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ONE NATION

ONE PARTY ONE NATION. ONE PARTY

B/FLORENCIO MERCED ediciones • puerto rico Political Education Series Edition No. 1 May 1975 The destruction of the Puerto Rican nation through continued colonial aggression or its survival achieved through a successful national liberation struggle is on the agenda of progressive people and revolutionaries throughout the world. International forums such as the Summit Conference of Heads of States of Non-Aligned Nations, the General Assembly of the United Nations, the World Peace Council and the Bertrand Russel Tribunal have discussed the implications of U.S. economic, political and social agression on Puerto Rico; all of the forums have passed resolutions supporting the inalienable right of the Puerto Rican people to independence and self-determination to prevent the continued destruction of their natural resources, national heritage, and possibilities for future economic development. Puerto Ricans in the United States play a fundamental role in the struggle for Puerto Rico's national liberation. The polemic which has developed over the two million Puerto Ricans who live in the United States has created the need to discuss in printed form the theoretical and practical tenets which define the role of this sector of the Puerto Rican people. The following article is the edited version of a speech given by Florencio Merced Rosa, member of the National Political Commission of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and delegate of that body to the U.S. Branch of the PSP, at the University of Puerto Rico on November 1974. This pamphlet is the first of 4 which will be published in the United States in the coming year. •-- Comrades: Our Party has developed a strategic concept ing up to Washington the final decision about toward the proclamation of the Workers our independence. This has been the case Democratic Republic, the initial phase of the since the position presented and upheld by construction of socialism. This strategic con- Jose'de Diego up to Pedro Albizu Campos and cept is the result of scientific study and a Puerto Rican nationalism. To a certain extent, consistent praxis, in constant dialectical inter- the Movement Pro Independence (historical relation. predecessor of the Puerto Rican Socialist Our Party uses the science of Marxism- Party) was unavoidably permeated by that Leninism as a guide for action. To make position. correct use of the most advanced social De Diego's statements indicate he always science known to humanity, it is necessary to expected the decision to confer independence apply it in a creative manner to the specific for Puerto Rico to come from Washington. situation of each country, of each case. At the The radical and belligerent nationalism, under same time we should avoid, in our judgement, the direction of Albizu Campos, designed a falling into exclusivisms directed at justifying strategy for struggle directed at forcing the assumed positions, setting aside the very yankees to recognize Puerto Rico's inde- essence of Marxism-Leninism, setting aside its pendence. The furthest the Movement Pro general tenets and postulates. Independence went in its thesis was to speak Thus, we have tried to act in accordance of the worsening of the capitalist-colonialist with our strategic concept. For this it has system's crisis, forcing Washington to recog- been necessary to study carefullyJChe political nize our independence. history of our people. Similarly, the analysis and study of the reality and struggle of other The Puerto Rican Socialist Party says in its peoples has been necessary. Political Thesis, The Socialist Alternative, that One of the great developments in our the independence of Puerto Rico will come as strategic concept is to have cut the umbilical a result of an act of self-determination of our cord that joined a certain liberalism with the people, led by the working class. Then, the most radical and progressive independentist Workers Democratic Republic will be pro- forces. That umbilical cord consisted in leav- claimed and this proclamation will be vali- dated by all the revolutionary means at our tion. We believe that all the Puerto Rican disposal. This will be achieved, independently people can struggle for the Workers of Washington's will, and as the result of our Democratic Republic to which we aspire. own struggle and the solidarity of the people When we speak of the people we exclude of the world. from our definition the bourgeois elements Initially, today's independence forces and the intermediary and parasitic bour- should not find it is particularly strange or geoisie, as well as the bureaucratic bourgeoisie difficult to arrive at this conclusion. In fact, (please excuse the vague term), which is many leaders and militants of the Movement nourished and benefits greatly from the capi- Pro Independence had arrived at this conclu- talist-colonialist system. sion a while back. Other revolutionaries and The creation, consolidation and develop- independentists had also concluded this. ment of a United Workers Central, with deep The important fact is that a whole political patriotic roots and a strong anti-imperialist collective should arrive at that conclusion. content constitutes yet another fundamental The important fact is that that conclusion pillar of our strategic concept. should be arrived at as the result of a practice International solidarity constitutes another and a collective analysis and that it be shared one of the strategic pillars upon which we by thousands of revolutionaries in Puerto base our strategic concept. We understand Rico today. Even more important is the fact that international solidarity as the most strict that certain organizational-strategic objectives application of international proletarianism, have been delineated, directed toward the which presupposes mutual and reciprocal help proclamation of the Workers Democratic and solidarity. Our colonial situation makes Republic of Puerto Rico. us seek and maintain solidarity relations with Within our strategic concept, the need for a progressive countries and governments. At the revolutionary Party is foremost, the party of same time, we uphold an independent interna- the working class that leads it to act as the tional line. revolutionary class that it is, independent of It is evident that even with a consolidated other classes and social sectors. Because of and developed revolutionary Party capable of this we are committed to the development deserving the most decided support of the and consolidation of the Puerto Rican Social- working class and the working masses, even ist Party. with the most solid national unity having National unity constitutes another of the been achieved, even after achieving the United fundamental pillars of our strategic concep- Workers Central and after it attains a wide tion. We believe tha: all the Puerto Rican people can struggle for the Workers Democratic Republic n which we aspire. When we speak of :he people we exclude from our definition tie bourgeois elements and the intermediar. and parasitic bour- geoisie, as well as the bureaucratic bourgeoisie (please excuse the '.ague term), which is nourished and benefit; greatly from the capi- talist-colonialist systerr.. The creation, consolidation and develop- ment of a United Woxers Central, with deep patriotic roots and £ strong anti-imperialist content constitutes yet another fundamental pillar of our strategic concept. International solidarity constitutes another one of the strategic oillars upon which we base our strategic concept. We understand that international solidarity as the most strict application of interrational proletarianism, which presupposes nutual and reciprocal help jnd solidarity. Our colonial situation makes us sijek and maintain solidarity relations with orogressive countries snd governments. At the samtj time, we uphold an independent interna- tional line. 't is evident that even with a consolidated and developed revolutionary Party capable of ^sewing the most decided support of the working class and the working masses, even the most solid national unity having achieved, even after achieving the United Workers Central and after it attains a wide international solidarity —moral as well as the United States. material—, we will not have as yet brought The geographic dispersion of a sub- together all the necessary elements that will stantial part of our people all over the enable us to achieve our goal. This is so, no North American territory and the dis- matter how serious the crisis of the capitalist- placement of a large part of the rural colonialist system is at that or at any given population of the island tothecapitol and moment. other cities of the country are a direct This is why our strategic concept includes result of the genocidal policy implacably the need for the consolidation and develop- imposed by North American imperialism ment of the proletariat's and the people's since its intervention in our homeland in revolutionary armed forces. The workers' 1898 by the force of arms. That policy Party aspires to impart ideological direction has substantially transformed the Puerto to the whole process delineated here. Rican reality. The present conformation As you know, our Party is organized in the of the socio-economic structure presents United States. The United States Branch of one of the most dramatic national situa- our Party is organized and operates in an tions in the contemporary world. The effective manner in New York City, New debate revolves around the survival or Jersey, New England, Chicago, Cleveland, and extinction of the Puerto Rican nation- Los Angeles, California. Because of its impor- ality on the one hand, and on the other, tance and because of generalities and parti- the continued slavery or the liberation of cularities that we will touch upon further on, the Puerto Rican working class, that for the organization of our United States Branch all practical purposes constitutes almost is part of our strategy for liberation. the totality of our people. The North American intervention has The General Declaration of the Constituent represented one of the worst cases of Assembly of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, colonial oppression known in today's ratified in November of 1971, begins with the world." following affirmation: Our contention, which more than a conten- tion is a simple description of a complex "Puerto Rico is a Latin American nation reality, in the sense that the Puerto Ricans with four and a half million nationals, of who reside in the United States are a part of which 2,700,000 live on the island and the Puerto Rican nation, and the consequent the rest (more than a third) is concen- organization of our Party "in the belly of the trated in New York and other parts of beast", has provoked much discussion within i States. the left in the United States. Some groups of a nation as Joseph Stalin defines it. geographic dispersion of a sub- here have raised as a banner of organizational On the basis of the above-mentioned con- 1 | part of our people all over the and ideological struggle the discussion and the cepts, they conclude that our positions re- / American territory and the dis- attack of our position. garding this matter are petty-bourgeois in lf?nt of a large part of the rural Unfortunately, most of these organizations nature and that what the Puerto Ricans in the jtion of the island to the capitol and and/or groups have limited their opposition to United States must do is join, as a national pities of the country are a direct somewhat inarticulate attacks, without pre- minority, a Marxist-Leninist party of Mao Tse pf the genocidal policy implacably vious scientific research into the reality we Tung thought, a multi-national party which A by North American imperialism speak of, without a previous scientific an- must give direction to the revolutionary pro- L$ intervention in our homeland in alysis. Furthermore, they use as a basis some cess in the United States. Ly the force of arms. That policy definitions of what a nation is by Joseph There are others, of course, who oppose P/jtantially transformed the Puerto Stalin. At the same time, our positions are our views about this matter without the reality. The present conformation distorted and are described in such a way that multi-national party ingredient; at least with- socio-economic structure presents they are adjusted to the objectives of those out the Marxist-Leninist Mao Tse Tung \' fhe most dramatic national situa- who combat them. Stalin's definition of a thought ingredient. It is a shame that we are i the contemporary world. The nation is mechanically applied, out of the obliged to summarize in such a succint man- revolves around the survival or context of our reality. ner the objections our positions raise amongst of the Puerto Rican nation- Summarized, the positions of these groups these groups. Any one of the persons or the one hand, and on the other, regarding this matter are reduced to the comrades here present who shares them in slavery or the liberation of following: part or in whole is invited to expound them in Rican working class, that for I.That the Puerto Ricans in the United the period of discussion. ctical purposes constitutes almost States do not form a part of the one and It is difficult for us to expound the gross ,'iality of our people. only Puerto Rican nation or nationality, ridiculizations which have been made con- North American intervention has since they are not submitted to the same cerning our position. For example, it is a one of the worst cases of system or economy as those on the perverse distortion to say that we state that oppression known in today's island. the Puerto Ricans in the Bronx constitute a ^mention, which more than a conten- 2. That the Puerto Ricans who live in the nation and that the Puerto Ricans in Chicago Ja simple description of a complex United States do not share the same constitute a nation and that the Puerto Ricans "'» the sense that the Puerto Ricans geographically determined territory as in Boston constitute a nation, etc. What we e in the United States are a part of the Puerto Ricans on the island. have stated is that the Puerto Ricans in the jS Rican nation, and the consequent According to some of our detractors, the United States are part of the Puerto Rican on of our Party "in the belly of the two objectives pointed out here constitute nation, a point we will go into later on. provoked much discussion within indispensable requisites for the configuration We state that the Puerto Ricans who live on the island and in the cities of the United labor force that the North American economy States form part of one nation, that we needed and needs. constitute a unique nationality different from From our viewpoint, and on the basis of others that exist in the United States. There- the objective reality of the Puerto Ricans on fore, we claim our right to organize the the island and in the United States, we have Puerto Ricans here and there. decided to upset their plans and projections But more than claim that right, we are and we have decided to organize our struggle exercising it, being the only political party for independence here as well as there. which is organized on the island as well as As revolutionaries we do not avoid theoret- within "the belly of the beast". The quanti- ical arguments and statements that do not tative and qualitative growth of our United adjust with literal precision to the positions States Branch is evident. It can be observed we support. Neither do we mechanically through its wide organization, its daily work, adjust our judgments to the statements and its participation and role in extraordinary interpretations of one of those theoreticians activities such as the Puerto Rican Solidarity and revolutionaries, without placing them in Day Rally held last October 27th at Madison the historical period we are about to analyze Square Garden. It is evident that our United and transform. States Branch is today recognized —by friends Let us see the definition of a nation that and enemies alike— as one of the most Joseph Stalin gives us in his work Marxism consolidated and influential organizations in and the National Question, written at the end all of the left in the United States. of 1912 and 1913: Imperialism, with its intervention in our homeland, has forced one third of the Puerto "A nation is a historically constituted, Rican people to emigrate to its cities. This has stable community of people, formed on been a very particular migration, because it the basis of a common language, ter- probably consitutes a unique case in history, a ritory, economic life, and psychological matter we will touch on later. That migration, make-up manifested in a common cul- planned by imperialism and executed with the ture. criminal complicity of the back yard colonial Stalin adds: "It goes without saying leaders, sought and seeks to serve as an escape that a nation, like every historical pheno- valve for the crisis that menaced and men- menon, is subject to the law of change, aces the colony on all fronts. At the same has its history, its beginning and end." time, it solved the need for a quite particular It is necessary to underline the fact that laor force that the North American economy not one of the distinctive features, taken imperialist war broke out, the period of ^eded and needs. alone, is sufficient to define a nation. Further- growth of the bourgeois-democratic From our viewpoint, and on the basis of more, it is sufficient that only one of these revolution in Russia. Two theories con- re objective reality of the Puerto Ricans on features be missing so that the nation ceases cerning the nation were being debated re island and in the United States, we have to be a nation. then, and therefore, two national pro- elided to upset their plans and projections Stalin continues: "It is possible to grams: the Austrian, supported by the e-d we have decided to organize our struggle conceive of people possessing common Bund and the Mensheviks, and the f:- independence here as well as there. 'national character' who, nevertheless, Russian Bolshevik," As revolutionaries we do not avoid theoret- cannot be said to constitute a single ical arguments and statements that do not nation if they are economically dis- These are enough quotes from Stalin's adjust with literal precision to the positions united, inhabit different territories, prologue. It must be pointed out that this v,r support. Neither do we mechanically speak different languages, and so forth. prologue was written by Stalin in 1920. Why aojust our judgments to the statements and Such, for instance, are the Russian, does Joseph Stalin bother to place us in the ;-:erprelations of one of those theoreticians Galician, American, Georgian and precise historical period during which he and revolutionaries, without placing them in Caucasian Highland Jews, who, in our produced his brilliant theoretical piece? Who- tre historical period we are about to analyze opinion, do not constitute a single ever is familiar with Marxists can reasonably rd transform. nation." conclude that one of the reasons must be the Let us see the definition of a nation that importance Marxists ascribe to placing a Joseph Stalin gives us in his work Marxism Now, in using the Stalinist definition we theoretical discussion within a practical s~d the National Question, written at the end must place it in the historical period in which framework, within a specific historical per- cf 1912 and 1913: it has developed, we must know the reality to spective. which it corresponded and even the end it Lenin so indicates in his work On the "A nation is a historically constituted, sought. Marxists do not write or work in the National Question: stable community of people, formed on abstract. In a prologue to the collection of his the basis of a common language, ter- articles that form the book Marxism and the "The categorical requirement of Marxist ritory, economic life, and psychological National Question, Stalin himself states, theory in investigating any social ques- make-up manifested in a common cul- tion is that it be examined within defi- ture. "This article reflects a period of discus- nite historical limits, and, if it refers to a Stalin adds: "It goes without saying sions about the principles regarding the particular country (e.g., the national that a nation, like every historical pheno- national question, held within Social- programme for a given country), that menon, is subject to the law of change, Democracy in Russia during the reac- account be taken of the specific features has its history, its beginning and end." tionary period of the tzarists and land- distinguishing that country from others It is necessary to underline the fact that owners, a year and a half before the in the same historical epoch." Lenin immediately asks himself: "What say that only 43% were Great Russians, does this absolute tenet of Marxism imply in constituting themselves as the oppresor its application to the question under discus- nation; 17% were Ukranian, 6% were Polish, sion?" 4.5% were Belo-Russian, etc. The USSR was Here is the Leninist question that the founded on December 30, 1922. Today, 15 theoreticians who combat our positions have federated republics, 20 autonomous republics, not asked themselves, accusing us of the most 8 autonomous regions and 10 national dis- varied positions. tricts compose it. Is it reasonable, we ask, to We believe that we have shown the import- apply definitions which are the result of a ance of placing our "national programme" debate on the reality of one nation or nations, within a specific period or historical time. On of one state or states, like the ones we have the other hand, it seems evident that our superficially touched upon, to our national national problem unfolds in a historical reality? period different from that which occupied Before us are two forms of making use of Stalin. Furthermore, anyone who is familiar Marxism-Leninism, two forms of dealing with with the historical period in which Stalin lived the problems of our time. One of these forms and who is familiar with the Austrian pro- requires the creative application of Marxism gramme (supported on many of its issues by to our national reality and to our era. The Rosa Luxembourg, by the way), who is other sustains a static and mechanical analysis familiar with the life and work of the which degenerates, therefore, into the worst Mensheviks and the reactionary positions of opportunism. the Jewish Bund, will understand how useless One of the strongest points against our and opportunist it is to sustain an opposition contention (that the Puerto Ricans living in to our position regarding this matter, using as the United States are part of the same Puerto a fundamental and exclusive basis Stalin's Rican nation as ours) is the fact that we do definition of a nation. not share a common territory. This is true if We are by no means throwing aside a we are guided by the Stalinist definition. But Bolshevik position that served to defeat posi- it is true only in appearance, even using tions which history has more than proven to Stalin's definition as a base. be incorrect and which even today are useful It is not mere coincidence that Stalin uses as a guide. But they are guides, not recipes. as an example the case of the Jews and proves A bit more. In Tzarist Russia, 57% of the that they do not constitute a nation as such. inhabitants were not Great Russians, that is to Stalin basis his conclusion on the criterion of 10 only 43% vwre Great Russians, ig themselves as the oppresor were Ukranian, 6% were Polish, Belo-Russian, etc. The USSR was ;!'^n December 10, 1922. Today, 15 •!$ republics, 20 autonomous republics, ;;''iv' ,nous regions end 10 national dis- ijf^pose it. Is it reasonable, we ask, to 'if |initions which are the result of a vi, . the reality of cne nation or nations, •!•» ^ - , i 7 0te or states, Ke the ones we have '•*..|ly touched u:on, to our national

•:,•'. us are two farms of making use of ~ ^eninism, two forms of dealing with '^jems of our time. One of these forms '''!:?, the creative application of Marxism V /ational reality and to our era. The * j^ains a static and mechanical analysis -' enerates, therefore, into the worst

:: ;Ji,if the stronger points against our *..iijn (that the Puerto Ricans living in ' ;;*';i?d States are prt of the same Puerto :" /ion as ours) '= the fact that we do - l ,fi! a common te'ritory. This is true if "glided by the S:alinist definition. But '•"°t,,/e only in apearance, even using j1, Definition as a bese. ; /iOt mere coincidence that Stalin uses ,;i*mple the case :f the Jews and proves ' j,,v do not const :ute a nation as such. iisis his conclusbn on the criterion of territoriality among others. It is necessary Joseph Stalin does not establish the criter- that we understand what the Jewish Bund was ion of territoriality as a requisite, believing and what it represented. that it is necessary that the trees of such and The Jewish Bund was a kind of General such a territory should be the same in order League of Jewish Workers in Poland, to constitute a nation; or, for that matter, Lithuania and Russia. The Bund concentrated that the soil be the same. It is undeniable that its work amongst the Jewish artisans. It he states it because of the difficulties in became part of Russia's Social-Democratic communication and interrelation that in 1912 Workers Party —from its first congress in conditioned a common territory. 1898— as an independent autonomous organi- That is why the communication and inter- zation. Until 1901, the only issue the Bund relation of a North American Jew and of a demanded was the equality of civil rights for Georgian Jew is questionable. However, our Jews. The development of this Jewish Bund opposers do not think of this at all. If Stalin will force it to come face to face with the says that one of the requisites that defines a Bolsheviks. nation is that of a common territory, what The Bolsheviks have to combat not only does it matter if it is established on the basis the Jewish Bund but also the clearly bour- of a necessary communication and inter- geois Jewish organizations. This, while propa- relation between nationals? Therefore, why gating the working class internationalism should one try to find out if this communica- among the Jewish working masses and win- tion and interrelation is possible, or even ning over the best of them to the Party and exists, between the Puerto Ricans here and the struggle. there in 1974? It is not at all important. If Joseph Stalin did not invent, just for the Stalin says that one of the requisites is a sake of it, the criterion of territoriality as one common territory, which evidently the Puerto of the terms that defines a nation. It is Ricans on the island and in the United States necessary that we investigate why it is that do not share, we must conclude that the such a criterion is established. It is logical to Puerto Rican Socialist Party's position is think, and in a complete reading of Stalin we mistaken. will find this, that one of the reasons for Nothing further from the creative and which this criterion is established is the scientific attitude inherent to Marxism- necessary and inevitable communication re- Leninism. quired for the existence and permanence of a Before presenting some quotes from the nation. Political Declaration of the United States 12 y/in does not establish the criter- Branch of the PSP entitled Desde lasentrahas, ;.'jjoriality as a recjisite, believing define its conception of the world. This we believe it necessary to state that we are includes those workers who remain on ...'"^ssary that the trees of such and not seeking shelter under any exclusivisms to the island as well as those who leave. The \jtory should be tra same in order deny or mold the general truths of Marxism- emigration is one of the concrete condi- •;''to a nation; or, for that matter, Leninism to our positions. What is impossible tions in which the sector of the working 1 !' be the same. It is undeniable that is to pretend that Stalin or any other revolu- class that stays on the island is formed: • |t because of the difficulties in tionary of any other time, in writing about it serves as an escape valve to reduce :;l>,,?'on and interrelation that in 1912 the national question, was thinking and con- pressures, helps to shape the labor force ";'" a common territcry. sidering the case of Puerto Rico or anyone '•••"'.^ the commun'ration and inter- participation rates, reduce the levels of which remotely resembled it. It could not be ") North American Jew and of a unemployment, helps to shape social because humanity's history had not as yet ;r%v is questionable. However, our expectations, etc. registered any capitalist colony of which one - lot think of this at all. If Stalin This phenomenon must also be under- third of its population had been forced to : of the requisites that defines a stood as one of the objective conditions migrate to the Metropolis. Marxists are revolu- ;t of a common territory, what in the formation and development of tionaries, therefore scientists; not prophets. ..,••:;:" if it is establisied on the basis today's Puerto Rican working class, in- Let us go into some of the characteristics ;'"l-ssary communication and inter- cluding systematic attempts to destroy of the Puerto Rican migration to the United ' j^ean nationals? Therefore, why our nationality through assimilation." States, initiated on a mass scale after the LwV to find out nthis communica- second half of the 40's. Desde las entrahas Further on the Declaration states: ', 5'errelation is possible, or even says: ,l,veen the Puerto Ricans here and "The fact that such a large proportion of :"*? It is not at all important. If "The development of today's Puerto iij^s ^at one of the requisites is a the population had to migrate to the Rican working class included not only its United States, a migration which repre- • l:r Niiitory, which evidently the Puerto displacement from an agrarian society to "irnr •'* island and in the United States sented one of the largest demographic foreign-owned industry in Puerto Rico, movements in modern history, seemed "f-r-ae, we must ccnclude that the but also its displacement to cities in the iSicm Socialist Pe-ty's position is to be, at first, an escape valve to reduce United States. In both cases it filled the social pressures resulting from the trans- same need: that of being a source of formation taking place in the Puerto I ;urther from the creative and cheap labor for the U.S. ruling class. Ettitude inherent to Marxism- Rican economy. But, more than that, it The massive emigration to the United is a systematic process for importing States is one of the collective experi- cheap labor to fill the marginal needs resenting some quotes from the ences that forms part of the legacy of '-slaration of the United States created by the technological and in- the Puerto Rican working class and helps dustrial development of the United 13 States, a development necessary so that serious piece of research. Many of the con- the working class, as a whole, may clusions we are quoting are arrived at from produce more for the ruling class of this part of the data it presents. country (the United States)". Stalin himself points out that one of the characteristic features of a nation is a psy- And the Declaration says: chology of culture manifested in the com- munity. I believe it is necessary to mention "The stratification of the working class what Desde las entranas has to say about this: in such a way as to insure its continuing productivity, as a whole, includes 'bring- "The Puerto Rican who moves to the ing the Third World to the national United States does so with the same territory of the United States', that is, expectations (stemming from his mater- the creation of a cheap labor force to fill ial reality) as the one who moves from jobs that, due to high production costs, rural Puerto Rico to San Juan or Ponce, could not be filled by highly skilled operating with a unique set of illusions workers. and dreams, with a particular world To fill this role, we, the Puerto Rican view. workers, come to the United States. In addition, and it is essential to Apart from differences in specific loca- highlight this point, it is not a matter of tions within the production and service the movement of an isolated individual, process that we have in one place or but rather the movement of an entity other, it is the same role that those of us with a collective world view. This is so who remain in Puerto Rico experience as because we are dealing with a substantial a class". sector of a nation — more than a third of the population — which means trans- Before continuing with what we consider planting an entire world; literally, we are to be necessary quotes from the Political dealing with a chunk of the country, Declaration, Desde las entranas, it is conveni- which will continue struggling to main- ent to point out that the publication includes tain its cohesiveness in its new setting. an Economic Appendix. Appendix B of the Another point which deserves atten- Declaration, entitled "Demographic and tion is that in contrast to other im- economic analysis of the Puerto Rican popu- migrants for whom coming to the United lation in the United States" represents a States meant breaking with their past, 14 burning all their bridges and focusing air shuttle, nor could have anyone else in piece of -esearch. Many of the con- their attention on the future, the Puerto 1912. I do not think I am mistaken when I fusions we are zuoting are arrived at from Rican is forced to come and sees his state that the San Juan-New York bridge is of the data it presents. uprooting as temporary." the largest aerial traffic in the world. Stalin himself points out that one of the :ures of a nation is a psy- We continue to quote from the Political Characteristic fea On the same subject, the Declaration con- .re manifested in the corn- Declaration: <;hQ|ogy of cultu tinues: (OUnity. I believe it is necessary to mention "As opposed to previous migrations, the Desde las er tranas has to say about this: "This phenomenon, which we have Puerto Rican is not a migrant that called the 'myth of returning', the separates from his world to look for a "The Puerto Hican who moves to the 'dream of returning', obviously is not new one, but rather, is an uprooted, United States does so with the same always realized, but it permeates the displaced, victim of colonial exploita- expectations (stemming from his mater- whole community and helps to shape the tion, who moves to another area to be ial reality) as the one who moves from vision that the community has of itself. dominated by the very same colonizer, rural Puerto Rico to San Juan or Ponce, What is even more important is that the always in the same role that the ruling operating witf a unique set of illusions crude reality of superexploitation, op- class makes him play in the labor and dreams, with a particular world pression, discrimination, and cultural market. view. aggression to which the Puerto Rican is In their new environment the Puerto In addition, and it is essential to subjected in his new environment re- Rican working masses, because of the highlight this point, it is not a matter of inforces this myth and convinces him way they see themselves and their transi- the movement of an isolated individual, that it is necessary to return. Even more tory oppression, stay within the world of but rather the movement of an entity of a factor is the air shuttle established their community. That is, the vast with a collect ve world view. This is so between Puerto Rico and the United majority of Puerto Ricans are kept on because we ara dealing with a substantial States which makes possible the constant sector of a nation — more than a third of the fringe of the social, cultural, and coming and going of Puerto Ricans, so political processes of this country." the population — which means trans- profitable for the North American air- planting an entire world; literally, we are lines." dealing with a chunk of the country, The above mentioned Declaration also This air shuttle is one of the elements that which will continue struggling to main- states: facilitates the communication and interrela- tain its cohesiveness in its new setting. tion and which disproves those who affirm "Puerto Ricans are further isolated by Another point which deserves atten- that the Puerto Ricans on the island and those accessible transportation to and com- tion is that in contrast to other im- in the United States do not share a common munications with Puerto Rico, mass migrants for \vhom coming to the United territory. Stalin could not have imagined this media and recreation in Spanish, States meant breaking with their past, 15 (although, as with any profitable busi- live in the state of New Jersey, 120,000 ness, they are controlled by the same in Pennsylvania (100,000 in the city of who exploit the workers); they even Philadelphia), 110,000 in the state of have access to business and job relations Connecticut and 110,000 in Massa- in Spanish." chusetts and Rhode Island. That is, the large majority of Puerto Ricans are In daily life, this means that any one of us concentrated in the .heavily populated who finds himself in Hartford, Connecticut, cities of the Eastern Coast of the can turn on the radio and listen to the news country. of the hour in Spanish, straight from the Nevertheless, there is also a large Capitol building in Puerto de Tierra in San concentration of Puerto Ricans in the Juan, Puerto Rico. It will say, for example, Middle West (170,000), approximately "the independentist Senator Ruben Berrios 125,000 of whom live in Chicago and has just informed", etc. another 80,000 in other parts of the The Political Declaration Desde las entranas country." has had a limited circulation in Puerto Rico. Therefore, we will take the liberty, counting The Political Declaration also states: on your patience, to quote certain demo- graphic aspects concerning Puerto Ricansthat "The current population of Puerto reside in the United States. We are convinced Ricans in the United States is noticeably that they will make it easier to understand the young: 86% are under 40; 48.6% are 17 reality of our Puerto Rican brothers and or younger; 31.7% are 9 years old or sisters who live in the United States, as well as younger. The median age is 19 years. the Puerto Rican Socialist Party's position In terms of generation, it is necessary concerning this matter. to explain several points. The large majority of the population of working Demographic aspects: age is composed of what has come to be referred to as 'first generation'. Two out "There are already more than two of every three persons between 0 and 25 million Puerto Ricans living in the years are children (31.7% are under 10). United States, half of whom (1,125,000) This means that at least 10 more years live in New York City. Furthermore, it is are required before the so-called 'second estimated that 240,000 Puerto Ricans generation' has sufficient impact to be 16 live in the state cr New Jersey, 120,000 I Pennsylvania (100,000 in the city of Philadelphia), 110,000 in the state of Connecticut and 110,000 in Massa- j and Rhcde Island. That is, the ,,,,-ge majority of Puerto Ricans are ^icentrated in the , heavily populated ities of the Eastern Coast of the country. Nevertheless, there is also a large .jiicentration of Puerto Ricans in the Diddle West (170,000), approximately * 25,000 of when live in Chicago and Bother 80,000 n other parts of the Country." rjie Political Decoration also states:

The current oopulation of Puerto Cleans in the Un ted States is noticeably ,;ung: 86% are inder 40; 48.6% are 17 :r younger; 31.7% are 9 years old or ,;.mger. The median age is 19 years. In terms of generation, it is necessary :; explain several points. The large -jjority of the population of working ~--j is composed of what has come to be Barred to as 'first generation'. Two out of every three pe'sons between 0 and 25 .ears are children (31.7% are under 10). ""•is means that at least 10 more years '.-3 required befcre the so-called 'second ;neration' has sufficient impact to be able to change the objective character- We continue with the demographic aspects: istics of our community. This gap, how- ever, is much more noticeable outside of New York City where the Puerto Rican "The fact that many Puerto Ricans population is younger, where there are return to Puerto Rico (although not the less adolescents and the proportion of majority, and although it is difficult to 'first generation' is even greater. determine exactly how many), while The dispersion of Puerto Ricans to many are continually arriving, establishes cities outside the state of New York also a constant renewal of the Puerto Rican has noteworthy characteristics. They community, a constant flow of 'first have moved to other cities in search of generation' that keeps the national semi-skilled employment which is grow- bonds strong. The Appendix establishes, ing scarce in New York. With the estab- for example, that 92.3% of all Puerto lishment of direct flights between San Ricans in the U.S. over 14 years of age Juan and cities such as Newark, Boston, (69% of all Puerto Ricans in the U.S.) Philadelphia, and Chicago, there began a were born in Puerto Rico. Furthermore, migration of Puerto Ricans who left according to the U.S. General census of their hometowns and went directly to 1970, 72% of all the Puerto Ricans who other cities in this country, without live in this country use Spanish as their passing through New York. Further- chief form of communication." more, many migrants who come to work in agricultural camps for specific periods The conclusions and positions we have of time, remain and settle in nearby arrived at regarding this issue are fortunately towns instead of returning to Puerto not the product of any theorists' club. They Rico when the harvest is completed. are based upon collective research and Thus, new settlements of Puerto Ricans practice. This is why I will once again refer to are initiated. The majority of such settle- Desde las entranas in order to summarize our ments expand due to family ties and position, before arriving at some final con- friendship, and thus create more closely- clusions. knit communities than those found in The Political Declaration states: New York. These also have a more direct relationship with Puerto Rico than does "We believe that Puerto Ricans in the the 'old community' of New York." United States and those on the island 18 continue with the demographic aspects: form one nation, the Puerto Rican the United States are subjected to capi- nation. talist superexploitation by the North The Puerto Rican community in the American ruling class in terms of labor "The fact that many Puerto Ricans United States has certain particularities power as well as in the sphere of return to Puerto Rico (although not the that distinguish it from the so-called commerce. n-ajority, and although it is difficult to national minorities that are said to form 5. Because of racism and national determine exactly how many), while part of this country. They are the discrimination, the Puerto Rican com- rpany are continually arriving, establishes following: munity has been subjected to social and a constant renewal of the Puerto Rican political alienation from the rest of community, a constant flow of 'first Please note the aforementioned Leninist society, a process that turns our com- generation' that keeps the national requisite to elaborate a national program munity into a ghetto. tpnds strong. The Appendix establishes, being carried out: 6. Puerto Rican workers on the island for example, that 92.3% of all Puerto "1. A constant movement of Puerto and in the United States have followed picans in the U.S. over 14 years of age Ricans between the island and the similar patterns of proletarianization in (59% of all Puerto Ricans in the U.S.) United States made possible by the air their class formation. This process of v»ere born in Puerto Rico. Furthermore, bridge established between San Juan and proletarianization has been accelerated according to the U.S. General census of New York. during the last 30 years. 1970, 72% of all the Puerto Ricans who 2. Constant communication and inter- The difference in the degree of assimi- live in this country use Spanish as their relation between Puerto Rican indi- lation that exists between Puerto Ricans c!iief form of communication." viduals, families, and communities from on the island and in the United States is Puerto Rico and Puerto Ricans in the based on geographic factors. The reality T'ie conclusions and positions we have United States made possible by the of living outside our national territory, ^rr<.ed at regarding this issue are fortunately constant flow of travelers, correspond- in the midst of a hostile society, affects -ottne product of any theorists' club. They ence, news on the radio, television and in Puerto Ricans in the United States with :re based upon collective research and the newspaper. more impact, and speeds up the process Brattice. This is why I will once again refer to 3. Both parts of the Puerto Rican of destruction of their national identity. }etfe fas entranas in order to summarize our nation, the one that resides in the United Such is the case with Spanish, Puerto , before arriving at some final con- States and the one that resides on the Rico's national language; the loss of island are constantly faced with the same Spanish is more dramatic for Puerto The Political Declaration states: type of cultural aggression, which, Ricans in the United States. although in different degrees, has the On the other hand, those differences "We believe that Puerto Ricans in the same genocidal purposes. then are lessened for both negative and United States and those on the island 4. Puerto Ricans on the island and in positive reasons. Because of the constant 19 flow of Puerto Ricans between the island pendence in the United States, the struggle and the United States, and the process of for the democratic rights of Puerto Ricans assimilation on the island, these differ- residing in the United States or the struggle ences are lessened. At the same time, and for social change in the U.S. to the same degree, that the struggle for These three facets of one struggle are national liberation extends itself to the related dialectically. They complement each Puerto Rican community in the United other when more than to discuss them, a States, a resistance starts to develop that decision is made to carry them out and restrains the process of assimilation here incorporate them into a daily practice. and in Puerto Rico. However, there are two additional objec- This dynamic reality changes the tions that can be stated. In the first place, factors that define the Puerto Rican how is it that a Party that calls itself nationality. The important thing is that Marxist-Leninist gives so much importance to collective resistance protects the exist- the national question, in detriment (according ence of our nationality, presently to our critics) of the class struggle, on the threatened by imperialist aggression. island and in the United States. Let us That is why we maintain that Puerto examine carefully these two objections. In his Rican workers on the island and in the work concerning the national question, Lenin United States have to establish for them- says: selves the objective of obtaining the independence of Puerto Rico. Our inde- "Where the oppressed nations are con- pendence is indispensable in order to cerned, the separate organization of the guarantee the survival of our nation." proletariat as an independent party sometimes leads to such a bitter struggle These are all the quotations from the against local nationalism that the per- Political Declaration. spective becomes distorted and the Comrades, the aforementioned does not nationalism of the oppressor nation is deny, and our practice corroborates it daily, lost sight of." the necessity the Puerto Ricans have to struggle for democratic rights and for social Here is the key to the issue. Because of our change in the United States. Our practice has colonial situation, the workers Party is forced proven that it is incorrect to draw a dicotomy to give special consideration to the national between the struggle for Puerto Rican inde- question. 20 In this same work, Lenin points out: pendence in the United States, the struggle of the colony is necessary for the freedom of for the democratic rights of Puerto Ricans "National wars against imperialism are the workers of the empire. It is not adventur- residing in the United States or the struggle not only possible and probable: they are ous to expect the national independence of for social change in the U.S. inevitable and they are progressive and Puerto Rico before the socialist revolution in These three facets of one struggle are revolutionary." the United States. What's more, our national related dialectically. They complement each independence AS indispensable to the socialist As Marxists, our interest in the national other when more than to discuss them, a revolution in the United States. In fact, both question is not in the nationality in and of decision is made to carry them out and struggles are dialectically interrelated and itself, but in socialist revolution. A while incorporate them into a daily practice. only to be clearly understood do we separate back, we described a reality of isolation to However, there are two additional objec- them in this manner. which Puerto Rican workers are submitted, in tions that can be stated. In the first place, Comrades, we are speaking about a national relation to their North American working how is it that a Party that calls itself war for independence, for the Democratic class brothers and sisters. We described that Marxist-Leninist gives so much importance to Workers Republic. Of a war directed and the national questfon, in detriment (according objective reality but we are not nor ever will presided by the Puerto Rican working class. be party to it. On the contrary, we give a call to our critics) of the class struggle, on the Our position regarding the national question for the integration of Puerto Rican workers island and in the United States. Let us is related to the development of this war here into the active class struggle of all workers in examine carefully these two objections. In his and in the "belly of the beast". the United States. If we organize them in the work concerning the national question, Lenin This is then, according to the circumstances Puerto Rican Socialist Party it is because we says: of this historical moment, our greatest con- begin from an objective national reality that tribution to the development of the class "Where the oppressed nations are con- imposes it. This is dialectical and therefore, struggle and the revolution in the United cerned, the separate organization of the not eternal. We look forward to the day when States. In this sense, we are a national proletariat as an independent party Puerto Rican workers, as well as Black, white, liberation movement; Puerto Ricans here and sometimes leads to such a bitter struggle Chicano, and other workers will have one there struggle for our national independence against local nationalism that the per- party of the working class in the United and in this sense our United States Branch is spective becomes distorted and the States, capable of giving direction to the inserted into the left in the United States. nationalism of the oppressor nation is revolutionary process up until the seizure of In his piece on the national question, Lenin lost sight of." power. states: On the other hand, paraphrasing Marx and Here is the key to the issue. Because of our Lenin, and taking into consideration Marx's "To imagine that social revolution is colonial situation, the workers Party is forced final thoughts about Ireland as a British conceivable without revolts by small to give special consideration to the national colony, a people that oppresses another nations in the colonies and in Europe, question. cannot be free; therefore, the independence without revolutionary outbursts by a 21 section of the petty bourgeoisie with all signals necessarily be found in Lenin's its prejudices, without a movement of complete works. What is in them, when the politically non-conscious proletarian one studies them, is a method for analyz- and semi-proletarian masses against op- ing social reality and an example of how pression by the landowners, the church, a revolution was made, more difficult and the monarchy, against national op- and complex that any of ours because it pression, etc. to imagine all this is to was the first to successfully achieve the repudiate social revolution. Whoever ex- assault on heaven in search for which the pects a 'pure' social revolution will never communers of 1871 were gloriously live to see it. Such a person pays defeated. If we are able to assimilate lip-service to revolution without under- him, Lenin will allow revolutionaries to standing what revolution is." abandon ancient schemes, and not con- tinue to stereotype life. Those who Finally, the pressure under which we had imagine that it was only one revolution- to prepare this piece did not allow us to look ary praxis that allowed Fidel Castro to further into some cases and situations that we direct the first socialist revolution in consider very important for the topic we are America are mistaken. It was the praxis discussing. In any case, we want to warn the of one who, blessed with that same static ones: regarding the criterion of a discerning and total vision of Lenin's, common territory as imperative for the had also known how to extract from his nation, you must stop a moment to think many theoretical readings the necessary about the necessary conclusions concerning ingredients to immediately know 'where the Palestine nation. Aside from the ways in he is going'. And in this America of ours which this case differs from ours they are also in which soldiers and priests begin to a nationality displaced from their original and find a different meaning in their trade national territory, through the force of imper- and their faith, while students, workers ialism. and peasants allow themselves to die for Some lines by Carlos Rafael Rodriguez their land in the land of Mariategui, from his article on Lenin and colonialism will Mella and Che Guevara —Betances and end this work: Albizu Campos— we add, that is the Leninism we need". "Neither the class alliances necessary for the defeat of imperialism can be the Thank you very much. same in'all countries, nor can the traffic 22