Mark A. Raider. : Statesman Without a State. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009. 343 pp. $40.00, cloth, ISBN 978-1-4384-2499-6.

Reviewed by Sonja Mekel

Published on H-German (October, 2009)

Commissioned by Susan R. Boettcher

Nahum Goldman was one of the more contro‐ and Zionist Statesman--An Overview" by Jehuda versial fgures in modern Jewish history. Though Reinharz and Evyatar Friesel. It combines some of involved in the founding of the state of , he the fndings of the essays to come, adds biographi‐ was always publicly critical of it and continued to cal information, and ofers comments on Gold‐ censure the country even after losing the presi‐ mann's autobiographical writings, his achieve‐ dency of the World Zionist Organization (WZO) in ments, infuences and adversaries, and idiosyn‐ 1968. His suggestion of a meeting between Golda crasies. Born in Vishneva (in present-day ) Meir and came to naught, in 1895, Goldmann was soon brought by his par‐ and his proposal of a "neutral" Israel received lit‐ ents to , where he attended German tle attention. The reasons for Goldmann's public schools and earned a law degree from the Univer‐ criticism of Israel are laid out in this collection of sity of . He claimed to be a "natural thirteen essays, edited by Mark A. Raider, an ex‐ Zionist" due to his east European origins, but later pert in the history of , who also contrib‐ wrote: "I dream in German, I laugh in German, I uted one of the chapters. In 1997, Raider co-edited cry in German, I love in German" (p. 46). Stripped a book on , Goldmann's some‐ of German citizenship in 1935, he obtained a Hon‐ time nemesis and victim.[1] duran passport, then reached the in The present collection stems from a 2003 con‐ 1940, becoming a citizen in 1945. His greatest ference sponsored by the Memorial Foundation achievements were his successful advocacy for for Jewish Culture, the , and Tel the proposal to partition into a Jewish Aviv and Brandeis Universities. Its four parts em‐ and an Arab state, and, after the establishment of phasize diferent aspects of Goldmann's public Israel, the 1952 reparations agreement negotiated persona. The frst part, "Statesman," includes a between , Israel, and the Claims single, long chapter, "Nahum Goldmann: Jewish Conference. However, Goldmann never sought H-Net Reviews political ofce in Israel; the authors of this chap‐ tect Franklin D. Roosevelt from being abandoned ter speculate on the reasons for that decision. by American for his passivity regarding the Some critics concluded that he preferred to criti‐ rescue of Jews from the Germans. Segev's caveat cize Israel from abroad. that the positions of the WJC founders "were not Part 2, "Thinker," consists of Gideon Shimoni's self-serving" (p. 119) sounds less heartfelt than his essay, "Nahum Goldmann as Zionist Thinker," and comment in footnote 12: "Viewing Goldmann's ac‐ Yosef Gorny's chapter, "Negation of the Galut and tivities in the summer of 1943 dispassionately is the Centrality of Israel: Nahum Goldmann and indeed difcult when alongside his eforts to res‐ David Ben-Gurion." Shimoni sketches out Gold‐ cue European Jews he remembered to request a mann's education, early infuences, and relation‐ renewal of his fshing license" (p. 121). ship to the older Zionist Jacob Klatzkin. It would In the following chapter, "Nahum Goldmann have been helpful if this essay, which stresses the and Chaim Weizmann: An Ambivalent 'Relation‐ ambiguity of Goldmann's thinking, had been ship'," Jehuda Reinharz stresses the similarities in longer than eleven pages. Gorny diagnoses the origins, career, and ideological independence be‐ phenomenon of "rival pairs of leaders" in Zionist tween the two men. They were also similar in the history (p. 75). David Ben-Gurion, who rejected way they lost their power: neither Goldmann nor the spiritual value of the Diaspora, and Gold‐ Weizmann was interested in joining a party and mann, who thought it essential for the survival of subjecting himself to its discipline, so that both Israel, were such a pair. Their diferences of opin‐ lost a vital basis of support for their leadership. ion about the terms of Jewish peoplehood came to Despite this similarity in attitude, they did not get a head at the Zionist Conference at the Hebrew along. Weizmann distrusted Goldmann for pub‐ University in 1957. lishing an attack against him in 1923 and helping In part 3, "Maverick," Michael Brenner recap‐ to oust him as WZO president in 1931. Further‐ tures Goldmann's years in Germany. In this inter‐ more, Weizmann had a low opinion of Gold‐ esting, but unfortunately short chapter, Brenner mann's adventurous character. A further compar‐ discusses Goldmann's early writing, his work for ative biographical essay, Raider's "Idealism, Vi‐ the Freie Zionistische Blätter, and his collabora‐ sion, and Pragmatism: Stephen S. Wise, Nahum tion with Klatzkin in publishing the frst ten vol‐ Goldmann, and Abba Hillel Silver in the United umes of the (1928-33). States," suggests that the same characteristics that Brenner treats Goldmann rather charitably, apart predispose individuals for leadership often ex‐ from some criticism concerning his view of plain their weaknesses. All three adapted to in his earliest published book, his 1913 travelogue changes in the political orientation of American of Palestine. In contrast, Zohar Segev's "Nahum Jewry in the 1930s, a turn to New Deal liberalism, Goldmann and the First Two Decades of the internationalism, and activism that corresponded " is one of the most damn‐ to the shift towards labor Zionism in the Yishuv. ing of the essays: according to Segev, the WJC, They realized the necessity of exchanging Great founded by Stephen S. Wise and Goldmann in Britain for the United States as the superpower to 1936, was not really intended as a rival Zionist or‐ which to appeal. Their sense of pragmatism was ganization, though it was perceived as one by tested by the controversy over the Haavarah many contemporaries. As Segev shows, it served Agreement and their confrontation with Revision‐ mostly to silence both Abba Hillel Silver and ist Zionism. As so often in Jewish political history, American-Jewish grassroots activity on behalf of constant infghting and lacking unity did not help European Jewry during World War II, and to pro‐ their cause, which only bore fruit in the postwar period. Moreover, such controversy made it ap‐

2 H-Net Reviews pear in retrospect as though failure was as much of his German education. He even considered the fault of the Jews as that of the indiferent and himself something like an honorary German Jew. sometimes hostile majority in whose midst they Shafr's article, however, suggests that Gold‐ lived. mann's success was probably due to his status as Concluding this section, Friesel's chapter re‐ an American Jew, his ability to remind the Ger‐ traces Goldmann's mission in Washington in Au‐ mans of their interests, and especially his willing‐ gust 1946. The mission is usually described as his ness to compromise and ignore matters that oth‐ frst "home run," the achievement that promoted ers considered insults to the memory of the vic‐ him from obscurity to a leading position in the tims. (The latter must have served Goldmann well Zionist world. Friesel, however, explores the am‐ when dealing with Hans Globke, who would have biguous results of the mission. Representing the changed his interlocutor's name to Nahum Israel Jewish Agency, Goldmann slighted and antago‐ Goldmann not even a decade earlier.) His eforts, nized the American Zionist leadership (especially however, met with no success whatsoever in the Silver, who retaliated by silencing Goldmann at GDR. In later years, his criticism of Israel earned the 22nd Zionist Congress); despite improving the him recognition in Germany and facilitated his di‐ Zionists' relations with the American Jewish Com‐ alogue with the socialist German chancellors. mittee and polite talks with Dean Acheson, Gold‐ Ronald W. Zweig's contribution, "'Reparations mann's appearance without Silver or other Ameri‐ Made Me': Nahum Goldmann, German Repara‐ can Jewish leaders weakened the Zionist position tions, and the Jewish World," concentrates on the before Harry Truman and resulted in a lukewarm internal and external negotiations concerning American commitment to the creation of a Jewish reparations, beginning during the war with a con‐ state. With regard to thwarting the potentially dis‐ ference of major Jewish organizations in Atlantic astrous Morrison-Grady proposal, Goldmann's vis‐ City; another internal milestone was the 1951 con‐ it was superfuous, since the proposal had already ference in New York's Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, been discarded, thanks to the eforts of Silver's which created the Conference on Jewish Material American Zionist Emergency Committee. Friesel's Claims against Germany, with Goldmann serving respect for Goldmann notwithstanding, he has as president. It followed Adenauer's announce‐ written a chapter that portrays him as an egocen‐ ment of willingness to reach a settlement with Is‐ tric who succeeded despite himself and ofended rael and those he called "representatives of Jew‐ potential allies. Friesel defends Goldmann by re‐ ry" (p. 235). Zweig credits Goldmann with break‐ ferring to the diference between a historical mi‐ ing a deadlock between Israel and Germany by cro- and macro-perspective; judged by the latter, convincing the Germans to commit "to a realistic Goldmann's mission was a success after all be‐ ofer of reparations to Israel" (p. 243), though he cause it represented "an essential step in postwar achieved this less thanks to his diplomatic talents Zionist political work" (p.170). than by drastically lowering the amount of the The last part of the collection, "Leader," be‐ global claim put forth by the Claims Conference. gins with the thorny issue of German-Jewish rela‐ Zweig also adds that during the negotiations Gold‐ tions. Shlomo Shafr's chapter centers mostly on mann "often acted independently and without Goldman's role in the reparations agreement of consulting even his senior colleagues" (p. 240). 1952, but also treats his later activities in postwar While the amount of the settlement was disap‐ Germany. It is widely held that Goldmann got pointing to many observers, Goldmann's crucial along better than other Jewish leaders with the role in the process secured his prominence in Germans, in particular, because years to come.

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After reading about this depressing issue, and other Jews. His reluctance to risk angering the So‐ before moving on to a hardly more cheerful one, viets is strongly reminiscent of his activities dur‐ Dina Porat's essay on the (ultimately) successful ing the National Socialist era, when he also fo‐ establishment of one of Israel's most attractive cused on quiet, indeed barely audible diplomacy museums provides a welcome intermission. Porat Meir Chazan is the frst of the contributors to argues that Beth Hatefuzot, the Diaspora Museum, the book to call Goldmann a shtadlan, a pre-state was the second of Goldmann's three major cultur‐ intercessor. Shtadlanut and no-conformism al achievements, after the Encyclopaedia Judaica emerge as the two sides of Goldmann's personali‐ and before the Memorial Foundation for Jewish ty in this last chapter, "Goldmann's Initiative to Culture. After a slow start, in which the building Meet with Nasser in 1970." Nevertheless, Chazan stood empty for years, the museum became the is another author who treats Goldmann with a common project of several creative and talented generous measure of goodwill. According to Chaz‐ individuals, among them poet and former parti‐ an, Goldmann never intended to meet with Nass‐ san Abba Kovner. Surprisingly, given their ex‐ er; rather than a geriatric pipedream, the propos‐ tremely dissimilar characters, Goldmann and al was Goldmann's conscious attempt to stir up Kovner got along well. The Diaspora Museum is a controversy in Israel. For instance, Goldmann told ftting legacy of the vital link between Israel and several people in advance about his "top secret" the Diaspora that was one of Goldmann's tenets, invitation. Chazan does not take the opportunity defying the for him unacceptable "negation of ex‐ to interpret this insight as another stage in a ca‐ ile." reer shift to full-time provocateur; instead, he sug‐ In one of the most revealing chapters, "Lead‐ gests that Goldmann seriously intended the ensu‐ ership of Accommodation or Protest? Nahum ing disagreements to support the political health Goldmann and the Struggle for Soviet Jewry," of Israel. Chazan shows that Goldmann managed Suzanne D. Rutland approaches Goldmann's activ‐ to maintain friendly relations with Moshe Dayan ities under the angle of John Higham's two con‐ and Abba Eban, though he antagonized Meir to cepts of leadership. It is certainly no accident that such a degree that she stated, "Not a trace of Zion‐ Rutland wrote of "Goldmann and the Struggle," ism remains in him" (p. 314). By discussing it in rather than of "Goldmann's Struggle" for Soviet the government, Meir made sure nothing would Jews. Goldmann was without a doubt an accom‐ come of the meeting, a move that Goldmann had modationist, championing direct, but unprovoca‐ anticipated. At times, Chazan seems to portray the tive negotiations with the Soviets so as not to dis‐ Israeli government's stated willingness for peace gruntle them or to make it look as though the talks to occur as hypocritical. Yet, he also con‐ cause of Jewish rights in the USSR was tied to the cludes that the initiative had never been an op‐ Cold War (which, of course, it was). As a conse‐ portunity for peace and, more importantly, that quence, Goldmann did not even participate in the the Israeli public's hostility to Goldmann was in‐ frst meeting of the American Jewish Conference dicative of the end of shtadlanut as an accepted on Soviet Jewry. In the 1960s, this timidity led to form of Jewish political behavior. serious conficts between the outspoken Aus‐ Despite some unavoidable thematic and fac‐ tralian Jewish leadership and the WJC. It speaks tual overlaps in the essays, the image of Gold‐ volumes that Soviet representatives quoted Gold‐ mann that emerges in the book is at times un‐ mann, who often downplayed in the even. Though the most prominent of his charac‐ USSR, to justify their antisemitic policies. By advo‐ teristics are conveyed in most chapters (self-conf‐ cating a nonconfrontational, even apologetic poli‐ dence, pragmatism, and an independence of mind cy toward the Soviets, Goldmann again alienated

4 H-Net Reviews and action that some observers felt bordered on biography of Nahum Goldmann: Sixty Years of arrogance), some are almost celebratory, while Jewish Life (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Win‐ others portray him as a political amateur with an ston, 1969); Mein Leben als deutscher Jude, vol. I attitude. One of the few details with which some (Munich: Langen-Müller, 1982); Mein Leben: USA, readers might disagree and that distressed me is Europa, Israel, vol. II (Munich: Langen-Müller, Reinharz's and Friesel's view of the so-called 1982); and Nahum Goldmann, with Leon (the half-bureaucratic, half- Abramowicz, The Jewish Paradox (New York: childish meaning of which is lost in the English Grosset & Dunlap, 1978). term "reparations"), expressed in "Overview": "Goldmann remained well aware of a factor that most Jews and Israelis apparently preferred to forget: that the German side had taken steps to re‐ pair the shattered German-Jewish relationship on its own, that it was an act of will within the Ger‐ man public establishment, and that no one could have forced the Germans to do so" (p. 27). I under‐ stand this statement to imply--in my opinion in‐ correctly--that the Germans, after much hesita‐ tion, decided to sign the reparations agreement not in order to curry favor with the Americans, or to boost their own economy (Israel had to accept around 70 percent of the "payments" in the form of German-made products). It suggests that they agreed to pay DM 3.45 billion, a fraction of the stolen Jewish property and assets, out of the good‐ ness of their hearts. Even so, this long-overdue book on Goldmann flls a gap in Zionist historiography. Its engaging and sophisticated chapters make a welcome addi‐ tion to the biography by Raphael Patai and a cor‐ rective to Goldmann's autobiographies.[2] It adds an excellent contribution to the growing litera‐ ture on the relationship of American Jewry and Jews in other parts of the Diaspora to the state of Israel, and explores the challenges of Jewish diplomacy, both before and after 1948. Notes [1]. Mark A. Raider, Jonathan D. Sarna, and Ronald W. Zweig, eds., Abba Hillel Silver and American Zionism (London: Frank Cass, 1997). [2]. Raphael Patai, Nahum Goldmann: His Missions to the Gentiles (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1987); Nahum Goldman, The Auto‐

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Citation: Sonja Mekel. Review of Raider, Mark A. Nahum Goldmann: Statesman Without a State. H- German, H-Net Reviews. October, 2009.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=25718

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