………………………………………….. The Greek .. December Revolt. .and its Current.. Relevance……
Michail Theodosiadis // April 2015
Preface anarchist space. Contrary to that, the vast majority of young Greek anarchists seem to be reluctant to abort sectarianism and idolatrous invocation to ideological puritanism, which isolates them from the public sphere. Thus, instead of allowing their presence to become a significant protagonist in the country’s antagonistic movement, to propose radical alternatives This essay examines one of the most beyond liberalism and parliamentarism, important historical events of the past their absence from the procedures that decade, the 2008 Greek rebellion and its shape a new political consensus results possible relationship with the rise of the for all populist initiatives to become Coalition of Radical Left (SYRIZA) to entirely consumed by the rhetoric of party power. My aim is to eludicate this mechanisms. This, precisely, explains the revolutionary moment without rise of the SYRIZA, which although has exhausting my focus on urban violence, not much to do with horizontalism and which I consider a second priority. I will direct democracy, should not be elaborate on the anarchist elements of the discarded since its victory in the recent revolt and the influences in the general elections of January, 2015 is of utmost attitude of the public. Certainly (and to important (I will discuss this issue in avoid crucial misunderstandings) the relation to the December revolt). December revolt would be unimaginable without having incarnated some of the most fundamental anarchist elements that are widely embraced by a large part of the Greek youth (and most of all we cannot ignore Exarcheia – district of central Athens – where the revolt begun, an area of particular symbolism, which for years was the main epicenter of the Greek anti-capitalist movements). However, it is certainly wrong to classify it as a purely anarchist event as it is believed by many activists across the world. This very common false assumption has led to a peculiar but also unacceptable mystification for the Greek Introduction institutionalized norms of the amoralistic The Greek uprising of 2008 (which consumerist ethos, and the generalized started after the assassination of the 15 conformity that characterizes our year old schoolboy, Alexandros (post)modern Western world. Such Grigoropoulos, in Exarcheia by a police mobilizations instead of attacking the officer) could undoubtedly be considered institutionalized norms of capitalism a milestone in contemporary Greek itself, express the desire for returning to history, as a par excellence populist event the pre-crisis abundance, where the that marked not only the political course bubble of economic growth could of the country but also shaped the entire (ostensibly) secure private affluence European socio-political landscape. within a world of never ending fictitious Unlike other urban revolts that took place needs. in the European continent during the past In these aspects the December revolt two decades – such as the Paris uprising appears to differ significantly; through an (2005) and the London riots (2011) – the attentive approach, we see how for the December unrest carries a peculiar first time after a few decades of political message whose significance remains lethargy and individual isolation, the largely underdiscussed. Even the majority masses begin to despise the misery of of Left-leaning analysts who became loneliness and human privatization, exclusively focused on the thousands of investing in friendship and social young protesters that took to the streets solidarity through spontaneous action in those days, demonstrating their non-hierarchical, self-governed and self- indignation against police impunity, organized small collectivities (namely corruption and rising unemployment, people’s assemblies in oversaw the real message: the spontaneity neighborhoods) of open and voluntary of public deliberate participation in the making of decisions action, where happiness, joy andhuman that determine the running of a fulfillment become integrally conjoined community, as in the case of Hungary with (1956) and the Spanish communes during common presence and appearance in the the anarchist revolution of 1936 open shared space. Whilst strikes and (Castoriadis 2012, 20). In the words of large protests resulting in widespread Hannah Arendt (1998, 72; 1990, 31), this rioting and clashes with heavily armed refers to the commonality of the public riot squads is not a new phenomenon realm, of the autonomous space that (especially in the European South) most binds human beings together through of the times such initiatives never achieve powerful words and deeds and by to propose a rupture with the acknowledging their individuality and free will, exhorts them to overcome the Karatzaferis said (Filippidis 2011, 63) –, platitude of conformity, to exit from the neither I am planning to confine my banality of mass society that is swamped analysis exclusively on the case of with passiveness and sheer uniformity of SYRIZA, which I consider one of the most tastes and manners (Arendt 1998, 78; significant fruits of the Greek antagonistic Benhabib 1996, 27). It is the only sphere movements that have been directly that allows human beings to become truly inspired by December revolt. More free (Arendt 1990, 114). importantly, I will elucidate on political
action (in the proper sense of the word; This particular aspect that is interaction – through speech and of Dekemvriana (The Dekemvriana (Gree hearing – in the common place), which k: Δεκεμβριανά, “December events”) our deeply depersonalized and refers to a series of clashes fought fragmented world has exiled tout court. in Athens from December 1944 to Before, however, approaching such issues, January 1945 between the Greek Left- a brief historical review of modern Greece wing Resistance forces (EAM– is essential not only in order to acquire a ELAS,KKE) and the British clear perspective regarding the Army supported by the Greek background of Dekemvriana, but also to Government, the Cities Police and the far- identify the emancipatory elements that right Organization X ofGeorgios Grivas) emerged during periods of generalized reflects its most meaningful substance on political turmoil marked by heroic social which I will attempt to elucidate in this struggles (elements that are symbolically essay, by elaborating on the emancipatory and conceptually integrated within the project of collective and individual project of autonomy), elements that autonomy as developed by the Greek- reappear during the days of this French thinker Cornelius Castoriadis – a revolutionary milestone, the December project that presents an equivalential revolt. conceptuality with the Arendtian notion of genuine politics – being organically In the second chapter, such elements will and integrally connected with the be further outlined (in relation to the openness, worldly creativeness and Greek social reality) explaining at the liberality of the public realm. Through same time how they led to the this analysis I am not only intending to institutional arrangements which, combat the dominant reactionary myths – although they did not fully achieve self- that, for instance, this specific uprising government, contributed to more open was nothing but an outbreak of mindless societies “in which active contestation thuggery, a series of “war acts”, as the from within remains possible, and Greek far-right leader Giorgos individuals and groups enjoy rights and post-WWI climate, b) the post-civil war freedoms thanks to which they may, era and c) the era of Metapolitefsi, a term formally and to some extent effectively, “used to describe the historical period of think independently and challenge the modern Greek history that follows the establishment” (Castoriadis 2007, 127- end of the colonels’ dictatorship (1974)” 128). In the third chapter, finally, the (Vradis & Dalakoglou 2011, 339) until the dismissive stance of the mainstream press beginning of the financial crisis (2010). will be criticized. Here the rise of SYRIZA Let’s examine these three periods one by will be further discussed in conjunction one: with a brief analysis concerning the international impact of the revolt. My aim 1. The end of WWI is a stepping stone is to provide a more holistic perspective for the development of the Greek regarding its political significance, as a labor movement. Although strikes par excellence populist challenge on the and worker’s direct actions against social pathologies afflicting this era of exploitative employers were very post-ideological consensus (I rely on common since the end of the Lasch’s [1995, 92-114] and Laclau’s 19th century – among the most [2007] interpretation of populism as a notable are the deadly clashes in method that uplifts the underrepresented Lavrio during the April Strike (1906) underdogs in power), the era and Serifos (1916), as Giannis characterized by mass retreat to Kordatos reports (1956, 184-205) – conformism whose idealization is widely the struggles of Thessaloniki are of reflected by the current political particular importance; Thessaloniki regression the entire continent of Europe was the heart of the Greek labor is experiencing. movement says Agis Stinas (1985, 49), a notorious Trotskyist, and
simultaneously one of the most 1. Background and outstanding examples of horizontal genealogy organization and direct participation. The socio-political meaning of the But what, nonetheless, has become December rebellion (as well as the rise of the most significant element of this SYRIZA) cannot be understood without struggle is the spirit addressing three milestones of Greece’s of togetherness and solidarity being modern history that shaped (and still developed within an determine) the politicization of the Greek open public arena; neighborhood public and the formation of the streets, restaurants, pubs, and trade- antagonistic movement. These are a) the union buildings, such as the town’s Labour Center, were on a daily basis violence and inner conflicts (Arendt flooded with workers from various 1990, 34). This is what Aristotle’s political (and cultural) backgrounds (1992, 52) notable phrase – “η γαρ (communists, socialists and τοΰ συζην προαίρεσις φιλία” (“the will anarchists; Christians, Jews and to live together is created by ethnic Macedonians) and passionate friendship”) – denotes; the strong discussions, political lectures and relations assemblies were taking place in a of brotherhood/sisterhood make up comradely, intercultural and the only viable force that binds supportive atmosphere (Stinas 1985, individuals together through the 43; 44, 45). A parenthesis: this encouragement of common particular spirit of social solidarity sacrifices, implying at the same time and publicness is anything but a the “expansive degree of sociality that Greek particularity. It has always is a civic attribute of the polis [the been the main driving force of proper political body for the ancient people’s resistance during the apogee Athenians] and the political life of the working class struggles where involved in its administration” anarchists and socialists became (Bookchin 1992, 38). This element involved, as in the moments of the emerges radically during historical Spanish revolution according to moments where democratic initiatives Bookchin (1994); it has always been a resulted to the expansion of social and principle of inspiration and guidance political rights and freedoms and of for genuine political action says course the Greek labor movement is Arendt (1990, 20) by elucidating on not an exception; when Stinas (1985, French Revolution. It, certainly, 48) recounts how brutal persecutions constitutes the deepest substance of against the Jewish inhabitants of the authentic notion of democracy (as Thessaloniki (organized by far-right a par excellence liberatory action), paramilitary gangs) were successfully deriving from the Aristotelian combated by crowds of workers, he understanding of φιλία (friendship) – implicitly refers to the common meaning harmonic co-operation feeling of brotherhood and rather than aggression and sisterhood and solidarity among the competition (Finley 1985, 29) – as the people of different cultural basic perquisite that guarantees the backgrounds united for a specific preservation of the life of a city-state, purpose; to install a fairer social and the safeguarding of the body model, where all human beings will be politic (id est, the public realm) from treated as equals among equals. But, in Greece, this spirit of unity will last viii), Agis Stinas et al. – were declared only until the rise of the fascist enemies or “nazi collaborators” only dictatorship of Ioannis Metaxas, a for showing unwillingness to support regime that, following the footsteps of a nationalist struggle over class Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler, warfare. The anarcho-syndicalist brutally suppressed dissent and trade- Constantinos Speras, among the main unionism. organizers of Serifos’ strike was shot dead by O.P.L.A. – the civil guards 2. Repression and mass executions of and the judges of EAM guerrillas – for communists and socialists (in Greece) being disloyal to KKE’s leadership continues during the German (Stinas 1985, 30). Dozens of other occupation. In this climate of absolute internationalist Communists were terror thousands of trade-unionists also persecuted by both the Gestapo will be executed (by both the Gestapo forces and the EAM fighters. The forces of their local collaborators), spirit offriendship and democratic whilst the fighting masses will be in disobedience is nowhere to be found toto subdued to the bureaucratic within this climate of terror and leadership of the Greek Communist ruthlessness, followed by a Party (KKE), which following the devastating civil war (between the orders of Joseph Stalin will Stalinist Democratic Army guerrillas completely abandon its class strategy, and the right-wing oriented embracing patriotic demands, and authoritarian state), whose end thus revolutionary defeatism and signals the installation of an ultra- worker’s solidarity cease to play a right wing state, characterized by dominant role in the political continuous repression against the struggles of Greece. In September defeated Left, liquidation of 1941, together with four minor Left- communists (such as Nikos Beloyianis wing parties, KKE establishes the who was executed after a martial EAM-ELAS (National Liberation court decision), anarchists, Stalinists, Front – Greek Popular Army) (even social-democrats) and tough partisans, requiring strict and sentencing of dissidents in harsh unquestionable obedience to its forced labor camps in penal islands senior members for everyone who (such as Yaros and Makronisos). voluntarily (and in some cases This state of exception officially involuntarily) decides to join these ended with the collapse of the anti- forces. Dozens of Trotskyists – such communist dictatorship of ’67 in as Cornelius Castoriadis (Curtis 1988, 1974.
3. The beginning of the era party of New Democracy (only to find of Metapolitefsi signifies the end of immediate platform in the party of the post-civil war right-wing terror, LAOS and later on in Golden Dawn the termination of institutional after the spark of the debt-crisis). discrimination, stigmatization and Thus, anti-authoritarianism begins to exclusion of citizens based on their further spread among the young political beliefs, whilst for the first population within this period of time in Greek history parliamentary social, political and cultural stability takes place (Protagma transformation; the spirit of anti- Magazine – Political Group for statism and collective solidarity (that Autonomy 2014, 48). A culture of was lost during the years of secularity, liberality, spontaneity and repression) re-emerges and develops authenticity begins to prevail in the simultaneously within small circles of Greek public life, whilst a series of anarchist thinkers, despite that the progressive measures, such as typical anti-imperialist Left-wing introduction of civil marriage and nationalist voices never ceased to withdrawl of Repetance Declarations dominate the Greek public sphere for dissidents, such measures (this does not come as a surprise; for enhanced freedom of expression and Greece doctrines like national signaled the end of state ultra- sovereignty and national authoritarianism. In conjunction with independence were always viewed the legitimization of Left-wing parties as ipso facto issues whilst the brutal and the repeal of all censorship laws, suffering and persecution of the a strong anti-rightist attitude in the defeated EAM-ELAS Stalinist led Greek public flourishes. The more the fighters – and their sympathizers state of terror fades away, the more respectively – resulted to a further the attrocities committed by fascists, mystyfication and golorication of the monarchists and all sort of anti- National Resistance movement, even communist forces become a subject of by forces who have not much to do condemnation by a large portion of with the Communist Party, such as the Greek population. Ultra rightists, the anarchist space, antifascist groups who once were enjoying significant and of course the extra-parliamentary privilleges and, in fact, could terrorize forces of the left or even the Leftists and socialists, had to either composants of quasi fussy Left hide their extremist profile by Coalition – the early version of compromising with the most SYRIZA – which is constituted by conservative wing of center-right Trotskyists, anti-authoritarian Marxists, social democrats but also Communists, the non-Stalinist populist WWII EAM veterans, like Manolis Left and the anarchists ‘leading’ the Glezos). In fact, it was mainly the struggle: in 1985 the assassination of anarchists who inspired the fifteen-year-old Mixalis Kaltezas led to Polytechnic School uprising of 1973 widespread clashes between protesters (Anarchy Press, 2009), the and riot police, whilst in 1991, following culmination of the anti-dictatorial the murder of Nikos Temponeras “a struggle according to Giorgos teacher who had, together with his Oikonomou (2013) an event of utmost students, defended his school’s significance for the shaping of the occupation from the right-wing vigilantes post-dictatorial political consensus in who were trying to break it” Greece, that (despite its harsh (Giovanopoulos & Dalakoglou 2011, 103), repression by the forces of the three days of generalized conflict between military junta) suceeded in students and the repression forces of the challenging once and for all the entire state took place in Athens and other right-wing ideological hegemony major cities. In addition, during 1970, under which Greece was suffocating. 1980, 1987, 1988, 1990 and 1991 we see Certainly, the era ofMetapolitefsi and organized student protests against its long liberalization process (until neoliberal school reforms whilst in 2006- the 1990s where schizophrenic 07 in view of 3rd level educational reforms consumerism begun to penetrate proposed by the conservative government Greek society) owes a lot to the of New Democracy, over 300 university strengthening of the anarchist space, faculties across the country were shut the only space that (until the end of down, but protesters that took to the the ’80s) was drawing inspiration streets faced hard police repression. from the anti-authoritarian struggles However, all these crucial populist of the Spanish Revolution and the moments are nothing but the legitimate pre-Stalinist era of the Greek labor offspring of the Polytechnic uprising movement – as also Giannis resistance, where once again Tamtakos describes in his spontaneous political biographical book Αναμνήσεις actionproposed rupture with an [Remembernces(2003)] an influential unpopular regime. As Oikonomou anarchist, anti-Stalinist and anti- stresses (2013, 30), the most notable fascist figure (also associated with the characteristic of the days of the struggles of Thessaloniki). Polytechnic uprising is the direct
involvement of citizens in the pursuit of This particular era sees two milestones of freedom. In short, what we have here is urban antiauthoritarian unrest with the the revival of friendship, public howling mob against ‘common sense’. appearance and direct involvement in the Both in the post-WWI labor movement decision-making since the beginning of struggles and during the Polytechnic Metaxas’ fascist dictatorship, precisely uprising in Athens, self-organization, thanks to the anarchist involvement in the togetherness and friendship replaced anti-dictatorial initiatives. Indeed, the terror, state propaganda and mistrust. occupation of the Polytechnic School by a But similarly during the December revolt handful of students was not controlled or we could see neighborhood assemblies guided by any party, bureaucracy or along with the occupations of schools, representative says Oikonomou (2013, universities, municipal offices and 31). The Polytechnic uprising utilized the theaters taking place (Metropolitan Sirens best substance of human beings 2011, 146; Andreas Kalyvas 2010, 354), as political animals: solidarity, and a widespread rejection of apathy, selflessness, imagination and passion for cynicism, the tyranny of financial creation (Oikonomou 2013, 30) – in other uncertainty and political indifference. As I words friendship – (elements that we have already mentioned, such open public initially identify during the apogee of the assemblies, (namely political bodies Greek labor movement in Thessaloniki). operating horizontally and allowing key Openness, self-organization and self- decisions to be taken through procedures management – the root causes for the of direct democracy), spontaneously spark of the anti-dictatorial Student appeared “in every genuine revolution Movement according to Oikonomou throughout the nineteenth and twentieth (2013, 31) – carry on during the era centuries” (Arendt 1990, 249), and of Metapolitefsi, and re-appear largely in triggered or invigorated social movements the days of December where Greece sees that resulted to the expansion of civil her biggest unrest since the restoration of rights and liberties. This profoundly parliamentarism (1974). denotes the importance of elucidating on the Dekemvriana, as one of the most This is the historical and political crucial democratic populist movements in significance of the rebellion (the modern European history. On its reappearance of fully emancipatory emancipatory substance, therefore, projects and initiatives) that became (which, as I explained, is a subject to a entirely ignored by the major mainstream genealogical process) I will further (and analysts whose response was a sterile more extensively) elucidate in the next condemnation of violence, describing the chapter. event as a generalized outbreak of juvenile delinquency or the rule of the 2. The December Rebellion emerges in ancient Greece, particularly in and the Project of ancient Athens, (Castoriadis 1997, 17; Autonomy 2007, 94; 2003, 61-77), where thedemos 2.1 Autonomy and Resistance (δήμος)– the active citizens (the politai) could at any time call into question laws I have already spoken about the labor and institutions in the assemblies. In movement and its contribution to the fact, autonomy is the essence of further democratization of the occidental genuine political action and, thus, world. By using Greece as a case study the presupposes common validity of this assumption is partially place and appearance – confirmed; a combination of historical the polis,the agora, the council – where and sociological approaches on the human beings can come together, in country’s modern political landscape short, a public space; there is no other reveals how the spirit of mid-war working place for the ‘people’ to discuss political class struggles – that matters, (to reject systems, institutions is freedom, equality and friendship – and propose new ones) apart from constituted the main driving force for the the public realm, which embodies the development of democratic movements fully human condition of consultation and that resulted in the gradual collapse of the communication, ruled by friendship, right-wing autocratic regime. These three reason, equality and plurality (Arendt elements make up the main essence of 1998) and, simultaneously, “combines the public realm, which for Castoriadis is both attitudes in the ability to symbolize identical with direct democracy (as verbally and generalize logically” opposed to the liberal ‘democratic’ notion (Bookchin 1992, 37). In all other of parliamentary representation). For the commonwealths we have strict same author (2012, 19), this form of hierarchical obedience, “intrigues, group democracy is tautological with the project rivalries, machinations, open of autonomy, on which I will further competitions, complicated games to elucidate in this section, paying essential obtain power” (Castoriadis 2007, 105). attention to its emancipatory content, But with the decline of the Greek city- aiming to acquire a more holistic and states the spirit of autonomy disappears substantial approach on the December and comes into being again (in different revolt and the role of democratic populist forms) in the newly founded societies of movements in general. the medieval communes, later on during Autonomy implies freedom to despise the the American Revolution in the Town imaginary representation of a given social Hall meetings and the local assemblies of reality, proposing a new model. It initially the Paris Commune. Again we see that the labor movement, being the genealogical century (those that had incarnated offspring of the late Enlightenment era – the autonomous traditions) achieved; to where interest for the Greek antiquity partially reject the pre-determined reached its highest level (Castoriadis imaginary institution of societies: the 2007, 49) – operated according to the anarchist philosophy, for instance, and traditional principles of direct democracy (partially at least) the non-Stalinist in workers’ councils (before becoming socialists have always been critical of the entirely subdued by philistine Leninism). – deeply rooted in the occidental political It can, thereafter, be acknowledged as a imaginary – Hobbesian essentialist historical milestone for the partial re- paradigm, according to which man is by emergence of autonomy,as it successfully nature a greedy and power-thirsty animal. achieved to call into question social Since for Hobbes (2006, 95) all human inequality and brutal exploitation through beings are born with a fundamental deliberate actions of direct participation passion for unlimited glory and and engagement in the struggle against domination, they are incapable of self- the arbitrary powers of the dominant governance. Thus, they can find salvation bourgeoisie. only if they exchange their natural At the same time, autonomy sees the liberties with security through the strict political prattein as a form of self- and unquestionable obedience to an institutioning that acquires ‘logical sense'; authoritarian state (Neocleous 2006), to human beings are able to understand that the Sovereign, id est a common coercive norms, values and principles are not Power that keeps them in awe, contracts acknowledged as a totally rigid system, them, transcends the dog-eat-dog world legitimized by an extrasocial source , of the state of nature and directs their beyond our control – which is actions to the Common Benefit (Hobbes characteristic of the heteronomous order 2006, 95; Hargreaves Heap & Varoufakis – but instead (they) derive from our own 2004, 34). collective action (Castoriadis 2007, 108; The anarchist and socialist philosophy, 1997, 18). For an autonomous having incarnated the most emancipatory community, institutioning is explicit; no elements of the occidental political metaphysical abstractions or predestined thought (in fact, autonomy and assumptions (such as laws of history, of anarchism are organically connected) has our ancestors, of God or abstractions radically challenged this de jure regarding human nature) interfere in the naturae illogical determinism – whole process of decision-making while the conflict model as called by Newman all its members are aware of this fact. This (2007) – that for centuries was is what most of the movements of the past penetrating our political traditions, by relying on the quasi- questioning of the, ostensibly common Rousseauian harmony model, supporting sensical, idea of the necessity for a strong that greed and unlimited desire for and coercive bureaucratic central power. exploitation are not innate characteristics It is, certainly, not a coincidence that but elements cultivated in the human Spain and Greece – two countries with mind by the state and religious powers strong antiauthoritarian, anarchist and (Newman 2007), or any similar libertarian backgrounds – are among the hierarchical, institutionalized entity few that resisted fearlessly the austerity (Kropotkin 1989). Instead of measures imposed by the ultra-centralist unquestionable subordination to the European Union, International Monetary Sovereign who supposedly guarantees Fund and European Central Bank, the protection from the state of war (that is only two countries where Left-wing anti- the ultimate state of enmity and austerity parties rose to popularity; in the destruction caused by the inborn – in all latter the Coalition of Radical Left – human beings – spitefulness), anarchists SYRIZA – won the elections of the 25th of brought forward ideas of social solidarity, February, 2015, sending shock waves to brotherhood/sisterhood and reciprocity, Brussels, while in the former, the Left- values that all men should follow in order wing populist party of PODEMOS – to achieve a peaceful communal life (in emerged from the aftermath of the fact, this is a quasi-modern translation of horizontal Indignados movement against the Aristotelian concept of friendship) inequality and corruption (2011) – tops emphasizing, at the same time, on the the polls. Although such parties are feasibility of social transformation bureaucratic mechanisms, and in fact, towards a non-hierarchical model of ideologically at least, have not much to do direct democracy and self-governance – with horizontalism, they are considered thanks to their influences from the Greek part of these anti-austerity, antiquity (Bakunin 1970, 43-44 and 65; antiauthoritarian and anti-establishment Marshall 1993, 66-73 and 604). In fact, movements emerging from the matrix of the most crucial revolutionary moments the anarchist explosion in Greece during (particularly the Spanish Revolution and the December of 2008 (SYRIZA’s stance the Parisian Commune) that percolated on the revolt is highly remarkable, being generations of anti-establishment the only party reluctant to condemn anti- thinkers and nourished hopes for further police violence). Moreover, many struggles, owe a lot to the anarchist convergences can be found between the antiauthoritarian horizontalistic two spaces, such as internationalism, principles and practices (Bookchin 1994), rejection of the Leviathan state, to the encouragement for direct opposition to authoritarianism and right- wing caesarism (also, it is very common manifestations before (Gavriilides 2010; for Greek anarchists to vote for SYRIZA, Kaplanis 2011, 233; Boukalas 2011, 323; despite that the anarchist philosophy Sotiris 2011). Such direct public actions rejects voting and representation, exactly on streets, markets, theaters, and media, as the project of direct in conjunction with occupations and self- democracy and autonomy). On the managed green spaces constitute forms of contrary, in the majority of northern authentic democratic actions that Greece European states authoritarian far-right had not seen for decades. In fact, the parties triumphed in the recent European December revolt achieved to despise the elections (Theodosiadis 2014). This current imaginary representations, such particular resistance is a product of the as excessive privitization of human life, December rebellion – where, again, we careerism, hedonistic consumerism – see autonomy emerging from the margins according to Arendt (1998, 112-113), – with the antiauthoritarian space hedonism represents “the most radical ‘leading’ the unrest and calling the masses form of non-political, totally private way to challenge capitalism and the state of life” – significations that are constantly without hesitation. acknowledged as given once and for all by the vast majority of the depersonalized Summarizing: I mentioned in the western societies (and this, in fact, beginning that the December revolt highlights their internalized heteronomy). should not be approached as a temporary From this it follows that such cracks on explosion (which is what most of the the imaginary of idealization of private mainstream media did). This very popular happiness – as the only form of human estimation is rather uncritical and fulfillment, through collective superficial in many aspects. We cannot engagement in the public arena – ignore remarkable self-organization constitute the actual substance of a initiatives – as we have seen in other populist movement that calls rebellions, during the first years of the itself autonomous or democratic, as long Spanish Revolution (Marshall 1993, 462; as they imply: Bookchin 1994), initiatives like a) assessing andquestioning of an occupations of universities, public existing institutionalized order tout assemblies that allow participants court and, b) direct and common through open discussions to take upon involvement in the shaping of a new themselves the running of their reality. On this issue I will further society/community spreading in small elucidate in the next section. villages, neighborhoods and squares that have never experienced such 2.2 The December Revolt as excluded) pose a similar question to a Democratic Movement themselves (“why this established For Della Porta and Diani (2006, 23), a institutionalized order rather than social movement refers to the expression another one?”) providing at the same time of a conflict between two camps, the radical counter-proposals, as expressed power-holders and their opponents by the genuine revolutionary moments (indeed this definition seems plausible). (and movements) of the past centuries This particular discourse where the project of autonomy was of antagonism between the two reborn and allowed through direct diametrically oppositional camps participation – within the constitutes also the most concrete emerged public realm – to take place, and definition of populism. But to put into a hence the participants to conflict with the more concrete and conceptual context (by defenders of the previous established following the Castoriadian order. Similarly during the December perspective) conflict or antagonism does revolt the desperate Greek not necessarily denote physical youth conflicted with the whole logic confrontation or even sterile ideological of paupera vita (characterised by collision. On the contrary, it rampant philistinism and sometimes implies rupture with the given glorification of reactionary anti- institutionalized social imaginary intellectualism), with the hypostatisation representations, and additionally, on the imaginary of personal proposition of new sets of ideas, values development, with the culture of and modes of living and being. But as isolationism and cynical individualism, aforementioned, in the so-called social war, that is “the an autonomous community, self- elimination of any social relationships institution is immediate and direct, outside domination” (Boukalas 2011, 307) inasmuch as everyone can understand – or in my own stand-point, the that laws are created by those who are, liquidation of the public sphere and de- simultaneously, responsible for them, and prioritization of every human relationship at any time can ask themselves “why this that does not aim to financial profit or law rather than another one?” spectacle – proposing openness, (Castoriadis 1997, 18). Consequently, brotherhood/sisterhood and social democratic conflict (or as I call it solidarity. In addition, it acted as a form differently post-populist of self-assessment for the entire acknowledgement) exists when those progressive Greek movement (as the who participate in the movement (usually famous slogan written on a wall says; “the the underrepresented, the underdogs, the December revolt was a question”). In fact, it achieved to call into question all the December revolt met the sympathy and previous forms of protesting that emerged support of millions of young people in Greece over the last ten years abroad (whose desire for a social and (Boukalas 2011, 308), signifying at the political change is constantly ignored by same time the beginning of a new era of the negativism of the older generations). social and political contestation inside The image of mass protesting quickly fighting Greek society. became an objet petit a for those who see their future surrendered to the never- In fact, if revolution involves ending social war; it was the fully human overthrowing traditional sources of spirit of togetherness, the desire to allegiance within a group as Hargreaves abandon the soul-destructive culture of Heap and Varoufakis (2004, 197) said, social and individual alienation and then this particular event primarily the silentness of the private sphere that achieved to question such sources (the led the French and Spanish students to puritanical mores, the work ethic, blind outbreak and imitate the thousands of careerism and consumerist hedonism), Greek teenagers. Precisely, this reinforcing and awakening of the fully international appeal of revolt is another human spirit ofopenness, friendship, element that highlights the magnitude of joyfulness, companionship, consultation, its importance. This issue I will discuss in communication and creativity – seen the next (and final) chapter. through big demonstrations ending up in street dance or outdoors theatrical 3. The final outcome performances, music concerts or film From the theoretical analysis I just screenings and documentaries in the conducted, it follows squares – elements that enhance the that autonomy stands in opposition to possibilities for the transformation of violence and force. Therefore I come to modern human beings from lonely and stress that the actual meaning of the privatized individuals December events is non-violence rather to political animals par excellence. As than blind aggression. When thepublic Kouki (2011, 169) points out, “by living an realm (that is the realm of proper egalitarian moment, we changed in one democracy, the realm night the terms of inclusion and where autonomy finds its radical exclusion. We were transformed from expression) emerges as a result of a invisible solitary figures rambling around purposeful and spontaneous collective in our urban misery into political subjects action, the fundamental means of who managed to challenge […] the engagement for all participants situation itself”. For this reason the is logos,the meeting point which unites action and explained, is the most characteristic thought, friendship and equality instead phenomenon of all democratic of blind obedience and subordination to revolutions and events. Thus, all the an omnipotent state (as narratives that attempt to dismiss the aforementioned). In the same realm, December revolt beforehand as a series of brute force and sheer violence – which widespread vandalism caused by the rule are by nature mute – are marginal of angry mobs and ‘parasite’ fringe groups phenomena (Arendt 1998, 26; 1990, 19). (ignoring the thousands of initiatives for This certain understanding of politics, as public assemblies in schools, theaters and a process of public consultationthat also other places), overshadow this message. involves common appearance and In other words, what has been neglected deliberate action is reflected in (and what is stubbornly overseen) are the Rousseau’s idea of democracy, which is following two crucial parameters: not confined with personal or fractional interests, but on the contrary becomes a 1. that freedom can only exist as long process that combines popular as happiness becomes associated with sovereignty with wisdom (Gourevitch the public sphere, which presupposes 2014, xxv); democracy changed people’s resistance to all the forces of social preferences; “people were socialised, if war that destroy commonality you like, and democracy helped to create through the imprisonment of a new human being, more tolerant, less individuals to their private realm; selfish, better educated and capable of cherishing the new values of the era of 2. that aggression and chaotic street Enlightenment” (Hargreaves Heap & fighting – which indeed does not Varoufakis 2004, 197). This particular characterize the entire event – has ‘socialization’ – which results to the nothing to do with a supposedly creation of a new type of being – is for deeply rooted in the modern Greek Arendt the principal foundation of the lifestyle attitude of social infantilism, Athenean democracy – “for man, to the or with the gradual development of a extent that he is a political being, is subculture of lawlessness that endowed with the power of speech “Greece’s political, cultural, and instead” (Arendt 1990, 19) – since it intellectual leadership has been cultivates and fosters the possibilities and unwilling to act against” as the the conditions for men to conservative author Stathis Kalyvas become political animals, to abandon the (2011) stressed. It neither denotes allegiance of the private realm and join that “the Left will commit violent the public sphere. This process, as I have criminality if they feel like it”, as a commentator in Douzinas’ article big corporate stores (let alone the (2009) on Guardian “What we can majority who instead of damaging learn from the Greek riots?” police vans became engaged in supports. In fact, the barricades collective political action, setting up erected in the Greek streets, the public assemblies) were ordinary men thousands of Molotov cocktails and women, integral parts of Greek thrown against the police by angry society, where they had put all their youths is not the result of inadequate efforts, conforming with its ideals and policing that has allowed anarchists big promises for personal success, but “to flourish in Exarchia, which has instead received nothing in return. become a haven for drug-dealers and racketeers” as a reactionary article in It is undeniable that during these events a the Economist (2008) claims (where, number of declasses invested in looting again, most of the public responses in and destruction of small shops but, as the comment-section seem to be Filipidis (2011, 61) stresses, “during these profoundly negative; “stop protesting days we witnessed an unprecedented and get to work” or “grow up and get operation to exclude these phenomena of mature”), and certainly has very little urban violence from the political sphere in common with the unrests in the of the metropolis”. Therefore, we see that Parisian suburbs with which the the Greek rioters instead of proposing French press was trying to associate destruction of their society (which is what as Elodie, a Greek-French anarchist the mobs crave for) fought for ‘more who resides in Paris says. All the cases society’, since they claimed of arson attacks and direct clashing more togethernessand solidarity. In fact, with one of the most hated police property destruction and clashes with the forces of Europe cannot be police happened outside the body politic, approached according to penal terms, and this is what practically differentiates as it is obvious that the majority of this historical moment from other those who embraced such actions did uprisings, like the London (2011) and not invest in violence for violence’s Paris (2005) unrests, where the rioters sake. Whilst the mob “hates society instead of pushing forward some political from which it is excluded” (Arendt agenda confined their indignation to 1976, 107) striving for extra- apolitical activities. But even the latter parlimentary action (Arendt 1976, cases cannot be comprehended outside of 108), during the Greek revolt, the the concept of social war; once the forces majority of the protesters that that destroy sociability attacked government buildings and andtogetherness (that is, the forces of egocentric individualistic ideals of private amount of dissatisfied young people consumerism) have eroded all forms of abroad, especially in the sensitive zone of public life, then follows the deprivation of the European South. Thus, in Vienna, human contact and communication, approximately 1200 demonstrators where consultation and logos (among the gathered at the Greek embassy to show most par excellence political elements of their solidarity, whilst in Copenhagen 63 the public realm) eclipse, and instead people were arrested when they protested brute force remains the sole method of in support of the Greek rioters. resolving differences. Indeed, only words Additionally, in Sweden, Italy, Bulgaria, (and not force) have the capacity to create Romania, Argentina, Turkey, Britain, a contextual and meaningful proposition Denmark, Russia, Cyprus and the United for humanity, only speech and hearing States, similar solidarity protests took procreates a proper political project. place. In Germany a group of Violence, on the other hand, lies as a demonstrators occupied the Greek sterile stamp on a specific historical consulate in Berlin (Theodosiadis 2013, moment. And here we see why the 25) and finally, in France Nicolas Sarkozy December revolt left a legacy for the postponed the law for the controversial future generations, in contrast with many educational reform in high schools under other riots we have witnessed across the fear of mass protests after a week of Europe (as those of London, Paris and student demonstrations – where also one Malmo) which in comparison with the could hear protesters chanting anti-police former are nothing but moments where slogans in Greek, such as “μπάτσοι, racial tension and exclusion reached the γουρούνια, δολοφόνοι, en: batsoi, point of temporary inflammation. gourounia, dolofonoi” (cops, pigs, assassins) in front of heavily armed riot The December revolt was, indeed, a truly squads, as Elodie (2014) explains. radical expression aimed at the Sarkozy clearly feared that reactions regeneration of man through collective could escalate into violence like those action, through friendship and common seen in Greece (Andreas Kalyvas 2010, appearance, being reborn within a society 355; Metropolitan Sirens 2011, 145), that has been previously fragmented and saying that “we don’t want a European surrendered to insignificance. It is the May ’68 in the middle of Christmas” only message that speaks to the hearts of (quoted by Boukalas 2011, 310). “Look those who refuse to follow the banality of what is going on in Greece,” he remarked mass conformity, a message that echoed in the French Parliament. “What we saw beyond the Greek border and quickly in Greece is not beyond what could found listening ears to a significant happen here in France,” warned former socialist Prime Minister Laurent Fabius of the Spanish activists (anarchists, […] “When you have the economic Leftists and trade unionists) for the Greek depression and social despair we’re youth was being reflected in their political facing, all it takes is a spark.”” (Andreas texts, speeches and private conversations, Kalyvas 2010, 355). as Christina says (2014). The Syntagma Square movement in Greece (which Spain particularly is of crucial follows a few weeks after the outbreak of significance (a country that lately has 15M in Spain), the culmination of the become Greece’s main follower). Eleven Greek anti-austerity resistance, was demonstrators were arrested and several indeed a copycat from the Spanish policemen injured in clashes in Madrid example whose traces can be found in the and Barcelona, while police stations and December revolt, that shaped a new banks were attacked by Spanish youths political map in Greece, by giving (Andreas Kalyvas 2010, 355; platform to the Left populist rhetoric, Theodosiadis 2013, 25). But there is represented officially by SYRIZA. In fact, something more than that. When I spoke the condemnation of the policies of the to Carlos, a Spanish anarchist in London, Troika (ECB, IMF and the EU) he explained that the anti-austerity implemented by the government of horizontal political movement of 15M on PASOK (which succeeded New May (2011), which during the Democracy in the elections of 2009) in spring/summer of 2011 flooded the conjunction with the strong anti-fascist Spanish squares, was indeed the and Left-leaning libertarian populist continuance of the Greek revolt. Another rhetoric of the squares, became entirely person (Christina), a Greek anarchist who embraced by SYRIZA’s political umbrella. was living in Seville during these days, This resulted in the gradual dwarfing of explained how activists from the 15M PASOK and the rapid increase of the draw inspiration on the one hand from latter, which during the 2012 elections the Egyptian protesters in Tahrir Square came second. The continuation, and on the other by the Greek protests, nonetheless, of the same austerity calling the public to occupy Spain’s main program from New Democracy (which squares, proposing solutions to the came back to power on June 2012, having economic and political problems of also absorbed half of LAOS’s MPs) which Europe through grassroots direct exhausted the Greek society, sent even democracy of people’s assemblies and more voters to SYRIZA during the 2015 consensus decision making, following the elections. example of self-organized initiatives in Therefore, it would be more accurate to Athens. The admiration and glorification stress that it was the December rebellion that was the most meaningful shock wave that take place in Europe – movements sent from Greece to Europe, rather than that either operate horizontally or the victory of SYRIZA itself. As Nikos criticize the so called ‘democratic deficit’ Karachalias explains in the but at the same time do not reject the documentary“Alexis Grigoropoulos: The usage of parliamentary institutions in chronicle of a pre-announced order bring forward positive changes – murder“ (45:00, 2010), the “Europeans at could flourish without having incarnated that time were afraid, and they were the actual spirit of rupture, afraid because they saw the substratum of friendship and selflessnessaccompanied the crisis – unemployment, lack of with the unchallenged passion for sensitivity by all governments [I would creativity and reciprocity, through public also add; cynicism, isolation, and human gatherings and assemblies (in front of the privitization] – can function as a Parliament, as well as in neighborhoods multiplier of this incident”. Indeed, a few and districts), since all these elements are months after the revolt, the pre-election diametrically opposed to the philosophy speeches of many even conservative of neoliberalism (currently represented by center-right leaders of Europe, such as the dominant center-right European Angela Merkel in Germany and Nicolas blocks), which sees consumerism and Sarkozy in France, was substantially private ‘happiness’ as the ultimate goal accompanied by a soft Left-leaning for all human beings, and which was tout rhetoric. In fact, it would not sound as an court rejected by the Greek youth. This exaggeration to assume that Greece’s spirit – as we have seen – was the most recent racist treatment from the entire significant element of the December conservative European Press (such as the rebellion, and at the same time the most famous and commonly accepted important characteristic of the greatest stereotype of the ”lazy Greek”) followed historical moments where the project by the beginning of the Eurozone crisis is, of autonomy emerged, when human more or less, the result of a revengeful beings despised institutionalized backlash in order to stigmatize and oppression whether this is called discredit this particular revolutionary absolutism, fascism, Stalinism or liberal spirit, which during these days became pseudo-democracy. the spark of ignition for the entire European continent and led to the success Conclusion of SYRIZA (and the potential future Hitherto, three crucial events that could victory of PODEMOS). But to be fair, be considered as milestones in the history none of the current anti-austerity and of post-2000 Greece are identified. The antiauthoritarian populist movements first is the December revolt (2008), the second the Square Movement (2011) – restoration of popular sovereignty in where we witness the reemergence Greece (despite that, as a political force, of radical imagination in everyday life – does not challenge parliamentarism) – and finally the historic victory of SYRIZA. poses a series of questions regarding the But it is the former that symbolizes the emergence of direct democracy as a real resurgence of radical political action project, which stands in opposition to in daily life, without the need to lay representation, as Rousseau (2014, 114) emphasis on the superfluousness of explains in The Social Contract (I should violence. Indeed, the December rebellion not avoid mentioning that during the managed to touch a large part of Greek Square Movement many collectives society (unlike the riots of London and questioned SYRIZA’s attitude of hijacking Paris, which instead of receiving public the assemblies, and this denotes the support, became immediately a subject of antithetical nature of parliamentarism condemnation); for the first time with autonomy). However, as it is obvious anarchist ideas found wide acceptance SYRIZA enjoys significant popular from desperate youngsters who rejected support and it’s ideological orientation the imaginary of passive individualism does not seem to be rigid or dogmatic. and self-indulgence. In fact, as Gavriilides Thus, the concept of double power could (2010) says, a large part of the Greek easily apply for the case of Greece as a youth expressed its anguish not against temporary solution. This project the risk of being denied the consumerist addresses the existence of two powers – a lifestyle but, on the contrary, of becoming functional government in parliament, on its blind follower, claiming that this one hand, acting on behalf of the people it particular mode of living should cease represents, but on the other the being acknowledged as meaningful and assemblies where most of the decisions worthy for anyone to sacrifice his/her are made directly by the participants – vital energy investing in its ideals. and, in fact, no real antagonism takes place between these entities. This, in fact, Whether the revival of this spirit will be could be an interesting development for buried under the climate of social Greece, provided that SYRIZA does not catastrophe that Greece is currently going compromise with the neoliberal forces, through, or will become entirely neither allows itself to become another ‘consumed’ by SYRIZA, those are indeed a degenerated Left party. But whatever very important questions, although happens in the near future, whatever the difficult to address. In fact, the existence outcome, we should know that there are of SYRIZA itself – whose role and efforts, plenty of historical and sociological nonetheless, are indeed important for the researches confirming that a defeat of a spontaneous social movement, as Graeber (2012) says, may quickly turn into a In fact, seven years after the rebellion and victory; the return to ‘normality’, which four years after the Spanish and Greek signifies the withdrawal from the public squares were flooded by millions, a realm, followed by the ‘mythologization’ gradual change in public consciousness is and idealization of the movement’s cause, visible. Such a change affected not only of its aspirations and meaningful content, Greece and Spain but also the whole gradually results in a wider periphery of Eurozone which is being transformation of attitudes and social strangled by the neoliberal austerity perceptions. In fact, a “tactical defeat is policies; the victory of Syriza, the rise of almost randomly related to strategic PODEMOS (which could probably be victory” says Graeber (2012) again, by Spain’s next ruling party) and of course using the French Revolution as a case the Irish Sinn Fein which, during the past study; “the world revolution of 1848, few years, has tripled its electorate which didn’t achieve tactical victory support (with chances to become first in anywhere, but radically transformed the the next national elections), those events way governments operated in Europe.” denote that the idea of a radical social Indeed, the consequences and results of change is currently discussed in the south such major political events can be noticed and peripheral Europe, although such an in the long run, as Auguste Blanqui, an idea is literally confined within a narrow imprisoned communard, would argue. In area of issues (most likely on economic the words of Castoriadis (who discusses matters, like cancellation of sovereign the events of May of 68) “It does not debt, the welfare state and unemployment really matter if [a movement] fails; its reduction). In addition, we should clearly ideas and orientations that have already have in mind that democratic movements been expressed will always be here to must not aim for institutional reforms stay” (quoted by Oikonomou 2013, 62). supporting representative bodies (like This is, precisely, the most significant political parties). As Castoriadis (1998, aspect of the Greek revolt, which although 31) puts it, genuine politics, that has failed to implement direct democracy is autonomy par excellence, “is not a and, instead, (hitherto at least) struggle for power within given contributed only to a better government institutions, not is it simply a struggle for taking power, its spirit will remain alive, the transformation of institutions called no matter what within the next few ‘political’, or of certain institutions or months will happen (if SYRIZA will even of all institutions. Henceforth succeed, or Golden Dawn will increase its politics is the struggle for the […] support, etc.). instauration of a state of affairs in which man (sic) as a social being is able and grassroots direct action and willing to regard the institutions that rule participation), movements and initiatives his life as his own collective creations, and that accomplished to largely extend hence is able and willing to transform political and social rights in the them each time he has the need or 20th century (Bottomore 1992, 56) – desire”. Therefore, it is a spontaneous remind us: in this age of political populist mobilization what achieves such regression that transforms societies into a a positive transformation. Theworld of crowd of isolated, atomized, de- equality, justice and freedom personalized and de-politicized (the world of real democracy) can emerge individuals, we must refuse to accept the through emancipatory imperatives that given social institutionalized order as do not seek ephemeral solutions to such rigid once and for all and overcome our monstrous problems. This is what, fear for the unknown through engaging precisely, the December rebellion – being ourselves in collective action. This is the an integral part of the emancipatory challenge of the modern world, not to movements for social justice (where the allow democracy to become a forgotten project of autonomy emerges through word in dictionary books.
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Michail Theodosiadis was born in Greece, and is a founding editor of the online magazine ResPublica.Gr. He studied Arts and Social Sciences at Kingston University of London, while completing his MSc in Social and Political Theory (Birkbeck University) in 2013. He is currently working on a PhD thesis in Politics and International Relations (Goldsmiths University of London).
Published by Perspectives on Anarchist Theory (anarchiststudies.org/perspectives/) on the Institute for Anarchist Studies website (anarchiststudies.org)
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