Who Governs Merseyside?

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Who Governs Merseyside? Who Governs Merseyside? A Democratic Audit Briefing Paper Stuart Wilks-Heeg, Dave Ellis and Alex Nurse Who Governs Merseyside? | A Democratic Audit Briefing Paper 2 Who Governs Merseyside? Dave Sinclair School students’ strike, 1985, from the exhibition Democratic Promenade, at the Bluecoat A Democratic Audit Briefing Paper | October 2011 Stuart Wilks-Heeg, Dave Ellis and Alex Nurse Key points l Just under half of identifiable spending by these roles are quite widely dispersed, public service organisations on Merseyside although 64 per cent are occupied by is controlled by elected local authorities. men. A small number of individuals occupy three or more such roles – 16 of l Taken together, local councils and local these 18 individuals are councillors, and NHS Trusts account for 80 per cent of the gender balance is roughly equal (ten direct local public service spending on men, eight women). Merseyside. l The Labour Party is currently the dominant l There are almost 40,000 businesses on political force in the city-region by some Merseyside, of which around 10 per cent margin. Compared to the composition of are members of one of the five local councils across Merseyside, councillors chambers of commerce. who take up multiple governing roles are l Significant business power is likely to be more likely both to be Labour and to be located in individual companies which male. are major employers or which have l The city-region’s two daily newspapers substantial development interests in the serve contrasting readerships and region. Some, but by no means all, of are likely to influence local politics in these interests are represented on the distinctive ways. ‘shadow board’ of the proposed Local l Ownership of the local press is dominated Economic Partnership for Merseyside. by the Trinity Mirror Group, which owns l Merseyside has a large and diverse both the Liverpool Echo and the Liverpool voluntary sector, made up of thousands Daily Post, as well as 13 weekly titles of individual organisations. However, the published in the city-region. extent of voluntary sector influence on l BBC Radio Merseyside has the largest public policy is difficult to gauge. market share among radio broadcasters in l Analysis of some 1,100 governing the city-region, closely followed by Radio positions in the city-region suggests that City 96.7. Key points Who Governs Merseyside? | A Democratic Audit Briefing Paper 3 l A detailed analysis of who occupies a Introduction total of 1,100 places on governing boards across Merseyside, encompassing local government, NHS trusts, single-purpose agencies for policing, fire and waste disposal, universities, colleges, chambers of commerce and others; l The structure and ownership of the local media, including the circulation of local newspapers, and the audience shares gained by regional radio broadcasters. his briefing has been produced Before turning to the research to inform a unique project set up findings directly, the briefing begins Tto explore who wields political with a short discussion of the wider power on Merseyside in 2011, and how issues raised by attempts to study they are accountable to local people. power in city-regional politics. It also Representing an amalgam of academic provides a brief assessment of the study, public inquiry and theatre, previous role of Merseyside County the project has been co-organised by Council, the elected city-regional Democratic Audit and the Bluecoat, authority abolished twenty-five years a Liverpool-based arts centre. Based ago, in 1986, and an account of recent around a two-stage event, the project developments in (unelected) city- forms part of the Bluecoat’s Democratic regional governance for the Liverpool Promenade exhibition, taking place city-region. from 30 September to 27 November Throughout this briefing, the terms 2011. ‘Merseyside’ and ‘Liverpool City- The purpose of this briefing is to Region’ are used interchangeably. In provide an initial evidence base for the both cases, these terms refer to the first event, to be held at the Bluecoat area covered by the former Merseyside on 6 October 2011, when a panel of County Council, namely the five experts will be asked for their views Metropolitan Borough Councils on who has the power to shape public of Liverpool, Sefton, Knowsley, St. policy on Merseyside. Intended to Helens and the Wirral (although some inform discussion and debate, rather definitions of the Liverpool city-region than to advance a view on who governs also include Halton Borough Council). Merseyside, this briefing draws on Democratic Audit research into the following five key aspects of gover- nance and politics in the city-region: West Lancashire l The extent of public sector spending on Merseyside and the relative significance of the 29 main public service organisations Wigan identified, as measured by their ‘spending Sefton power’; St Helens l The scale and organisation of the private sector on Merseyside, including the Knowsley number of companies, the role of large Wirral Liverpool corporations in the local economy and the representation of local businesses through Halton the local chambers of commerce; l The organisation and representation of the voluntary sector on Merseyside; Chester and W Cheshire Introduction Who Governs Merseyside? | A Democratic Audit Briefing Paper 4 Who governs? If we are required to ‘look up’ to understand how Merseyside is governed, then we must also ‘look down’. We cannot reach a view on who governs Merseyside without examining its various sub-units, not just the city of Liverpool as its core city, but also the four other Metropolitan Boroughs of Sefton, the Wirral, Knowsley and St. Helens. Indeed, the governance structures for he apparently straightforward Merseyside as a whole are remarkably question of ‘who governs?’ is, in ‘light touch’, amounting to a small Tfact, one of the most complex and number of statutory authorities for most controversial in political science. policing, fire and waste disposal, Originally posed by classic American together with some non-statutory academic studies of city politics,1 it partnership arrangements. The power is a question which clearly requires of Liverpool-based individuals and us to go beyond the formal, visible organisations relative to those in the structures of democratic politics and other constituent parts of Merseyside public governance, important as these is therefore another important factor to are. When we ask ‘who governs?’ we consider. are really trying to ascertain who has It is perhaps fitting, therefore, the power to shape and determine that we are posing the question of public policy, including the power who governs Merseyside in the 25th to keep issues off the policy agenda anniversary year of the abolition of altogether. Elected representatives and Merseyside County Council (MCC). civil servants are clearly an important Formally abolished on 31 March 1986, part of the story of ‘who governs?’ – but MCC had been created only 12 years so too are a range of individuals and previously as a ‘strategic authority’ for organisations beyond the political Merseyside – one of six Metropolitan parties and the state. In a democracy, County Councils established in the power does not begin and end with largest English conurbations on 1 periodic elections. Organised pressure April 1974.2 Following the model of groups also play a role, as do forms of the Greater London Council, which systemic power exercised, for instance, had been established in 1965, the ‘Met by individual corporations and media Counties’ were mostly charged with organisations. providing strategic policy co-ordination All of these issues come to the fore in areas such as land-use planning, when we try to establish who governs public transport and policing. a city-region like Merseyside. But studying power locally raises other issues too. Unlike in centuries past, cities are not self-governing ‘city- states’. The UK government largely defines the parameters of local democracy on Merseyside, as it does in all localities, and ‘supra-national’ organisations such as the European Union also have a role. 2 The other Metropolitan County Councils served Greater 1 See Robert Dahl (1961) Who Governs? Democracy and power in an Manchester, South Yorkshire, Tyne and Weir, the West Midlands and American city, New Haven: Yale University Press. West Yorkshire. Who Governs? Who Governs Merseyside? | A Democratic Audit Briefing Paper 5 The rise and fall of Redcliffe Maud Commission (1969) in favour of two-tier local government, Merseyside County including in metropolitan areas.3 Council In truth, the reasons for the abolition of the Metropolitan Counties almost certainly had more to do with the political conflict between Margaret Thatcher and Labour-controlled local authorities, particularly the GLC under Ken Livingstone, in the early 1980s. As one academic account from the s one of six Metropolitan County period notes the Metropolitan Counties Councils created by the Local ‘have, perhaps, rather unluckily been AGovernment Act 1972, the main included in the abolition proposal responsibilities of Merseyside County because of their structural and Council were transport, policing, the functional similarity to the GLC and, as fire service, arts and museums, waste several have argued, because they all disposal and land-use planning. Like at the moment happen to be Labour- the other Metropolitan Counties and controlled’.4 It is also worth noting that the GLC, Merseyside County Council some of the Metropolitan Counties, was accountable to the local electorate, most notably Merseyside, had adopted with elections held every four years. policies similar to those advocated by Labour won the first elections to Livingstone’s GLC. Under Coombes, MCC in 1974, but lost control of the Merseyside County Council had council to the Conservatives in 1977, developed an equivalent of the GLC’s before regaining its majority at the popular ‘fares fare’ policy, for instance, 1981 elections. However, the elections through which the council sought to scheduled for 1985 were cancelled increase the use of public transport by because of the provisions made in radically cutting bus and train fares the Local Government Act 1985 to within Merseyside.
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