Brexit Glossary Compiled By: Eleanor Gadd
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Current Developments in European Foreign Policy
HOUSE OF LORDS European Union Committee 26th Report of Session 2005–06 Current Developments in European Foreign Policy Report with Evidence Ordered to be printed 14 February and published 3 March 2006 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords London : The Stationery Office Limited £price HL Paper 124 The European Union Committee The European Union Committee is appointed by the House of Lords “to consider European Union documents and other matters relating to the European Union”. The Committee has seven Sub-Committees which are: Economic and Financial Affairs, and International Trade (Sub-Committee A) Internal Market (Sub-Committee B) Foreign Affairs, Defence and Development Policy (Sub-Committee C) Environment and Agriculture (Sub-Committee D) Law and Institutions (Sub-Committee E) Home Affairs (Sub-Committee F) Social and Consumer Affairs (Sub-Committee G) Our Membership The Members of the European Union Committee are: Lord Blackwell Lord Maclennan of Rogart Lord Bowness Lord Marlesford Lord Brown of Eaton-under-Heywood Lord Neill of Bladen Lord Dubs Lord Radice Lord Geddes Lord Renton of Mount Harry Lord Goodhart Baroness Thomas of Walliswood Lord Grenfell (Chairman) Lord Tomlinson Lord Hannay of Chiswick Lord Woolmer of Leeds Lord Harrison Lord Wright of Richmond The Members of the Sub-Committee which carried out this inquiry (Foreign Affairs, Defence and Development Policy, Sub-Committee C) are: Lord Bowness (Chairman) Lord Boyce Lord Dykes Baroness Falkner of Margravine Lord Freeman Lord Hannay of Chiswick Lord Lea of Crondall Lord King of Bridgwater Baroness Symons of Vernham Dean Lord Tomlinson Lord Truscott Information about the Committee The reports and evidence of the Committee are published by and available from The Stationery Office. -
The Process of Brexit: What Comes Next?
LONDON’S GLOBAL UNIVERSITY THE PROCESS OF BREXIT: WHAT COMES NEXT? Alan Renwick Co-published with: Working Paper January 2017 All views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the UCL European Institute. © Alan Renwick (Image credit: Way out by Matt Brown; CC BY 2.0) The Process of Brexit: What Comes Next? Alan Renwick* * Dr Alan Renwick is Deputy Director of the UCL Constitution Unit. THE PROCESS OF BREXIT: WHAT COMES NEXT? DR ALAN RENWICK Executive Summary The phoney war around Brexit is almost over. The Supreme Court has ruled on Article 50. The government has responded with a bill, to which the House of Commons has given outline approval. The government has set out its negotiating objectives in a White Paper. By the end of March, if the government gets its way, we will be entering a new phase in the Brexit process. The question is: What comes next? What will the process of negotiating and agreeing Brexit terms involve? Can the government deliver on its objectives? What role might parliament play? Will the courts intervene again? Can the devolved administrations exert leverage? Is a second referendum at all likely? How will the EU approach the negotiations? This paper – so far as is possible – answers these questions. It begins with an overview of the Brexit process and then examines the roles that each of the key actors will play. The text was finalised on 2 February, shortly after publication of the government’s White Paper. Overview: Withdrawing from the EU Article 50 of the EU treaty sets out a four-step withdrawal process: the decision to withdraw; notification of that decision to the EU; negotiation of a deal; and agreement to the deal’s terms. -
Government Response to the House of Commons European Scrutiny Committee Report HC 109-1 of Session 2013-14 Reforming the Scrutiny System in the House of Commons
Government Response to the House of Commons European Scrutiny Committee Report HC 109-1 of Session 2013-14 Reforming the Scrutiny System in the House of Commons Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by Command of Her Majesty July 2014 Cm 8914 Government Response to the House of Commons European Scrutiny Committee Report HC 109-1 of Session 2013-14 Reforming the Scrutiny System in the House of Commons Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by Command of Her Majesty July 2014 Cm 8914 © Crown copyright 2014 You may re-use this information (excluding logos) free of charge in any format or medium, under the terms of the Open Government Licence v.2. To view this licence visit www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/2/ or email [email protected] Where third party material has been identified, permission from the respective copyright holder must be sought. This publication is available at www.gov.uk/government/publications. Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us at [email protected]. Print ISBN 9781474109796 Web ISBN 9781474109802 Printed in the UK by the Williams Lea Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. ID P002659226 42260 07/14 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fibre content minimum. Government Response to the House of Commons European Scrutiny Committee 24th Report HC 109-1 of Session 2013-14, Reforming the Scrutiny System in the House of Commons The Government welcomes the European Scrutiny Committee’s Inquiry into Reforming the Scrutiny System in the House of Commons and the detailed consideration the Committee has given this important issue. -
18 October 2017 Your Freedom of Information Request
Political Section UK Representation to the EU Avenue d’Auderghem 10 1040 Brussels Belgium Website: https://www.gov.uk 18 October 2017 Your Freedom of Information Request: 0731-17 Thank you again for your request for information which we received on 1 August 2017. In your request you said: “I am writing to you under the Freedom of Information Act 2000 to request the following information from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office: 1. A list of the foreign trips made by Simon Case for the purposes of discussing or negotiating the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union, clearly stating the purpose of the trip (e.g. Discussion with relevant parties on the impact of UK exit from EU, or, Discussion on Department for Exiting the European Union Policy), where the trip was to, when they were there, and the time spent in each location (if possible, to the hour) since 29 March 2017; 2. The time spent abroad by each of the following people: Tim Barrow; Katrina Williams; as part of their responsibilities either as the UK’s permanent representatives to the European Union or as part of the UK’s negotiating team for withdrawing the European Union, where they were, when they were there, and the time spent in each location since the 29 March 2017. We confirmed in our letter to you of 31 August that the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) does hold information relevant to your request. We have interpreted “foreign” to mean to countries other than the United Kingdom or Belgium, the latter of which is where Sir Tim Barrow, Simon Case, and Katrina Williams are all currently based as part of their roles at the UK Permanent Representation to the EU (UKREP). -
Don't Believe Pundits' Claims About the Cost of Brexit.Pdf
Don’t Believe Pundits’ Claims About the Cost of Brexit Experts agree leaving the European Union will damage the British economy, but past performance should make them wary of offering outlandish assertions about an unknowable future. Embattled British Prime Minister Theresa May put on a brave face last week at the U.K. Conservative Party’s annual conference in Birmingham. Facing pressure from all sides over what has become known as her Chequers proposal for an orderly Brexit, she reiterated her government’s commitment to leaving the European Union as scheduled on March 29 of next year. Ridiculing opponents’ calls for further compromise, she stated unequivocally that “Britain isn’t afraid to leave with no deal if we have to.” May’s feisty formal address was preempted by an off-program speech the day before by the former foreign secretary and perennial Conservative Party renegade Boris Johnson, who all but called for a no-deal hard Brexit as the only way to avoid bowing to a Brussels dictatorship. Johnson called the Chequers plan “a cheat” of the electorate and likened it to the 14th-century offense of praemunire. (According to the Oxford English Dictionary, that’s “the offence of asserting or maintaining papal jurisdiction in England.”) In another reference that left watchers turning to Wikipedia for enlightenment, Johnson warned that the Chequers plan would see the United Kingdom “paraded in manacles down the Rue de la Loi like Caractacus.” (For the record, he’s referring to “a 1st-century AD British chieftain of the Catuvellauni tribe, who led the British resistance to the Roman conquest.”) As Johnson and other hard Brexiteers portray the Chequers plan as an abrogation of British sovereignty, hard core Remainers who want the United Kingdom to stay in the European Union routinely warn that a no-deal Brexit will be an economic catastrophe for their country. -
Where Next for Britain and for Europe? Senior European Experts Seminar
Where next for Britain and for Europe? Senior European Experts Seminar Tuesday 26 February Regent’s University London 16:30 – 18:00 This background paper has been prepared by the Senior European Experts Group, an independent group of former UK ambassadors and former EU and UK government officials which prepares briefings on current EU topics for opinion formers. Introduction Brexit has been a huge challenge for the UK and a headache Just as there were differences within the UK, so there were for the EU. The 2016 referendum plunged the UK into a differences between the regions of England. London had the constitutional and political crisis. More than two years on, the highest vote to Remain but the Leave vote was highest in the UK’s future relationship with the EU is still unresolved. East and West Midlands.1 EU Member States have been united in their response to Detailed analysis of the result identified the two most Brexit, but divided when responding to other challenges such significant factors separating Leave from Remain voters as as immigration and the stability of the euro, as well as being their level of educational achievement and their age. No less troubled by the rise of populist parties in some Member States. than 78 per cent of those with no qualifications voted Leave What should their response be to Brexit in the longer term? (admittedly only about 10 per cent of voters), and 61 per cent How can they maintain a united European front on security and of those whose education had stopped at O-levels or CSEs trade in the face of the challenges from Putin and from Trump? (about a quarter of voters).2 Leave voters tended to be older than Remain voters, with 61 per cent of people over 65 voting This paper looks at the history of Brexit from the referendum to Leave compared to 60 per cent of 18-34 year-olds voting until the end of January 2019 and poses some questions to Remain.3 In addition, 59 per cent of voters identifying as about the future direction of the UK and of the EU. -
Current Impasse in Brexit Negotiations and Future Outlook
Mitsui & Co. Global Strategic Studies Institute Monthly Report October 2018 CURRENT IMPASSE IN BREXIT NEGOTIATIONS AND FUTURE OUTLOOK Ryuji Hiraishi Strategic Information & Research Dept. Mitsui & Co. Europe PLC BREXIT NEGOTIATIONS DEADLOCKED AS TIME RUNS OUT The negotiations on the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (Brexit) are approaching a climax. The Brexit negotiations began on June 19, 2017 after the UK made the decision to leave the EU in a referendum held on June 23, 2016 and then submitted notice of its intention to leave the EU to the European Council on March 29, 2017 (Figure 1). Under Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon, a country that decides to leave the EU shall leave two years after submitting notice of its intention to leave even if it is unable to conclude a withdrawal agreement, unless there is unanimous agreement of all member states to extend the negotiation period. As such, the UK and EU are negotiating on the assumption that the UK will leave the EU on March 29, 2019, which will be two years after the UK submitted its notice. The Brexit negotiations are composed of the following three discussions: (1) the terms of withdrawal : including payment by the UK of its liabilities, securing the rights of citizens of both the UK and EU, and managing the border between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland; (2) the future relationship: this could include a comprehensive FTA after the UK’s withdrawal; and (3) the transition period: this is the relationship in the period after withdrawal until the future relationship can be finalized. -
The Unitary Patent and the Unified Patent Court
The Unitary Patent and the Unified Patent Court Dr. Leonard Werner-Jones Background The Past: • No centralization at all • Prosecution country-by-country • Litigation country-by-country National National Patents actions 2 The Unitary Patent and the Unified Patent Court Background The Present (since the 1970’s): • Partial centralization • Prosecution centralized at the EPO • Litigation country-by-country in national courts European National Patent actions 3 The Unitary Patent and the Unified Patent Court Background The Future: • Complete centralization • Prosecution at the EPO • Litigation at the UPC EP-UEs Centralised action 4 The Unitary Patent and the Unified Patent Court Filing and Prosecution Filing and prosecution • No change • The EPO will still be responsible for search, examination and grant of patents • All key aspects of EPO practice remain unchanged • The fun and games start at grant… 5 The Unitary Patent and the Unified Patent Court EPO Grant – Decision Time When an EP is granted, applicant will have choice: 1) Validate to get an EP patent with unitary effect (EP-UE / UP (Unitary Patent)) 2) Validate the patent country-by-country as we do now (Classic EP) • Decision has to be made within 1 month of grant by the EPO 6 The Unitary Patent and the Unified Patent Court Territorial Scope Country EPC UP UPC Ratification Country EPC UP UPC Ratification † † AL * Albania • LT Lithuania • • AT Austria • • • 06.08.13 LU Luxembourg • • • 22.05.15 BE Belgium • • • 06.06.14 MK* Macedonia • BG Bulgaria • • • 03.06.16 MT Malta • • • 09.12.14 -
Enhanced Cooperation, EMU Reforms and Their Implications for Differentiation in the European Union
Tomasz Kubin Enhanced Cooperation, EMU Reforms and Their Implications for Differentiation in the European Union Tomasz Kubin Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Political Sciences and Journalism, University of Silesia in Katowice ul. Bankowa 11, Katowice 40-007, Poland E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: Initially, before the entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty, differences in integration between members of the European Communities (EC; later the European Union) were relatively few and usually temporary in nature. The Schengen Agreement, the Maastricht Treaty and the Treaty of Amsterdam, and the possibility of establishing enhanced cooperation meant that the problem was becoming more and more important in the functioning of the EU—both in theory and in practice. The objective of the paper is to show that for several years, along with the stagnation in the deepening of integration between all the EU Member States, differentiation of integration in the EU is progressing very rapidly. The progressing differentiation in the EU is a consequence of mainly two processes: the development of enhanced cooperation and reforms in the eurozone, which are strengthened by the widening of the EU. The article covers the issue of the categorization of differentiation of European Union integration, which constitutes the theoretical framework for further considerations. Specified processes which contribute to increasing the differentiation of the EU are discussed, showing the development of enhanced cooperation in the EU and presenting the reforms of the eurozone. The article concludes with the identification and the consequences of differentiated integration, both those that have already occurred and those that may occur in the future. -
Triangle of Partnership Or Conflicts
International Journal of Political Science (IJPS) Volume 4, Issue 4, 2018, PP 34-41 ISSN 2454-9452 http://dx.doi.org/10.20431/2454-9452.0404006 www.arcjournals.org Turkey in Relation to EU and Russia - Triangle of Partnership or Conflicts Bulent Acma1*, Mehmet Ali Ozcobanlar2 1Anadolu University, Department of Economics, Eskisehir/Turkey. 2Department of Management, University of Warsaw, Warsaw/Poland *Corresponding Author: Bulent Acma, Anadolu University, Department of Economics, Turkey Abstract: EU-Turkey-Russia. In this research, the relationship between European Union and Turkey, an age long neighbour to the continent and an associate member of European Union since 1963, are examined and analysed. Turkey is an important ally of the union and the only Muslim country-member of NATO from the very beginning of the treaty, since it joined the organization in 1952, at the same year that Greece did. The relations between the Union and Turkey are examined from the aspect of security. The reactions of the European Union to the recent political changes in Republic of Turkey, after the 15 July 2016 failed coup- attempt, are also examined. The EU - Turkey relations after the failed coup attempt and the international impact of it are studied from the perspective of political and social influence it might have. Russia is a vital energy supplier to the Union and Turkey is a geopolitical bridge between west and east, an energy corridor standing at the crossroad of important energy markets such as Iran, Iraq and Azerbaijan. The country has also relations with Cyprus, an upcoming gas supplier and an EU member. -
The Future Relationship Between the United Kingdom and the European Union
THE FUTURE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND THE EUROPEAN UNION Cm 9593 THE FUTURE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND THE EUROPEAN UNION Presented to Parliament by the Prime Minister by Command of Her Majesty July 2018 Cm 9593 © Crown copyright 2018 Any enquiries regarding this publication This publication is licensed under the terms should be sent to us at of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except [email protected] where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open- ISBN 978-1-5286-0701-8 government-licence/version/3 CCS0718050590-001 07/18 Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain Printed on paper containing 75% recycled permission from the copyright holders fibre content minimum. concerned. Printed in the UK by the APS Group on This publication is available at behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s www.gov.uk/government/publications Stationery Office The future relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union 1 Foreword by the Prime Minister In the referendum on 23 June 2016 – the largest ever democratic exercise in the United Kingdom – the British people voted to leave the European Union. And that is what we will do – leaving the Single Market and the Customs Union, ending free movement and the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in this country, leaving the Common Agricultural Policy and the Common Fisheries Policy, and ending the days of sending vast sums of money to the EU every year. We will take back control of our money, laws, and borders, and begin a new exciting chapter in our nation’s history. -
Sample Chapter
Copyright material – 9781137025746 Contents List of Figures, Tables and Boxes viii Preface to the Second Edition x List of Abbreviations xii Introduction 1 Scope, Rationale and Relevance of the Book 1 The Changing Context of EU Foreign Policy 4 Objectives and Approach 6 Outline of Chapters 6 1 The Nature of EU Foreign Policy 11 Understanding EU Foreign Policy 11 Areas of Tension in EU Foreign Policy 19 Back to the Treaties: Principles and Objectives 25 Relational and Structural Foreign Policy 27 The Globalizing Context of EU Foreign Policy 30 Conclusion 33 2 European Integration and Foreign Policy: Historical Overview 35 European Integration: The Product of a Structural Foreign Policy (1945–52) 35 The First Decades (1952–70): A Taboo on Defence, Decisive Steps on Trade and International Agreements 39 European Political Cooperation: Setting the Stage (1970–93) 42 The Maastricht Treaty (1993) and the Illusory CFSP 46 The Amsterdam Treaty (1999) and ESDP: Moving towards Action 51 Eastern Enlargement (2004/07), the Lisbon Treaty (2009) and New Challenges 55 Conclusion 60 3 The EU’s Foreign Policy System: Actors 61 One Framework, Two Policy-making Methods, or a Continuum? 61 The European Council 63 The Council 66 The Commission 72 The High Representative/Vice-President and the EEAS 77 The European Parliament 85 v Copyright material – 9781137025746 vi Contents The Court of Justice 89 Other Actors 90 Conclusion 93 4 The EU’s Foreign Policy System: Policy-making 94 Competences 94 Decision-making 97 Policy-making in Practice 104 Financing EU Foreign