As Theodor Hanf has mixed economy with an increased level

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. of social responsibility. As can be unmitigated socialism may well be a deduced from Table 2 there is a strong dying breed in the first world and even sentiment amongst blacks for a state behind the iron and bamboo curtains. It role in the provision of housing, medical still has, however, enormous growth services and unemployment benefits. potential in South Africa if present Yet, significantly large numbers of trends are not addressed and turned respondents did not favour the exclusive around. state option, and for very good reasons. On the question of state owned housing, 3. Some Thoughts on Corporate eg., 1% of all respondents preferred Strategy private freehold. Without being pedantic, I would like Perceptions, however, do change with to suggest in this last section some ways time. At present the lingering economic and means to ensure black allegiance to recession, high inflation, rampant an economic system which values unemployment, rising political private entrepeneurship. expectations, and tremendous Since Project Free Enterprise's first propagandistic pressures may swing report, excellent work has been done by black perceptions drastically in favour management to increase the awareness of socialist ideals. Utopias tend to thrive of black employees about the advantages in adverse economic conditions. If our and dynamics of the market system. My present economic system cannot first point, though, is that these adequately address black aspirations, no educational projects should be one can blame them for being conducted with great sensitivity towards mesmerized by alternatives. Pure the tradHional and historically

TABLE 2

HSRC SURVEY -1985: THE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY OF THE STATE

Agree Disagree State should supply medical services 43,9% 46,4% State should own and provide all the housing in a country 61,1% 26,2% Government has a responsibility to help support families, eg in the form of cheap or free housing 62,1% 26,2% State should provide financial support for unemployed 60,0%- 30,2% The more services government has to provide, the higher taxes get 52,3% 32,5% If the government needs more money for the development of eg black housing and education, taxes of the higher income group should be increased 43,0% 41,6% The state should fix a minimum wage 54,9% 35,2%

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. developed resistance of blacks towards important, what has happened tu an anarchial society in which they business pressure since the state ni· regard themselves a~ the losers. Instead emergency has made "busines::, as of starkly contrasting and exclusive usual" possible again. choices, black employees and Surveys indicate that black employees management should rather be subjected expect much more political pressure c. to programmes which stress the the government from their employers. ~ compatibility of welfare practices with may just be that greater political entrepeneurial skills and market forces credibility of the business ethic amr· · coupled with programmes of black black employees. advancement. Before this can be done, I think the business sector shu c.:.J.u though, top management and be actively involved in one of our : · shareholders themselves must be problem areas, i.e. the alienation of tu, convinced of the merits of an black youth. As we have seen, soci .... .,, integrated, problem-orientated, mixed ideas today have a fertile breeding economy. Wolfgang Thomas' idea of a ground amongst this highly politicizeC:. "social market economy" recently section of our population. We also h2v published in SOUTH AFRICA .~, to recall that the black youth has a INTERNATIONAL (October 1986}, proven capability of disrupting vita~ seems to be a fruitful model in terms of sectors of the economy, and that the meeting both the aspirations of black "young comrades" of today are the employees and white entrepeneurial potential managers whom our econr · concerns about growth and productivity will so desperately need ten to fifteen potential. years hence. Secondly, management will have to One possible bold move in this regard accept that a huge part of their problem may be that the business world become is a political one. As Joe Slovo correctly involved in the funding and execution pointed out, the more blacks become of alternative curriculla, respectively convinced that sham political reform do "people's education". Given the fact t: not address their immediate social and socio-economic issues will anyway economic needs, the more they will be feature prominently in these prone to accept radical restructuring of programmes, the business communi', the political and economic system as the can just as well try to play a moderati 1 ·' only alternative. I have much role if its programme facilitates an uiJcll appreciation for the determined way in and balanced discussion on the merits which some business leaders have and shortcomings of various models. recently tackled the government on the It is not too late to contemplate an issue of reform. Cynical employees may, Education Foundation, structured alon° however, justifiably ask where all these the lines of the Urban Foundation. voices were before 1984, and even more Credibility may be an initial problem.

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. but if conducted on a big enough scaie, and moral reasons why minimum wage and endorsed by enough of the black levels will be counter-productive in leaders, this may be overcome. Another terms of employment maximisation. Yet major stumbling block may be the management practices can only be bureaucratic instransigence of the sound if they adequately address the Department of Education and Training need of our black community for decent (DET). Fortunately both the Minister living conditions. If these are not and his deputy have not written off provided by the private sector, the people's education as such. Given the considerable black pressure for state assurance that the proposed programme welfare schemes will only further may have a moderating effect on the increase from their already high level long run, it may get their blessing, (See Table 2). As a recent much to be although it will be unwise to involve a recommended look on black government department directly. advancement in the South African Finally, every manager and employer economy indicates29l, business in will have to realise that his or her daily general can still drastically improve on actions probably play the biggest role in its track record in this regard. determining the attitude of black It is useless, if this task is tackled employees towards the economic sporadically and individually. What we system. need is a collective responsibility by all Respected surveys convincingly show business leaders in this regard, as well that daily experiences of discrimination, as a self-policing system which can sub-standard wages and disregard for ensure that company Z does not wreck social security and housing needs are all the good work done by companies A the most immediate concept formation toY. Has..:the time for an indigenous influences on black employees. It is Sullivan Code, of fair employment absolutely inexcusable when companies, practices, hammered out and supervised in this late stage, still gamble with South by all the major employer movements in Africa's future in this irresponsible way. South Africa, not arrived? I am well aware that there may be good

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. Fallacies of South African Disinvestment

Michael Johns Assistant Editor, Policy Review The Heritage Foundation

The current campaign being waged The result, of course, is always the against the Republic of South Africa same. The Western ally, faced with and the leadership of President P W growing outside pressure and a Botha has many of the earmarks of a perceived lack of internal support, is well thought-out and orchestrated violently overthrown by a militant propaganda effort devised to undermine regime hostile to the West, allied with yet another American ally in yet another the Soviet Union, and far more corrupt, strategic region of the world. By now barbaric, and totalitarian than any the frightening scenario should be previous leadership could have hoped to familiar to even the most callow policy have been. The American actions, far analysts. from being "compassionate", end up First, the Western left finds or creates facilitating the ascendency of Leninism an issue in an allied nation under which and expansionest-orientated it can rally its forces. Traditionally, dictatorship, increased human rights these issues have been somewhat violations, and serving a serious blow to similar. Under Cuban President the geopolitical state of the West. Fulgencio Batista, the issue was It is relatively easy, though, to view corruption. Under the Shah of Iran, it the current demonstrators, calling for was human rights violations. And under economic sanctions and disinvestment Nicaraguan President Anastasio Somozo in South Africa, as benevolent human Debayle, it was a combination of both. beings earnestly concerned about the Next, they enlist popular support by evils of that country's racial policies. In unleashing their radical Philistines and an effort to bring apartheid to an end, sending them into the streets to demand they argue, the West should place that under the euphemism of sanctions on South Africa, launch "compassion", we must disinvest with boycotts and embargoes, ostracize South the ally in question, place an arms African athletes, musicians, and artists, embargo on them, and sever diplomatic eliminate all cultural ties, and support and cultural ties immediately. the South African opposition. On the

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. surface, this seems to be a rather were they as Pol Pot and the Khmer reasonable agenda set forth to put an Rouge were massacring over a third of end to the heinous evils of apartheid the Cambodian population and forcing which we all abhor. Aside from nearly all the rest into slave labour prescribing the wrong medicine for the camps? Why weren't these protesters disease of apartheid, there is only one leading demonstrations outside the problem with these activists: they reek Soviet embassies and consulates after with the stench of pure hypocrisy. that government ruthlessly shot down a. After all, aren't these the same liberal Korean passenger plane killing all of the activists who respond to continued 269 civilians aboard? Where are the communist brutality and aggression - cries on behalf of the people of which, relative to South African Afghanistan, one million of whom have apartheid, is far less pragmatic, far more been massacred at the hands of an overwhelming and brutal, and whose invading Soviet army? Why are these expansionist doctrine presents a gadflies seemingly unconcerned with significant threat to the free world's the horrid persecution of blacks in very survival - by proposing increased Communist Mozambique and cultural and scientific relationships, Zimbabwe? more extensive trade agreements, Why haven't they lead disinvestment academic exchanges, and "less anti campaigns against the brutal communist rhetoric and more common Communist dictatorship of Angola, understanding". wh:;:re multinational American oil Indeed, in a world dominated by companies are upholding the regime totalitarianism, one wonders why these against the will of the people and people seem only concerned with providing the necessary funds for the violations - big or small - committed government to support the presence of by our allies. over 45,000 Cuban, East German, and One would like to ask the North Korean troops installed to disinvestment crowd where they were suppress democratic uprisings in that as the Communist dictatorship of country? Why not disinvestment with Angola was running hundreds of black Red China whose government policy of resisters through large circular saws infanticide is more than well lengthwise? Where were they as Soviet documented? repression of Russian Jews intensified The answer to these many questions and thousands were thrown into gulags is a simple one: The South African for not renouncing their faith? Where disinvestment campaign is not really

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. interested in opposing human rights South African blacks, and hence, an violations or even furthering the increase in the possibility for social and economic, social, and political political reform. Capitalism, when prosperity of blacks in South Africa. unleashed from government restraints, The leaders of this movement are only is_ a moral force which can and is interested in turning public opinion on putting an end to apartheid. The reason American allies and providing the for this is rather basic: Capitalism and necessary setting for their eventual apartheid are simply incompatible. overthrow. Capitalism is based on the concept of Ironically, disinvestment would only freedom of movement, reasonable further penalize South African blacks, freedom of government intervention, many of whom fled economic and and the ability to enter and exit from political persecution in totalitarian the market place freely. Apartheid African nations for haven in South contradicts these concepts. In essence, Africa, and make the dissolution of either apartheid or capitalism will apartheid even more difficult. Instead, eventually triumph in South Africa. the West should attempt to remodel its America would do well to encourage South African policy by recognising that the latter. By discouraging capitalism, it is through color-blind employment through disinvestment and embargoes, practices of US companies and we stand only to strengthen the forces continued economic growth, that we of apartheid a..'1d authoritarianism. can strike the biggest blow to the evil Furthermore, while disinvestment system of apartheid. may be favoured by liberals and black Indeed, universities and other organisations in the West, polls reveal stockholding institutions, if they truly that South African blacks stand almost want to "do something" about united against it. A recent poll by South apartheid, should increase their Africa's respected polling analyst, .,ortfolios with equity in business which Lawrence Schlemmer, reveals that more are playing such a constructive role in than 75 percent of South African blacks South Africa. Likewise, US oppose disinvestment as a means of multinational firms should make an bringing about an end to apartheid. This effort to increase their operations, net should not come as any surprise. The output, and number of South African presence of foreign firms has improved employees in the country. the economic and social status of South In the long run, these action will African blacks to the point that their result in increased economic power for status exceeds that of almost any other

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018. nation on the entire African continent. the worst possible scenario for South The future of South Africa is very African blacks resulting in economic much undetermined and American despair, similar to other black policy toward her, no doubt, will play a dictatorship on the African continent, key role in that future. History shows increased human rights violations, and a that American withdrawal from our permanent suspension of all civil allies, either economically or liberties. Furthermore, it would be an diplomatically, serves only to open the enormous blow to the West and the door to brutal Communist democratic cause. expansionism. In South Africa, the Before it is too late, America would be Soviet-backed African National wise to consider the many fallacies and Congress is already poised to exploit dangers of disinvestment and devise an any opportunity for violent alternative to abolishing apartheid advancement. Their triumph would be without abolishing the Republic itself.

Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2018.