Massacre at the Cedars

THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS.

BY S. E. DAWSON.

from the Canadian Monthly for april, 1874.

Nearly one hundred years have elapsed honest character. That which in others was since the Declaration of Independence an- firmness and perseverance, in him became nounced to the world that all hope of recon- stupid obstinacy, and upon him has been ciliation was over between Great Britain and sought to be placed the responsibility of a war, her revolted colonies, and that the war, which which was as popular throughout England at had in reality existed for a year, could cease the commencement as any war has ever been. only by the utter defeat of one of the con- In matters political, truth is not a necessary tending parties. Since that time England has condition of success. A certain amount of been engaged in deadly strife with more than plausibility is required but, when the popu- ; half the continent of Europe; but even in lar mind is in a condition of expectant ex- France the old traditional hatred as well as citement, a small proportion of truth goes a the memory of more recent conflicts has died long way. The manifestos put forth from out, while in the United States the smoulder- time to time by Congress had that plausibility, ing embers of strife have been sedulously combined with the hardihood of assertion fanned by the writers of school-books, and which is so invaluable in partisanship. The grave historians even have compiled weighty Declaration of Independence is a document octavos—not with that careful sifting of evi- admirable in its literary style. It mingles its dence which becomes the judge, but with the modicum of undoubted colonial grievance heat of an editor writing leading articles for with a rhetoric so mournful, rising through an election contest, and fearful of conceding many flights of imagination to a height of in- one small point to the credit of his adversa- jury so great, that it remains a model of po- ries. litical composition unequalled to the present As for the English writers upon this period, day. they have, with few exceptions, adopted the There are some counts in that long indict- statements of the American histories. If they ment which, as they are connected with Can- knew of original authorities, they have not ada, are specially interesting to Canadians. " taken the trouble to consult them. Earl Among these is the clause, that he (the Stanhope alone seems to have based his work King) has endeavored to bring on the inhabi- on original documents, and has thus been able, tants of our frontiers the merciless Indian in some measure, to dispel the cloud of asser- savages, whose known rule of warfare is an tion which had so long obscured the truth of undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes history. His sober style is not attractive to and conditions." On reading this, who can the general reader, from the absence of those fail to conclude that the King was the first to rhetorical flights which enliven the pages of resolve upon the employment of Indian allies, more popular historians. and that the colonists revolted at such an It has thus come to be taken generally for enormity? Nevertheless, it is the fact that granted that, in this struggle, truth and jus- the colonies were the first to invoke the aid tice were entirely with it until they found the Congress ; and of the Indians, and was not that, moreover, the war was waged, upon the that the weight of the Indian alliance was English side, with ferocity and perfidy, but, going against them, that they discovered the upon the American side, with calm and for- merciless nature of their "known rules of bearing valour. The well-m aning King warfare." George has been a butt for the sneers of many While none but the New England leaders who could not understand his sincere and dreamed of war, and long before a shot had 2 THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDAK3. been fired, efforts had been made to enlist the 1774-5, the revolutionary party had been Indians on the side of the colonies. This tampering with the Indians of Canada. One will appear from a comparison of some of the of their emissaries, writing from Montreal, documents published in the " American gives full details of his visit to the Caugh- Archives," with the dates of the early events nawaga Indians, and informs the Massachu- of the war. At Lexington, on April 19th, setts' Congress that those Indians had received 1775, the first blood was shed. On June 17th, overtures from Israel Putnam, and had 1775, was fought the battle of Bunker's Hill. assured him in reply that, if they took up In September of the same year the continental arms at all, it would be against the King.J army invaded Canada. St. Johns was cap- During the whole of the winter of 1774-5, and tured two months afterward, and Montreal the following summer, emissaries from the was occupied until the middle of June, 1776. colonies were busy among the Indians of On July 4th, 1776, appeared the Declaration Canada and Acadia. In the Colony of Mas- of Independence, and only five weeks pre- sachusetts the Indians of Stockbridge were viously occurred the event stigmatised as the enrolled as minute men, and each received " Massacre of the Cedars." from the Provincial Congress a blanket and There was at first, upon the English side, a ribbon for "taking up the hatchet" against some hesitation about enlisting Indians. Great Britain. § This people were not, from The Earl of Dartmouth, under date, London, the fact of their being in Massachusetts, more Aug. 2nd, 1775, writes to General Gage, that civilized than others of their race, because in " the steps which you say the rebels have their reply to President Hancock, they ask || taken for calling in the assistance of the In- only to be shown their enemy, and hope that dians leave no room to hesitate upon the pro- no regulations may be made to prevent them priety of your pursuing the same measure." " fighting after the manner of their fore- A letter, signed " A Soldier." which appeared fathers," This policy of arming the Indians in the London papers on October 22nd, 1776, was therefore adopted even before Lexington. refers to General Carleton's aversion to em- In an Address of the same Congress to the ploy them, and urges their enlistment. Mohawk tribe, dated April 4th, 1775, it as Among the colonists, General Schuyler alone clearly appears. The Address is long, but, seems to have hesitated ; no suspicion of as it is typical of the style of many others, a wrong in the matter appears to have existed few extracts are given : in the mind of any one else. The alliance " Brothers—Our fathers in Great Britain of the great Iroquois Confederacy was eagerly tell us our lands and houses and cattle and courted, and for a long time the colonial party money are not our own—that we ourselves thought that all the Indians, even the Mo- are not our own men but their servants. hawks at Caughnawaga, would side with * * * * Brothers—We used to send our them.* Eventually the Mohawks, Senecas, vessels on the Great Lake, whereby we were 1 Cayugas and Onondagas sided with the able to get clothes and what we needed for Crown, but the Oneidas and Tuscaroras ourselves and you, but such has lately been espoused the cause of the colonists. In their conduct that we cannot, they have told the east, so doubtful was the conduct of us we shall have no more guns nor powder to the Micmacs, that the settlers at Halifax use and kill our wolves and other game nor were forbidden to sell them powder, and they to send to you. * * * How can you live * were obliged to resort to the Massachusetts without powder and guns ? * * Commissariat. The first Indians who took Brothers—We think it our duty to inform you up arms for the British were the Abenakis.f of our danger, and desire you to give notice A small number of that tribe formed part of to all your kindred, as we fear they will the garrison of St. Johns, and in Sept., 1775, attempt to cut our throats, and if you should joined, not in an attack upon the frontiers of allow them to do that, there will nobody the United States, but in the defence of a remain to keep them from you. We, there- frontier town of Canada against an invading fore, earnestly desire you to whet your hatchet enemy. Brown to the Committee of Correspondence, Long previously, as early as the winter of % J- March 29, 1775. § Address of Congress to the Indians of Stockbridge, * Col. Ethan Allan to the Massachusetts Congress, April 1, 1775, June 9,1775- II Address of the Stockbridge Indians to Massachusetts i Maurault— Histoire des Abenakis. Congress, April 11, 1775. THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS. 3 and be prepared with us to defend our liberties other respects I have been extremely cautious and lives. Brothers—We humbly beseech not to meddle in matters of a political nature. that God, who lives above and does what is I apprehend my interpreting the doings of right here below to enlighten your mind, &c, Congress to a number of their Sachems has &c." done more real service to the cause of the There is throughout all these Addresses to country, or the cause of truth and justice, the Indians a strain of devout aspiration, than five hundred pounds in presents would which, although misplaced as regards the have effected. If you think proper you may writers, testifies that the people addressed acquaint your Provincial Congress with the possessed some moral qualities corresponding contents of this, but you must be cautious in thereto. This Address surpassed the rest, exposing my name." Mr. Kirkland con- however, in containing a theological clause. cludes by v wishing them the blessings of " Brothers : They have made a law to peace, and that we may all be disposed to establish the religion of the Pope in Canada acquiesce in the Divine Government." He which lies so near you. We much fear some does not wish his name divulged at a place so of your children may be induced instead of near to Col. Johnson as Albany, but during worshipping the only true God to pay his due the two months previous he had with him the to images made with their own hands." Address of the Massachusetts Congress who In the whirl of excitement just preceding were clever enough to insert the clause the first actual hostilities, so tender a solici- about the Pope and the images to quiet his tude for the souls of youthful Mohawks is searchings of heart. Later on he writes in " really touching. It is a relief not to meet it depressed spirits : The pretended friend- in the other Addresses in so painful a form; ship and boasted fidelity of these Mohawks although the same vein of subdued piety runs seem to turn out mere delusion and perfidy."* through all. The Micmac Indians, in one of He still has hopes, however, that the Caugh- their Addresses, dated Feb. 5, 1776, are very nawagas and Oneidas will remain firm. His grateful to this same Congress for "having schemes eventually failed among the Mohawks

provided them with ammunition and provi- and Caughnawagas ; three hundred dollars, sions and having permitted them to have a however, were voted to him by the Continent- Priest to pray Almighty God to make them al Congress for his expenses,! and he was strong to oppose the wicked people of Old appointed as missionary and political agent England." At first sight such a permission among the Six Nations, on a salary. seems hardly fair to the Micmac children The efforts of the Massachusetts Congress ; but, upon closer examination, it appears among the Eastern Indians were equally probable that the love for Mohawk souls arose early, equally promising at the commence- from the circumstance that the emissary who ment, and equally futile in the result. On carried the Address was the Rev. Samuel the 15th of May, 1775, an Address was sent Kirkland, missionary to the Oneidas. He to the Penobscot, St. John and Micmac In- worked zealously among the Mohawks in an dians,}; (the latter living close to the back way but, to do him justice, not Scotia,) offering them underhand ; settlements of Nova without qualms of conscience. He writes in 44 such clothes and warlike stores as they the following strain. He is complaining that might need" and, as a matter of course, Col. Johnson, the resident Commissioner, in- praying that God might bless them and pre- terferes with him.* ' " He," Col. Johnson, vent their enemies from hurting them ;" in- " is unreasonably jealous of me. All he has forming them at the same time that the

against me, I suppose to be this : a suspicion Stockbridge Indians had enlisted on the side that I have interpreted to the Indians the of Congress, and offering to enlist them. * doings of the Continental Congress. * Deputations from these tribes promising aid I confess to you, gentlemen, that I have been were received by the Provincial Congress on guilty of this, if it be any transgression. The June 15, 1775, and by General Washington Indians found out that I had received the on January 31, 1776. The General addressed abstracts of the said Congress and insisted on

knowing the contents. I could not deny * Rev. Samuel Kirkland to Gen. Schuyler, March, them, notwithstanding my cloth, though in all 1776. t Vote of Continental Congress, Nov. 11, 1775. * Rev. Samuel Kirkland to the Committee of Corres- % Address of Provincial Congress to the Eastern In- pondence at Albany, June 9, 1775. dians, May 15, 1775. — ;

4 THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS. a letter to the Micmacs in February of the " Head Quarters of the Army, same year. Eventually all these efforts failed; "Crown Point, May 24, 1775. the Massachusetts Congress were informed by " By advice of council of officers, I recom- one of their emissaries in the East, under date mend our trusty and well-beloved friend and of 1776,* that he had worked all July 27, brother, Captain Abraham Nimharn, of Stock- in vain, and that the tribes would summer bridge, as our ambassador of peace, to our remain neutral whereupon he was ordered ; good brother Indians of the four tribes. to pay back into the Provincial chest thirty * * * Loving brothers and friends : I pounds which had been given him for distri- want to have your warriors come and see me, bution among the Indians. and help me fight the King's regular troops. The Congress of New Hampshire adopted You know they stand all along close together, the same tactics. On June 23, 1775, Colonel rank and file, and my men fight so as Indians Bailey issued an address to the Northern do, and I want your warriors to join with me Indians (among whom were the St. Francis and my warriors like brothers, and ambush and other Canadian Indians living north of the regulars ; if you will I will give you money, that colony,) offering them inducements to blankets, tomahawks, knives, paint and any- enlist, reminding them, after the style common thing there is in the army, just like brothers in the Indian Addresses, that " they must all and I will go with you into the woods to scout, meet before God," and telling them that the and my men and your men will sleep together, " British do not think there is a God in Hea- eat and drink together and fight Regulars, ven to punish them." The addresses of because they first killed our brothers and will Washington and Schuyler are, as might be fight against us ; therefore I want our brother expected from their open and manly character, Indians to help us fight ; for I know Indians free from these affectations of religion still ; are good warriors and can fight well in the all are striking commentaries on the Indian bush." clause of the subsequent Declaration of In- dependence. In fact, in New England there A copy of this precious production was sent never seems to have been a symptom of hesi- by the Colonel to the General Assembly of tation as to the propriety of engaging the Connecticut, for he " thought it advisable that Indians. The Congress of Massachusetts had the Honorable Assembly should be informed a special committee on Indian affairs,! which of all our politics." It elicited ho special re- was instructed to keep its business secret. mark, yet, more than a year after, these very When, on May 12, a proposition to raise two men join in denouncing King George for companies of Indians was before the house, being about to employ the " merciless Indian it was referred to this committee as a matter savages." of course. Before a blow had been struck in Early in May, 1775, the Second Continent- the North, some Canadian Indians who ap- al Congress met. It also soon appointed a plied were enlisted by them into the Continen- Committee upon Indian Affairs, which was tal Army, and a month's pay in advance voted instructed to keep its proceedings secret. On by the House of Representatives, who notify July 1 st a public resolution was passed, "that General Washington of the fact, without any in case any agent of the ministry shall induce special explanation.! The Oneida Indians, the Indian tribes or any of them to commit while informing the New Englanders of their actual hostilities against these colonies or to intention to remain neutral, add their opinion enter into an offensive alliance with the that the New England Indians ought not to British troops, thereupon the colonies ought be swept into the conflict; but, whatever to avail themselves of an alliance with such doubts might have existed elsewhere, there Indian nations as will enter into the same, to were none in Massachusetts or Connecticut. oppose such British troops and their Indian Col. Ethan Allan, who had just taken Ticon- allies." This resolution is very conclusive deroga by surprise, writes an Address to the proof that up to that time the British had Canadian Indians, from which the following made no Indian enlistments or alliances. is an extract : Upon Oct. 23rd, 1775, a delegation from the Continental Congress met General Washing- ton at Head Quarters at Cambridge, and it * Thos. Fletcher to Massachusetts Congress. was then "agreed that those Indians (of the St. + Votes of Massachusetts Congress, April 12, 1775. Francis, Stockbridge and St. John's tribes) or of real neces- X Vote House of Representatives, August 21 \ 1775. others may be called on in case of THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS. 5

sity and that giving them presents is both that he had the most certain information, and suitable and proper." This principle was the Mohawks who lived near kept watch over affirmed by resolution of the Congress in the him until he left for Canada. He declared, same words on Dec. 2nd of the same year, moreover, that he had used his best efforts to nor was any reproach even then hinted at the keep the Six Nations neutral. This is pro- British commanders. On Nov. 8th, 1775, bable in itself, because in 1775 most of the Arnold writes to Washington from his camp middle colonies were confident of a final at Point Levi, that " he had been joined by reconciliation with the King, and this feeling u forty savages." On May 25th, 1776, a was especially strong in the Province of New number of deputies from four of the Six York. It was moreover confirmed by the Nations " were reported to Congress as Mohawk Sachems in the grand council at "arrived in town." On the same day a resolu- Albany on August 23rd, where the chief men tion was passed " that it is highly expedient of all the Six Nations met Schuyler and the to engage the India ns in the service of the Commissioners of Congress, and pledged the United Colonies." On May 31st, the number whole Confederacy to neutrality. Johnson of Indians to be taken into pay was fixed at convoked a meeting of the tribes at Oswego 2,000. On June 10th, Congress "authorized during the month of July, out of the reach of General Washington to offer the Indians a colonial politics, and Schuyler was anxious reward of dollars for every commissioned to know what hostile influences he had exert- officer, and dollars for every private ed there. But the Sachems assured him with soldier of the King's troops they shall take all the dignity of Iroquois Chiefs that Guy prisoners in the Indian country or on the Johnson had advised them to be neutral, as frontier." And yet with all this before them, the quarrel did not concern them, and that that same Congress had the hardihood to the council at Oswego was a council of peace. charge against the King, upon the 4th of Johnson's first authority from the King to July, "that he has endeavored to bring on employ Indians was dated in London on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless August 2nd, and enclosed in a despatch to Indian savages whose known rule of warfare General Gage at Boston. It could not have is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, reached him before the end of September. sexes and conditions." The failure to reduce Whatever faults moreover of fickleness and Quebec, the dissatisfaction of Canadians cruelty may have been charged against the under "free institutions " and the consequent Indian nations they have never been charged certainty of an invasion from Canada, had with public falsehood in solemn councils. completely altered their views as to their After the council at Oswego, Johnson went to dusky " Brothers." Montreal. An American emissary, the well- Returning now to the summer of 1775 we known Major John Brown, with four assist- find that Congress had prepared an army ants, was then in Canada,obtaining information under Schuyler, and resolved upon the in- about the disposition of the Canadians and vasion of Canada. This would have been an Indians. He writes to Governor Trumbull on impossibility had the great confederacy of August 14th that Johnson had arrived at the Six Nations been hostile. New England Montreal with a party of 300, mostly tenants, had in vain attempted to gain their assistance, and some Indians. It is not likely that the next best move was to secure their neu- Johnson attempted to engage the Indians in trality. Colonel Guy Johnson was Royal any alliance before he arrived at Montreal. Commissioner to the Confederacy, and made He was a King's officer, and had no authority no secret of his profound contempt for the from England to do so for many months self-constituted "Committees of Safety," of after. The skirmish at Lexington had irri- Tryon County, in which he lived. He was tated more than aroused the English Ministry, suspected by all the Revolutionary Com- who supposed the insurrection was nothing mittees of inciting the Indians against the more than an exacerbation of the chronic colonists. In those days men were seized insubordination of the Boston people. If and imprisoned by improvized political Johnson had attempted to stir up an Indian bodies for very slight offences against the war in the back settlements of New York and dominant party, and rumors were very rife Pennsylvania, he would have interfered with of plots to secure the person of a man who the negotiations with the other colonies and wielded so enormous a power over the Ind- would have done serious injury to the King's ians. Of such conspiracies Johnson affirmed cause among the many loyalists who resided 6 THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS.

there ; and besides he would have run that his spies inform him that Carleton is serious risk of being disowned by the British endeavoring to incite the Indians, but that Government. Arriving at Montreal, however, he will have no success with the Canada he found the Governor in great straits from tribes, though he may be joined by some of the refusal of the Canadians to assist in the more remote nations. He also informs defending the country against the invasion Washington that he has some Indians with which began to threaten. Then he convened him and will have no hesitation in employing a council at Caughnawaga at which he solicit- any more who offer.

ed Indian aid ; but the Americans had been All the despatches and reports of the before him. The Caughnawagas would not American officers testify to the good under- stir, or receive the war belt. It was at this standing between them and the Canadian council that an ox was roasted whole and a Indians. Ethan Allan writes on July 12th pipe of wine drunk, sometimes figured in "that they are all friendly;" Schuyler is American histories under the heading " the "sure that Carleton cannot move them." Indians of Caughnawaga feast on a Bostonian Washington writes at a later date, 11 that the and drink his blood." The Indians from the Caughnawagas promised to join Schuyler's West who remained with Johnson were few army whenever wanted." Major Brown finds in number. Carleton, moreover, positively them everywhere friendly. Lewis, a Caugh- forbade them to cross the border and his nawaga Chief, gives evidence before the commands were obeyed. Massachusetts Congress to the same effect. Schuyler had scarcely finished negotiating The various reports of Livingston and other with the Indians when a circumstance occur- Canadians in correspondence with Schuyler red which gave him much anxiety. With his bear the same testimony. They inform him troops at Crown Point was a Captain Remem- that Carleton has only 40 Indians at St. Johns, ber Baker, of the Green Mountain Boys, and afterwards that even these have left him. whom he had frequently employed as a scout. Some of the St. Francis Indians were already This man, with four others, started off on a enrolled in the Continental army. In order scouting party into Canada without orders of to understand this it must be considered that any kind, and, having disembarked, he saw there could be very little sympathy between from the shore a party of five Indians in a regular soldiers, such as Carleton and his boat.* He attempted to fire, but his gun red-coats, with the style of campaigning missed fire, and he, putting his head from practised by the Indians. Men like Ethan behind a tree where he stood to hammer his Allan who could " ambush and scout," who " flint, was instantly shot. His party then fired could eat and drink and sleep" with them into the boat, and killed two of the Indians. were much more likely to influence them The remainder escaped. This was the first than a proud and strict disciplinarian like blood shed upon the Northern frontier, and Carleton, and so it happened that excepting as it turned out that the Indians were friendly a few Abenakis and some Ottawas and Algon- Caughnawagas, messengers were at once quins from the North, the greater number of despatched to the Six Nations to explain, and Canadian Indians in 1775 were either openly a deputation from the Six Nations was sent hostile to the British flag or neutral in the at Schuyler's request to Caughnawaga to struggle. And yet, although these things apologize. This caused a few from that vil- were well known, that tissue of misrepresent- lage to join, for a short time, the garrison at ations had commenced which partisan St. Johns. historians have woven into the web of Schuyler's mind being released from all history. An officer of the Continental army apprehension as to his rear, he was able to writes of the Indians on the English side,f u move for Isle aux Noix upon the 31st August they appear barbarous to the last degree, and 1st of September. Upon the 2nd he not content with scalping, they dug up our issued his proclamation to the Canadian dead and mangled them in the most shocking people in which he recounts his treaty of manner." This is only hearsay ; but he adds lt friendship with the Six Nations, apologizes with the confidence of an eye witness, f had for the killing of the Indians, and announces the pleasure to see two of them scalped as a presents for the Caughnawagas and other • retaliation." It depends only upon the side Canadian tribes. He writes to Washington he takes whether the Indian is, as Col. Allan

* Schulyer's despatches, August 31st. + Letter from Isle aux Noix, Sept. 17. THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS. 7 endearingly calls him, " a loving brother and Montreal, he started in a small boat for friend," or a '* merciless and remorseless Quebec, just in time to secure that fortress, savage." the last hope of British rule, and narrowly The American army, which had been com- escaping capture on the way. Small garrisons pelled to retire to Isle aux Noix, commenced of British troops yet remained at Oswegatchie, its final advance on the 17th of September. Niagara, Detroit, and some other posts in the The chief command was transferred to Mont- West, but, with these exceptions, the whole gomery, and with a force of 2,000 men and a of Canada was in possession of the Continent- number of field guns and mortars, he pro- al army. ceeded to invest St. Johns. % Detachments In order fully to understand this sudden were sent out to seize the communications, reverse, it is requisite to remember that an and for such purposes the Indians were attack upon Canada in force was never found useful. anticipated by Carleton. Even as regards While success was crowning all the enter- the Continental Congress, it was the result prises of the colonists, Carleton met with of a very sudden change of purpose. Con- nothing but reverses and disappointments. gress had resolved on June 1st, 1775, "that Many of the Canadians joined the American no expedition or incursion ought to be under- army, but few, and these almost exclusively taken or made by any colony or body of from among the Seigneurs, gave him any aid. colonists against or into Canada." This Ethan Allan had 250 Canadians on the Rich- resolution was come to in order to allay the elieu. § Livingstone and Duggan, the latter apprehensions of the middle and southern a Canadian sympathizer, had a force of 300 members, who were exceedingly opposed to men co-operating with Montgomery, and any course which would prevent that recon- || Colonel Timothy Bedell, of New Hampshire, ciliation which they ardently desired. With commanded a considerable body of Canadians this view a resolution was passed, that " this and Indians with which he guarded Longue* Congress has nothing more in view than the uil and Laprairie.1" As Bedell had charge of defence of these colonies." The New Eng- the outposts to the north, nearly all the landers knew well where they were going, Indians were placed under his command. and were glad to obstruct openly or covertly Carleton's only reliable force was 800 regular every path which might lead to a compromise; troops including the garrisons of Quebec, but the middle colonies, and especially New Chambly, and St. Johns. The British in- York, were forced step by step along the habitants of Canada were few in number and, road to revolution by the astuteness of the although some volunteered as militiamen and eastern delegates and the blundering pride did good service in capturing Ethan Allan in of the British Ministry. Consequently his rash attempt on Montreal, they were not Carleton was taken by surprise, when, five sufficiently numerous to give important aid. weeks later, the northern army began to At Lachine was Colonel Guy Johnson with a gather. Then in July he began his efforts mixed force of about 500 men, consisting of among the Indians, only to find that he had 300 of his own tenants, who had left New been outmanoeuvred. The Indians, even of York to join him, some Canadians, and a few Caughnawaga, would not join him, and we Indians. Brant, who had acted as his secre- must bear in mind that the previous resolve tary, some of his own personal retainers, and of Congress on July 1st would completely a few Mohawk young men, who had refused justify him in soliciting their aid in the de- to obey the commands of their Sachems, were fence of Canada. with him. The rest of the Indians were from It is not the object of this paper to recount distant places, mostly Ottawas and Algon- in detail the doings of the American army in quins. With so small a force at his disposal, Canada. The peasantry were badly treated, and hearing of the departure of Arnold's often compelled to furnish supplies at the expedition for Quebec, Carleton could make point of the bayonet, and then to receive no stand against the enemy. Abandoning continental paper in payment ; the clergy were neglected and ill-used, and property

X Schuyler to Continental Congress, Sept. 19. was continually taken by violence in exchange § Ethan Allan to General Montgomery from St. Ours, for unsigned or illegible orders on the Com- September 20th. missariat, which were refused payment even

11 Schuyler to Congress. in paper. Arbitrary arrests were made, which IT Col. Bedell to New Hampshire Committee, Oct. 27. still further disgusted the higher class of the

.nuuititlib. 8 THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS.

" inhabitants. The licentiousness of our the resolve of Congress of March 8, 1776 : troops," says Schuyler, in a despatch to "That Indians be not employed as soldiers Washington, " is not easy to be described/'* in the armies of the United Colonies before Colonel Hazen, in command at Montreal, the tribes to which they belong shall, in a sums up the whole conduct of the army by National Council, held in the customary man- " stating in one of his despatches, We have ner, have consented thereto ; nor then with- brought about ourselves by mismanagement out express approbation of Congress." what Governor Carleton himself could never Everything then looked quiet in Canada. The effect." Commissioners had gone on to Montreal to During this winter the employment of the complete its union with the colonies, by Indians was very frequently discussed in the forming a Provincial Congress, and quieting despatches between the Generals and Con- any uneasiness which might have arisen. gress, as well as between themselves. " The There was no need of Indian aid, and to Caughnawaga Indians now here,"writes Wash- enlist them would be to give them regular ington,"are embarrassing. My embarrassment pay. What Congress desired was the alliance does not proceed so much from the impro- of the united Six Nations, and not the enlist- priety of encouraging these people to depart ment of a portion of them to be paid as from their neutrality(accepting their voluntary Continental troops, and to that end their offer rather) as from the expense which emissaries still laboured. probably may follow."t A little later he While such negotiations were going on writes, " I have now the pleasure to inform around Lake Champlain, Col. Butler, at you that our Caughnawaga friends have put Niagara, was moving the minds of the Six the matter upon the footing I wished, that is Nations from the extreme west, where dwelt to join the forces in Canada whenever you the Senecas, always favourably disposed to- shall call for their assistance."! wards the King. At Detroit also similar It will be seen at once that there is no ques- influences were at work. The influence of tion of principle ; it is one of expense simply. the Canadians began also to be felt among Schuyler writes in reply " that, since Montreal the Indians more and more as they expe- was taken, the hauteur of the Indians is rienced the exactions of the American army ; much diminished, for they see they can get and as it became evident that Carleton would their supplies only from the Americans." He be reinforced and the siege of Quebec raised. has no need of their services, and adds, the The Indians themselves were neglected by expense we are at in the Indian department the American commanders in Canada, who is amazing." Writing to Hancock, President considered it certain that Quebec would fall of Congress, on Feb. 23, he repeats the argu- before relief could arrive, and the services of ment as to expense, and adds, "that the the Indians would not be needed. As the expense will be much more when they con- spring opened Congress saw the necessity of sider themselves in our service, nor would further exertions, but the winter passed in their intervention be of much consequence, apparent security. unless we could procure that of the other Early in the spring, in order to guard nations. I am very confident that we should against any attack from the west, the Ame- be justified in employing the savages, since ricans had built a fort at the village of the the Ministry have made attempts to engage Cedars, a spot better suited than the Coteau them against us, and if no other consideration for commanding the whole channel of the St. prevented, I should be for it, but besides the Lawrence. The river there is very narrow reasons I have given General Washington, and, the islands being small, the whole stream I may add that they will consider our employ- can be watched from the Cedars to the Cas- ing them is of necessity, and they will look cades, so that not even a canoe could pass upon themselves of more consequence than unnoticed. Here was posted an important they really are, and rise in their demands detachment under Col. Timothy Bedell, who, upon us." Here then is the real reason of from his experience of the autumn previous at the outposts of the invading army, and in command of the Canadians and Indians, * Lieut.-Col. Hazen, to General Schuyler, April 1st, 1776. Franklin, Chase and Carroll to President of seemed to be a suitable commander for such Congress, May 5th, 1776. a post. + Washington to Schuyler, Jan. 27^,1776. Early in May the British garrisons of the X Washington to Schuyler, Feb. 1st, 1776. west began to move. Obedient to orders —

THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS, 9

from Carleton who, having been reinforced claim for the punishment of those who had on the opening of navigation, was commenc- massacred some of the prisoners."* ing to act upon the offensive. Capt. Forster, It may be well to observe that this trans- in command of the British post at Oswe- action took place wholly in Canada, in defence gatchie (now Ogdensburg) started upon the of our invaded frontier, not in attack upon 1 2th of May to attack the post at the Cedars. any of the colonies. Bancroft could not The American version of the subsequent have consulted many original authorities events is given thus by Bancroft : upon the real facts, or he would not have "The detachment from Detroit, under stated that the British force came from De- Capt. Forster^omposed of forty of the eighth troit. He has evidently contented himself regiment, a 4fundred Canadians, and several with the report of the Committee of Congress hundred Indians, from the North-west, ap- upon the matter, which makes no mention of the place peared in sight of the Cedars. Bedell, its whence Forster started, and with the Commander, committing the fort to Major garrison gossip at Montreal, which mag- nified Butterfield, deserted, under pretence of soli- Forster's force to one thousand Indians and all citing a reinforcement. On his arrival at the troops of Niagara and Detroit. Montreal, Arnold, on the 16th, detached The indignation in Canada at the action of Major Henry Sherburne, of Rhode Island, Congress in refusing to ratify the cartel with one hundred and forty men, to relieve signed by their General was very great, but the fort Sir Guy Carleton felt especially ; but before he could make his way aggrieved at through the enemy to the Cedars, Butter- the charges made by the Committee of Con- gress field, on the 19th, though he had two field- which inquired into the matter. The pieces and sufficient ammunition and officers Committee, after recounting the facts as given and men willing to defend the post, cowered by Bancroft, charge Capt. Forster with put- Hke a craven under a dread of the Indians, ting the prisoners under the care of the and after sustaining no other attack than from savages, who plundered them, stripped them, shot musketry, surrendered himself and his garri- some, roasted others, and abandoned son prisoners at discretion. several upon an island to perish of cold and hunger. For these causes " The next day, as Sherburne, ignorant of Congress refused to give up British prisoners in the surrender, came to the entrance of a exchange for those sent home from the Cedars, wood, which was about five miles from the adding, as a further reason, that the prisoners General fort, he was attacked while still in open Arnold had promised to exchange, ground by an enemy who fought under cover were not in his possession but in the control of trees. After a skirmish of an hour, the of the Congress,who might ratify or disclaim Americans were intercepted in their attempt his acts. They stated, however, that at a retreat, and more than a hundred were if the British Government would deliver up Capt. Forster, taken prisoners. The savages, who lost in with all the aiders and abettors of this " the battle a great warrior of the Seneca tribe, hor- rid murder," and would make immediately stripped them almost naked, restitution for the plunder, they would then tomahawking or scalping the wounded men, release an equi- valent number of prisoners. so they lost twenty-eight wounded and killed This charge of perfidy and in battle or murdered afterwards in cold murder was published on the 10th of blood, in violation of the express terms of July, 1776, four days after the proclamation! of surrender as well as of humanity. the Declaration of 1 Independence. It was exceedingly useful in At the news of the double disaster, keeping up the fever of hostility to the Arnold moved with about seven hundred men Crown, and, although entirely false, did duty to recover the captives by force ; but as the extremely well in the place of truth. On the British officer declared a massacre of the other hand Capt. Forster and all the British prisoners, four hundred and seventy-four in officers published a detailed statement of the number, would be the inevitable consequence facts as they really occurred. This statement of an attack, he consented to obtain the was corroborated by Rev Father Detarlaye,the release of them all, except four captains, who Priest at Oka, who had charge of many of the were retained as hostages, by promising the prisoners, and by the hostages detained for return of an equal number of British priso- * This passage may be found in ners. The engagement led to mutual crimi- the Index of the nations English edition of Bancroft, under the heading, " The ; the Americans preferred a counter- Indians of Canada defeat and butcher the Americans." IO THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS.

the fulfilment of the cartel, who all by letter geants, 2 corporals, 1 drummer and 33 pri- solemnly denied that any such outrages had vates of the 8th Regiment, ir English and taken place and, on the contrary, affirmed Canadian volunteers and 160 Indians. The that the terms of the cartel had been honour- Indians, who were under the immediate com- ably fulfilled by the British officers, and that mand of the Chevalier Lorimier, consisted the prisoners had been treated with great con- of Iroquois, Missisagues, and a number from sideration. the village of the Lake of Two Mountains It happened that, at the very time these (now Oka), who were hunting in the neigh- events were occurring at the Cedars, a com- bourhood of the Fort. On the 14th he mittee of five of the Continental Congress at arrived at St. Regis where 54 Indians of that Philadelphia were engaged in conference with village joined the expedition, w On the 18th General Washington, Major-General Gates he arrived within a few mile^of the fort at and Brigadier-General Miftlin. They made the Cedars, then held by Major Butterfield a report to Congress on the 25th of May, with 390 Continental troops. The same and this report could not have been in any morning a detached party of Indians brought way influenced by the transactions at the in a prisoner and the scalp of a soldier whom party appear- Cedars, for the news of that disaster reached they had killed ; and the whole Montreal on the 27th of May and, as ex- ing before the fort summoned it to surrender. presses went slowly in those days, the letter The Americans, after taking three hours for of the Commissioners giving the first imper- consideration, demanded to be allowed to fect information of the affair did not reach quit the fort with their arms. This was Congress until the 6th of June. The opinions refused and the attack commenced. Some of the chiefs of the American army and an houses affording cover, the attacking party influential Committee of Congress, upon the approached within 150 yards of the fort, but proper mode of conducting warfare, cannot having no cannon were obliged to content fail to be an instructive comment upon what themselves with a scattering fire at whatever Captain Forster was at that very time, un- appeared. On the morning of the 19th known to them, actually engaged in doing. Mons. de Montigny with 30 Canadians joined Among many other recommendations occur Captain Forster but, as at the same time — ; the following : " That the Commissioners information arrived that a reinforcement from at Albany be directed to use their utmost the American garrison at Montreal was ap- efforts to procure the assistance of the Indians proaching, Mons. de Montigny with his 30 to undertake the reduction of Niagara, and men was ordered back to harass their march. that as an inducement so to do, they engage, In the meantime, on the 19th at 4 o'clock, on behalf of the Congress, to pay them ^50 Major Butterfield surrendered, stipulating Pennsylvanian currency, for every soldier of only for the lives of his soldiersf and the the Garrison they take and bring to Head clothes upon their backs. These terms were Quarters or to the said Commissioners, and obtained with difficulty by Captain Forster, the free plunder of the Garrison" and " that for the Indians (to use the words of the the Commissioners in the Middle Department Select Committee of Congress) thought they be directed to use their best endeavours to had a right to the "free plunder of the garri- procure the assistance of the Indians under son" and the ransom of their proportion of care that if When they saw the garrison their ; they prevail upon them, the prisoners. possible, to undertake the reduction of De- marching out with packs they were much troit upon the same terms as the Commis- discontented and in the evening, before the sioners at Albany are directed to engage the prisoners could be lodged in the barracks, Indians against Niagara." some few lost their watches and money. occurring at the These recommendations by officers of such While these events were a detach- high rank were singularly enough carried out village of Cedars news arrived that relieve the fort. This in Canada, the names only being changed. ment was advancing to party, which having On the 12th of May Captain Forster left was Major Sherborne's forward, and Oswegatchie.* He took with him the whole retreated was again marching Vaudreuil. garrison consisting of 2 lieutenants, 2 ser- had landed at Quinchien, now Upon the morning of the 20th Monsieur * Authentic narrative of the facts relating to the Lorimier with 80 Indians and Mons. Maurer. exchange of prisoners at the Cedars, signed by the officers 18 Canadians started to reinforce of the 8th Regiment and of the Volunteers. London, with Archives. 1777. t Articles of Capitulation in American THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS.

De Montigny; but, falling in about noon Forster now extended his plan and resolved with Sherborne's party, attacked it with great upon securing a footing on the Island of vigor. The Canadian party being under Montreal, and upon advancing from thence cover the smallness of their numbers was not perhaps to Montreal itself. He, therefore, suspected, and after a short skirmish having on the 22nd, sent De Montigny forward with outflanked their adversaries and killed some 50 Canadians and 20 Indians as far as St. of them (about or they 5 6), made prisoners of Anne's. There De 01 tigny took posses- all the rest but a few who took to the woods sion of his own house upon the end of the and were afterwards captured. The sur- Island. Two hundred and fifty prisoners render was very unexpected and sudden. De were placed in his charge. All the officers Montigny had not arrived to take part in the were sent over the lake to the little village fight. No stipulation or capitulation of any now called Oka; where they were placed kind was made, but the detachment surren- under the care of the priests, who took the dered themselves unconditionally as prisoners wounded into their own Presbytery, and fed to this small party consisting of 98 men, 80 and lodged the others with all that the village of whom were Indians. afforded. It would not, even at the present It is necessary to distinguish clearly be- day, be a very luxurious abode for a large tween these two events. First, the capitula- number of men. It was simply an Indian tion, with stipulations, of the garrison at the village, but the prisoners did not want for Cedars to Captain Forster, on the 19th; and food, and were secure from insult under the second, the capture on the following day care of the priests. The circumstances were without stipulation of prisoners 97 in an unprecedented. Usually the number of engagement fought six miles away by a party prisoners is small compared with the number consisting nearly altogether of Indians. of captors, but here were nearly 500 prisoners During the skirmish a false report of the upon the hands of a party of 41 regular defeat of their detachment arrived at the soldiers and a variable number of Canadians Cedars, and it required all the energies of and Indians, at no one time exceeding in the Captain Forster and his small party of regu- aggregate 500 strong. The situation was the lar soldiers to keep the Indians quiet. There more difficult, as Capt. Forster's plan was to were more prisoners than men to guard them, press on for Montreal, which he did, leaving and the Indians feared that during the attack,' De Montigny to look after the prisoners. which they expected every moment, the Arrived within three miles of Lachine, prisoners would revolt. In spite of Forster's Forster found a body of six hundred Conti- exertions some few were stripped and threat- nental troops under Arnold entrenched, and ened, but not one was injured. The parties with six pieces of artillery. Friendly advices under Lorimier, Maurer and De Montigny arrived from Montreal that the enemy were soon arrived and relieved him of all anxiety calling in their outposts, that 200 men were for the surrendered garrison. already on the march, and that before twenty- New difficulties, however, arose concerning four hours Arnold would have 1,500 men. the prisoners taken at Quinchien. These the Although Forster's party had by that time Indians claimed as theirs, taken in battle by been joined by volunteers, and amounted to themselves, and as they had lost a leading 500 men, he decided, upon hearing such news, chief of the Senecas in the engagement, they to retreat as far as the Cedars, but he could were set upon putting some of their prisoners not leave all his prisoners to be recaptured by to death. This the British officers resisted, Arnold, so they were all collected and taken and they succeeded at last in buying at a over to Vaudreuil. De Montigny had for high price nearly all the prisoners. The few greater security moved a number of them to remaining were afterwards ransomed by a small island in the lake, and when Arnold Captain Forster at St. Regis, on his retreat, arrived at St. Anne's he found every boat with the exception of two who remained of carried away, and had the mortification of their own accord with the Indians. Those standing helplessly on the bank and seeing captives, however, which they took at Quin- the prisoners moved from the island to the chien, the Indians would and did plunder mainland, while his own batteaux with can- and strip ; but the murdering and the roast- non and reinforcements were far behind on ing were pure and simple fabrications for the Lake St. Louis. purpose of stirring up the resentment of the Busy were these early summer days of '76 American people against the Kine. on the quiet Lake of the Two Mountains. —

I 2 THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS.

After a winter's experience of " freedom," which time the prisoners were sent away, the the inhabitants rejoiced at the sight of the most of them to Caughnawaga but many to red coats of the King's soldiers. Canoes Montreal. Capt. Forster then continued his. darted to and fro, and batteaux laden with retreat to Oswegatchie. prisoners and their guards thronged the still The Americans were excessively chagrined waters of the lake, and gave more than full at this whole affair, as indeed they had rea- employment to the boatmen at the portage. son to be. The officers had behaved badly, Old Fort Senneville, now so picturesque, its for the long winter of garrison life had ruined masonry clothed with twining green, destroyed the courage and discipline of their was then in full activity, guarding the lake army. There was no lack of bravery among and the swift river in rear of the Island with these Revolutionary troops, but reverses equal vigilance, the spring floods bringing were required to teach them discipline and the crowded boats almost to its gates. Op- reliance upon each other. There was too '* posite, under the shadow of Mount Calvary, much of the " public-meeting-of-citizens was the little Mission Village of the lake, the sentiment among the men, and the officers usual resort of the staid Sulpician or of the were afraid of the constant criticism. That silent savage, then thronged with strangers all men are free and equal is a very pretty clustering under the trees which overhang sentence for a Declaration of Independence, the quiet walk sacred to meditative eccle- but, in the neighbourhood of an enemy, even siastics. The village of Vaudreuil, which of Indians, sentimental politics are better has long since resigned its less euphonious avoided, and those troops will win whose name of Quinchien to the little stream which thoughts are only of obedience and duty. flows near it, was then a place of some con- This the Americans learned before the war sequence, with a church and presbytere, but was over. It is a lesson which should be to the west, the unbroken forest came down instilled into all militia in time of peace. close to the banks of the Ottawa, whose soli- The Commissioners of Congress were still tary waters, since the downfall of the Huron in Canada, and to them the idea of breaking nation, had ceased to be frequented save by the cartel first occurred. General Thomp- the Indians who lived near the distant post son, then in chief command of the army, of Michilimackinac. writes to Washington, under date June 2nd r Arnold's arrival at St. Anne's altered the " Mr. Chase is of opinion we may with safety aspect of affairs, and upon the 25th of May break the capitulation made with General De Montigny rejoined Capt. Forster at Vau- Arnold. It is extremely hard to give up all dreuil. All the prisoners were with them the fruits of the last year's campaign in but the officers, and all the anxieties of the Canada. But if engagements of this delicate Cedars returned. Arnold would shortly nature are broken without the fullest testimony attack and the Indians grew very restive and to support us, we shall be J orever undone* threatening. Acceding then to the requests The instinct of the soldier is often more true previously urged by the American officers, and even more humane than the politics of Forster concluded with Major Sherborne a the civilian. cartel of exchange, the second condition of Having thus narrated in detail the real which was, that none of the prisoners should circumstances of the so-called " Massacre of serve against Great Britain during the war. the Cedars," it will be well to recount some The cartel was signed by the two Majors, of the assertions of the Committee of Con- Butterfield and Sherborne, and by four Cap- gress to whom the cartel was referred. Their tains, of whom two were among the four after- report was long and full of declamation. We wards retained as hostages. have space only for the more important Upon the 26th, a party of Arnold's men points. After recounting the facts of the attacked the British camp at Vaudreuil and investment and surrender at the Cedars were repulsed. Capt. Forster, still fearing mainly as stated by Bancroft they make the for his prisoners, sent the cartel with a flag following assertions : of truce to Arnold, requesting his signature 1st. That it does not appear whether the to it and permission to send away the pri- capitulation was verbally or in writing. 2nd. soners through the American lines. Arnold That it was a condition that the baggage objected to the second clause, which Forster should not be plundered. 3rd. That the then cancelled. The cartel was then signed garrison were stripped of their clothes besides and a truce of four days agreed upon, during being plundered of their baggage. 4th. That CEDARS. l THE MASSACRE AT THE 3

two of Sherburne's party were put to death flatter myself that the Congress would never on the evening of the capture, and four or have thought of such unheard of proceedings, five others at different times afterwards. 5th. had they not had a false representation of That one of the garrison who surrenderer. the matter. Do not think that I am under was killed on the eighth day after surrended any constraint when I say and call that God 6th. That the four hostages who were who must judge of the truth, to witness that delivered as security for the fulfilment of the not a man living could have used more cartel were immediately plundered and strip- humanity than Capt. Forster did after the ped by the savages. 7th. That one prisoner surrender of the party I belonged to." was first shot and then, when alive, was roasted, Another of the hostages was Captain Bliss. as related by his companion now in pos- He writes,* at the same date and place, to session of the savages, who himself saw the the Rev. Wm. Emerson, at Concord, in the fact. 8th. That others, worn down with very warmest praise of Capt. Forster, whom famine and cruelty, were exposed on an is- he styles a Christian and a gentleman. He land naked. says the reasons of Congress in breaking the The statement of the British officers and cartel are known to none but God and them- Canadians was drawn up at Montreal in de- selves. The third of the four hostages writes tail, upon the 6th of September. It contains to Colonel Morey, in New Hampshire, that a copy of Captain Forster's letter to Major ever since he was a prisoner he has been used Butterfield, embodying the terms of surrender well, and that there was no massacre or ill- in full, and expressly granting only the lives treatment, f He confirms the British account of the garrison and the clothes on their backs. of the purchase of the prisoners from the It was never denied that the baggage was Indians, and says the cartel was a sacred plundered. As for the ill-treatment of the thing, and was fulfilled by the British. prisoners, the Rev. Father Detarlaye, Priest These letters prove conclusively the false-

at the Indian Village, had the best of oppor- ness of the charges of ill-treatment ; but tunities of knowing the real facts, for the In- there is no need of them—the very words of dians of that village had a large share in these the report bear their own testimony to their transactions. He writes : falsehood. The report states that as soon 41 1 can say in praise of the Commander, as the hostages were delivered up they were that he kept the savages in such order that I handed oyer to the Indians and plundered never saw the laws of humanity better ob- and stripped. This painstaking Committee served. Two or three watches, with as many actually thought that the four hostages were coats taken, could not be objects of such new men handed over fresh from the army, strong complaints. Did it ever happen whereas they were not delivered over, but among the most civilized nations that the retained in the hands of the British. T^cy conquered lost no part of their baggage ? were among the captives at Oka, as the sig- Did the officers who were at the Lake want natures of two of them to the cartel witness. bread, fresh meat and fuel ? It is true they If they were plundered and stripped" when were not given beds and clothes, because there taken, they could not have been i plundered were none in the place, but the officer who and stripped" a second time. was wounded in the thigh was taken into the The Committee were equally unfortunate house of the missionaries, who furnished him in their roasting story. *' A man," they say, M with every comfort." was first shot and then roasted"—a thing It has been related that four Captains were unheard of among Indians. The roasting of retained as hostages for the fulfilment of this captives was always for purposes of torture, cartel. One of them was a brother of General and the victims were kept alive as long as Sullivan, of the possible add, moreover, that Continental army. Indignant ; they the cruelty at the action of Congress, he writes to his was seen by his companion, who was still brother, under date, Montreal, August 14th, with the Indians. Upon this hearsay report, 1776, in the following strain :— I am much through no one knows how many mouths, the surprised to hear that the Congress, instead Congress were willing to base so horrible a of redeeming us according to the cartel, have charge. No name is given, no place, no not only refused to do it, but have demanded details. No letter or direct message from u Capt. Forster to be delivered up to answe. this unnamed man with the Indians" is his conduct in what they are pleased to term * American Archives. the Massacre of the Cedars. I would fain + American Archives.

/ —

14 THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS.

given. Upon its face it is mere rumour or know of hardships, but the other point is wilful invention. one of simple arithmetic, and admits of no The narrative of Bancroft follows the solution. Capt. Forster gives the number of report of Congress in artfully confounding Sherburne's force as 120, and he is probably the two events—the capitulation of the Cedars nearer the truth, for it is certain that Sher- and the capture of Sherburne's party at Quin- burne had 140 men when he left Montreal. iL chien. He says, 28 were killed in battle or He would require to leave at least 10 men at murdered in cold blood, in violation of the St. Anne's and 10 at Vaudreuil to take care express terms of surrender." How could of his boats and communications. These there be " terms of surrender" on a battle- would have escaped. One or two might field even if the truth of the charge of murder have been taken sick on the road, or he were conceded ? If it be true, as he states, might have left more than 20 to guard his that the battle lasted an hour, and the Ameri- boats. He could not have had more than cans were in the open, 28 is not a large num- 120 men in the action, and may have had a ber to be killed in fair fight. Some fighting few less. When he states that he had barely there certainly was, for there was a wounded 100 men he is relating his own gallant deeds officer at Oka, and a Seneca chief was killed, and his long resistance of one hour and but there was not nearly so much fighting as forty minutes. He says that the enemy Major Sherburne desired to make out. He (under cover) lost 22 killed and wounded, got credit in Philadelphia for much bravery, and he lost only 28 in the open—killed, wound but such was not the opinion in the Northern ed and murdered. It may be that some army. J As for Butterfield and Bedell, they others among the British, Canadians or were cashiered. Indians were killed, but if so, no mention is 'Major Butterfield, on his examination, made elsewhere of them, excepting of the stated that the British officers did what they Seneca Chief. If the Indians had lost so could to redeem the prisoners. He states heavily Capt. Forster would probably have that one of his party was murdered the eighth reported it to account for their turbulence. day after they were taken, but can give no As it is, he states their loss as this one Chief name. Captains Estabrook and Wilkins killed and three Indians wounded. state generally that three or four were mur- It is impossible in the face of the clear and dered, but they cannot tell their names or , precise narrative of the British officers, con- even the companies they belonged to. It is firmed by the testimony of the American remarkable that no names were elicited of hostages, to believe the exculpatory and con these murdered men. The whole evidence is tradictory statements of who behaved so vague in the extreme. men badly as the officers in command of the Major Sherburne wrote a full account of American troops. Some points are, however, the proceedings of his detachment, under certain. It is admitted by all that Butterfield date New York, June 18. It is evidently had men. Sherburne could not have had upon his authority that Bancroft gives the 390 more than 120 men, probably he had a few number at " 28 killed in action or murdered less. The total number of American soldiers in cold blood." He states that he left Mont- of both parties could not have exceeded 510 real with 140 men, but that some were left " Of these one was killed at the Cedars on the as guards on the road ; others were taken 1 8th of May, as previously related. sick by the hardships they underwent in crossing the lake" so that his detachment was not In the statements drawn up at Montreal, in than more 100 strong when it was attacked. September, where all the circumstances were What hardships he might have encountered known and fresh in everyone's memory, the in fine weather at the of end May in crossing total number of persons taken is given as 497. in batteaux from St. Anne's to Vaudreuil, it These are accounted for in the following is hard to say. But if he had, as he says, manner : 100 men, and lost 28, it is very surprising Indorsed upon the Cartel of Exchange : that Capt. Forster accounted for 108 living prisoners of his detachment. The ladies and Majors ...... 2 children who amuse themselves in summer Captains 9 rowing in skiffs on the lake may possibly Subalterns 21

X Col. Greaton to Major-Gen. Heath. Ticonderoga, Privates 443 July 31. 475 THE MASSACRE AT THE CEDARS.

To which must be added, in inciting the American mind against the Hostages retained—Captains (after- British Government, and which, with many wards released by Carleton) ... 4 other stores as mythical, has jaundiced the Canadians found in the garrison and hearts of the American people towards Eng- released 8 land from earliest infancy. As a political Prisoners afterwards bought from In- stratagem the story was triumphantly success- dians and then at Montreal ... 8 ful. The Declaration of Independence had Remaining with the Indians ... 2 just been issued when the resolutions of Congress appeared concerning this affair. 497 Many in the colonies, who were cleaving still Let this number be deducted from the ex- to their allegiance, turned in horror from a treme total of 509 and it will be seen that the Government which could tolerate such bar- total American loss could not have exceeded barities. Had there been in the colonies a 12. In all probability Capt. Forster's state- free press, it would not have been possible ment that 5 or 6 were killed is correct. to have started such a slander. But Riving- Sherburne had probably 114 men when he torts Gazette had been stopped by the riotous went into action, which would allow for 6 action of an armed mob from Connecticut, men falling out sick, to at St. Anne's and to which invaded the city of New York,* sacked at Vaudreuil, as guards. But if it really be his office, and melted his types down for the case, as stated by Sherburne and Ban- bullets, and there was no other printer who croft, that an obstinate engagement was dared to publish anything displeasing to the fought for one hoijr and forty minutes with popular party. At this remote period, how- an unseen foe, then 12 is a very insignificant ever, the publication of the original docu- loss, and no theory of murdering or roasting ments renders it possible to ascertain the is necessary to account for it ; and again if, real facts as they occurred, and Canadians,] as Sherburne states, he had detached so the more narrowly they enquire into the many men that he had only 100 when he was doings of their forefathers, will have the attacked, he must have fought all that time more reason to be proud of the early history and surrendered with 8 men more than he of their country. had at the commencement. " '""'""This, then, was the Massacre of the * Letter from the New York Congress, Dec. 12th, Cedars," which did duty for so many years 1775, to Governor Trumbull, of Connecticut.