University of New South Wales

WILLIAM HERBERT IFOULD AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIBRARY SERVICES IN NEW SOUTH WALES, 1912-1942

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF INFORMATION, LIBRARY AND ARCHIVE STUDIES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

DAVID JOHN JONES

SYDNEY, NEW SOUTH WALES

1993

CANDIDATE'S STATEMENT

I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person nor material which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma of a university or other institute of higher learning, except where due acknowledgement is made in the text.

......

David John Jones.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Many individuals have assisted or inspired me during the course of my research: their support and interest has been as encouraging as it has been sustained. Those who provided information or leads are recorded in the list of Sources Consulted. I acknowledge their friendly cooperation and willingness to respond to my letters, telephone calls and appeals in professional journals. It is with regret that I note the passing of four of their number: May Dobbie, Dr. Arthur Fleischmann, Axel Lodewycks and Sir Harold White.

I have received special assistance and encouragement from Jean Arnot, Dr. Russell Cope, Professor Norman Horrocks, Mary Ifould and other members of the Ifould family, Professor John Levett, the Hon. Thomas McKay, Dr. Jack Nelson, Dr. Neil Radford, Wilma Radford, Dr. Michael Talbot, Emeritus Professor Jean Whyte, and from three of Ifould's successors: Gordon Richardson, Russell

Doust and Alison Crook.

I wish to thank the staff of various libraries and archives who have helped me gain access to information in their collections: the Archives Office of New South Wales, the Carnegie Corporation of New York Archives, the National Library of Australia, the State Library of New South Wales, especially the Manuscripts staff of the Mitchell Library, the State Library of South Australia, the

State Library of Tasmania, and the State Library of Victoria.

Thanks are also due to fellow research students in the School of Information, Library and Archive Studies at the University of New South Wales, whose seminars provided an occasional forum for some of my ideas and an opportunity to share some of the frequent excitement and occasional frustrations of historical research.

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I owe a special debt of gratitude to my supervisor, Professor W. Boyd Rayward, Dean of the Faculty of Professional Studies at the University of New South Wales, who has provided support, encouragement and sound advice throughout my research for this dissertation.

Last, but by no means least, my thanks are due to my long-suffering family who for five years have had to share me, generally stoically, with W. H.

Ifould.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS vi

ABSTRACT vii

1. INTRODUCTION 1

2. IFOULD AND THE LITERATURE 9

3. CHILDHOOD AND EARLY CAREER 22

4. THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF NEW SOUTH WALES 39

5. SETTING THE HOUSE IN ORDER 64

6. WORLD WAR I AND THE LIBRARY 108

7. EXPANDING HORIZONS: THE EARLY TWENTIES 136

8. METCALFE, AN ASSOCIATION AND THE DIXSON WING 174

9. DEPRESSION AND SUCCESSION 204

10. THE BUILDING CAMPAIGN AND THE MUNN-PITT SURVEY 219

11. PROPHETS FROM ABROAD AND LOCAL INITIATIVES 238

12. IFOULD'S 1936 TOUR AND FORMATION OF THE LIBRARIES ADVISORY COMMITTEE 263

13. THE LIBRARIES ADVISORY COMMITTEE 284

14. THE IMMEDIATE IMPACT OF THE "IFOULD REPORT" 304

15. WORLD WAR II AND LIBRARY LEGISLATION 323

16. IFOULD SOLDIERS ON 346

17. A NEW CAREER AND ACTIVE RETIREMENT 371

18. FINAL GLIMPSES 384

19. CONCLUSIONS 390

Appendix 1. GOVERNMENT SUBSIDY TO SCHOOLS OF ARTS AND KINDRED INSTITUTIONS 1909-31 404

Appendix 2. COUNTRY COLLECTIONS AND LOANS 1912-42 405

Appendix 3. PUBLIC LIBRARY OF NEW SOUTH WALES COLLECTIONS 1912-42 407

Appendix 4. VISITS TO THE LIBRARY 1912-42 409

SOURCES CONSULTED 410

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

A & R Angus and Robertson

ACER Australian Council for Educational Research

ALP Australian Labor Party

AONSW Archives Office of New South Wales

CCD Country Circulation Department (Public Library of New South Wales)

CRS Country Reference Section (Public Library of New South Wales)

CSIR Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, later Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization (CSIRO)

FLM Free Library Movement

LGA Local Government Association of New South Wales

MHR Member of the House of Representatives

ML Mitchell Library

MLA Member of the Legislative Assembly (New South Wales)

MLC Member of the Legislative Council (New South Wales)

NSW New South Wales

OBE Order of the British Empire

P & C Parents and Citizens' Association

PLNSW Public Library of New South Wales

SA South Australia

SLNSW State Library of New South Wales

UCV Unimproved Capital Value

UAP United Australia Party

WOI Department of War Organization of Industry

ABSTRACT

William Herbert Ifould (1877-1969) was Principal Librarian of the Public Library of New South Wales from 1912 to 1942, spanning critical years for library services in Australia, including the two Wars, the Great Depression, the Munn- Pitt Report, the campaign of the Free Library Movement and the passing of the New South Wales Library Act. He has however been neglected by scholars of this period of Australian library history. This study examines Ifould's activities during these years, and assesses his significance for the Public Library of New South Wales, for free public libraries and for the library profession in Australia. The study involved the examination of primary and secondary materials by and about Ifould in libraries, archives and private hands, and works on his Library and Australian librarianship of the period. There were interviews and correspondence with people who knew him, including former members of his staff, friends, neighbours, contemporaries in other libraries, members of his family, former users of the Library, and the sole surviving Library Trustee from the Ifould era. The study describes how Ifould achieved status as a public figure, a public servant and a professional librarian, and helped to create a hospitable climate for library development. It shows the lengths to which he went to achieve his objectives, including the completion of the Library building, the securing of benefactions, the development of the Library's collections, the containment of costs and the selection of staff. It provides the first detailed accounts of the Libraries Advisory Committee, which Ifould chaired, the passing of the Library Act and the formation of the Library Board of New South Wales. It also reveals the extent to which his successor, John Metcalfe, was indebted to him. The study concludes that Ifould's role throughout the period was highly significant, and that he played a critical role in laying the foundation for free public library services in New South Wales.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Despite the prominent positions which he occupied in Australian librarianship during a half century of service, first at the Public Library of South Australia, and then as Principal Librarian of the Public Library of New South Wales from 1912 to 1942, William Herbert Ifould has been largely neglected by writers on Australian libraries.1

Yet Ifould was Principal Librarian in Sydney during some of the most challenging years of this century, spanning World War I, the Great Depression and the early years of World War II, all of which had a major impact on libraries and their users. Ifould was in office too during key events in Australian library development: Ralph Munn and E. R. Pitt's survey of Australian libraries; the foundation of the Australian Institute of Librarians (AIL); the work of the Free Library Movement (FLM) in New South Wales; the framing of the Library Act, 1939 in New South Wales; and the establishment of librarianship as a bona fide profession.

Purposes of this study

This study is intended to cast light on Ifould's professional activities during his time as Principal Librarian of the Public Library of New South Wales. It assesses the importance of his contribution to his own institution, to the

1 The Public Library of South Australia was renamed the State Library of South Australia in 1967. The Public Library of New South Wales was renamed the Library of New South Wales in 1969, and became the State Library of New South Wales in 1975. For a review of the literature relating to Ifould, see Chapter Two.

development of library services within New South Wales, and to the wider sphere of the library profession.

It seeks to answer fundamental questions about the man, his methods and his impact. What manner of man was he? What was his background? What training had he received? What beliefs or philosophies sustained him? How did he come to be appointed, and what was his reception in Sydney? How did he establish himself as a prominent member of Sydney society, as a respected senior public servant, as a leader of a respectable profession? Why did he choose to remain in this profession? How important were money and status to him? How did he cope with a succession of political masters?

What was the nature of the Library he inherited in 1912, and what did Ifould do to develop its stature? To what extent did he reorganize the Library and its staff? What were his staffing practices, and were they fair? Did he discriminate in favour of women, or against them? What was his role in the career of John Metcalfe? What did he do to develop the Library's collections? What impact did he have on technical methods used in the Library? How original were the services which developed during his time? Was he an implementer rather than an innovator?

What was the extent of Ifould's influence beyond his own Library? How did he exercise such influence? Was it always beneficial? How serious were the rivalries between his Library and interstate institutions? What was the impact of such rivalries at the time, and did they have a lasting effect?

What were Ifould's ideas about free public library services during his years in office, and how did they evolve? What were his attitudes to schools of arts? What part did he play in the Munn-Pitt Report? Why was he not selected to be Munn's partner for the survey? Was there anything in his personality or in his beliefs which would have made such a partnership difficult or unproductive?

What were Ifould's relations with the Free Library Movement? How did he get on with G. C. Remington? Did he regard the Movement as an ally or as a rival, cutting across his ambitions for his own institution? What were his relations with the Library Group and with the Carnegie Corporation of New York? How influential was the Libraries Advisory Committee, and how active was he as Chairman? What was his part in the formulation and passing of the Library Bill in 1939? What was his role as first Chairman of the Library Board of New South

Wales, and what was the nature of that body?

How significant was Ifould's part in establishing the Australian Institute of Librarians, or was he just a figurehead as its first President? Why did Ifould oppose the formation of a branch of an earlier association? What was Ifould's role in the design of the extended Library building? Was it beyond the normal role of a client? How did he secure benefactions for the building?

Why has so little been written about him? Why was Ifould himself silent about his career? Does his silence lend credence to Metcalfe's view that "his main interest was always what he happened to be running"?2 Was it that, after thirty years as its head, like one of the "temple sweepers before the coming of the Gods," he was content to leave the Public Library and his profession of fifty years, in the hands of a capable successor?3 Did he feel that he had no further contribution to make, or that his contribution would be unwelcome, or were there other reasons for his reticence? Did his other interests simply keep him too busy? How deep was his commitment to a profession, if he could sever his relations with it with such

2 John W. Metcalfe, "William Herbert Ifould, O.B.E., F.L.A., F.L.A.A., 1877-1969," Australian Library Journal 18 (May 1969): 132.

3 Ifould used this phrase in has paper "Library Development in New South Wales," in Proceedings: Second Annual Meeting and Conference held at Melbourne, June 10th-12th, 1939, by the Australian Institute of Librarians (Adelaide: Australian Institute of Librarians, 1940), 70.

apparent ease? In examining Ifould's motivations and philosophy throughout his career, together with his deeds and actions, we shall be able to make a more informed judgement of his contribution, and make up for his long silence.

It is the intention of this thesis to show that the part which Ifould took in library developments during the years 1912 to 1942 was less visible to later commentators, but was nonetheless influential. It will show that from the time of his first appointment, Ifould began to cultivate and use contacts to benefit his institution and the image of libraries in New South Wales. It will illustrate how he helped to create a climate which was hospitable to library development, and attained a status as a public figure, a public servant and a professional librarian which would facilitate the attainment of library objectives. It will show the lengths to which he went to achieve his goals, including the completion of the Library building, the securing of benefactions, the containment of costs, and the passing of the Library Act. It will also reveal how Ifould prepared and sowed the fields in which his chosen successor, John Metcalfe, would reap the benefits, and will show for the first time the extent to which Metcalfe was indebted to Ifould.

Limitations

The present study is not an account of Ifould from cradle to grave: it confines itself to Ifould's years at the Public Library of New South Wales, apart from so much of his earlier and later years as may be necessary to provide a rounded portrait and to place him and his actions between 1912 and 1942 in context. The focus of this study is upon Ifould's professional life, but during the years in question, the boundaries of his very active private life and of his public life were often indistinct. Some of his extramural activities had a direct impact on his work as a librarian, and vice versa, and the leads which appeared most fruitful have been followed up.

Research techniques

This study has been carried out by examining primary and secondary materials by and about Ifould, and works on his Library and Australian librarianship of the period. Research has extended to published and unpublished materials in libraries, archives and private hands. Notices asking individuals with information about Ifould to contact the author were inserted in a number of Australian professional publications, including InCite, Cataloguing Australia,

Australian Academic and Research Libraries, APLIS: Australian Public Libraries and Information Services and the Australian Library Journal, and some useful contacts were made. There were interviews and correspondence with many people who knew Ifould, including former members of his staff, friends, neighbours, contemporary colleagues in other libraries, members of the Ifould family, former users of the Library, and the sole surviving Library Trustee from the Ifould era.

Research resources

Ifould's surviving personal papers are very scanty. From time to time he went through his papers, throwing out those which he considered to be of little, or of only sentimental interest. He hoarded neither papers nor books: "Never keep books which are not worth re-reading," was a favourite Ifould saying, "they are useless lumber."4 Small wonder that after his death the book dealer Berkelouw was surprised at the modesty of Ifould's personal library, and its lack of fine editions and exquisite bindings.5

4 Ifould, "Just a Chat about Reading," [1930?], TD, Ifould Papers, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878, 12.

5 Jean Fleming Arnot, Interview by author, 22 July 1989, Double Bay, N.S.W. 1 Australia-wide there have been relatively few biographical studies of librarians or of figures closely associated with library development. In her overview of recent Australian library history research, for example, Rochester cites only five such items in a 110-item bibliography (Maxine K. Rochester, "Australian Library History Research," Libraries and Culture 25 (Winter 1990): 115-29).

There are no surviving diaries or fragments of autobiography, and in fact no evidence that Ifould ever kept a diary. To determine his movements and activities it has therefore been necessary to piece together information from correspondence and other sources. This has posed particular problems for the periods when Ifould was overseas (in 1922, 1923, 1929 and 1936), for we must rely on other people's accounts, or occasional subsequent references which Ifould made to his activities.

Ifould also made extensive use of the telephone during the whole of his period in office, and did not rely solely on written means of communication. Some typewritten file notes survive on matters of particular significance, giving a tantalising glimpse of the way in which he operated. Similarly many matters of great moment were transacted away from the Library: on golf courses, in the corridors of Parliament, at Rotary luncheons, at the Metropole Hotel and at the

Australian Club. Again there are occasional memoranda springing from such encounters, but they are of course only what Ifould thought at the time was worth recording for future reference. Fortunately Ifould made extensive use of his stenographer, and his staff were meticulous in copying and filing correspondence and memoranda which were usually dictated when events were fresh in Ifould's memory. There are, however, no recordings of his addresses or his lectures. He did not take up the offer to have his reminiscences recorded for the National

Library's oral history collection.

The small manuscript and pictorial collection which survived Ifould's periodic clean-ups was presented by his son Lister to the Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, after Ifould's death in 1969. A further collection, mainly of photographs and relics, remains in the possession of Lister's widow, Mary Ifould. A number of private documents, mainly addresses given in a private capacity to organisations with which Ifould was associated, are included in various boxes of official records at the State Library.

The official record has fared better, for during the Ifould period letter- book and later carbon copies of all out-letters were methodically filed, and in- letters were carefully preserved. Topics which involved extended correspondence, or gathering of information as for a report, were collected as subject files. The whole of this archive has been examined for the period under review, reliance not being placed upon the registers, indexes and finding aids which were sometimes found to be vague or in some cases misleading. No staff file for W. H. Ifould has survived.

The minute books of the Public Library Trustees have been a fruitful source not just for confirming dates of events and highlighting issues under discussion, but for the occasional accompanying reports not filed elsewhere.

A bundle of "Confidential Papers" was located by the author in an unmarked brown paper parcel at the back of a cupboard at the Library. This collection includes documents and reports on sensitive personnel matters, and private correspondence between Ifould and one of his Ministers. These items have provided valuable insights into a number of key incidents during Ifould's incumbency.

Use was also made of files relating to the Public Library which were generated by the Department of Education (formerly the Department of Public

Instruction) and by the Public Service Board. These are now in the Archives Office of New South Wales. Efforts to find the Departmental file dealing with Ifould's appointment in 1912 have been unsuccessful, although one relating to Metcalfe's appointment in 1923 has been preserved, and provided useful information on this incident. Papers of associates of Ifould have also been examined.

These were the most fruitful archival and manuscript sources, although recourse was also had to the State Library of South Australia, the State Library of

Victoria and the National Library of Australia for specific items. Contact was also made with the Archivist of the Carnegie Corporation of New York, who was able to provide photocopies of a number of unpublished reports made for the Corporation.

The limited treatment of Ifould in the library literature is commented upon in the next chapter. What there is has been identified and examined, and the search broadened to cover works on Australian libraries generally, and the Public Library of New South Wales in particular during the Ifould years, as well as a number of works dealing with social and political issues of the time.

CHAPTER TWO

IFOULD AND THE LITERATURE

In the literature of Australian library history, particular attention has been paid to New South Wales. This State was the birthplace of the Free Library Movement, the place where the first comprehensive library legislation in Australia was enacted, and the centre for early organized professional training. New South Wales provided the lion's share of the membership of the Australian Institute of Librarians. It also produced a number of prominent librarians who have been the subject of biographical study.1 H. C. L. Anderson has been examined by Metcalfe and Jones.2 More recently Anderson has been extensively studied by Nelson.3 Accounts of various facets of John Metcalfe's career have been provided by Whyte, Olding, Rayward, Langker, in a festschrift, and by contributors to the Fifth Forum

1 Australia-wide there have been relatively few biographical studies of librarians or of figures closely associated with library development. In her overview of recent Australian library history research, for example, Rochester cites only five such items in a 110-item bibliography (Maxine K. Rochester, "Australian Library History Research," Libraries and Culture 25 (Winter 1990): 115-29).

2 J. W. Metcalfe, "Anderson," Library Resources and Technical Services 11 (Fall 1967): 405-8; David J. Jones, "Anderson: the Reluctant Librarian," Australian Library Journal 31 (February 1982): 28-32; David J. Jones, "Friendly Relations: Anderson, Mitchell and the Book Trade," Australian Library Journal 34 (August 1985): 21-28, and in Books, Libraries and Readers in Colonial Australia: Papers from the Forum on Australian Colonial Library History held at Monash University 1-2 June 1984, eds. Elizabeth Morrison and Michael Talbot (Clayton, Vic.: Graduate School of Librarianship, Monash University, 1985), 83-90.

3 Jack R. Nelson, "H. C. L. Anderson, Principal Librarian of the Public Library of New South Wales, 1893-1906: His Achievements and Significance" (Ph.D. diss., University of New South Wales, 1991).

10 on Australian Library History.4 Ida Leeson and other senior women staff of the Public Library of New South Wales have been studied by Berzins and Cleary.5

Movements and issues which were current and significant in Australian librarianship in the first half of this century have also attracted scholarly attention. The rise and subsequent dormancy of the Library Association of Australasia has been dealt with by Talbot and Adams.6 The short-lived Australian Library Association has been examined by Scott and Whyte.7

4 Jean P. Whyte, "John Metcalfe and the Library Association of Australia," Australian Library Journal 20 (May 1971): 5-13; R. K. Olding, "John Metcalfe and the Subject Catalogue," Australian Library Journal 20 (May 1971): 13-16; W. Boyd Rayward, "Central and Other Mysteries in Librarianship: The Writings of John Wallace Metcalfe," Australian Library Journal 36 (November 1987): 208-25; J. W. Metcalfe, The Development of a Library Profession in Australia: The International Travel Diaries and Other Papers of John Wallace Metcalfe, ed. W. Boyd Rayward, (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, forthcoming); Bob Langker, "John Wallace Metcalfe: A Personal Recollection," Australasian College Libraries 2 (May 1984): 61- 65; W. Boyd Rayward, ed., The Variety of Librarianship: Essays in Honour of John Wallace Metcalfe (Sydney: Library Association of Australia, 1976); Libraries and Life in a Changing World: The Metcalfe Years 1920-1970: Papers for the Fifth Forum on Australian Library History, ed. W. Boyd Rayward (Sydney: University of New South Wales, School of Information, Library and Archive Studies, forthcoming).

5 Baiba Berzins, "Ida Leeson," in Australian Library History: Papers from the Second Forum on Australian Library History, Canberra, 19-20 July 1985, eds. Peter Biskup and Maxine K. Rochester (Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1985), 100-104; Jim Cleary, "Women Librarians at the Public Library of New South Wales: The First Generation," supplement to Australian Library Journal 40 (May 1991): 3-25, and in Peopling a Profession: Papers from the Fourth Forum on Australian Library History, Monash University, 25 and 26 September 1989, eds. Frank Upward and Jean P. Whyte (Melbourne: Ancora Press, 1991), 141-62.

6 Michael R. Talbot, "The Library Association of Australasia, 1892-1902" (Ph.D. diss., Monash University, 1985); Michael R. Talbot, "The Library Association of Australasia: A Professional Body?" in Books, Libraries and Readers in Colonial Australia, eds. Elizabeth Morrison and Michael Talbot, 118-32; John Adams, "More Than `Librarie Keepers,'" in Books, Libraries and Readers in Colonial Australia, eds. Elizabeth Morrison and Michael Talbot, 93-101.

7 An early example was D. Barry Scott, "Library Associations in Australia, Past and Present," Australian Library Journal 5 (July 1956): 102-8. A more recent account is Jean P. Whyte, "From ALA to LAA - the Australian Institute of Librarians," in Australian Library History, eds. Peter Biskup and Maxine K. Rochester, 122-33.

Accounts of the birth and early years of the Australian Institute of Librarians have been provided by Metcalfe, Johnson and Doust, and Whyte.8 The activities of the Free Library Movement have been described by Remington and Metcalfe, Snibson, and Morrison.9 The significance of the Munn-Pitt Report and the contribution of the Carnegie Corporation of New York have been examined by Horrocks, Whitehead, Rochester, and Whitlam.10

The early development of library legislation in New South Wales has been traced by Orlovich.11 Library services during World War II have been studied by

8 John W. Metcalfe, "Past, Present and Future of the Institute," Proceedings: 6th Conference, Sydney, October 1947 and Other Papers, by the Australian Institute of Librarians (Sydney: Australian Institute of Librarians, 1949), 46-58; John W. Metcalfe, "From the Record, for the Record," Australian Library Journal 1 (July 1951): 4-6; Athol L. Johnson and Russell F. Doust, "The Library Association of Australia: Statement of History, Objects, Activities and Achievements," Australian Library Journal 14 (March 1965): 1-11; Jean P. Whyte, "From ALA to LAA - the Australian Institute of Librarians," 122-33; Jean P. Whyte, "To Unite Persons Engaged in Library Work: The Australian Institute of Librarians," Australian Library Journal 36 (November 1987): 193-207.

9 Geoffrey C. Remington and John W. Metcalfe, The Free Library Movement, 1935-1945, (Sydney: New Century Press, 1945) (reprinted from Australian Quarterly 17 (June 1945): 87-97); Rodney P. Snibson, "The Free Library Movement in New South Wales, 1935-1944" (M.A. diss., Monash University, 1987); Rodney P. Snibson, "The Free Library Movement Campaign for Public Library Legislation in New South Wales," in Australian Library History in Context: Papers for the Third Forum on Australian Library History, University of New South Wales, 17 and 18 July 1987, ed. W. Boyd Rayward (Sydney: University of New South Wales School of Librarianship, 1988), 121-28; Ian Morrison, "Culture, Education, and Municipalisation: Libraries and Politics in the 1930s," Australian Library Journal 42 (February 1993): 50-61.

10 Norman Horrocks, "The Carnegie Corporation of New York and its Impact on Library Development in Australia" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1971); Derek Whitehead, "AM and PM: The Munn-Pitt Report in Context," Australian Library Journal 30 (February 1981): 4-10; Maxine K. Rochester, "The Australian and New Zealand Response to CCNY Grants for Library Development," New Zealand Libraries 43 (September 1981): 109-13; Gough Whitlam, "The Munn-Pitt Report: 50 Years On," Australian Library Journal 35 (February 1986): 40-45.

11 Peter Orlovich, "Library Legislation in New South Wales 1867-1937" (M.Lib. diss., University of New South Wales, 1972).

Cleary.12 There have also been general surveys of the development of public library services in New South Wales.13

Despite the breadth of this scholarly attention, there has been no major account of the role of the librarian who headed the Public Library of New South Wales for thirty critical years, and who was foundation President of the Australian Institute of Librarians: William Herbert Ifould. The only substantial assessments of Ifould are obituaries and biographical entries in reference works from the pens of two librarians closely associated with him for much of their professional career: John Metcalfe and Jean Arnot.

In the obituary which Metcalfe wrote for the Australian Library Journal, Ifould is credited with three principal achievements as a librarian. First he established the Public Library of New South Wales as a "national" library for the State, providing an industrial and technological information service and country reference services. Second, he "restored examination and certification for librarianship." Third, he achieved status and respect for the position of Principal Librarian, within the public service, with successive governments and in the community generally, as well as in his dealings with his own Trustees. Metcalfe records that "most of his senior staff thought he could do anything he wanted to," and that "it might be said that he touched nothing which he did not adorn." This Metcalfe tempers with the comment: "He never touched what reflection told him he could not adorn." He portrays Ifould as pragmatic and opportunistic, interested

12 Jim Cleary, "Books for the Troops: The Role of Libraries and Librarians in World War II" (M.Lib. diss., Monash University, 1986); Jim Cleary, "Books for the Troops: The Role of Libraries and Librarians in World War II," in Australian Library History, eds. Peter Biskup and Maxine K. Rochester, 29-49.

13 Ida Vincent, "Libraries in 1938," Australia 1938: A Bicentennial Bulletin 3 (1980): 3-10; Ida Vincent, "The Campaign for Public Libraries in New South Wales, 1929-1950," Libri 31 (1981): 271-93; Ida Vincent, "Public Libraries in New South Wales, 1935-1960: A Study in the Origins, Transformation and Multiplication of Organizational Roles," Library Quarterly 51 (October 1981): 363- 79; Ida Vincent, "Why Bother with Library History?" in Australian Library History, eds. Peter Biskup and Maxine K. Rochester, 1-15.

13 principally in his own institution. The obituary is sprinkled with intriguing allusions, literary and otherwise, among them "a man for all seasons," "Machiavelli's fox," and "an Italian despot," not all of which have entirely positive connotations. Metcalfe also plays down Ifould's role in the development of public libraries in New South Wales:

When there was a tide running in favour of municipal and shire libraries he did not oppose it, and so has been credited with supporting it, though his own idea was one of state library branches, with Carnegie assistance, partly because his main interest was always what he happened to be running.14

Elsewhere Metcalfe refers to his own and Ifould's limited vision of free public library services before the Munn-Pitt Report: they had "little clear or certain thought or anticipation of its exemplification outside the state libraries and their country circulation or extension departments." He contrasts this with the grass- roots approach of the Free Library Movement and the eventual establishment of strong, independent free public libraries.15

Ifould does not loom large in Metcalfe's account of the development of the Australian Institute of Librarians, but he does refer to Ifould's reluctance to join with institutes librarians in an earlier library association, and his subsequent position as first President of the Australian Institute of Librarians, when it was "felt desirable to have some sponsorship by the elder statesmen."16

In his other writings Metcalfe does not often refer to his predecessor, although in his obituary to Ralph Munn in 1975 - six years after Ifould's death - he makes the critical comment that Ifould was "assertive, overriding, but rarely truly argumentative, avoiding issues and letting sleeping dogs lie." He repeats the comment that Ifould "touched nothing he did not adorn, if this is interpreted as

14 Metcalfe, "William Herbert Ifould," 131-32.

15 Metcalfe, "Past, Present and Future of the Institute," 51-52.

16 Ibid., 52.

14 meaning not touching anything without reasonable certainty of adorning it."17 This modest assessment of Ifould may in fact tell us more about Metcalfe than it does about Ifould. Metcalfe gives unstinted praise to only two Australian library figures: Anderson and G. C. Remington. Neither could rival him in professional estimation: Anderson was dead, and Remington was a layman.

Arnot's obituary to Ifould in the staff newsletter of the Public Library, provides an unreservedly favourable account of his career.18 She covers her subject more extensively in articles in the Australian Dictionary of Biography and ALIAS: Australia's Library, Information and Archives Services, and summarizes Ifould's impact on the Public Library of New South Wales in almost identical terms:

Ifould built up its staff and resources, making it the foremost library in Australia. He developed the Country Reference Section and Country Circulation Department and provided a valuable service to industry by expanding the Research Department. He established staff training, with a series of grade examinations reputedly the first of their kind in Australia and, in 1939, Australia's first library school.19

Most other writers who refer to Ifould make general comments, usually in positive terms, but add little to the information and assessments provided by Metcalfe and Arnot. Ifould is pictured as a pioneer professional librarian by

17 John W. Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia," Australian Library Journal 24 (May 1975): 139.

18 Jean F. Arnot, "William Herbert Ifould, O.B.E., F.L.A., F.L.A.A., 1877- 1969," Library Staff News (Public Library of New South Wales), April 1969, 24-25.

19 Jean F. Arnot, "Ifould, William Herbert," in ALIAS: Australia's Library, Information and Archives Services, ed. Harrison Bryan, (Sydney: ALIA Press, 1989), 2:36; Jean F. Arnot, "Ifould, William Herbert," in Australian Dictionary of Biography, 9:426-27.

Miller, Adams, Bryan, Doust and Bryan, Keane and Talbot.20 He is described as a shrewd and forceful administrator by Richardson and Whyte.21 His part in the failure of the Australian Library Association and in the foundation of the Australian Institute of Librarians is outlined by Biskup and Goodman, Whyte, as well as by Metcalfe.22 Snibson makes passing references to Ifould's support of the Free Library Movement.23 There are numerous minor references to developments within his own institution. The promotion of country library services is mentioned by Remington and Metcalfe, and Ryan.24 Brideson, Arnot, Ryan, Hunter, Bryan, Doust and Bryan, Groenewegen, and Whyte all refer to the establishment of a

20 E. Morris Miller, "Comment Rounded Off," Australian Library Journal, 6 (January 1957): 35; John Adams, "More Than `Librarie Keepers,'" 93-101; Harrison Bryan, "The Development of Academic and Research Libraries in Australia," in Design for Diversity: Library Services for Higher Education and Research in Australia, eds. Harrison Bryan and Gordon Greenwood (St Lucia, Qld: University of Queensland Press, 1977), plate 5 [between pp. 46 and 47], 10; Russell F. Doust and Harrison Bryan, "The State Libraries," in Design for Diversity, eds. Harrison Bryan and Gordon Greenwood, 79-114; Maureen Keane, "Education for Librarianship in Colonial Australia," in Books, Libraries and Readers in Colonial Australia, 114; Michael R. Talbot, "The Library Association of Australasia: A Professional Body?" 124.

21 Gordon D. Richardson, The Instruction and Good of his Country: Sir John Ferguson, Libraries, and the Historical Record, (Sydney: John Ferguson, 1976), The Sir John Ferguson Memorial Lecture 1975, 9; Jean P. Whyte, "Harrison Bryan and the Making of Australian Library History," in An Enthusiasm for Libraries: Essays in Honour of Harrison Bryan, eds. Jean P. Whyte and N. A. Radford (Melbourne: Ancora Press, 1988), 45.

22 Peter Biskup and Doreen Goodman, Australian Libraries, 3d ed. (London: Bingley, 1982), 157; Jean P. Whyte, "To Unite Persons Engaged in Library Work," 194, 196, 197; Jean P. Whyte, "From ALA to LAA - the Australian Institute of Librarians," 122-33; John W. Metcalfe, review of The Australian Council for Educational Research and Library Services in Australia, by Kenneth S. Cunningham, in Australian Library Journal 11 (April 1962): 96-102.

23 Snibson, "The Free Library Movement Campaign," 122-33.

24 Remington and Metcalfe, The Free Library Movement, 2; Sydney Lawrie Ryan, The Development of State Libraries and their Effect on the Public Library Movement in Australia, 1809-1964, (Brisbane: Library Board of Queensland, 1974), 24-25 [reprint, with minor amendments, of A.M. diss., University of Chicago, 1964].

16 research service.25 Scott, Bryan, Doust and Bryan, and Keane, describe the introduction of professional training at the Public Library.26 Ifould's part in the completion of the Public Library building is outlined in a contemporary commemorative booklet, by Doust and Bryan, and by Jones.27 Metcalfe's reference to the development, under Ifould, of a "national" role for the Public Library in serving the information needs of the people of the State, has also been repeated by later commentators.28

Groenewegen goes beyond these familiar themes, highlighting Ifould's early advocacy of a national scheme for scientific and technological services which to a certain extent anticipated the terms of reference of the Scientific and Technological Information Services Enquiry Committee by thirty years.29

25 Hedley C. Brideson, "Public Library Research Services," Australian Library Journal 3 (April 1954): 47; Jean F. Arnot, "Miss Nita Bernice Kibble," Australian Library Journal 11 (April 1962): 90; Ryan, Development of State Libraries, 24-25; Judith O. Hunter, "Changing Concepts of Reference Services," in Changing Concepts in Librarianship: Proceedings of the 14th Biennial Conference, by the Library Association of Australia (Brisbane: Library Association of Australia, 1968), 1:222-23; Bryan, "Development of Academic and Research Libraries," 10; Doust and Bryan, "State Libraries," 94; Hans W. Groenewegen, "Scientific Information Resources, Services and Needs," in Design for Diversity, eds. Bryan and Greenwood, 174; Jean P. Whyte, "Direct Service to Readers," in Design for Diversity, eds. Bryan and Greenwood, 273.

26 D. Barry Scott, "Library Associations in Australia, Past and Present," 104-5; Bryan, "Development of Academic and Research Libraries," 10; Doust and Bryan, "State Libraries," 93; Maureen Keane, "Education for Librarianship in Colonial Australia," 115.

27 Public Library of New South Wales (Sydney: Public Library of New South Wales, 1943), 8; Doust and Bryan, "State Libraries," 94; David J. Jones, A Source of Inspiration and Delight: The Buildings of the State Library of New South Wales since 1826 (Sydney: Library Council of New South Wales, 1988), 63 ff.

28 Bryan, "Academic and Research Libraries in Australia," 10; Doust and Bryan, "State Libraries," 94.

29 Ifould's paper is discussed below (Chapter 14). Groenewegen, "Scientific Information Resources, Services and Needs," 187-88. The Scientific and Technological Information Services Enquiry Committee (STISEC) was established by the Council of the National Library of Australia in 1971. For a brief account of STISEC see Arthur Ellis, "STISEC," in ALIAS: Australia's Library, Information and Archives Services, 3:78-81.

The only significant coverage of Ifould's formative years at the Public Library of South Australia is in Carl Bridge's history of that institution. For Bridge, Ifould was never able to reach his full potential in Adelaide, despite his obvious ability, strong will and energy, and was frustrated by the power and influence of the institutes and their conflicting philosophy.30

Ifould emerges from time to time as a major player, but not perhaps a key one, in Horrocks's detailed assessment of the impact of the Carnegie Corporation of New York on Australian library development. Horrocks examines the selection of Pitt in preference to Ifould as Munn's associate in his survey of Australian libraries, and Ifould's part in preparing a statement on the resulting report.31 He refers to Ifould's role in the Library Group, and in the Libraries Advisory Committee.32 Horrocks describes some negotiations between Ifould, the Library Group, the Carnegie Corporation and local officials on public library developments in Newcastle. In his discussions, Horrocks believes, Ifould may have not paid sufficient heed to the caution of Keppel, President of the Carnegie Corporation, and may have spoken too freely on the prospects of Carnegie support. "The record indicates that Ifould, at least in the Newcastle case, was not as careful as he might have been on this point."33 Like Metcalfe, Horrocks believes that decisive factors in public library development were the Free Library Movement through the leadership and direction of Metcalfe and Remington, and the backing of the Minister for Education, D. H. Drummond.34

30 Carl Bridge, A Trunk Full of Books: History of the State Library of South Australia and its Forerunners (Netley, S.A.: Wakefield Press in association with the State Library of South Australia, 1986).

31 Horrocks, "The Carnegie Corporation," 186-91, 223-26.

32 Ibid., 246, 320.

33 Ibid., 336.

34 Ibid., 742-43.

Vincent draws attention to the important part played by individuals in the development of library services in New South Wales, but does not mention Ifould. She writes: "When it comes to exerting an influence on the whole development of public libraries, however, the most visible personalities were John Metcalfe and Geoffrey Remington."35 It is surprising that, in another paper outlining the development of public libraries in New South Wales, Vincent does not mention Ifould at all, despite referring to the work of the Libraries Advisory Committee of which he was Chairman.36

The Libraries Advisory Committee is now seen in the literature as little more than a step in the gradual progression from the Munn-Pitt Report, the support of the Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER), the work of the Free Library Movement (FLM), to the passing and eventual implementation of the New South Wales Library Act. Metcalfe tended to emphasise the Free Library Movement and Remington, and played down the role of other figures and bodies such as the ACER. Partly to correct this, Cunningham wrote his own account of the ACER contribution.37

Ifould appears as a protagonist in accounts of the rivalry between the Public Library of New South Wales and the Commonwealth National Library. This subject has attracted considerable attention in recent years, directly in

35 Vincent, "Why Bother with Library History?" 7.

36 Vincent, "Public Libraries in New South Wales," 363-79.

37 Kenneth Stewart Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research and Library Services in Australia (Melbourne: Australian Council for Educational Research, 1961).

Biskup's accounts of rivalry in collection building and in Osborn and Osborn's early history of the Commonwealth National Library, and obliquely in other accounts.38

Ifould has received some attention in the work of Cass, who, in a dissertation, correspondence and a published report (in collaboration with Encel and Bullard), provides a still controversial historical analysis of the library profession in New South Wales.39 Ifould emerges from these studies in several lights, not all favourable: he is seen as one who discriminated against women, lowered the status of the library profession, left policy formulation to his Deputy during his final ten years in office, and had little faith in local government, wishing therefore to create regional reference libraries over which he would be able to exercise control. On the credit side, and more in line with the conventional view of the man, he is seen as one who promoted libraries, administered efficiently, extended library services to business and industry, asserted the independence of the Public Library from the Department of Education, freed the position of Principal Librarian from the shackles of the Board of Trustees, and introduced a system of examination for library staff.

38 Peter Biskup, "Captain Cook's Endeavour Journal and Australian Libraries: A Study in Institutional One-upmanship," Australian Academic and Research Libraries 18 (September 1987): 137-49; Peter Biskup, "The Strange Case of the Manuscripts of Major-General Lachlan Macquarie, Governor of New South Wales," Aplis: Australasian Public Libraries and Information Services 1 (August 1988): 91-102; Andrew D. Osborn and Margaret Osborn, The Commonwealth Parliamentary Library 1901-1927 and the Origins of the National Library of Australia (Canberra: Department of the Parliamentary Library in association with the National Library of Australia, 1989); David J. Jones, "`Please Destroy All My Letters on This Subject,'" Australian Library Journal 39 (May 1990): 102.

39 Francis Michael Bernard Cass, "Librarianship in New South Wales: Social History of a `Professional' Occupation," (B.A. (Hons.) diss., University of New South Wales, 1970), published as Librarians in New South Wales: A Study (Adelaide: Libraries Board of South Australia, 1972), Occasional Papers in Librarianship no. 12; Solomon Encel, C. Bullard and Michael Cass, Librarians: A Survey (Sydney: New South Wales University Press, 1972). Cass's work was assailed by critics in the profession, notably by Rayward, who described the work as "irresponsible" (W. Boyd Rayward, review of Librarians in New South Wales: A Study, in Library Quarterly 44 (April 1974): 179-81). A response was prepared by the Standing Committee of the Library Association of Australia, to which Cass in turn responded in "Librarians: A Survey: A Reply to the LAA," Australian Library Journal 21 (November 1972): 425-33.

The most controversial issue at the time of its publication was Cass's interpretation of Ifould's staffing policies. Cass describes how the Public Library of New South Wales became a haven for women clerks, whose services were retained because they were cheaper:

The number of women became so great during Ifould's term, that it looked as if the Public Library of New South Wales might one day be faced with the situation of a female Principal Librarian. At this point the Public Service Board, to avert the possibility of such a danger, introduced a policy for rapid male promotion.40

Metcalfe was a source to whom Cass had access during his research, but Metcalfe subsequently repudiated many of the findings. In a lengthy review of the Encel, Cass and Bullard works, Metcalfe questioned their authority, reliability and credibility, and illustrated a number of areas of disagreement, confining himself to "representative and major factual misstatements, interpretations, assumptions and conclusions."41 Despite criticism by Metcalfe and other commentators of the general approach of Cass and his collaborators, the conclusion that there was active discrimination against women in senior positions in the Public Library has been confirmed in recent papers by Cleary and Jones.42

With the notable exceptions identified above, assessments of Ifould have been superficial and derivative. Coverage of his activities has been episodic and incomplete. He has not figured extensively in the literature of Australian library development, until the recent attention paid to him by the author in the course of preparing this dissertation. These articles and papers have explored Ifould's

40 Cass, Librarians in New South Wales, 34. Cass returned to the theme of discrimination against women in "W(h)ither a Female Profession," Australian Library Journal 22 (March 1973): 49-55. The response of the profession at the time did little to refute his view. See Margery Ramsay, "W(h)ither (C)ass," Australian Library Journal 22 (March 1973): 55-59.

41 John W. Metcalfe, "Librarianship: A Survey Report and Two Theses," Australian Library Journal 21 (December 1972): 486-93.

42 Cleary, "Women Librarians at the Public Library of New South Wales"; Jones, "`Please Destroy All My Letters.'"

21 performance as a manager, his role in developing the collections of the Mitchell Library, his outside interests and the influential contacts which he made with the Sydney establishment, his behaviour and integrity, and his role in the career of John Metcalfe.43

43 Jones, "`Please Destroy All My Letters'"; David J. Jones, "A Web of Influence: W. H. Ifould and the Sydney Establishment," paper presented at Research Seminar, School of Librarianship, University of New South Wales, May 1991; David J. Jones, "`Only a Librarian': W. H. Ifould and the Sydney Establishment," Australian Academic and Research Libraries 22 (June 1991): 126- 38; David J. Jones, "A Man of Principle," paper presented at Research Seminar, School of Librarianship, University of New South Wales, May 1992; David J. Jones, "Manoeuvres of a Man of Principle: An Investigation of W. H. Ifould," Australian Library Journal 41 (August 1992): 159-79; David J. Jones, "`A Dormant Commission': Ifould and the Rise of John Metcalfe at the Public Library of New South Wales," in Libraries and Life in a Changing World: The Metcalfe Years 1920- 1970: Papers for the Fifth Forum on Australian Library History, ed. W. Boyd Rayward.

CHAPTER THREE

CHILDHOOD AND EARLY CAREER

A country childhood

William Herbert Ifould was born on 28 August 1877 at "Toolunga," the Ifould family homestead near One Tree Hill, thirty kilometres north east of Adelaide, South Australia. He was the eighth child of Edward Lomer Ifould, farmer, and Marion Burn Ifould, née Cameron. By the time William arrived, the family was well-established. Edward Lomer Ifould, born at Preston Candover, a village near Winchester, had emigrated to South Australia in 1841, and was one of the earliest settlers in the district, where he raised sheep, cattle and horses, and planted vines. Edward's father, stepmother and siblings came from England to join him, and this extended family, hard-working and experienced in agriculture and horticulture, shared in the prosperity of the boom years, and the vicissitudes of the lean years of drought, and, like many other settlers, diversified their interests to spread the risk. Edward went into partnership with a grain merchant, was part-owner of at least one ship, and had both the time and the money to visit India in the 1860s to investigate the market for remounts for the Indian Army, before turning his attention at the age of forty to founding a dynasty. His bride was a

23 twenty-three-year-old Scot, Marion Burn Cameron, and they were married on 8 December 1864 at St. Andrew's Church, Wakefield Street, Adelaide.1

Edward Ifould's business and pastoral ventures remained varied and widespread: he had an interest in property at Broken Hill, where Ifould Springs is named after him and his brother Walter. He made at least one trip to the Northern Territory overland to investigate whether the land was suitable for raising cattle. His properties and his fortune did not reach Kidman-like proportions, but by the time of W. H. Ifould's birth the family was in comfortable circumstances, and was respected in the local community. Edward served on the Munno Para Council, was a life member of the Gawler Agricultural Society, captained Munno Para East Cricket Club and was later President of One Tree Hill Cricket Club. He was also a member of the committee of the Gawler Mechanics' Institute, one of the "larger and more influential of the South Australian institutes."2

Edward Ifould was the epitome of the immigrant who made his way by hard work and enterprise in the fledgling colony of South Australia. He was public-spirited and devoted to his adopted land, yet proud of his British ancestry.

1 Jean F. Arnot, "Ifould," in Australian Dictionary of Biography, 9:426-27; Birth certificate of W. H. Ifould, dated 5 October 1877, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878; Mary Ifould, Bayview, N.S.W., to Jean Arnot, 27 May 197?, ALS, in possession of Jean Arnot, Double Bay; Hugh Barry, Elanora: A History of the Elanora Country Club (Narrabeen, N.S.W.: Elanora Country Club, 1977), 61; Douglas Pike, Paradise of Dissent: South Australia, 1829-1857, 2d ed. (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 324-31; E. H. Coombe, History of Gawler 1837 to 1908 (Adelaide: Vardon and Sons, Printers, 1910), 279; Marriage certificate of Edward Lomer Ifould, 8 December 1864, Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878. In Biographical Index of South Australians, 1836-1885 (Adelaide: South Australian Genealogy and Heraldry Society, 1986), 2:809, Edward Lomer Ifould (1823-1906), is listed as "grain merchant" and Church of England. Marion Burn Ifould, nÅe Cameron, was born in 1841 and died in 1909. Three of the elder children had died by the time of William Herbert's birth.

2 Mary Ifould to Jean Arnot, 27 May 197?; Coombe, History of Gawler, 279- 80; Michael R. Talbot, A Chance to Read: A History of the Institutes Movement in South Australia (Adelaide: Libraries Board of South Australia, 1992), 15. Gawler is 32 kilometres north east of Adelaide.

His son William would share these sentiments, which in later years were reflected in commitment to the Empire and a somewhat patrician manner, which occasionally found expression in satisfaction at a lack of convict ancestry.3

As his wife embarked upon a series of confinements, Edward Ifould continued his business ventures, not all of them successful. A ship which he part- owned was lost - sinking in Sydney Harbour and laden with spices from Batavia according to family legend, but actually foundering in Bass Strait, and carrying coals from Newcastle. It was thus into a family of diverse interests, enterprises and attainments that W. H. Ifould was born. The household in which he grew up was not just dominated by the agricultural calendar and the rainfall, although the young Ifould had the opportunity to contemplate both, as he walked the several miles to and from his primary school in the township of Uley with his siblings.4

The young Ifould was bright but by no means bookish: like his father he enjoyed sport, and was a good horseman. Later, as a gentleman jockey, his short stature would be an advantage - as an adult he was only five foot two.5 The family were keen readers, and the children benefited from their father's borrowing privileges from the library of the Gawler Institute. Ifould was aware from an early age of the paucity of good books available at his primary school: years later, in a rare reminiscence, he wrote:

3 Ailsa Merrick, "Reminiscences," [1990], AMs, SLNSW, Mitchell Library file 92/90.

4 Mary Ifould to Jean Arnot, 27 May 197?; Coombe, History of Gawler, 280; Jack Loney, Australian Shipwrecks: Volume 2, 1851 to 1871 (Terrey Hills, N.S.W.: Reed, 1980), 206; Ifould to H. W. Marshall, Adelaide, 7 March 1927, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL37; Biographical Index of South Australians, 1836-1885, 2:809; Ifould, to B. Pollard, Head Teacher, Public School, Glen Morrison, 10 December 1928, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL40.

5 From a photograph of Ifould standing next to the bronze doors of the State Library it has been possible to estimate his height about the time of his retirement as five foot two and a half inches (1.59 metres). (David J. Jones, Calculation of W. H. Ifould's height, in the possession of the author).

It was much harder for me to see good books for children forty years ago than it is for most country children today; and yet you see, it was not impossible for me to become a librarian. Perhaps my own early difficulties made me more sympathetic with boys and girls who live far from the centres of population now.6

Little is known of Ifould's primary schooling at Uley, although if typical of the period, it would have provided a reasonable grounding in the three Rs, grammar and geography. His experiences would have been similar to those of his Victorian contemporaries, for whom:

Reading was usually confined to the reading-book, which was read aloud, often in imitation of an example given by the teacher. Writing meant penmanship, obsessively taught; composition received little emphasis, though considerable value was placed on spelling. Arithmetic was mostly devoted to performing calculations in which the obtaining of the correct answer, whether or not the method of obtaining it was understood, became the teacher's main concern. Geography required the rote learning of lists . . . Grammar involved much mechanical parsing and analysis, frequently practised on the best literature.7

As with many of his generation born into large families in country areas in the second half of the nineteenth century, a time of decreasing infant mortality, Ifould's future lay in the city, and in extending his education. At the age of eleven he was sent to school in Adelaide, staying with the family of his mother's step- brother - "splendid Scottish people" - and returning to One Tree Hill in the holidays. Although his education and his career would thenceforth be in cities, he never lost his countrymindedness, never severed his links with the country, nor forgot the difficulties of country dwellers, especially children and primary producers.8

6 Ifould to B. Pollard, 10 December 1928.

7 R. J. W. Selleck, "State Education and Culture," in Australian Cultural History, eds. S. L. Goldberg and F. B. Smith, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 80.

8 Undated manuscript note in Ifould's hand, Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878; Don Aitkin, "`Countrymindedness' - The Spread and Idea," in Australian Cultural History, 51, 53.

In Adelaide he attended the Sturt Street and Norwood State schools, and then won a scholarship to the recently-established Adelaide Collegiate School in Jeffcott Street, North Adelaide, a small school associated with the Anglican Diocese.9 A contemporary remembered him as "a hunky, hawkeyed little chap in knickers. His hobnailed boots, when William sat on his form, could not meet the floor by a foot."10 Short of stature but not of intellect, he out-performed his fellow students academically and in extra-curricular activities. He was highly articulate, thought quickly on his feet, and was outstanding in debate. He was an accomplished actor, and played Hamlet on several occasions, as a former schoolmate whimsically recalled:

People who had been to Denmark and seen Hamlet, declared that William was very like him, but they thought it would have been better had Hamlet been more like William.11

He might well have been looking forward to university studies, but the sustained economic depression of the 1890s put an end to such thoughts, as his family began to feel the pinch. His elder brother, Frank, went off to the Western Australian goldfields to try his luck. William sought his fortune closer to home. In 1892, at the age of fourteen, he was appointed to the Public Library in Adelaide as a cadet.12

9 Ifould to H. W. Marshall, 7 March 1927. Adelaide Collegiate School, or as Ifould sometimes referred to it "Adelaide School Collegiate," was one of the schools associated with the Anglican diocese, and was established about 1885. (Observer (Adelaide), 26 December 1885, describes its first annual prize-giving).

10 Fred Mills, "William H. Ifould: His Birth and Life," by "The Twinkler" [i.e. Fred Mills], TD, Ifould Papers, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878.

11 Ibid.

12 Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, Annual Report, 1891-92: 6; "The Public Library: An Officer's Criticism," Register (Adelaide), 17 August 1912.

The Public Library of South Australia

The Library which Ifould served for the next twenty years was part of the Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia. It had been established in 1884 as a Government-funded educational institution, succeeding a series of private subscription libraries, the earliest of which had been formed in London in 1834 even before the arrival of the first white settlers in the Colony. In 1884 the Library was intended, like its cultural companions on the North Terrace site, to be an educational force, and was primarily a reference library. The lending services of its predecessors were hived off to a new subscription-based library, known as the Adelaide Circulating Library.13

The Director of the Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery when Ifould arrived was Robert Kay, with the Librarian, Richard Benham, responsible for Library activities. The entire institution was overseen by a Board of Governors of sixteen members, eight of whom were appointed direct by the Governor, and the remainder appointed by him from nominations from various bodies, including the University of Adelaide, the Royal Society of South Australia, the South Australian Society of Arts and the Adelaide Circulating Library. There were also three nominees of country and suburban institutes, representing the interests of the flourishing lending libraries which were available to members of literary institutes and schools of arts throughout the Colony, and which received Government subsidies allocated by the Board of Governors. There was certainly a diversity of interests on the Board, with practically every interest in South Australia

13 The development of the Public Library, now State Library of South Australia, is described in Bridge, A Trunk Full of Books, and in Brian R. Howes, Public Library Services in South Australia: The Story to 1976, (Wagga Wagga: School of Library and Information Science, Riverina College of Advanced Education, 1982).

28 represented, except the Public Library itself, as Munn and Pitt wryly pointed out a half century later.14

Ifould's progress

Ifould was anxious to further his education, and studied for the examinations set by the Science and Art Department, South Kensington, London. At the time South Australian candidates were able to attend lectures and to sit for these examinations, as well as for technical subjects set locally, at the Museum in Adelaide. Ifould progressed through the ranks from cadet to Second Library Assistant and in May 1897 was appointed Cataloguing Clerk. In October that year he was sent to Melbourne for four months to learn cataloguing practices at the Public Library of Victoria, where he was regarded as something of a prodigy.15 When Morris Miller started work at the same library a few years later, "Ifould's career there had gathered a sort of legendary aspect."16 In Melbourne Ifould formed a close friendship with A. W. Brazier, who was responsible for cataloguing at the Public Library of Victoria. Their views on classification differed - Brazier

14 Ralph Munn and Ernest Roland Pitt, Australian Libraries: A Survey of Conditions and Suggestions for their Improvement (Melbourne: Australian Council for Educational Research, 1935), 69.

15 Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, Annual Report, 1887-88: 38; 1897-98: 6, 13; Bridge, A Trunk Full of Books, 75; W. H. Ifould, "Presidential Address: The Future of the Institute," in Proceedings: First Annual Meeting and Conference Held at Sydney, June 11th to 13th, 1938, by the Australian Institute of Librarians (Melbourne: Brown, Prior and Anderson, 1939), 20.

16 E. Morris Miller, "Some Public Library Memories, 1900-1913," 1951, TD, State Library of Victoria, La Trobe Library Ms 5621, box 42/9, part 2, p. 9. [Published, ed., with an intro. by Derek Drinkwater, La Trobe Library Journal 9 (April 1985): 49-88, at p. 65]. The Melbourne Public Library, opened in 1856, was known as the Public Library of Victoria from 1869, and became the State Library of Victoria in 1961. Edmund Morris Miller (1881-1964) joined the staff of the Public Library of Victoria in 1900. In 1913 he became lecturer in philosophy and economics at the University of Tasmania, becoming Associate Professor in 1925 and Professor in 1928. For more than twenty years he was also Librarian of the University.

29 disliked the Dewey system, whereas Ifould, like Anderson in Sydney, was committed to it - but their disagreement was amicable and stimulating.17

After Melbourne, Ifould spent a short time in Sydney, where he helped Caleb Hardy, the University Librarian, begin the reclassification of the University of Sydney's collection using the Dewey System. He returned to Adelaide enthused and eager to put into practice what he had learned in Melbourne. He was soon recataloguing and reclassifying the collection "with much ability and zeal," for the Library's Trustees had approved abandoning the earlier home-made classification in favour of Dewey. He worked his way through the Dewey classification, annotating his working copy, noting errors and inconsistencies, and paying attention to its lacunae - in particular the need for more extensive coverage of Australasia.18

The Library Association of Australasia

Like many other participants, Ifould was greatly inspired by his membership of the Library Association of Australasia, which exposed him to the

17 Ifould later continued the debate in the forum of the Library Association of Australasia. A. W. Brazier, "The Principles and Practice of Library Classification," in Proceedings: Second General Meeting, Adelaide, 1900, by the Library Association of Australasia (Adelaide: Government Printer, 1901), 29-39; W. H. Ifould, "Library Classification," in Transactions and Proceedings at the Third General Meeting held at Melbourne, April 1902, by the Library Association of Australasia (Melbourne: McCarron Bird & Co, 1902), 23-31; also a reply by Brazier in an Editor's note, 31-32; Miller, "Some Public Library Memories, 1900-1913," La Trobe Library Journal 9 (April 1985): 65; E. Morris Miller, "Comment Rounded Off," Australian Library Journal 6 (January 1957): 35. Amos William Brazier (185?-1929) was Sub (Deputy) Librarian at the Public Library of Victoria, 1900- 1910. Henry Charles Lennox Anderson (1853-1924) was Principal Librarian of the Public Library of New South Wales from 1893 to 1906. The first edition of Melvil Dewey's Decimal Classification and Relative Index was published in 1876. It gained widespread acceptance in Australian libraries from the early years of the twentieth century.

18 Sydney Morning Herald, 21 June 1912; Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, Annual Report, 1898-99: 6; 1901-2: 6. The earlier classification, like that of the Public Library of New South Wales, was an alphanumeric fixed location with, for example, "A" for encyclopaedias and "Z" for patents. Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 21 June 1912; Ifould to J. R. G. Adams, 6 September 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL18.

30 ideas and views of a range of experienced librarians, and provided a forum where his germinating ideas on librarianship could be subjected to objective and informed criticism by colleagues. Some of those attending the Association's conferences had visited overseas libraries, and one of them - Margaret Windeyer of the Public Library of New South Wales - had been trained at Melvil Dewey's library school at Albany.19

The Association, established "to unite all persons engaged or interested in library work," had begun auspiciously with a successful conference in Melbourne in 1896. Ifould was too junior to attend, but had access to its published proceedings. Staff at the Public Library of South Australia were encouraged to join, and a South Australian Branch was formed in July 1898. Within three months it had twenty- four local members, and Ifould had been appointed to its Committee. He participated very freely in national and local activities of the Association until it petered out after its 1902 conference, considering his youth and relative inexperience.20

Ifould was busy at work, and was also leading an active social life, debating, acting, taking part in elocution competitions, riding, and playing tennis. Through one or other of these activities he first met Caroline (Carrie) Eugenie Foale.21 He was twenty-one and she seventeen, and he courted her with a chivalric intensity which matched his approach to work. After one memorable tryst, unable

19 Talbot, "The Library Association of Australasia 1896-1902"; Talbot, "The Library Association of Australasia: a professional body?" 124; Keane, "Education for Librarianship in Colonial Australia," 114; Ifould, "Library Development in New South Wales," 14; Adams, "More than `Librarie Keepers,'" 101; Miller, "Comment Rounded Off." Margaret Windeyer (1866-1939) trained at the New York State Library School in 1897-99, and was appointed to the Public Library of New South Wales as a cataloguer in 1901, retiring in 1926. See Cleary, "Women Librarians at the Public Library of New South Wales," 7-11.

20 Library Association of Australasia, Minutes of meetings, 5 April 1898 to 24 February 1902, State Library of Victoria, La Trobe Library, MS 6256.

21 Biographical Index of South Australians 1836-1885, 2:514.

31 to sleep, he stayed up all night completing a paper on cataloguing for a Library Association branch meeting. He paused only to dash off a note to his beloved on a catalogue card, to accompany a Souvenir de Malmaison rose: "It seemed the purest flower I could give to you Love. Please accept it with a love as pure, but more, much more everlasting. I remain, Yours for ever, W. H. Ifould."22 The relationship blossomed, and there are glimpses of a romantic Ifould, an interesting counterpoint to the later stern image of Ifould the librarian and administrator. He penned love poems on yet more catalogue cards - whilst in Sydney, Christopher Brennan was doing likewise at the Public Library of New South Wales, but for a much wider audience.23

Ifould presented a paper on classification to the Library Association of Australasia conference in Sydney in 1898, and a further paper on the same subject in Melbourne in 1902 which one commentator found "thoughtful and instructive." He contributed letters and notices to the Library Record of Australasia.24 In one letter he warned of the dangers of too many senior positions in libraries being filled by women, a sentiment prompted by H. C. L. Anderson's short article about the success of women as library assistants in an earlier issue of the Library Record of Australasia.25 "If ladies are to occupy the intermediate steps, how can we hope

22 Ifould. to Carrie Foale, AN, on a catalogue card, 12 July 1899, Ifould Family Papers.

23 Ifould, "I am dreaming little lady . . ." poem in Ifould's hand, on a catalogue card, Ifould Family Papers. Christopher John Brennan (1870-1932), poet and scholar, worked at the PLNSW, 1895-1909.

24 Ifould, "Library Classification," in Proceedings of the Sydney Meeting, October 1898, by the Library Association of Australasia (Sydney: Hennessey, Campbell & Co., 1898), 19-23; Ifould, "Library Classification," Third General Meeting held at Melbourne, April 1902, by the Library Association of Australasia, 23-31; Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, Annual Report, 1901-2: 6; also letters to the Editor on the use of Dewey in small libraries, in Library Record of Australasia 1 (July 1901): 49, and "The Treatment of Pamphlets," Library Record of Australasia 1 (October 1901): 139-40.

25 H. C. L. Anderson, "Women as library assistants," Library Record of Australasia 1 (October 1901): 98-99.

32 to procure properly trained officers in the higher positions that can only be filled by males?" Ifould asked. "Will not the status of the librarian also suffer from this incursion of women?" Within ten years, he would experience at first hand an institution where able women predominated, and could apply his own ingenuity to the Sisyphean task of recruiting suitable men who might be fit to succeed him as Principal Librarian.26

He was responsible for a major exhibition of rare books which was held in his Library during the 1900 meeting of the Association in Adelaide. This exhibition drew together some nine hundred exhibits from public and private collections, and Ifould collaborated closely with Robert Clucas, Librarian of the University of Adelaide, in preparing the 113-page catalogue. He threw himself into such activities with the vigour and determination which had already become a hallmark: working on weekends and sometimes through the night to meet deadlines for papers or to put the finishing touches to displays and exhibitions.27

In 1902 Ifould, now twenty-five years old, was promoted to the position of Deputy Librarian, but without an increase in salary, as the Board's parliamentary vote had been reduced. In the same year he enrolled as a part-time student at the University of Adelaide. Here too there was stimulating company. Among his fellow students in Philosophy was Elton Mayo, who later headed the Harvard Business School and was a founder of what was known as the Human Relations School of management. Ifould named one of his sons after Mayo. Ifould passed in Psychology and Logic in 1902, Economics in 1903, Ethics and Philosophy in 1904, English Language and Literature in 1906 and English History in 1907. But for one

26 Ifould, "Letter to the Editor," Library Record of Australasia 2 (June 1902): 65-66.

27 Ifould, Library Association of Australasia, Adelaide Meeting, October 1900: Loan Exhibition Catalogue (Adelaide: Government Printer, 1900). Robert J. M. Clucas (died 1930) was Librarian of the University of Adelaide, 1900-1930. Ifould to Carrie Foale, AN, on a catalogue card; Library Association of Australasia, Minutes of meetings.

33 subject, he had fulfilled the requirements for a Bachelor of Arts degree. Although he had studied hard, he had been unable to attend the requisite number of lectures during the day, because of his work commitments. He never completed his degree.28

In 1904 he applied for the position of Classification Officer with the Federal Patents Office, but an unexpected opportunity arose at the Library. Robert Kay, the Director of the Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery, died and was succeeded by J. R. G. Adams, the Librarian. Ifould filled Adams's vacancy, and was styled "Second Librarian" - actually he was the Librarian, and the "Second" was dropped in 1908.29

At this time a gulf was widening between the "professional" librarians at the Public Library and the "amateurs" in the libraries associated with South Australian institutes. A divergence of views was also evident among the Board of Governors, for a clear division had developed between the "academic strain" on the one hand, headed by Sir Samuel Way, Chief Justice and bibliophile, and the

28 Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, Annual Report, 1902-3: 6. Elton Mayo (1880-1949) studied philosophy and psychology at the University of Adelaide, taught at the University of Queensland, 1911-23, and headed the Harvard School of Business Administration, 1926-47. Helen Bourke, "Intellectuals for Export: Australia in the 1920s," in Australian Cultural History, eds. S. L. Goldberg and F. B. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 95-108; H. E. Wesley Smith, Academic Registrar, University of Adelaide, to Wilma Radford, Roseville, N.S.W., 18 September 1974, 22 January 1975, TLS, in the author's possession; "Chief Librarian: Mr. Ifould's Career," Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 21 June 1912.

29 Testimonials, Mitchell Library Ai/11; Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, Annual Report, 1903-4: 6; Bridge, A Trunk Full of Books, 75. Joseph Robert George Adams (1859-1919) was Librarian of the Public Library of South Australia, 1896-1904, and General Secretary of the Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, 1904-19.

34 promoters of the institutes' cause, led by William Sowden, newspaper proprietor and businessman.30

The librarians were committed to a reference collection of scholarly works, free to all comers, and with a thoroughly trained staff. Ifould was the epitome of the Public Library's aspirations: its first staff member to undertake part-time study at the University of Adelaide, trained in cataloguing in Victoria, reading the overseas library literature avidly and debating professional issues with his peers. The libraries in the institutes, on the other hand, though assisted by Government subsidy, were generally accessible only to subscribers. With some notable exceptions, their collections reflected their users' overwhelming demand for recreational literature. The institutes' custodians were in many cases as energetic and enthusiastic as their librarian counterparts, but reference service was rare, and technical processes were basic - indeed the size of most of their collections did not warrant elaborate methods. The institutes movement was far from passive and ineffectual, however, and in South Australia, especially after the formation of the Institutes Association of South Australia in 1899, represented a cultural and educational force of some dimensions. The institutes, through membership of the Institutes Committee of the Board of Trustees, as well as the Association itself, were also a political force and an effective lobby group.31

In 1903 the gulf between the Library and the institutes was widened by a dispute over a major bequest. Dr. Morgan Thomas left £65,000 to the Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery, and there were arguments about how the sum

30 Bridge, A Trunk Full of Books, 69, 85; Talbot, A Chance to Read, 103. Sir Samuel Way (1836-1916), Chief Justice of South Australia, 1876-1915, had been president of the Board of Governors from 1893. William John Sowden (1858- 1943), editor and part proprietor of the Adelaide Register, 1899-1922, succeeded Way as president in 1908, and occupied that position until 1926. He was active in the Institutes Association, and was later involved with the Australian Library Association. He was knighted in 1918.

31 Bridge, A Trunk Full of Books; Talbot, A Chance to Read, passim; Brian R. Howes, Public Library Services in South Australia, 15-22.

35 should be divided. Sowden, then Chairman of the Institutes Committee of the Board of Governors, claimed some of the funds for the institutes. Sir Samuel Way believed that the institutes did not have a claim, because they were not specifically mentioned in the will. In 1905 the Supreme Court resolved the dispute by rejecting the institutes' claim, but the acrimony lingered.32

Country and Children's Services

About 1906 an incident occurred which reinforced Ifould's view of the potential value of statewide reference services. At Waikerie on the Murray River, 170 kilometres north east of Adelaide, Ifould had established an orangery which would provide an intermittent income and a constant interest for over sixty years. On one of his regular journeys to his property, he struck up a conversation with a man on the ferry at Morgan, a small town forty kilometres downstream from Waikerie. This individual had a property on the river flats, and was having problems with flooding. When he returned to Adelaide, Ifould lent him a book on sluices, breaking one of his Library's cardinal rules. When he met the man again a couple of years later, Ifould learned how the property had been improved by applying the knowledge gained from the book. Ifould never forgot this incident. It was a clear example of needs of country dwellers which could never be met just by reading their weekly papers, using the meagre resources of their local institute, or contacting the "somewhat ineffective Department of Agriculture."33 Ifould could see no logical reason why the Public Library should confine itself to serving the metropolitan area:

32 The institutes claimed fifteen per cent of the bequest. The court awarded nothing to the institutes, half to the Library and a quarter each to the Art Gallery and Museum (Bridge, A Trunk Full of Books, 77; Talbot, A Chance to Read, 105-6).

33 Ifould to H. R. Purnell, 15 March 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51.

The Public Library is at present mainly confined in its scope to the City of Adelaide and its suburbs. A great State Library should make its influence felt, not only in the metropolis, but in the towns and districts throughout the length and breadth of the land. The country Institutes, with the assistance of a Government subsidy, are, to some extent, aids to the Public Library in the distribution of useful books.34

He proposed sending one of his staff to tour the institutes promoting the use of a loan collection of scientific and technical books which was being established at the Public Library, but the dead hand of the institutes prevailed. The Board decided that the country reference books should only be borrowed by institute members. Ifould realised that operating through institutes "nullified the whole value of the system and did very little further to build it up." Events showed his view to be justified: such a loan collection, later known as the Institutes Reference Library, was established, but efforts to stimulate its use failed.35

Also in 1906 Ifould suggested establishing a children's section at the Public Library of South Australia. Despite the paucity of materials suitable for children then available in the Library, children actually used the Library to such an extent that their presence was "a source of discomfort to students and ordinary readers" in the reading room. Ifould believed that it was "advisable to encourage the visits of children to the library." He would have read of experiments with children's rooms in large municipal reference libraries overseas, which his Library resembled, and was aware of local developments - Port Adelaide Institute had opened a successful juvenile library in 1901. Ifould proposed that his Library add a "special department for children," which would have been the first children's department in an Australian State library. The idea took several years to come to fruition, and in

34 Ifould, "The Public Library: A Suggestion to Increase its Usefulness," South Australian Institutes Journal 6 (24 April 1906): 177.

35 Ifould, Letter from W. H. Ifould to the Institutes Committee of the Public Library of South Australia, Reporting on a Suggestion that an Officer Should Visit Certain Institutes with a Collection of Books with the Object of Interesting Country People in the Circulation Section, [Adelaide]: 1906; Ifould to Purnell, 15 March 1935; Talbot, A Chance to Read, 114-15.

37 the event the first books purchased specifically for children did not arrive until 1913, after Ifould had left.36

The antagonism between the Library and the institutes escalated after William Sowden, whose sympathies were mainly with the institutes, replaced Sir Samuel Way as President of the Board of Governors in 1908. Ifould had been on excellent terms with Way, the Chief Justice of South Australia, and had helped him build a collection for his personal library. Relations with Sowden were cool throughout Ifould's time in Adelaide and beyond - after Ifould's departure for Sydney sixteen years would elapse before there was any communication between the men. Ifould was further dismayed by the 1909 Public Library Act which entrenched the institutes' power by giving the Institutes Association statutory representation on the Board of Trustees.37

By the end of the decade Ifould was not only feeling constricted by the intertwining of powers, functions and personalities of the Institutes Association with the administration of the Public Library, but had passed some private milestones. His father had died in 1906. His mother died in 1909 after a tramcar accident. His courtship of Carrie Foale had culminated in their marriage in March 1907. After a honeymoon at Encounter Bay eighty kilometres south of Adelaide, they took up residence in the suburb of St. Peters, where their first child, Edward Lister Ifould, was born in 1909. Within the next three years Carrie (or Maria, as

36 Talbot, A Chance to Read, 117; Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, Annual Report, 1905-6: 8; Barbara Buick, "Children's Library Services in South Australia," Australian Library Journal 14 (September 1965): 116. The Public Library of Western Australia opened a children's reading room in 1913, two years before the South Australian collection for children became operational. (Biskup and Goodman, Australian Libraries, 67).

37 Bridge, A Trunk Full of Books, 84; Talbot, A Chance to Read, 103; Public Library, Museum, and Art Gallery, and Institutes Act, no. 986 of 1909 (S.A.).

38 she was always known to family and friends), an only child, lost both her parents. Family and personal ties to Adelaide were weakening.38

On 6 April 1912, Easter Saturday, Ifould spotted an advertisement in the "Professional Engagements" section of the Advertiser. The Public Library of New South Wales required a new Principal Librarian. The challenge of running a library with a collection four times the size of that of his old institution, and three times as many staff, was tempting. Escaping the straitjacket of the Board of Governors and its factions was appealing. At £630, so was the salary offered. He lost little time in applying.39

38 "The Late Mr. E. L. Ifould," Register (Adelaide), 30 May 1906; Biographical Index of South Australians, 2:514, 809; Evening Star (Boulder, W.A.), 30 October 1909; Ifould to Charles H. Hodge, 20 July 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL48; Birth certificate of Edward Lister Ifould, 6 April 1909, copy in possession of Mary Ifould.

39 Advertiser (Adelaide), 6 April 1912. In 1912 the PLSA collection numbered some 77,238 volumes. The PLNSW collections, including the Mitchell Library, numbered 250,383. The PLSA staff, including the Librarian, was fourteen; the PLNSW establishment was forty-four. (Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, Annual Report, 1911-12, 4, 9; New South Wales Public Service List, 1912; PLNSW Annual Report, 1912).

CHAPTER FOUR

THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF NEW SOUTH WALES

The Origins of the Public Library

Like its South Australian counterpart, the Public Library of New South Wales could trace its origins to an early subscription library.1 Since the establishment of its exclusive and expensive forerunner in 1826, the Public Library of New South Wales had enjoyed mixed fortunes. The Australian Subscription Library and Reading Room had begun in a flurry of enthusiasm, and with gubernatorial patronage. It had a distinguished committee, exclusively male membership and fees high enough to "discourage social undesirables from applying for membership."2

The fledgling Library opened with about a thousand volumes on its shelves at Terry's Buildings in Pitt Street, Sydney, on 1st December 1827. By 1830 the Library was already in financial difficulties, a victim of its own exclusiveness. Its committee appealed to the Governor for help, claiming that "the foundation of a Public Library" had been laid.3 As the President of the Committee, Alexander Macleay, was also the Colonial Secretary, and the Library's patron was the Governor, it is perhaps not surprising that assistance, in the form of grants of land

1 For an account of the Australian Subscription Library and its metamorphosis into the Free Public Library, Sydney, later the Public Library of New South Wales, see G. D. Richardson, The Colony's Quest for a National Library (Sydney: Public Library of New South Wales, 1961); Frank Murcott Bladen, Public Library of New South Wales: Historical Notes, 2d ed. (Sydney: Government Printer, 1911).

2 Richardson, The Colony's Quest, 8.

3 Ibid., 9.

for a Library site and to generate income, was forthcoming. What is more surprising is the apparent acceptance that the institution was of a public character, a notion given statutory recognition in 1834, although the proprietors of the Library were never prepared to grant free access to the general public.4

Financial problems persisted throughout the 1830s, however, and the Library led a peripatetic and precarious existence in a succession of rented premises, until in 1845 proceeds from the sale of its land grants were used to construct a building on a prominent site on the corner of Bent and Macquarie Streets. Ownership of a "commodious and handsome home on one of the finest sites in Sydney" relieved the Library of the burden of rent, but during the next twenty-five years it became increasingly impecunious. In 1859 the Library Committee urged the Premier, Charles Cowper, to buy the Library for the people. Cowper was sympathetic - he had been a member of the Library's Committee for six years - but his government fell before negotiations could come to fruition. Over the next few years there were further attempts to sell the building or the Library as a going concern. Finally in September 1869 the then Premier, John (later Sir John) Robertson agreed to purchase the books for £1,500 and the building for £3,600, barely covering the Library's debts.5

Robert Cooper Walker

On 30 September 1869 the Library was officially reopened by the Governor, Lord Belmore, under the title "Free Public Library, Sydney," the Colony's first truly public library. On the following day the new Librarian, Robert

4 Australian Subscription Library Act, 1834 (5 William IV). For an account of the Library's various buildings, see Jones, Source of Inspiration and Delight. Alexander Macleay (1767-1848), scientist and public official, was Colonial Secretary, 1826-37, and President of the Library's Trustees, 1826-48.

5 Bladen, Public Library of New South Wales, 26. Sir Charles Cowper (1807-75) was Premier of New South Wales in 1856, 1857-59, 1861-63, 1865-66 and 1870. Sir John Robertson (1816-91) was Premier of New South Wales, 1860- 61, 1868-70, 1875-77, 1885-86.

Cooper Walker, an experienced public servant, took up his duties, with two assistants. Public reaction to the new Library was enthusiastic: 60,000 people signed the visitors' book in its first year of operation.6

The Board of Trustees appointed in 1870 were intent on "stamping the Institution with an intellectual character."7 They were well equipped to do so: their president was Charles Badham, Professor of Classics and Logic at the University of Sydney, and other members were drawn from the intelligentsia of Sydney.8 With their and Walker's guidance, the Library grew in extent and influence. A lending branch opened in 1877. A travelling library scheme, consisting of boxes of books for loan to country areas, began in 1883. Printed catalogues were issued. Walker himself compiled a major bibliography of works relating to Australia and New Zealand. The Library's collection grew to from 16,057 volumes in 1869 to 101,348 in 1893, when Walker retired. A highlight of Walker's years was the donation of a First Folio of Shakespeare in 1883.9

6 Richardson, The Colony's Quest, 15; G. D. Richardson, "A Man of Zeal and Application," Australian Library Journal 25 (August 1976): 242-43. Somerset Richard Lowry-Corrie, Earl of Belmore (1835-1915) was Governor of New South Wales, 1868-72. Robert Cooper Walker (1833-97) had earlier worked as an accountant for the Government Railways and as inspector of charities. He was Librarian of the Free Public Library, 1869-93. He was the editor of Australasian Bibliography (Sydney: Government Printer, 1893).

7 Public Library of New South Wales Report, 1872: 4.

8 The other members of the first board of Trustees were Rev. William Branwhite Clarke (1798-1878), clergyman and amateur geologist; William Bede Dalley (1831-88), orator and politician; Rev. Dr. John Dunmore Lang (1799- 1878), clergyman, politician and writer; William Macleay (1820-91), scientist and pastoralist; William Augustine Duncan (1811-85), a former journalist, with an interest in anthropology, botany, literature, music, politics and education; Robert Owen (1799-1878), a landholder and politician; Sir William Macarthur (1800- 1882), horticulturist and agriculturist; Nicol Drysdale Stenhouse (1806-73), lawyer and patron of Australian literature; William John Stephens (1829-90), classical scholar, first headmaster of Sydney Grammar School and later Professor of Natural History at the University of Sydney.

9 Sir Richard Tangye (1833-1906), British engineer and industrialist, had visited the Public Library and with his brother, George, presented a First Folio of Shakespeare to the Library in 1885. It is still the only First Folio in Australia.

H. C. L. Anderson

Walker was succeeded by the academically brilliant Henry Charles Lennox Anderson. Anderson had been director of the Department of Agriculture since 1890, but during the economic depression of the 1890s the Department was disestablished, and Anderson was transferred to the Free Public Library. His new salary was less than he had earned at the Department of Agriculture, and the appointment represented a new career for which he had no training, but Anderson was undaunted. He did not view his new position as an interlude in a career in agricultural administration, although others might well have treated it thus. As Metcalfe, a warm admirer of Anderson, pointed out:

Anderson might well have just waited for the depression to lift and for his old job, or, like so many scholars or administrators put in charge of libraries in their forties, he might have left technicalities to his subordinates. But he did not.10

It did not take a person of Anderson's administrative experience and intellect long to discern the weaknesses, as well as the strengths, of the institution into which he had been thrust. Despite recent extensions, the building was still cramped. Publication of the printed catalogue was behind schedule. Deposit of publications under the New South Wales Copyright Act, 1879, had dwindled. There had been no stocktake for eight years. Many of the staff were in a comfortable rut, but Anderson soon "made the dunderheads wake up and gave them to understand that if they did not work they would have to find other positions."11

10 Metcalfe, "Anderson," 406. John Wallace Metcalfe (1901-82) joined the staff of the Public Library of New South Wales in 1923. His rise through the ranks of the Library is described in later chapters.

11 Hugh Wright, giving evidence before the Select Committee on the Public Library in 1900 (New South Wales, Legislative Assembly, Report from the Select Committee on Working of the Free Public Library (Sydney: Government Printer, 1900), Minutes of Evidence, 89).

Anderson's achievements in his relatively brief term in office - he was Principal Librarian from 1893 to 1906 - were considerable. The annual stocktake resumed in 1894. Country students were supplied with parcels of books, and the country boxes were rejuvenated: Anderson clearly saw his Library as serving the whole State, not just the metropolis. Classes in literature and library practice were held for staff, who were encouraged, none too subtly, to attend in their own time. Steps were taken to reduce thefts from the Library. Discipline was tightened, and, in line with the policy of the newly-established Public Service Board, competitive examinations for appointment to the Library were introduced.12

The printed catalogue was brought up to date, and cataloguing practice was codified and standardized in a guide which Anderson compiled and published. The guide, and the list of subject headings which formed part of it, was favourably received by influential overseas librarians, and has been seen as a significant contribution to international cataloguing theory. The printed catalogue gave way in due course to a card catalogue, and the Dewey Decimal Classification was introduced in 1901.13

12 Nelson, "H. C. L. Anderson," 57, 163-64, 174-75; Trustees' Minute Books, 14 November 1900; Jones, "Anderson: The Reluctant Librarian"; Metcalfe, "Anderson"; Arthur McMartin, "Patronage, Merit and Morality," in From Colony to Coloniser: Studies in Australian Administrative History, eds. J. J. Eddy and J. R. Nethercote (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1987), 61.

13 H. C. L. Anderson, Guide to the Catalogues of the Reference Library, with Regulations for Visitors and Hints to Readers and Students, first published in 1896, ran to four editions. The last of these, entitled Guide to the System of Cataloguing of the Reference Library (Sydney: Government Printer, 1902), remained the basis of cataloguing practice in the State Library of New South Wales until the introduction of the second edition of the Anglo-American Cataloguing Rules at the end of 1980. A thorough assessment of Anderson's contribution to the theory and practice of cataloguing is provided in Nelson, "H. C. L. Anderson," 119-62. Trustees' Minute Books, 20 August 1901; "Report on the development of library activities since the year 1912," c. 1919, TD, unsigned, possibly by Nita Kibble, SLNSW, General Reference Library, NQ027.5944/3. Reclassification was attacked spasmodically. Some "Old Classification" material has still not been reclassified, almost a century later.

In 1899 an unforeseen occurrence at the examinations for appointment to the Library staff was to leave an indelible mark on the face of the Library. A candidate, identified as N. B. Kibble, applied to sit the examination. On the day of the examination it was realised that this candidate was a woman. Nita Bernice Kibble scored the highest mark, and after some consideration, an offer of appointment was made. She took her place on the Library staff, the first of a long line of dedicated, well-educated women. Not only was she a trailblazer for able women, but she would occupy key positions in the Library for almost the next half century, including thirty years as Ifould's most loyal lieutenant.14

Anderson had for some time advocated the employment of women in libraries, and pointed to the practical advantages of women staff, in terms of ability and their willingness to accept lower salaries, and conveyed his enthusiasm to his colleagues in other libraries.15 Nita Kibble was soon joined by Misses Windeyer, Rutherford and Fitzhardinge, who headed the order of merit in examinations to fill vacancies in 1901. By 1912 most of the middle-ranking positions were occupied by women: this did not deter Ifould from applying, despite his earlier fears that the status of the librarian would suffer from the "incursion of women."16

Anderson became an undisputed leader of his profession, reluctant though he had been to join it, and a "highly visible and important figure" in the Library Association of Australasia.17 He was one of those invited to report to the

14 Nita Bernice Kibble (1879-1962) was on the Library staff from 1899 until her retirement in 1943. She headed the Research Department from its inception in 1919. See Cleary, "Women Librarians at the Public Library of New South Wales," 14-15a; Arnot, "Miss Nita Bernice Kibble"; Jean Fleming Arnot, "Kibble, Nita Bernice," in Australian Dictionary of Biography, vol. 9.

15 Anderson, "Women as Library Assistants," 98-99; Nelson, "Anderson," 196.

16 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 July 1901; Cleary, "Women Librarians at the Public Library of New South Wales"; Ifould, "Letter to the Editor," Library Record of Australasia 2 (June 1902): 66.

17 Nelson, "H. C. L. Anderson," 313.

Commonwealth on the formation of a federal library, perhaps with himself in mind as a future National Librarian. He had visited libraries overseas, had met and corresponded with influential international figures in librarianship, such as Andrew Carnegie and Melvil Dewey.18 Anderson's activities did not receive universal acclamation: disgruntled staff and an antagonistic bookseller combined to accuse Anderson of misconduct, culminating in a Parliamentary enquiry, from which, however, Anderson emerged untarnished.19

What Anderson regarded as his crowning achievement was the securing of the Mitchell bequest. In 1898 David Scott Mitchell, a wealthy collector with the most extensive collection of Australiana then in existence, whom Anderson had been cultivating assiduously for some time, informed the Trustees that he was prepared to bequeath his collection to the Library, together with a generous endowment. His conditions included incorporation of the Trustees, maintaining the integrity of the collection and providing a suitable building for it. The Government was very slow to respond, but in 1906 work began on the Mitchell

18 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 April 1901; Anderson to Melvil Dewey, New York, 22 February 1904, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL74, f. 15; PLNSW Annual Report, 1903: 11; Trustees' Minute Books, 17 February 1903. Andrew Carnegie (1835-1918), industrialist and philanthropist, endowed innumerable libraries in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada and other British dominions, and founded the Carnegie Corporation of New York in 1911. For a detailed account of Carnegie assistance to libraries in Australia, see Horrocks, "The Carnegie Corporation of New York."

19 New South Wales, Legislative Assembly, Report from the Select Committee on Working of the Free Public Library.

Wing, so that by 1907, when Mitchell died, there was substantial compliance with the conditions of his will.20

The Mitchell Wing opened in 1910, and was intended to be the first wing of a new State library building - confusingly referred to as the "National Library" building. Plans for the complete building were prepared, and foundations were laid, but it soon became known that the project would be suspended after the completion of the Mitchell Wing.21 "I very much doubt if any of us will see the whole Library completed as designed in my own mind," Anderson prophesied.22

In 1905 Anderson was offered the position of Director of the Intelligence Department, a new State Government body responsible for assisted immigration, collecting and disseminating information about the State, compiling statistics, promoting closer settlement, developing tourism and organising New South Wales pavilions at international exhibitions.23 He remained Principal Librarian, but some of his duties were delegated to Frank Bladen, Librarian of the Lending Branch. At

20 Nelson, "H. C. L. Anderson," 115. David Scott Mitchell (1836-1907) was a wealthy book collector, who, after an early interest in Elizabethan literature, had turned to Australiana. For a recent assessment, see Anne Robertson, Treasures of the State Library of New South Wales: The Australiana Collections (Sydney: Collins in association with the State Library of New South Wales, 1988), 1-24. An account of the negotiations relating to the Mitchell Wing is given in Jones, Source of Inspiration and Delight, 34-49. See also Bladen, Public Library of New South Wales; Ida Leeson, The Mitchell Library, Sydney: Historical and Descriptive Notes (Sydney: Public Library of New South Wales, 1936); Richardson, The Colony's Quest, 26-30.

21 Bladen to Trustees, PLNSW, 14 April 1908, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL136; Trustees' Minute Books, 16 February 1909. In September 1910 Cabinet resolved that the proposal to build another wing of the Library would be deferred indefinitely. ("Special cases in which Cabinet approval is sought," Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1910-13, AONSW 20/13002).

22 Anderson to Dr. James Norton, 23 March 1904, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL74, f. 30.

23 Anderson, Report on the Formation and Initiatory Work of the Intelligence Department, July 1905 - August 1907, Intelligence Department Bulletin, no. 21 (Sydney: Government Printer, 1907).

the end of 1906, Anderson's workload at the new department increased, and he retired from the Library, the Trustees' accolade ringing in his ears.24

Frank Bladen

Frank Murcott Bladen, barrister by training, historian by inclination and librarian by default, became the new Principal Librarian. He had a flair for writing, and had edited Historical Records of New South Wales. As head of the busy but otherwise undemanding Lending Branch, he had not been overtaxed. The duties of Principal Librarian, however, were much more onerous.25

There were some innovations and changes during Bladen's regime: monthly exhibitions of Library "treasures," circulating boxes of books to country schools, and loans to lighthouse keepers and branches of the Teachers' Association. He established a bindery in 1908. In the following year he opened a special room for the use of university students during the vacation. In an early though unsuccessful attempt to stimulate library services to children, he sought an endowment for a "Tangye Juvenile Library" from the widow of Sir Richard Tangye, who had presented the Library with its First Folio. In 1909 the Sydney Municipal Council assumed responsibility for the Lending Branch.26 In 1910 the Mitchell Library opened, with Hugh Wright the first Mitchell Librarian.27

24 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 June 1905, 16 October 1906, 15 January 1907. Frank Murcott Bladen (1858-1912), born in Staffordshire, had come to Australia as a child, and was educated at Mittagong Public School and the University of Melbourne. He joined the New South Wales public service in 1875 and was employed at Sydney Observatory, the Government Printing Office, and from 1897 at the Public Library.

25 Trustees' Minute Books, 28 January 1902.

26 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 July 1903, 20 November 1906, 15 September 1908, 15 June 1909; Bladen to Lady Tangye, 5 March 1907, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL74, f. 128; Trustees' Minute Books, 19 January 1909. The transfer was provided for in the Sydney Corporation Amendment Act, 1908.

27 Trustees' Minute Books, 15 October 1907.

The Trustees insisted that the staff of the Mitchell Library and the Reference Library should remain distinct and should be "interchangeable only when specially required, by authorization of the Board, or in emergency by the President, but such exchange is to be avoided if possible."28 The minutes of their meetings do not disclose their reasoning: they probably felt that the Mitchell staff should become specialists in the collection they would shortly make available to readers. Perhaps they also saw the work of one branch being needlessly interrupted, if staff were diverted to the other at busy times. Whatever their motives, the directive underscored the separateness of the two libraries, symbolised for the next three decades by their separate buildings, and fostered a divergence of methods, including the Mitchell's own extension of the Dewey classification for Australasian works. The Trustees also "considered that the Mitchell Librarian should act as senior next to the Principal Librarian," setting the scene for a storm over seniority which Ifould would have to weather twenty years later.29

In April 1910 the Board established a Mitchell Committee, which set itself the task of defining the future scope of the Mitchell Library. They decided to follow, as faithfully as practicable, the pattern of the collector himself. They saw their duty as:

To preserve not only the History, in edited form, but original documents and information of every description obtainable so that this Library will in course of time be regarded as the valued and recognised repository of Australasian archives and records from which can be gathered a complete and authentic history of Australasia.30

28 Trustees' Minute Books, 19 October 1909.

29 Bladen to Melvil Dewey, New York, 16 February 1911, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL74; Trustees' Minute Books, 19 October 1909.

30 "Report of the Committee for the Control of the Mitchell Library," 12 April 1910, bound with Trustees' Minute Books.

Geographically the scope was vast: all places as far north as the Philippines and Hawaii, as far south as Antarctica, east to Easter Island and west to Sumatra. This broad acquisitions policy too would have repercussions for future Principal Librarians, assuming as it did that the Mitchell would take responsibility for Australiana on a national scale, irrespective of the desires and capabilities of other State or federal libraries.

Bladen's fall from grace

In November 1910 Dr. James Frederick Watson was appointed to the Board of Trustees. A medical practitioner with an active interest in Australian history, he soon joined the Mitchell Committee and quickly made his mark as an active Trustee. When "certain complaints concerning the management of the Library" were relayed to the Board, it was he who moved for the establishment of an investigating committee.31

Since his appointment as Principal Librarian in 1906, Bladen's performance had deteriorated, and the Trustees' confidence in him had noticeably declined. His book selection was being overseen by a new committee of Trustees. There are indications that his drinking - a common weakness among staff in

31 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 June 1911. Dr James Frederick Watson (1878-1945), medical practitioner and early radiologist, was appointed as a Trustee in 1910. Watson is now best known for his lengthy Editorship of Historical Records of Australia. A. M. Mitchell, "Doctor Frederick Watson and `Historical Records of Australia,'" Historical Studies 20 (October 1982): 171-97.

several Australian libraries at the time - was getting the better of him, and his health was declining. In 1909 he was on sick leave for six months.32

The complaints which the Trustees' committee now investigated resulted in very severe criticism of Bladen's performance. They found irregularities in the appointment of temporary staff. They were unhappy with the quality of staff being selected. Leave records were deficient. Outside work was being undertaken in office hours. Correspondence was not being dealt with promptly: no registers were kept and letters disappeared. Staff training was inadequate and duties were ill- defined.33

The Trustees were hampered in trying to exact improved performance from Bladen, or to dismiss him for incompetence, by a total lack of written rules and duties. Though it was a little late to do much with Bladen, the Trustees established a committee to examine staffing, and a further committee to study the

32 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 February 1909. According to Osborn and Osborn, The Commonwealth Parliamentary Library, 44, Arthur Wadsworth of Commonwealth Parliamentary Library drank heavily, although Cope believes this has been exaggerated. (Russell L. Cope, "To Know My Shames and Praises from Your Tongue": A Review of The Commonwealth Parliamentary Library 1901-27 and the Origins of the National Library of Australia (Sydney: By the author, 1990)). Metcalfe refers to "an alcoholic problem throughout the service" affecting most of the male staff at the Public Library of New South Wales before Ifould's appointment. (Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 29 April 1974, audiotape and transcript, National Library of Australia, DeB 764-766, transcript, p. 9944). Lodewycks encountered bibulousness at the Public Library of Victoria when he started work there in the 1920s. (Karel Axel Lodewycks, The Funding of Wisdom: Revelations of a Library's Quarter Century (Melbourne: Spectrum Publications, 1982), 29). Trustees' Minute Books, 27 July, 10 August, 19 October 1909. A doctor's certificate indicates that Bladen was suffering from enlargement of the liver and dropsy at this time (Doctor's certificate submitted by Bladen, dated 15 January 1912, SLNSW archives NPL88). Examination of Bladen's handwritten minutes of meetings of the Board of Trustees shows a marked deterioration in penmanship even within the minutes of individual meetings, and frequent corrections by Bladen himself or by the President of the Trustees (see for example Trustees' Minute Books, 15 March 1910).

33 Trustees' Minute Books, 31 October 1911.

Library's by-laws, which were silent on many things, including incompetent principal librarians.34

Through the summer of 1911-12, the "Special Committee," including Watson, monitored Bladen's performance, noting his inability to carry out the Trustees' instructions, and, at a series of meetings from which the ailing Bladen was asked to withdraw, pondering his fate. His punctuality, regularity and efficiency did not improve. The President, Mungo MacCallum, made the kindly suggestion that Bladen seek a transfer to another department.35 Bladen thanked him for his concern, but doubted his success at obtaining a transfer: "Of course you will know that library work is not a particularly high recommendation."36 The Trustees therefore asked the Public Service Board to retire him on medical grounds.37

The situation worsened before a reply was received, and at their meeting on 15 January 1912, with Bladen still absent, but tendering a medical certificate, they resolved to suspend him, making Watson Honorary Acting Principal Librarian and Secretary pending a permanent appointment. Although they were unaware of it at the time, they were exceeding their powers: such appointments needed

34 Trustees' Minute Books, 31 October 1911; PLNSW, Rules and duties of officers, 1 December 1911, MS, SLNSW archives NPL88.

35 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 November 1911; MacCallum to Bladen, 16 January 1912, TLS, SLNSW archives volume NPL74, among loose papers after f. 166; Bladen to MacCallum, 9 January 1912, ALS, SLNSW archives NPL88. Sir Mungo William MacCallum (1854-1942), Challis Professor of Modern Literature at the University of Sydney, 1887-1920, and later Chancellor. President of the Board of Trustees of the Public Library, 1906-12. He was knighted in 1926.

36 Bladen to MacCallum, 9 January 1912.

37 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 November 1911; MacCallum to Public Service Board, 16 January 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives volume NPL74, among loose papers after f. 166.

Executive Council approval. For the time being the Public Service Board and the Department of Public Instruction chose to ignore this irregularity.38

Watson warmed to his task, taking on additional cleaners, rearranging shelving and collections, enforcing discipline, signing off the attendance book each morning at 9.15, forbidding staff to take "early marks" on Saturdays, prohibiting the use of matches within the Library, instructing staff to dust newspaper volumes before issuing them, and telling staff not to use the Board Room as a thoroughfare. Temporary hands were taken on to carry out "changes and renovations" under Watson's direction. Additional shelving, over which Bladen had dithered, was erected. Watson sought advice from the British Museum and the Public Record Office in London on the best ways of classifying manuscripts.39

Bladen, who had cirrhosis of the liver and ascites, was certified permanently unfit, and was finally retired under Section 63 of the Public Service Act as from 31 January 1912. The vacancy was not advertised. When the Trustees met to consider the candidates in March, there were only three: Hugh Wright, the Mitchell Librarian, who had joined the Library in 1885; George Gifford, the "First Assistant Librarian" in charge of the Reference Library, whose services dated from 1877; and Dr. Watson.40

38 Trustees' Minute Books, 15 January 1912; MacCallum to Bladen, 16 January 1912; MacCallum to Public Service Board, 16 January 1912; Watson to Bladen, 22 January 1912, TLS, SLNSW archives vol. NPL74, among loose papers after f. 166; Ifould to Sir Daniel Levy, 28 January 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43.

39 Watson to Bladen, 22 January 1912; Watson, Memoranda, standing orders, and general orders, SLNSW archives NPL18; Trustees' Minute Books, 19 February 1912; Watson to the Public Record Office, London, TL copy, 8 May 1912, SLNSW archives NPL18. Similar letters of same date to the British Museum and to the Bodleian Library, Oxford.

40 D. A. Gilfillan, Public Service Board, to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 17 February 1912, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1910-13, AONSW 20/13002; Trustees' Minute Books, 19 February 1912; Peter Board to Watson, 19 February 1912, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL88.

Gifford was the senior of the two internal candidates, but had little else to recommend him. He had already been passed over when Wright was appointed Mitchell Librarian. Wright was able to refer, as evidence of his professional commitment and standing, to papers he had contributed at conferences of the Library Association of Australasia, and some secretarial work for that by then moribund body.41

At this point the Public Service Association of New South Wales, the principal public sector union, was stirred into action, submitting to the Public Service Board "that the rights of persons already in the Public Service to consideration in connection with the appointment of Principal Librarian should not be overlooked," a sentiment which a Labor Ministry would hardly gainsay. They continued:

The Council [of the Public Service Association] represent that it would be unfair to close the position (which is one of distinction and regarded as one of the prizes of the Service) to officers of many years standing.42

The Public Service Board, at that time asserting its authority in matters of appointments, after decades of patronage and nepotism in the public service, concurred.43 The Trustees were asked to advertise the position in the New South Wales Government Gazette and in the daily press: " . . . with the proviso that it is required by law that suitable applicants already permanently employed in the Public Service will receive first consideration."44

41 Wright's services dated from 1885, and Gifford's from 1877, the year, coincidentally, of Ifould's birth. (Hugh Wright, Application for position of Principal Librarian, 23 February 1912, ALS, SLNSW archives NPL88; G. H. Gifford, Application for position of Principal Librarian, 11 March 1912, ALS, SLNSW archives NPL88).

42 Peter Board to Watson, 23 March 1912, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL88.

43 Arthur McMartin, "Patronage, Merit, and Morality," From Colony to Coloniser: Studies in Australian Administrative History, eds. J. J. Eddy and J. R. Nethercote (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1987), 52-63.

44 Peter Board to Watson, 23 March 1912.

A big field

On 26 April 1912, the Trustees met to consider the twenty-two responses to the advertisement.45 Six were short-listed: Ifould, Robert Douglass Boys, who was Edmund La Touche Armstrong's deputy at the Public Library of Victoria, Hugh Wright, Watson, and two inspectors of schools in the Department of Public Instruction, James Dennis and Joseph Finney. The shortlist was reduced to four, by omitting Boys and Finney. Then Dennis was ruled out. The Trustees were reluctant to pass over Wright, but thought he was "a better second-in-command than chief."46 That left Watson and Ifould.

Ifould's candidature, MacCallum later acknowledged, was very strong. His library experience was lengthy and he had excellent references from G. C. Henderson, Professor of Modern History and English Language at the University of Adelaide, Joseph Adams, the General Secretary of the Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, and Sir Samuel Way, Chief Justice of South

45 The applications have not survived. Papers relating to Ifould's appointment in the Department of Public Instruction were removed from the 1912 bundles of files in 1932, at the time of Metcalfe's appointment as Deputy Principal Librarian, and were sent to the Chief Clerk of the Department. They were not returned, and have not been traced elsewhere. (File note "12/57446 to Chief Clerk 20/10/32" in AONSW 20/13002). From MacCallum's letter describing the selection process we know that there were twenty-two applications, including two, from a candidate named Rushworth, and Boys, which arrived after the closing date, but which were considered nonetheless. Gifford also presumably applied, but was not short-listed. (MacCallum to Secretary, Public Service Board, 2 May 1912, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1916-17, AONSW 20/13003). Another applicant was a school teacher named Phillip Kennedy, President of the Teachers' Association, M.A. (Sydney), who was a "lover of books" and had "a good deal of experience in handling men." (Simon Hickey to A. Campbell Carmichael, Minister for Public Instruction, 25 May 1912, ALS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1910-13, AONSW 20/13002). Information on Finney and Dennis is from New South Wales Public Service List, 1912:116. Robert Douglass Boys (1866-1942) was Chief Librarian of the Public Library of Victoria, 1925-31. Edmund La Touche Armstrong (1864-1946) was Chief Librarian and Secretary of the Public Library, Museum and National Gallery of Victoria, 1896-1925.

46 MacCallum to Secretary, Public Service Board, 2 May 1912.

Australia.47 They spoke of his "physical energy, courtesy and gentlemanly address, academic culture, knowledge of Australiana, organising power, decision and clearness of view." Some Trustees thought that Watson shared all these qualities, save length of service, and had shown he was equal to the task: "He has got a grip of it and it got a grip of him."48 In the ensuing ballot, the vote was Watson seven votes to Ifould's four. In the second ballot the vote for Watson was unanimous, and the nomination was forwarded to the Minister.49

The Public Service Board accepted Watson's nomination on 8 May, but the Minister, Campbell Carmichael, noted on their letter "The nomination of the Trustees is not acceptable to me."50 On the following day Peter Board, Undersecretary of the Department of Public Instruction, broke the news to MacCallum. Someone within the public service had to be appointed:

47 George Cockburn Henderson (1870-1944), historian, Professor of Modern History and English Language at the University of Adelaide, 1902-23. Henderson at that time chaired the Library subcommittee of the Board of Governors of the Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia. In 1914 he examined archival practice in England and Europe, and recommended establishment of an archives office in South Australia. This came about in 1920, and Henderson chaired the Archives Committee of the Board. After a nervous breakdown in 1923 he moved to Dora Creek, on Lake Macquarie, north of Sydney. Ifould subsequently encouraged him to take an interest in South Pacific manuscripts, and he undertook some indexing and collecting on behalf of the Mitchell Library.

48 MacCallum to Secretary, Public Service Board, 2 May 1912.

49 Trustees' Minute Books, 26 April 1912.

50 D. A. Gilfillan, Public Service Board, to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 8 May 1912, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1916-17, AONSW 20/13003. Carmichael annotated this letter. The letter contradicts Metcalfe's view that both Carmichael and the Board had opposed Watson's nomination (Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9911). It also refutes the Cass view that "the heavily business-oriented New South Wales Public Service Board . . . put forward Ifould's candidature . . . In the end the Public Service Board nomination won." (Encel, Bullard and Cass, Librarians: A Survey, 20; cf. Cass, Librarians in New South Wales, 22). Ambrose Campbell Carmichael (1866-1953), Labor politician, soldier and accountant, was Minister for Public Instruction, 1912-15.

. . . unless the record of service shows incapacity or unless the position requires some very special qualification that is not found among the officers of the Branch . . . The filling of the higher positions from applicants outside the service has a most discouraging effect on officers working their way up.51

On 28 May the Trustees were told that they had exceeded their authority in appointing Watson as Acting Principal Librarian, and were instructed not to retain him in that capacity.52 MacCallum defended his Trustees' position and praised Watson's work. He informed Carmichael that there were, in the Trustees' opinion, only two candidates with the necessary qualifications: Ifould and Watson. MacCallum acknowledged that the Trustees were influenced in their selection of Watson "by the fact they had some personal knowledge of this gentleman's attainments, and not of Mr. Ifould's. Had Dr. Watson not been an applicant, they would unhesitatingly have recommended Mr. Ifould, and Mr. Ifould alone."53

This was too close to patronage for comfort. On 6 June Carmichael called Watson to his office. The Minister was immovable on the principle of maintaining avenues of promotion within the public service. Watson received very much the same message when he visited the Public Service Board on the following day: following Carmichael's intervention they had changed their tune. Watson was told "that the maladministration of the Library had become well known for some years," and that the Board blamed the Trustees.54

51 Peter Board to MacCallum, 9 May 1912, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL88; Trustees' Minute Books, 13 May 1912. Peter Board (1858-1954) was Undersecretary of the Department of Public Instruction and Director of Education, 1905-22.

52 Peter Board to MacCallum, 28 May 1912, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL88.

53 MacCallum to Campbell Carmichael, 31 May 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL88.

54 Undated MS memorandum in Watson's hand, c. June 1912, SLNSW archives NPL88.

A compromise is proposed

On 14 June Carmichael saw MacCallum again, and "quite admitted that Dr. Watson was probably the best candidate," but would still not approve his appointment.

He [Carmichael] then suggested Ifould by way of compromise, and stated that he would accept his nomination. I said that Ifould did not meet his requirements as he was not in the Public Service of the State; to which his answer was that having Library experience and being in the Public Service of South Australia, Ifould was less open to the objections he felt than Dr. Watson.55

This "compromise" was delivered with an ultimatum. If the Trustees did not agree, Carmichael would amend their Act, remove their right of nomination or indeed remove the Trustees themselves from office. It was no idle threat: that very year Carmichael had amended legislation governing the University of Sydney, where MacCallum had been Professor since 1883. MacCallum's eventual resignation from the Board of Trustees, a respectable time after the arrival of Ifould, may have been due as much to friction over the radical changes at the University as to lingering rancour over the Principal Librarianship. That at least was Watson's view, thirty years later, and Metcalfe's, sixty years after the event.56

The Trustees put on a brave face, reaffirming their belief that Watson's claims and qualifications for the position were the stronger, and praising his performance as Acting Principal Librarian. "In the circumstances," however, they resolved to withdraw his nomination, and nominated Ifould in his stead. Watson

55 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 June 1912.

56 "The Minister told the trustees bluntly that he would write them out, he'd amend the Act, if they went on with this idea that they were going to have Watson as their librarian." (Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9911). See also Australian Dictionary of Biography, 7:563, s.v. Carmichael: "[Carmichael's] University Amendment Act, 1912, liberalized senate representation, brought in free places and linked the school system with the university." Watson later commented: "The resignations of myself first and later of Sir Mungo MacCallum were caused indirectly by the friction following A. C. Carmichael's drastic changes at the University." (Watson, AN, c. November 1943, SLNSW archives, boxes: "Old Files," box 12 - Official opening).

thereupon resigned as Acting Principal Librarian and as a Trustee, leaving Hugh Wright to hold the fort.57

When they heard of the Sydney offer, the Library Committee in Adelaide wondered whether Ifould would stay if he were offered a higher salary. The full Board suggested £390, an increase of only £20 - an insulting amount, and far less than the £630 he would be earning in Sydney. In an exchange of telegrams, Ifould accepted the Sydney offer, and on 10 July Peter Board informed MacCallum officially that the Governor had duly appointed Ifould as Principal Librarian. It only remained to extricate the new man from Adelaide as quickly as possible.58

Ifould expected Sowden, President of the Board of Trustees in Adelaide, to be difficult, and cabled MacCallum suggesting that an urgent personal plea from the Trustees would not come amiss. MacCallum obliged, and on 11 July received Sowden's grumpy response: "In deference to your urgent request have decided at great inconvenience release Ifould July twentyseventh. Sowden."59

The Trustees in Sydney set down their next meeting for 19 August and wondered how their new thirty-four-year-old Principal Librarian would fare. The challenge was enormous, as one of their number later recalled:

57 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 June 1912; MacCallum to Campbell Carmichael, 18 June 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL88; MacCallum, to Chairman, Public Service Board, 18 June 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL88.

58 "Adelaide Public Library: `A Cumbrous Board,' Ex-Librarian's Comments," Advertiser (Adelaide), 29 July 1912, 12. [reprinted as Adelaide Public Library: A Cumbrous Board (Adelaide: n.p., 1912)]. Ifould to Peter Board, Telegram, 26 June 1912, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1916-17, AONSW 20/13003; Peter Board to MacCallum, 10 July 1912, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL88.

59 W. Sowden, Adelaide, to MacCallum, Sydney, 11 July 1912, Telegram, SLNSW archives NPL88.

The place was in a chaotic condition. There was no discipline, no order, no methods, and the place was altogether unworthy of the State of New South Wales. It was useless as an Institution, the attendants were almost useless to the public, and the large amounts of money spent upon the Library was [sic] practically wasted.60

There was much to be done to remedy the backsliding under Bladen, to restore staff morale after the Watson interregnum and to inspire the confidence of his new masters.

A rousing send-off

Ifould was feted by colleagues and by the organisations with which he had been associated in Adelaide. The Rose Society, which he had founded, presented him with a case of pipes. He was farewelled by the Adelaide University Arts Association, of which he had been President in 1907, the Commonwealth Club of Adelaide, and the South Australia Literary Societies Union, whose elocution championship he had won, also in 1907.61 On 19 July 1912 the Board of Trustees in Adelaide drank to Ifould's health, "wishing him prosperity and success."62 They presented him with an address which was more than the usual encomium, recording:

60 Daniel Levy, in Transcript of deputation to A. G. F. James, Minister for Education, 6 August 1918, TD, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1918-21, AONSW 20/13004. Sir Daniel Levy (1876-1937), MLA and sometime Speaker, was a Trustee, 1906-37, the last ten years as President.

61 Jean Fleming Arnot, Interview by author, 22 July 1989, Double Bay, N.S.W.; Ifould to Secretary, Commonwealth Club of Adelaide, 2 September 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL18; SALS Union Incorporated, Elocution Championship, 1907, trophy, and Adelaide University Arts Association, photograph of annual dinner, 1907, both in the possession of Mrs. M. Ifould, Bayview.

62 Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, Annual Report, 1912-13: 6.

That the Committee place on record their high appreciation of the exceptional ability Mr. W. H. Ifould has shown in every position he has filled on the Library staff for a period extending over 20 years and particularly in his capable management as Second Librarian and later as Librarian. They recognise that his selection for the important position of Chief Librarian of the Public Library of New South Wales is the best tribute to his reputation as a skilled librarian.63

The following week, as requested by the Library Committee, and for the benefit of his as yet unknown successor, he presented a report on the Library, indicating ways in which the work of the Library might be carried out after his departure, and commenting frankly on the abilities of his subordinates.64

On 24 July Ifould was given a rousing send-off by friends and colleagues at the Cafe Rubeo in Adelaide. Chaired by Sir Samuel Way, the dinner was enlivened by music, songs, recitations and a response from Ifould himself. G. C. Henderson, who chaired the Library sub-committee, and a good friend of Ifould, was there. Predictably, Sowden was not.65

Ifould left wearing a halo of "judgement, learning, tact and integrity, all in a high degree."66 He could not leave, however, without firing a parting shot at Sowden and the Institutes. Just before his departure he gave an interview to the Advertiser which was critical of the Board: the Library was understaffed, its officers were underpaid, there was insufficient time for training and services to people living in country districts were inadequate, a reflection on the performance of the institutes.67

63 Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, "Minute of the Library Committee approved and adopted by the Board of Governors at a meeting held on Friday 19 July 1912," Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878x.

64 Ifould, Report of the Librarian, July 23, 1912 (Adelaide: n.p., 1912).

65 Farewell to Mr Ifould, Cafe Rubeo, 24 July 1912, [printed programme and menu] (Adelaide: 1912), Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878.

66 Mills, "William H. Ifould: His Birth and Life."

67 "Adelaide Public Library: `A Cumbrous Board.'"

In his letter of resignation he went further, roundly criticising the Public Library's "cumbrous" Board, which he said was "likely to have constant disagreements amongst its members." He singled out the representatives of the Institutes Association of South Australia who sat on it, who were unlikely to serve the interests of the general public. Its Library sub-committee, by contrast, had given him "splendid support," comprising as it did "those men on the board who are well-educated and broad-minded."68

Sowden, by implication not one of the latter, and editor of the Register, the Advertiser's rival, was infuriated both by Ifould's interview and by his letter, and responded at length in his own newspaper. The number of members of the "cumbrous board" had been determined by the Parliament, not the board itself. The representatives of the Institutes Association were distinguished and dedicated men. Ifould, the article continued, had been trained at the Board's expense, "came into and went out of the Library whenever he liked," arranged his leave in such a way that he could spend long weekends in the country "for he had various outside interests," whilst back at the Library the arrears of cataloguing mounted. The article appeared in the Register on 17 August, in good time to reach members of Ifould's new Board of Trustees in Sydney before their first meeting with their new Principal Librarian.69

Sowden also interrogated Library staff, to determine whether Ifould had referred to the Board at one stage as "damn fools." One of the staff, G. H. Pitt, had

68 Ibid.

69 "The Public Library: An Officer's Criticism," Register (Adelaide), 17 August 1912.

in fact heard Ifould utter those words, but denied it to the Board, "because to ask such a question showed that they were in fact `damn fools,'" he later recalled.70

Ifould's loss to South Australia was a blow, as Bridge describes it, in the light of his "most distinguished career" in New South Wales. Bridge points to the irony of South Australia introducing, years later, schemes which Ifould had introduced in New South Wales - the Country Reference Section and the Research Department - and the earlier enactment of public library legislation in New South Wales.71

Ifould left to his successor, Purnell, who arrived from England in March the following year, a mixed inheritance. There had been progress reclassifying the collection using the Dewey Classification, approval had been given to install electric lighting, there was a plan for a children's library, and the staff were reasonably well-trained - far better, in fact, than many of the staff Ifould would find in Sydney. Conflict with the institutes, however, remained, and would not be resolved for half a century, and the uneasy relationship between the principal librarian and his Board would persist during the whole of Purnell's tenure.72

Ifould was grateful for the good grounding in librarianship he had received in Adelaide, and for the encouragement he had received from Adams in particular. But he had never been able to realise his potential. Despite his ability, his strong will and his energy, he was frustrated by the power and influence of the Institutes

70 Raymond Knox Olding, Stirling, S.A., to the author, 1 August 1989. George Henry Pitt (1891-1972) joined the staff of the Public Library of South Australia in 1906 as a cadet, was appointed Archivist in 1919 and was Principal Librarian, 1948-55.

71 Bridge, A Trunk Full of Books, 84-85.

72 Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia, Annual Report, 1912-13: 9. Herbert Rutherford Purnell (1883-1944) had worked at the Bodleian Library in Oxford and at the public library in Croydon. He was a Fellow of the Library Association. He was principal librarian of the Public Library of South Australia from 1913 until his death in 1944.

and their conflicting philosophy. In New South Wales there was no such conflict in the administration of the State library, and, if Anderson's example were anything to go by, he should encounter more fertile soil for his ideas.73

73 Ifould to J. R. G. Adams, 20 August 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Bridge, A Trunk Full of Books, 84-85.

CHAPTER FIVE

SETTING THE HOUSE IN ORDER

I have the honor [sic] to report that I have this morning commenced my duty as Principal Librarian. I have the honor to be, Sir, your obedient Servant.1

In a formal style befitting the occasion, Ifould reported to Peter Board, Director of Education and Undersecretary of the Department of Public Instruction, on Thursday 1 August 1912. He appended his large and to some people indecipherable signature, with its distinctive flourishes, and began to take stock of the situation. As he walked round the reading rooms of the Reference Library, lined with uniform dull green or brown volumes which had been there for twenty years or more, "classified so broadly that their classification was unapparent," he may have wondered whether he had made the right decision. His new institution was "not so well housed nor so well arranged" as the Library he had left in Adelaide. Nor were the staff so well-trained and dedicated. Although the Mitchell Library was unrivalled, and would remain so for many years, the General Reference Library collection under his care left much to be desired. How would he change this "dog-eared and gloomy literary cemetery into a bright, orderly and attractive library?"2

1 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 1 August 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL18.

2 Ifould to Theo Feilden, Editor-in Chief, Empire Mail, 8 March 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL27; Ifould to Joseph Coleman, 20 September 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21; "Report on the development of library activities since the year 1912," c. 1919, TD, 1, (Unsigned, possibly by Nita Kibble, SLNSW, General Reference Library, NQ027.5944/3).

Ifould and the Trustees

Ifould's first Board meeting was on 19 August 1912. He may have wondered what kind of reception he would receive, especially after the animated farewell he had made to the "cumbrous board" in Adelaide. He could at least feel assured of the backing of his Minister and Departmental Head, and, although he did not know it, support from at least the four members of his Board of Trustees who had voted for him at the first ballot. In the event the President and Trustees offered him their "warm welcome with the wish that their intercourse may be of long duration and of a pleasant nature."3 Sowden's sour article in the Register was not mentioned, and Ifould chose not to respond to it. "I am not surprised that W. J. S[owden] endeavoured to do you a mischief in Sydney," his supporter Sir Samuel Way told him, "and I am glad his dastardly attempt was frustrated. You are right in not keeping up the correspondence."4

A change came over relations between the Trustees and their Principal Librarian. There were signs of confidence, rather than the mistrust which had marked Bladen's later appearances at Board meetings. The ritual of tabling the leave book, for example, necessary to monitor the regularity of staff, and particularly of Bladen, was dispensed with. Ifould was given a freer hand with book selection: he was authorised to purchase books up to a value of ten shillings each without the full Board's approval. The Trustees now generally confined themselves to approving lists of purchases which Ifould and his staff proposed. A

3 Trustees' Minute Books, 19 August 1912. The assertion that Ifould was faced with a "hostile group of men whose nominee for the position of Chief Librarian had been rejected by the Public Service Board in his favour" (Encel, Bullard and Cass, Librarians: A Survey, 25), is over-dramatic and inaccurate. It was the Minister, rather than the Public Service Board, who had rejected Watson. There is no evidence in Trustees' minutes or correspondence that there was any hostility directed to Ifould himself. Indeed he was on excellent terms with Mungo MacCallum, and received a personal invitation to MacCallum's lecture on Browning soon after his arrival in Sydney (Hugh Wright to Secretary, Sydney University Extension Board, 4 July 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL18).

4 Sir Samuel Way, Adelaide, to Ifould, 3 Sept 1912, TLS, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878/1.

more melancholy duty was to represent the Board at the funeral of Bladen, who died in September.5

Ifould had a very clear view of the division of powers between the Board of Trustees and the Principal Librarian. He was "entirely responsible to the Public Service Board for the general working of the Library and the efficiency of its administration." The Trustees had no right to interfere with the day to day working of the Library. The Librarian was the expert, the professional executive head, as his Trustees acknowledged, and Ifould's relations with them would become a standard against which principal librarians in other States would assess their position when cursed with overbearing Trustees or chairmen.6

By the end of 1912 Ifould was dealing with a different body of Trustees. Two had died, one had vacated his seat and another had resigned, but the general complexion of the Board had not greatly changed. There was the same mixture of parliamentarians, academics and worthies. There was a new President, however. MacCallum stood down, citing pressure of work. The nominee he and his Trustees favoured to succeed Bladen had been rejected by the Minister, and this, combined

5 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 October 1912. Duplicated lists were circulated to the Trustees for formal approval - "they are very seldom altered." (Ifould to Truslove & Hanson, 19 July 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24). In Walker, Anderson and Bladen's time, the Trustees were much more active in selection, as Nelson points out (Nelson, "H. C. L. Anderson," 60-61).

6 In 1930, for example, J. D. A. Collier, a non-librarian who had been put in charge of the Tasmanian Public Library, found himself at odds with his Trustees, notably Morris Miller, and sought Ifould's advice on the relative powers of principal librarians and their Boards. (Ifould to J. D. A. Collier, Tasmanian Public Library, 13 January 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43).

with friction over legislation affecting the University of Sydney, had irretrievably damaged relations between MacCallum and Carmichael.7

Ifould, with whom MacCallum remained on good terms, regretted the resignation in view of the "considerable reorganisation" which was needed at the Library. The two discussed who could be the new President, the first of many occasions when Ifould canvassed the composition and membership of the Board over the next thirty years. J. Arthur Dowling, a Sydney solicitor with a historical bent, was elected President at the Trustees' meeting in December 1912.8

By the end of 1913 Ifould had well and truly settled in, professionally and domestically. He had purchased a home on a large corner block in Lane Cove Road (now the Pacific Highway), Warrawee, in what was regarded as a "silvertail" area on Sydney's Upper North Shore, where he would indulge his passion for gardening for the next half century. The family's move to Sydney had been consummated by the birth of their third son.9

At the Library, the Trustees were negotiating a salary increase for Ifould, who had received a number of job offers from outside the public service. Dowling put the case to Peter Board in January 1914, describing Ifould as "efficient and highly qualified." He was working an average of 24 hours unpaid overtime each week, reading reviews, book lists, secondhand catalogues and bibliographies "in

7 Trustees' Minute Books, 18 November 1912. Watson resigned in September 1912. John Manifold Gibson (1848-1912), former Undersecretary of the Chief Secretary's Department, died in March. John Hughes (1857-1912), M.L.C., died in December. John Lionel Fegan (1862?-1932), M.L.A., vacated his seat. Professor Thomas Butler (1857-1937), Professor of Latin at the University, was succeeded by Professor William John Woodhouse (1866-1937), Professor of Greek. John Daniel Fitzgerald (1862-1922), a Labor parliamentarian, was appointed.

8 Ifould to MacCallum, 23 October 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives volume NPL74, f. 171. James Arthur Dowling, solicitor and Trustee 1904-35, President 1912-23.

9 Thomas Sidney McKay, "Memoirs and Some Random Thoughts," 1988, TD, (in possession of Mr. T. S. McKay, Exeter, New South Wales), 3.

order to make the collection more complete." His responsibilities were increased by the "arrears of work, necessary reorganization and training of officers due to previous mismanagement of the institution." He would be thus burdened until a new generation of trained and educated officers could take over from "present senior officers as they retire on the age limit." If Ifould had any early doubts about the confidence of his Trustees, of the Public Service Board and of his Department head, they were assuaged when he was granted a substantial salary increase.10

The Library building

The problems with the Bent Street building were serious, as Ifould outlined to a Sydney Morning Herald journalist shortly after his arrival and later emphasised in the first annual report which he prepared for the Trustees. This building had taxed the patience and ingenuity of his predecessors for forty years, and would remain a preoccupation for the next thirty. He admired the chasteness of its architecture and thought it "undoubtedly good, and should be pointed out to Sydney people as one of the few public buildings in the city which may be regarded as in correct style." As a library, however, it was impossible. There were insufficient seats and the reading room lacked "the atmosphere of comfort and quiet dignity" appropriate for a reference library. Overloaded shelves had made parts of the building unsafe: Ifould had scarcely set foot in his new office when a section of its ceiling collapsed, fortunately without injuring anyone. The overcrowding of users and collections was obvious from the figures. In 1889 the

10 The President was instructed to try to arrange an increase in salary from £630 to at least £700, with four further increments of £25. Ifould's salary range was actually extended from £630 to £700, and he was given an immediate increment of £20. (Trustees' Minute Books, 28 November 1913; J. Arthur Dowling to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 22 January 1914, TL copy, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878).

building had contained 58,094 volumes and attracted an average 256 visitors per day. In 1912 it held 162,673 volumes and was used by 526 people daily.11

It was lit by gas: inefficient, harmful to leather bindings and creating a noisome atmosphere in the whole building. The Library stank, Ifould told Metcalfe many years later. Some areas had no artificial light at all, and staff had to use "electric hand-lamps in order to thread their way amongst the maze of presses and books in the congested stack rooms." When batteries ran out, it was "not an uncommon thing to find the officers striking matches in all parts of the building." Ifould quickly made arrangements for the Fire Brigade to instruct the staff in fire-fighting.12

Next to the new Mitchell Wing, and by now almost obscured by weeds and idle builder's paraphernalia, were the foundations of the "National Library" building, untouched since Cabinet's decision to defer the project indefinitely in 1910. For a time Ifould remained optimistic, but the building was not on the Government's short-term agenda. Minor works were within his means, however, and he arranged to have the reading tables refurbished, floor-coverings replaced, the enquiry desk repolished and additional tables installed. The lighting in his own office was improved. He reorganised cleaning and maintenance: the carpenter and caretaker were transferred, and a new head cleaner cum caretaker was

11 Sydney Morning Herald, 8 August 1912; PLNSW Annual Report, 1912: 2-3; Ifould to the Editor, Building, 18 February 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 7 January 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL89. Ifould thought the style of the Mitchell Wing overembellished, and preferred the simplicity of the Bent Street building. He was in good company. Florence Taylor (1879-1969), architect and critic, wrote of the building: "Its architecture is pure, adding dignity and grace from the chasteness of the design and the fineness of execution of the work." (Florence M. Taylor, "Australian Architecture: The Mitchell Library and its Prototypes," Building (Sydney), 12 March 1920, 80).

12 Metcalfe, "Remarks to Trustees of the Public Library of NSW on retirement, 1959," in Metcalfe, The Development of a Library Profession in Australia; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 10 January 1913, SLNSW archives NPL19.

appointed.13 "Cleaners have been taught what cleanliness means," an observer commented a few years later.14 Action on more substantial defects was painfully slow: it took two and a half years just to obtain a report from the Government Architect on the instability of the galleries around the reading rooms. Criticism of the state of the Bent Street building continued through the decade, in the Trustees' own reports and in the Sydney and country press, and there was sustained pressure to complete the Library building.15

Ifould had made a close study of the plans of the new reading room of the Public Library of Victoria and of the proposed Sydney Municipal Library, and had seen overseas reports on library buildings.16 When he turned to the plans of his own Library which had been prepared according to Anderson's specifications, he found them "most disheartening." The new reading room would seat only 150

13 "Special Cases in which Cabinet Approval is Sought," AONSW 20/13002; Ifould to Fred Johns, Adelaide, 4 September 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL18; Ifould to W. J. Woodhouse, 24 November 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20; Trustees' Minute Books, 21 October 1912.

14 "Report on the Development of Library Activities since the Year 1912," 1.

15 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 7 January 1913. For criticism in the press see for example the article by "V. J.," "The National Library: A Neglected Building," in Bingara Telegraph, 15 October 1913; "Our National Library: Not Up-to-date: Defects and their Causes," Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 1 April 1913.

16 Ifould to E. La T. Armstrong, 4 October 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL18; Ifould to C. H. Bertie, 19 February 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19. The Sydney Municipal Library, later the City of Sydney Public Library (and now the Sydney City Library) remained in the Queen Victoria Building until its refurbishment in the 1970s, and has been in "temporary" premises in a city office block ever since. When Hugh Wright was in Europe in 1913, Ifould asked him to investigate a number of building items, including library furniture and equipment, compact shelving, floor-coverings, card cabinets, open access shelving for reading rooms, ways of counting visitors and preserving small maps and plans. He wanted to know more about the electro-pneumatic book conveyor systems at the Library of Congress, the New York Public Library and the Royal Libraries in Berlin, which were an advance on the book-railway system which Anderson had contemplated. (Ifould to Wright, London, 6 November 1913, 3 March 1914, TL copies, SLNSW archives NPL20; Hugh Wright, "Reports on Libraries in Europe and the United States," 1914-15, AMs, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 2).

people, a number frequently exceeded in the old building. There were no individual study desks for serious students. There would be too many separate service points - a problem which the three separate reading rooms in the Mitchell Wing amply illustrated. Instead of a number of reading rooms, Ifould began to visualise "a sufficiently large general reading room centrally placed, with stack rooms and administrative offices radiating from it so as to be as close to it as possible." He also wanted more books on open access. Where the original scheme placed the Lending Branch, now in the hands of the Municipal Council, Ifould proposed a public record office. He had practical and pragmatic solutions to changes of function and conditions, but at this stage envisaged no radical changes in architectural form.17

When the Australian Labor Party was returned at the New South Wales election in December 1913, Ifould's optimism increased. He had the support of the Minister for Public Instruction, Campbell Carmichael, upon whose insistence, indeed, he had been appointed. Carmichael was popular and effective in his portfolio, and Ifould was confident that he would soon take the question of the building to Cabinet.18 Hopes of an early start were quickly dashed. On 5 August 1914, Australian time, Great Britain and Germany were at war, and so, to "our last man and our last shilling," was Australia. In the mobilization of manpower and resources, all public works in New South Wales which would not generate revenue were shelved. Although the Trustees wrote of "the continued shame associated with the entirely unsuitable building which is at present expected to house the

17 Ifould to Trustees, 9 March 1914, TD, SLNSW archives NPL136. The style, method of construction and layout of the Dixson Wing, the next instalment of the building which would be completed in 1929, were not substantially different from those of the original Mitchell Wing. The same decorative stonework was proposed; the galleries would match the Mitchell Gallery in proportion and construction; and bookstack floors would be of glass, as in the Mitchell stack. Ifould to Government Architect, 22 July 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26.

18 Ifould to Wright, London, 20 April 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20.

national library," the attention of the people, the press and the politicians was elsewhere: recruiting for the Australian Imperial Force, action in New Britain, New Guinea and Nauru, the sinking of the "Emden," the Battle of Broken Hill, the internment of enemy aliens and the Gallipoli landings.19

Changing library practices

The users who braved the poor physical conditions in the Bent Street building around this time also encountered some intellectual challenges. In a library with closed stacks, the catalogue is a vital instrument. Consulting the General Reference Library's catalogue, partly printed and partly manuscript, meant working through up to twelve alphabetical sequences.20 Once an item was identified, the reader was in for a long wait:

The books are difficult to find, largely owing to the congestion, lack of book accommodation, the extraordinary number of rooms in which the books are stored, the constant alteration of shelf position due to the necessity for utilising every available foot of shelving, the attempt to combine two totally different systems of classification [and] the inadequate lighting in the crowded stack rooms.21

Depending upon the date an item had been acquired, it might bear the Public Library's own classification number, or a Dewey Decimal classification. Ifould reported that "the cataloguing and classification of the Library is in such a condition that it is urgently necessary that a great part of the work should be undertaken de novo." He estimated that it would take four people five years to remedy the situation, demonstrating his extreme concern by telling Peter Board, Undersecretary of the Department of Public Instruction and Director of Education, that he would rather stop buying new books than continue with the current unsatisfactory system. In the event this drastic step was not necessary, and

19 PLNSW Annual Report, 1915: 4.

20 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 7 July 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL89.

21 PLNSW Annual Report, 1912: 2.

under Ifould's direction, work began on a unified dictionary catalogue for the General Reference Library.22

He found that he needed to keep a close eye on cataloguing practice, and to give precise instructions to the cataloguing staff, drawing on his own cataloguing experience. The Dewey Decimal Classification had been introduced by Anderson in 1901, but only to section level: this was a three digit notation without further subdivision. Ifould was not satisfied with this: he borrowed the Public Library of South Australia's working copy of Dewey, containing his own notes and corrections, and asked for sample catalogue card entries which his staff could use as patterns.23 He found that the Mitchell cataloguers had modified Dewey in order to classify Australasian works more closely. The General Reference Library used Dewey unamended. Ifould explored ways of making the classifications used by the two libraries more consistent, and was conscious of the benefits of uniform practice with other States.24

The cataloguing rules which were followed were those which had been developed by Anderson, as interpreted and argued about by cataloguing staff and "considerably amended" as terminology changed and many areas of learning

22 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 7 July 1913; PLNSW Annual Report, 1912: 3. Recataloguing and reclassification has proceeded fitfully ever since. In 1993 there were still sequences of "old classification" items, some of which could only be traced through the printed catalogues.

23 Ifould to Adams, 2 January 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23; PLNSW Annual Report, 1902: 4; Ifould to Adams, 6 September 1912.

24 In 1913, for example, he raised the question of consistency with Armstrong in Melbourne and Adams in Adelaide. There was already a degree of commonality: both the Adelaide and the Sydney libraries used the same subdivision (829-829.9) for Australian and New Zealand literature. (Ifould to Armstrong, 30 May 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19).

became increasingly specialized.25 Ifould asserted his authority very promptly, telling staff:

I shall expect to be consulted before any change is made in the rules under which the catalogue has previously been compiled and must also be regarded as a court of appeal for the cataloguers: but I do not desire to be appealed to over matters of little moment.26

Streamlining procedures continued during the decade: a card shelflist was instituted in 1919, and the old stock registers were closed. Ifould listened to the comments made by his staff, and encouraged them to look at the efficiency of their own work areas, implementing good ideas, rather than blindly following precedent.27

Improving efficiency

Ifould could not bear inefficiency in himself, in his staff or in any of the organizations with which he dealt. Throughout his professional career, wherever he saw inefficiency, he would seek to introduce or suggest improvement. A favourite quotation from Abraham Lincoln encapsulates this aspect of Ifould's character:

25 Anderson's Guide had received wide circulation. As late as 1915, the John Crerar Library in Chicago was requesting a copy. Ifould to the Librarian, John Crerar Library, Chicago, 5 January 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21; Ifould, Notes on the PLNSW, [1917 ?], TD, SLNSW archives NPL23.

26 Ifould, Memorandum to the Cataloguing Staff, August 1912, TD, SLNSW archives NPL18.

27 C. K. Irvine, Memorandum regarding shelf list entries, 24 November 1919, TD, SLNSW archives NPL90. See, for example, the acceptance of Clara Rodd's suggestions for simplifying correspondence records and methods. (Clara Rodd, Memorandum regarding recording of correspondence, 8 Dec 1919, TD, SLNSW archives NPL90). Clara Rodd (1876-?) joined the Library in 1905 as clerk. From 1912 until her retirement in 1936 she was Ifould's confidential clerk, later assuming responsibility for the Library's day-to-day accounts. She also performed some clerical duties for the Libraries Advisory Committee in 1937-38. (Papers regarding the retirement of Clara Rodd, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1937-38, AONSW 20/13010).

Die when I may, I want it said of me by those who knew me best, that I always plucked a thistle and planted a flower where I thought a flower would grow.28

Thus Ifould tackled inefficiencies large and small. He complained to Home Beautiful about illogical pagination. He criticised Customs for its needless triplicate forms. He suggested that the Post Office buy some basic foreign language dictionaries when a parcel addressed to the "Bibliothèque Publique" fetched up at the Bible Society. He criticised slow Public Works responses to urgent building repairs. In his own institution, he discontinued unproductive and wasteful practices: housing an unsorted and unused set of Library of Congress printed cards, for example. He closed the Mitchell Library early on Saturdays, when a survey found the average attendance on Saturday evenings was only one. He introduced pre-printed cards for routine correspondence and record-keeping: serials record cards, acknowledgement cards, parts wanted cards and reminders to publishers.29

He was anxious that the most efficient binding methods be used and introduced techniques which had been used in Adelaide and which he had found durable, such as sewing sections onto tape, rather than cord bands. He issued instructions on collating, stamping and notes on binding materials. He ordered new finishing type for numbering volumes, and, showing a characteristic attention

28 This is from an address Ifould gave to fellow Rotarians. Ifould, "The Rotarian as Citizen," undated TD, Ifould Papers, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878.

29 Examples from SLNSW archives, box NPL22, and Ifould to Deputy Postmaster General, Sydney, 26 July 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL28. Library of Congress printed catalogue cards, the only such set in Australia, had been deposited at the Public Library since about 1905. By 1915 there were over 700,000 unsorted cards, and no space for cabinets to house them. Ifould estimated that it would cost five hundred pounds to put the cards in order and buy cabinets for them. He thought the cost unjustified and felt it was dishonest to continue to accept the cards and not to treat them appropriately. So he asked the Public Library of Victoria to take them over. (Ifould to the Trustees, 30 January 1915, TD, and Ifould to Armstrong, 30 January 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21). Ifould to Trustees, 6 February 1918, TD, SLNSW archives NPL24. Printed acknowledgement letters, modelled on those used at Yale University Library, were used both to impress recipients and to reduce the amount of routine typing. (Ifould to Government Printer, 17 June 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19).

to detail, specified black type for buckram bindings, which was more visible than the traditional gold. He was also concerned about the quality of the leather being used, regarding acid-dressed kangaroo leather as an inferior product, which at the Public Library had been badly affected by the pernicious combination of gas fumes and poor ventilation. He decided to use only English morocco, and asked his old Library for samples. To contain costs he specified buckram for newspaper and periodical binding.30

When English morocco became difficult to obtain, he decided to try kangaroo once more, but using an acid-free tanning medium. After a series of experiments, he chose sumach tanning, producing a bookbinding leather which lived up to his expectations: half a century later it was in remarkably good condition.31

Cultivating influential users

In these early years Ifould did much more than improve the Library's housekeeping. He sought to demonstrate its usefulness, increase its visibility and spread its influence. One of the ways in which he did this was by lending books

30 Arrears of binding, which was carried out by the Government Printing Office, had been reported for many years, and were still of concern when Ifould took charge, but there had hitherto been no comment about the quality, as opposed to the quantity, of binding. (Robert C. King, An Account of the Work Done in the Bindery of the Public Library of New South Wales with a Select List of Special Bindings (Sydney: Public Library of New South Wales, 1956); D. H. Paisley to Chief Clerk, Government Printing Office, 2 January 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL89. Ifould to Truslove & Hanson, 5 August 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20; "Memorandum to Mr. Paisley," 5 September 1914, AN, SLNSW archives NPL20; PLNSW Annual Report, 1912: 3; Ifould to Adams, 6 September 1912.

31 King, Account of the Work Done in the Bindery. Sumach or sumac is a preparation of powdered leaves of some species of Rhus, especially Rhus coriaria, used in dyeing and tanning. Ifould hoped to show that "there is no finer leather for bookbinding" than properly-tanned kangaroo (Ifould to Messrs T. C. Dixon, Brisbane, 8 September 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26). He pursued better binding materials, methods and tanning media for many years to come, in association with the Government Printer, tanneries and the Technological Museum, which conducted tests for him.

from the Reference Library to influential people for "official" use. These privileged borrowers included Governors, Premiers, judges, Ministers of the Crown, heads of Government Departments, some academics and the occasional newspaper editor. Trustees and distinguished ex-members of staff, like Christopher Brennan, were also regular borrowers. G. M. Blair, the Government Architect, Peter Board, the Undersecretary of the Department of Public Instruction, T. R. Bavin, then engaged on the Royal Commission on Food Supply, all benefited from this practice which, Ifould pointed out to them conspiratorially, was not sanctioned by his Board of Trustees.32

Retrieving items lent to prominent figures was sometimes difficult - as when Premier Holman, on the eve of the outbreak of war, borrowed Saleeby's Worry: The Disease of the Age, for which Ifould reported an extraordinary demand.33 "We have more difficulty with the Premier than with any other individual," Ifould later wrote.34 Tactful form letters usually sufficed, and the demonstration of the usefulness of the Library and the personal contact were invaluable. When firmness was required, Ifould did not shrink from displaying it, on one occasion chiding Isaac Isaacs, a High Court judge and later Governor- General of Australia, for mislaying a Public Library book.35

32 Brennan on one occasion borrowed Villiers de L'Isle-Adam's AxÍl, which he could presumably not obtain from the University Library. (Ifould to Christopher Brennan, 18 November 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20). Examples of borrowers are from SLNSW archives NPL19, including Ifould to H. G. Carter, Public Works Department, 30 April 1913, TL copy. Sir Thomas Rainsford Bavin (1874-1941), lawyer and politician, chaired the Royal Commission on Food Supplies in New South Wales. He entered Parliament in 1917, and was Premier 1927-30.

33 Ifould to Secretary to the Premier, 24 September 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20. William Arthur Holman (1871-1934) was Premier, 1913-20.

34 Ifould to Trustees, 19 January 1920, TD, SLNSW archives NPL27.

35 Ifould to Associate to Mr. Justice Isaacs, 6 January 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25. Sir Isaac Alfred Isaacs (1855-1948) was a Justice of the High Court of Australia, 1906-31, and Chief Justice from 1930 until his appointment as Australia's first native-born Governor-General in 1931.

There were also close contacts with the Intelligence Branch which had been established within the Premier's Department, and of which Ifould was a board member. This Branch was established to examine "legislative, industrial, social, economic and commercial developments at home and abroad" and to follow up recommendations of Royal Commissions and departmental inquiries. The periodical and government publications holdings of the Public Library, which Ifould proposed to expand to cover "social problems" more extensively, were relevant to many of the matters investigated. Through the Intelligence Branch, Ifould would have the opportunity to meet and impress influential figures like J. B. Holme, Undersecretary for Labour and Industry, C. H. Hay, Secretary of the Premier's Department, and representatives of the Chambers of Commerce and Manufactures. Ifould demonstrated the efficacy of library services by establishing a library for the Branch itself, and by using the resources and staff of his own institution.36

The Library's collections

To satisfy its diverse readership, the Public Library collection was broad, from scholarly treatises to practical, simply-written works. It was a library of first resort for many university students and academics because of the limited library resources at the Fisher Library. Indeed Brereton, the University Librarian, acknowledged the complementariness of the collections, making suggestions for

36 C. H. Hay, Secretary, Premier's Department, to Ifould, 4 April 1917, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL89. Zoe Bertles undertook some paid research work for the Intelligence Branch in her own time. (Ifould to Acting Secretary, Premier's Department, 24 April 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL89; Ifould to Secretary, Premier's Department, 15 July 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24). John Barton Holme (1872-1929), public servant and barrister, was director of the New South Wales Board of Trade, 1918-26. Clifford Henderson Hay (1878-1949), was Secretary of the Premier's Department, 1916-38, and New South Wales Agent- General in London, 1938-39.

purchase which Ifould warmly welcomed.37 Ifould pledged to "do what I can to help you in seeing that the scholarship of Australia is not placed at a disadvantage."38 At the other end of the spectrum, Ifould restricted the use of current issues of newspapers and light magazines "in order to get rid of the Domain dosser type who was swamping our inadequate reading space" so that "the public gradually learned that the Public Library was cleaner, fresher and more satisfactory for the ordinary student."39

He was initially surprised by some gaps in the Library's collection despite its relatively generous book vote, which permitted purchase of monumental works such as Flora Brasiliensis. Only the Public Library of Victoria, which Ifould informed about expensive purchases such as this, had similar purchasing power.40 In 1913 a confident Ifould wrote:

The State Government is generous in its support of Libraries. I am one of the few Librarians in the world who can claim that my Library has sufficient income for the purchase of new books, and if more were required, I should have no difficulty in persuading the Government to vote it.41

37 See, for example, Brereton's recommendation of works of Elizabethan literature. Ifould to J. Le G. Brereton, 14 March 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22. John Le Gay Brereton (1871-1933), a poet, scholar and academic, was Librarian of Fisher Library at the University of Sydney, 1902-21.

38 Ifould to Brereton, 21 March 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22.

39 Ifould to F. L. S. Bell, 23 October 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL62.

40 Ifould to E. La T. Armstrong, 21 August 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL18.

41 Ifould to F. A. Todd, Sydney University Extension Board, 12 August 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19. The Statutory Endowment, provided to the Trustees by the Government for the purchase of library materials, was set at £2,000 per year by the Library and Art Gallery Act, 1899. It would remain at £2,000 until 1932, when, as a Depression measure, it was reduced to £1,600. (Annual Report, 1899-1933). The Library also had at its disposal substantial income from the Mitchell Endowment, which was to be applied to purchases of books and manuscripts.

Ifould consequently did not hesitate to extend the range and depth of the collection. The Library had hitherto purchased little foreign literature except for "good" English editions of classical works and French and German in the original. Ifould recommended also purchasing works in Italian, Spanish and Russian. Professor Woodhouse recommended Modern Greek, Danish and other Scandinavian literature, and works on the philology of all languages. Ifould regularly involved academics and other specialists, including members of his Board of Trustees, in the selection process, and made contact with community groups, informing them that works in their native languages were available in the Library. The reaction was positive: the Asociacion Hispano-Australiana, for example, later elected him an honorary member.42

Ifould adopted a much more active approach to book selection than his predecessor. The Library's local business was spread among a number of suppliers, depending on who offered the best terms, including Angus and Robertson, Dymock, the Law Book Company and George Robertson. The Library's sole overseas supplier was the firm of Truslove and Hanson in London, who handled English, European and American monographs as well as most overseas serial subscriptions. However he quickly cancelled the arrangements Bladen had made for Truslove and Hanson to send items to the Library on approval. It was an inefficient method, and Ifould could not abide inefficiency:

42 Trustees' Minute Books, 19 May 1913; Ifould to Professor Murdock [i.e. James Murdoch], University of Sydney, 2 July 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26; Ifould to Professor G. G. Nicholson, 13 August 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26. Ifould frequently consulted subject specialists, like J. H. Maiden (1859-1925), Director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, before committing his Library to expensive or highly specialised titles. (Ifould to J. H. Maiden, 11 August 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22). Ifould to H. P. Lyne, News Editor, The Sun, 6 April 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Ifould to E. Ortiz, 10 September 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24). Ifould reported gaps in the periodical collection and a lack of some "important monographs which should have been procured when they were first published . . . Although the Library contains many valuable and rare works, it will be long before the collection can be regarded as consistently good in all of its most important sections." (PLNSW Annual Report, 1915: 2).

many titles appeared in the local bookshops months before they arrived on approval.43 It was also absurd that American books were first shipped to the United Kingdom and then recased for shipment to Sydney. Instead Ifould's practice was to order specific items, using publications such as Athenaeum, ALA Booklist, the Bookseller, and bibliographies as his selection tools.44

Acquisition of publications of New South Wales Government departments posed more problems - there was no bibliographical control - and this prompted Ifould to ask the Premier to direct Government instrumentalities to deposit two copies of each of their publications with the Public Library. This was not entirely successful: by 1918 Ifould had resorted to sending a member of his staff to the Government Printing Office to take down details of job tickets so that the Library could follow up publications with recalcitrant departments.45

Deposit of items first published in New South Wales under the terms of the Copyright Act, 1879, was another way in which the collections grew. Compliance with the Act had been more stringently enforced during Anderson's time, but there had been slippage under Bladen. In 1913 Ifould reported that some publishers, especially Angus and Robertson, had been ignoring the Act, and obtained Board approval to instigate legal action where necessary. There were

43 Ifould to Truslove & Hanson, 3 April 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19; Ifould to Truslove & Hanson, 19 July 1918.

44 These were the most frequently-used selection tools around 1916, when Ifould ordered rubber stamps bearing these titles for use on order cards. Ifould to Government Printer, 23 August 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22; Ifould, "Notes on the PLNSW."

45 Ifould to Secretary, Premier's Department, 29 November 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23; Ifould to Secretary, Premier's Department, 12 November 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24. Becoming aware of New South Wales government publications, prior to the development of adequate bibliographical control, was always difficult, and instructions from the Premier have been issued from time to time ever since.

actually no prosecutions under the Act during Ifould's tenure: a stiff letter usually brought about the supply of the missing item.46

The public library situation in New South Wales

At the time of Ifould's appointment, experience of free public library services in New South Wales was very limited. Free public libraries were virtually unknown. A number of localities had established small reference libraries with Government assistance under the Municipalities Acts of 1867 and 1897, but because they did not lend, and no incentive was provided for local authorities to maintain their collections, they had overwhelmingly withered on the vine. By 1918, apart from the Sydney Municipal Library which had evolved from the Lending Branch of the Public Library of New South Wales, there were only four municipalities reporting functioning library services: North Illawarra, Tamworth, Paddington and Broken Hill. By 1921 North Illawarra had dropped out. By the time of the Munn-Pitt survey in 1934, only the Broken Hill Public Library and the Sydney Municipal Library remained: notable, thriving exceptions.47

There were by contrast many schools of arts and mechanics' institutes, including the active Sydney School of Arts, founded just seven years after the Australian Subscription Library, which had in many ways been a model of its type. In addition to reference and lending collections, it possessed a newspaper and magazine reading room, arranged lectures for members and the general public,

46 Ifould to Trustees, 17 January 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19.

47 Orlovich, "Library Legislation," 2, 334. By the end of 1906, sixty-five councils had received subsidies for sixty-seven free libraries. A. Coulls, Broken Hill Municipal Library (Broken Hill: Broken Hill Municipal Council, 1963); Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services: Report of the Libraries Advisory Committee to the Honourable D. H. Drummond, M.L.A. (Minister for Education in New South Wales) (Sydney: Government Printer, 1939; reprint 1940), 29-30. Ralph Munn (1894-1975) was director of the Carnegie Library of Pittsburgh, and with E. R. Pitt (1877-1957) of the Public Library of Victoria, surveyed Australian library conditions in 1934, producing the landmark report Australian Libraries: A Survey of Conditions and Suggestions for their Improvement (Melbourne: Australian Council for Educational Research, 1935).

formed a debating club which had been a "training school or nursery for our public men," and had been instrumental in the establishment of the Working Men's College which grew into the Sydney Technical College.48 In 1912 426 schools of arts in New South Wales were receiving a subsidy from the Government, a pound for pound contribution to the cost of the library component of new institute buildings, and a ten shilling subsidy for every pound raised from members' subscriptions. The total voted in 1912 was £10,000.49

Ifould's contact with schools of arts and mechanics institutes around the State was very limited. There were occasional requests for advice on how such libraries should be organised, and Ifould's urge to help wherever possible overcame his philosophical objection to this type of institution.50 The shortcomings of such institutions were clear to most observers - in 1904 Anderson had bitterly criticised the disproportionate funding of schools of arts compared with the "half-starved" Lending Branch of his own Library.51 A 1912 report to the Premier, made before Ifould appeared on the scene, had criticised the meagre book resources, especially non-fiction, of most existing schools of arts. The report recognised, however, that although their educational function had become diluted over the years, schools of arts, especially in remote areas, had a social function, and were fulfilling some needs, but recommended phasing out or reducing subsidies in metropolitan areas and municipalities. The report also recommended encouraging local authorities to take over schools of arts "in accordance with the

48 Bladen, Public Library of New South Wales, first edition 1906,.74.

49 "Schools of Arts and Kindred Institutions: Report of the Committee Appointed to Enquire into the Granting of Subsidies," TD, 1912, Department of Education files. AONSW 4/2851.

50 He offered basic advice to the Moree School of Arts, for example. Ifould to P. Stephens, Moree, 15 December 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20; Ifould to J. E. Crane, 25 May 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23.

51 H. C. L. Anderson to Acting Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 19 October 1904, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL74, f. 71; Trustees' Minute Books, 18 October 1904.

practice which obtains in the large cities of the old world, where Public Libraries are maintained and controlled by the Municipalities."52 The recommendations were not implemented. Schools of arts were able to lobby powerfully at the local level, and those which survived would continue to enjoy a government subsidy right up to the time of the Great Depression.53

In the Sydney metropolitan area there was little incentive for local authorities to establish lending libraries, as they were empowered to do under the Local Government Acts of 1906 and 1919, and in fact none had done so.54 Residents of the suburbs who were sufficiently mobile could borrow from the Sydney Municipal Library which was funded by the Sydney Municipal Council, and which Charles Bertie was busy transforming from "a library over which hung a pall of dirt and decay."55 Ifould found the separation of his Library from the Sydney Municipal Library very frustrating. Handing the Lending Branch to the municipal authorities had been "a very great mistake," although he acknowledged that it had been better run since the transfer than it had been under Bladen:

Were the Circulating Library attached to the Public Library now it would link up with our country circulation system, and with the finances of the State behind it could be made an institution of very great importance from an educational point of view.56

52 "Schools of Arts and Kindred Institutions," 16.

53 The Government subsidy to Schools of Arts and similar institutions in New South Wales reached a peak of £10,357 in 1912, and was still over £6,000 in 1930. A table of subsidies for various years is shown in Appendix 1.

54 Under the Local Government Act, 1906, Sections 109-10, and Local Government Act, 1919, Section 357. No council exercised its powers under these Acts. See Orlovich, "Library Legislation," 314.

55 Charles H. Bertie, "The Organization of a Lending Library," in Proceedings of the Australian Library Conference held at the University of Melbourne, August 1928 (Melbourne: Government Printer, 1928), 15. Charles Henry Bertie (1875-1952), was chief librarian of the Sydney Municipal Library, 1909-39.

56 Ifould to E. La T. Armstrong, 14 March 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25.

Academic and research libraries in Sydney

At the time of Ifould's arrival academic and research library resources were scarce, and concentrated in metropolitan Sydney. At the University of Sydney, the new Fisher Library occupied a "handsome and commodious building," housing a growing collection which was said to be "keeping pace with the increase of knowledge in every department of human industry and scholarship." In reality it could not keep pace with demand then or indeed for fifty years thereafter. During this half century the Public Library and its collection, facilitated by the statutory presence of Chancellors and professors on the Board of Trustees, continued to supplement and complement the University's library resources.57

The Library of Parliament, deliberately exclusive, had been founded in 1840 as a resource for the Legislative Council of the time, and was well-endowed. Its collections had a natural emphasis on parliamentary matters and government, but its coverage was extensive. A quarter century later it would be said to be excessively so, and expensive to the detriment of other institutions which looked to the Government for financial support.58

Two scientific societies had libraries of significance. The library of the Royal Society of New South Wales contained more than 20,000 volumes, comprising mainly scientific journals and the publications of bodies with which the Society had exchange agreements. This library was available to members and, "under very liberal conditions," to the public at large. The original library of the Linnean Society had been destroyed in the Garden Palace fire in 1882, but it had since collected over 9,000 volumes on scientific subjects.59

57 Bladen, Public Library of New South Wales, first edition 1906, 74-75.

58 ALIAS, 2:177; Bladen, Public Library of New South Wales, first edition 1906, 75; Munn and Pitt, Australian Libraries, 107-9.

59 Bladen, Public Library of New South Wales, first edition 1906, 75; Peter Orlovich, "The Destruction of Records in the Garden Palace Fire of 1882," in Australian Library History in Context, 96-97.

The Australian Museum had a library of over 12,000 scientific works, and was intended primarily for the use of Museum staff, although arrangements could be made for students to consult the collection. The Sydney Technical College library, established in 1881, contained about 10,000 volumes, including textbooks and other publications on vocational subjects.60

Expanding country services

There were no academic or research libraries outside Sydney, and it is not surprising that Ifould gave a high priority to country services during his early years. His own country background made him aware of the limited reading matter available to country dwellers, although he had not yet travelled widely through his new State. Some of the Library's collections were available to institutions, groups and to some individuals in country areas of New South Wales, through the book box scheme of the Country Circulation Department which had operated since 1883. Boxes containing about thirty volumes were lent for a period of up to four months to schools of arts, literary institutes and other institutions beyond the metropolitan area. One of Ifould's first actions was to call for a report on the Country Circulation Department.61

He did not believe that the Library box service was a complete answer to the needs of country dwellers, but saw potential for expansion, as well as a need for

60 Bladen, Public Library of New South Wales, first edition 1906, 75.

61 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 20 December 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19; Percy F. Sparke to Ifould, 12 August 1912, ANS, SLNSW archives NPL88. In 1916 the Literary Institutes Association requested loans of boxes to metropolitan institutes. Ifould saw no objection to this, but suspected (correctly) that demand would not be great. (Trustees' Minute Books, 17 July 1916).

more efficient procedures.62 The Library boxes at least "perform the function of assisting to some extent in advancing the general education of the people and also in providing literature which will help make the lives of the more restless country people more interesting and less monotonous."63

Ifould was convinced that the embryonic Country Reference Section would prove to be a valuable service. Established in 1910 as the "Circulating Reference Library," it originally served individuals who were unable to use the borrowing institutions in the circulating box scheme. Up to three volumes at a time, from a collection which then numbered 751 volumes, were lent to registered borrowers who, by 1912, were only twelve in number.64 The Country Reference Section provided Ifould with a means to respond to the more specific needs of country dwellers which he had perceived, but had not been allowed to serve, in South Australia. It was not until 1938 that Purnell, his successor in Adelaide, established the Country Lending Service, with a little help from Ifould.65

The Country Reference Section developed strongly during Ifould's first years. Works included covered a wide range of practical and educational subjects: elementary engineering, farm machinery, agriculture and horticulture, veterinary

62 Ifould to Rev. R. G. Knox, Stroud, 8 August 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL18. Ifould asked F. E. Meleng for samples of the stationery used for circulating volumes and boxes of books in South Australia. (Ifould to F. E. Meleng, Adelaide, 8 August 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL18). Frederick Edward Meleng (1866-1930) was Librarian of the Port Adelaide Institute and Secretary of the Institutes Association of South Australia, 1897-1930.

63 Ifould to Peter Board, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL241, file "Country Reference Section."

64 Sparke to Ifould, 12 August 1912; PLNSW Annual Report, 1912: 2.

65 Ifould sold some withdrawn Country Reference Section books to his old Library. (Trustees' Minute Books, 21 March 1938).

science, heredity, education, commerce, domestic science and, less predictably, history, sketching and travel. Works on "the sex question" were not included.66

Two major government departments, both with a network of contacts in country areas, were important allies for Ifould in promoting the Section: Public Instruction and Agriculture. Peter Board, Undersecretary of the Department of Public Instruction, had asked Ifould shortly after his arrival to examine ways of making materials more accessible to country teachers. The Country Reference Section was an obvious way to do this. This service could help teachers obtain the materials they needed to continue their own studies or to help them in their teaching. In due course the Library was rewarded by a high degree of departmental, teacher and community awareness and support. Lecturers at Sydney Teachers' College encouraged their students to use the Country Reference Section if they were appointed to a country school. A mass meeting of teachers at Grafton in 1918, for example, thanked the Public Library for this service.67

Cooperation with the Department of Agriculture, until April 1914 headed by the former Principal Librarian H. C. L. Anderson, and with other rural organisations, was close and mutually beneficial. Information was provided for agricultural ventures, such as the newly-established Murrumbidgee Irrigation Trust, and suitable materials on fruit-growing and farming in irrigated areas were being added to the collection. In 1913 Library staff prepared a bibliography on

66 Ifould to Dr. Henry Fletcher, Riverstone, 3 March 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19.

67 Peter Board to Ifould, 8 August 1912, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL88; Ifould to Peter Board, 12 August 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL88; Ifould to James McKay, Headmaster, Hamilton Public School, 19 July 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Ifould to Prof. A. Mackie, 11 January 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23; Ifould to D. McLachlan, Public School, Cowper, 23 October 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24.

irrigation for the Trust. Ifould's own experience growing oranges at Waikerie gave him a special understanding of the settlers' challenges.68

In 1916 the Country Circulation Department began to lend boxes of works on agriculture to the information bureaux which the Department of Agriculture had established in country areas, and the Department's inspectors were asked to inform country people about the Country Reference Section. The industrial centres of Newcastle and Wollongong were other targets: boxes of books were supplied to reading circles in these cities. Ifould was keen to make the Country Reference Section known as widely as possible in the community, and saw labour leaders as being influential in that respect, seeking to get his message across in the anti-conservative press.69

Once methods had been streamlined and collections built up, there was sustained promotion of the Library's external services: exhibits at the Royal Easter Show in Sydney, with large numbers of country visitors being signed up, and later slides at picture shows in workers' camps during the War, and addresses by Library

68 Ifould to L. A. B. Wade, Murrumbidgee Irrigation Trust, 6 March 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives box NPL19. The Murrumbidgee Irrigation Area was inaugurated in 1906, and placed under a Trust in 1910.

69 Trustees' Minute Books, 19 June 1916; Ifould to Hugh Ross, Chief Inspector, Department of Agriculture, 6 April 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Clara Rodd to Secretary, Workers Educational Association of Queensland, December 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Ifould to the Editor, Argus (Newcastle), 19 July 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24.

staff to camp residents. There were articles in the metropolitan and country press, and use of the Section increased markedly.70

The service was widely appreciated - one happy user presented Ifould with a pair of cockerels. Its fame spread to other States, some of whose residents asked for (but were not granted) loans, and overseas. Ifould himself later contributed an article on the Country Reference Section to the Library Journal.71 He was pleased with the early progress of the Section, giving much credit for its success to his enthusiastic staff.72 Were it not for budgetary constraints, the growth of the whole Country Circulation Department would have been even more exceptional during this decade: as it was, it would barely manage to keep pace with demand. In the twelve months to March 1919, one dedicated member of its staff had worked 485 hours of unpaid overtime (she was given six days leave in lieu).73

70 Trustees' Minute Books, 15 April 1918; Ifould to H. M. Somer, 6 April 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Ifould to Officer in Charge, Voluntary Workers' Camp, Moore Park, 29 August 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL241, file "Country Reference Section"; Ifould to Director, AIF Re-education Department, 10 March 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25; Ifould to the Editor, Daily Telegraph, 7 January 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19. With characteristic courtesy, Ifould wrote to thank the editors of all the papers which ran the Country Reference Section story (Ifould to the Editor, Kyogle Herald, 7 March 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19. Ifould to the Editor, Newcastle Morning Herald, 7 March 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19). He was on very good terms with the Country Press Association, which frequently helped the Library to obtain wanting issues of newspapers, as well as acting as a channel for placing news items (Ifould to Country Press Association, 3 February 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21). See Appendix 2 for tables showing the extent of country collections and loans.

71 Ifould to Alfred C. King, 3 December 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Ifould, "The Country Reference Section of the Public Library of New South Wales," Library Journal 43 (July 1918): 476-81.

72 Ifould, "Departmental Report - 1917," 9 February 1918, TD, SLNSW archives NPL24.

73 Ifould to Peter Board, 28 March 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25.

The Mitchell and its rivals

The Mitchell Library was at this time the country's unrivalled collection of Australiana, because of the extent of the original collection and the purchasing power of income from the Mitchell endowment, but the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library was emerging as a serious competitor, in line with its founders' aspirations. Commonwealth commitment to the collection of printed Australiana had been demonstrated by the acquisition of the Petherick Collection in 1909.74 The Commonwealth authorities were also keen to collect original documents. In 1913 they considered purchasing a collection of manuscripts of Governor Lachlan Macquarie and asked Dr. Watson, Editor of Historical Records of Australia and former Acting Principal Librarian of the Public Library, for advice. Watson sounded out the Trustees about the Mitchell's keenness to acquire the collection. Not only did the Trustees want the collection, but they wished to ensure that there was no competition for it. Perhaps mistrusting Watson, Dowling, President of the Trustees, sought a meeting with Elliot Johnson, Speaker of the House of Representatives, which was then in its temporary home in the Victorian Parliament House. Dowling and Ifould took advantage of their visit to Melbourne to attend the official opening of the "splendid new building for the Public Library of Victoria" on 14 November 1913, to see Johnson.75

74 Edgar Augustus Petherick (1847-1917), bibliographer and book collector, whose collection of 17,000 items was acquired by the Commonwealth in 1909. For detailed accounts see Osborn and Osborn, The Commonwealth Parliamentary Library, 62-95; and Peter Biskup, "Edward Augustus Petherick and the National Library of Australia, 1909-1917," in Australian Library History: Papers from the Second Forum on Australian Library History, Canberra, 19-20 July 1985, eds. Peter Biskup and Maxine K. Rochester (Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1985), 75-99.

75 Trustees' Minute Books, 18 August 1913, 20 October 1913. (William) Elliot Johnson (1862-1932), was Speaker of the House of Representatives, 1913- 14 and 1917-23. He was knighted in 1920. The domed reading room was opened by the Governor-General, Lord Denman, on 14 November 1913. (Colin A. McCallum, The Public Library of Victoria 1856-1956 (Melbourne: Trustees of the Public Library of Victoria, 1956), 8).

A special meeting of the Trustees a fortnight later was given the pleasing news that the Commonwealth would refrain from competing with the Public Library, with the reasonable proviso that the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library should be allowed to obtain a copy of the papers, and that the Trustees would bid at least up to the Commonwealth's upper limit, which was £1,200. The Trustees accepted these terms, subject to obtaining a satisfactory report on the papers from Hugh Wright, who had already left for London. He was instructed to inspect the papers, cable a report and after the sale publicise the Mitchell Library in order to flush out further items of interest in private hands.76

On the strength of Wright's favourable report, the Trustees increased their limit to £2,000. Wright secured the papers for £1,700 prior to the auction and much to the annoyance of some of the dealers.77 Ifould thought the price "exorbitant" but felt that "we are in the position of having to acquire such documents at almost any price."78

We, as keen buyers of such material must expect to be bled and the very existence of our policy of procuring important Australian mss - practically regardless of cost makes it all the more difficult for us to get this cost within anything like reasonable limits.79

76 Wright was away for seven months, and also inspected libraries in Europe and the United States. Trustees' Minute Books, 17, 28 November 1913; Biskup, "The Strange Case of the Manuscripts of Major-General Lachlan Macquarie."

77 Trustees' Minute Books, 2 January, 16 February 1914. Maggs, "our expensive friend," was interested in bidding for the Macquarie papers "and was annoyed at their being sold before auction" (Ifould to Wright, London, 20 April 1914).

78 Ifould to Wright, London, 3 March 1914.

79 Ifould to Wright, London, 19 May 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20. Anderson said that David Scott Mitchell would have given him carte blanche to acquire a collection like the Macquarie manuscripts. "Smash all competition," he urged the Agent-General's office. (H. C. L. Anderson to White [Agent-General's Office, London], 30 November 1913, ALS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1914-15, 1939, AONSW 20/13011).

Although the Commonwealth bowed out on this occasion, and other Australian competition was muted, caution was still needed in bidding for Australiana at auction. Whenever possible the Mitchell's interest in particular lots was concealed. There had been plans to use secret agents to bid for the Macquarie manuscripts, a stratagem unnecessary in this instance but subsequently put to good effect.80

There were attempts to promote cooperation between the various State libraries and the Commonwealth in the collection of original Australiana. Petherick, whose collection of printed books formed the nucleus of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library's Australiana collections, had advocated such cooperation.81 H. C. L. Anderson's ingenuous approach was that each State should be responsible for its own documents from the date of its foundation. Under such a scheme the Commonwealth would only "collect and care for everything that can help the future historian of the Commonwealth from its foundation with this century": lean pickings indeed in the early days.82 Feelers were put out by Ifould's old library, assuming, perhaps, that he would give them a more sympathetic reception. The proposal was that "the various state libraries should co-operate to give the first refusal of any original documents relating to the history of any particular state to the public library of that state."83 The response which Ifould recommended, and which his Board supported, was polite, but uncompromising:

80 George Robertson to Ifould, 25 April 1913, ALS, SLNSW archives NPL89.

81 Osborn and Osborn, The Commonwealth Parliamentary Library, 105-6.

82 Anderson to White, 30 November 1913. This would of course give the lion's share to New South Wales, the first Colony.

83 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 October 1913

That the scope of the Mitchell Library from its foundation has been broad enough to include all the states of the Commonwealth and that as it probably already possesses a more extensive and more important collection of documents relating to each State than is in the individual state libraries themselves, students of the history of the several states must necessarily use the Mitchell collection. It would therefore be inadvisable to limit its range within that suggested on its foundation.84

This would be the unbroken policy of the Public Library for the whole of Ifould's tenure, and the source of rivalry and friction far beyond. The policy was made practicable by a generous endowment, and the Mitchell Library was consequently very active in seeking owners of original Australiana, making offers or soliciting donations. Ifould went to extraordinary lengths to follow up leads and to exploit contacts. Records of the New Australia colony in Paraguay were a case in point: Ifould wrote to all the survivors he was able to trace, asking them to donate diaries and other original materials.85 He was also anxious that dealers became aware of the Mitchell's requirements, "giving us the first offer of everything of Australian interest."86

Where original documents were held by other institutions and could not be obtained, typescript copies were sometimes made. Governors' despatches filed at Government House in Sydney were copied in this way, after Ifould had interviewed the Governor. Copyists were also employed to transcribe archives in Melbourne, Wellington, Paris and London. The Mitchell Library had the great advantage of being early on the scene in collecting Australian manuscript material, and its prestige was an enormous asset. These were the halcyon days of the

84 Ibid.

85 Mrs H. R. Birks, Millswood, S.A., to Ifould, 28 December 1916, ALS, SLNSW archives NPL89.

86 Ifould to Wright, London, 20 April 1914.

Mitchell, a period of great expansion, when practically everything seemed within its grasp.87

Archives and historic objects

Official archives were within the scope of the Mitchell - some archival estrays had been purchased by Mitchell himself - but most government departments retained their own records and had control over their disposal. In a report to the Premier in 1911, the Trustees had advocated the creation of an archives department, to be associated with the Public Library. An interdepartmental committee was established and eventually reported in June 1914, agreeing that an archives department should be established, but vehement that it should be separate from the Mitchell Library.88 Ifould realised that whilst the public service heads opposed an independent statutory body having control of their "sacred" records, their concept of a separate Archives Department, where the papers could be "kept just as sacred," suited the Library's purposes just as well.89 He suggested that it could occupy part of the new National Library building, and had preliminary plans amended accordingly. This would boost his case for completion of the building, weakened somewhat by the transfer of the Lending Branch.90

87 Ifould to Private Secretary to the Governor, 4 April 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19; Armstrong to Ifould, 25 June 1919, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL90; Ifould to the Mitchell Committee, 5 January 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32; PLNSW Annual Report, 1923: 5.

88 Ifould to Trustees, 16 July 1914, TD, SLNSW archives NPL241, file "Archives"; Trustees' Minute Books, 20 July 1914.

89 Ifould to G. C. Henderson, 6 March 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL27.

90 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 July 1914; Ifould, "Proposed Establishment of an Archives Department," 7 May 1914, TD, SLNSW archives NPL241, file "Archives."

The archives issue became entangled in a general examination of Government accommodation, and Ifould despaired of progress. He lobbied intensely, and encouraged others to do likewise; he drafted a letter for William Dixson, a wealthy collector of Australiana and already a good friend of the Library, to send to the Chief Secretary. Despite such efforts, a Government archives office did not materialise at this stage.91 In its absence, however, the Mitchell Library was recognised as a suitable repository for government and even Parliamentary archives.92 Ifould was able to influence the fate of these archives: a directive from the Premier instructed department heads to consult the Principal Librarian before disposing of any archival records, although Ifould's frequent requests for the instruction to be reissued suggest that compliance was not universal.93

Also explored during this period were the housing and display of historic objects which were not within the scope of any of the State's cultural institutions. Some relics had come with the Mitchell Collection, and others were acquired subsequently, although on a very selective basis. Ifould did not want the Mitchell to become a de facto historical museum, which he was wont to call an "omnium

91 Ifould to Trustees, 16 July 1914. Ifould also thought that South Australian moves towards establishing a state archives might act as a lever in New South Wales: the report on European archives which his friend Professor G. C. Henderson sent him would be useful politically, and for its outline of archival practice. Ifould to Henderson, 17 August 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21. Sir William Dixson (1870-1952), company director and benefactor, was already a significant collector of Australiana. His relations with Ifould and benefactions to the Library are described in later chapters. He was knighted in 1939. For an account of Dixson's life and collecting activities, see Anne Robertson, Treasures of the State Library of New South Wales: The Australiana Collections (Sydney: Collins in association with the State Library of New South Wales, 1988), 104-18.

92 In 1918, for example, the Legislative Assembly resolved to transfer a number of manuscripts from Parliament to the Mitchell. (Ifould to Adams, 9 February 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24). The Mitchell Library would remain an unofficial state archives until 1953, when the Public Library established an Archives Department. This operated until the creation of the Archives Office of New South Wales under the Archives Act, 1960.

93 Ifould to Armstrong, 3 April 1919; Ifould, "Proposed Establishment of an Archives Department."

gatherum," and refused to accept curiosa such as a camel hoof and a bolt, reputedly from an early expedition.94 But in 1915, when completion of the Library building might return to the agenda and the museum, like the archives issue, might be a lever, he expressed the view that "historical records should be housed in the same buildings as other materials of history."95

The loss of male staff

Ifould had always been concerned that well-educated men were not being attracted to library work, and was very dissatisfied with the standard of male staff at the Public Library of New South Wales when he arrived.96 He told the Public Service Board:

The principal senior attendant officers although classed as clericals are lacking in general education and are deplorably ignorant of the special knowledge required in the work of their position. I have no hesitation in saying that the regular attendance staff in the General Reference Library is astonishingly inefficient and unsuitable . . . The system in which they have grown up is more at fault than they are.97

In 1912 there were only two male graduates on the staff: Leslie Fetherstone and Edward Bernard Cahalan. Both left in 1914. Cahalan would

94 Ifould to the Curator, Australian Museum, 14 June 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21. The acceptance of H. L. White's gift of his postage stamp collection, complete with its monumental display cases, is hard to reconcile with Ifould's "omnium gatherum" comment. Inspecting his uncle's donation was the reason for the young Patrick White's first venture into the Mitchell Library reading room, and his introduction to the "reading sickness." "I got out of hand, as I usually did, and ran clattering over the polished floor, till the Librarian - her name was Miss Flower, I seem to remember - came up and said, `SSShh! All the poor people are reading.' She seemed to imply they were in some way sick." (Patrick White, Patrick White Speaks (Sydney: Primavera Press, 1989), 74). The collection consisted mainly of pre-Federation postage stamps, and has been of lasting interest to philatelists.

95 Ifould to E. B. Harkness, Premier's Department, 28 May 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21.

96 Ifould, "Letter to the Editor," Library Record of Australasia 2 (June 1902): 65-66.

97 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 30 October 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL89.

have fitted neatly into a staff reorganization which Ifould was planning, but he preferred to become librarian in the Attorney-General's Department as a stepping stone to a legal career. Their paths would cross again twenty-five years later when, at the Parliamentary Draughtsman's office, Cahalan helped frame the Library Bill, 1939. William Earls, a junior attendant, followed Cahalan to the Attorney- General's Department. Three women were nominated to fill these vacancies.98

In the following year Lyle Panton, a library assistant Ifould was "very sorry to lose," left to become librarian of the Supreme Court.99 Thomas Flattery, "a conscientious officer" (but another law student), requested a transfer to the Justice Department in 1916. Some promising young men were emerging, however. Leo Duffy and H. N. B. Swan were reported upon favourably in July 1914, when their probationary period expired.100 Some of the male staff of longer standing, however, were problematical. John Gannon, for example, who had been in the public service since before Ifould was born, and a Library Assistant since 1890, received a stern warning from the Public Service Board on account of his inefficiency: Ifould noted some subsequent improvement, but Gannon was in any case close to retirement. Some of the male temporaries were disappointing too: in 1916 one was dismissed because of "repeated inebriety."101

98 New South Wales Public Service List, 1912. Fetherstone was "one of the few sufficiently well-educated male officers." (Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 16 April 1913). Department of Public Instruction, Transcript of notes of evidence, Departmental Board, Department of Public Instruction, Public Library of New South Wales, [1911], SLNSW archives NPL88; Ifould to Wright, 19 May 1914; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 8 September 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20.

99 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 2 July 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21.

100 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 13 July 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20.

101 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 21, 24 January, 2 November 1916, TL copies, SLNSW archives NPL22; Ifould to Trustees, 15 June 1918, TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

The loss of promising staff, most of whom had no intention of remaining in librarianship, was a constant disappointment to Ifould. Under Bladen there had been little encouragement for staff to study the professional literature or to extend knowledge over the whole range of library activities and techniques. Anderson had even encouraged several men to go into law, rather than stay at the Library.102 Ifould wanted to do the opposite: he sought to dispel "a widely current idea that this department could still be used as a convenient alumnus to those who wanted to complete their University work in law or medicine."103 He began to suspect the motives of all male job applicants:

I have had too many medical, law and engineering students, who merely use the Public Library as a convenient department from which they might be permitted to do University work for the benefit of themselves or for other departments of the Service.104

Some of the less academically-motivated men, like several of their interstate counterparts, sought solace in drink.105 Ifould attempted to rectify the situation, and set his sights very high when he advertised for a Library Assistant (Male) in 1913. Candidates with the requisite ten shillings entrance fee were subjected to a two-day long competitive examination in English, French, German, Latin, History, Library Science and Philosophy. The response was disappointing, and Ifould modified his approach. He set an examination in departmental practice, library economy and general knowledge. The top candidates would be placed on an eligibility list for temporary employees, and would then be

102 See, for example, Metcalfe's comment on Sir Frederick Jordan, a former PLNSW staff member: "In Anderson's time and later, men used to come to the Public Library and get jobs just in order to do law." (Metcalfe, Interview with Hazel de Berg, 9944). Frederick Jordan (1881-1949), studied law, was called to the Bar and from 1934 to 1949 was Chief Justice of New South Wales.

103 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 5 February 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21.

104 Ifould, to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 31 March 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22.

105 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 21 January 1916.

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interviewed by Ifould. He examined the candidates' manner, personality and general knowledge, and watched out for any obvious physical or mental defects.106 His interviews were rigorous and wide-ranging, and his requirements were uncompromising: of one candidate he wrote:

She is certainly a bright charming young lady but her general education has been surprisingly neglected, and after all we must consider general education in this position. She informs me that Ruskin was an English poet and that he wrote "We are Seven." I am afraid this kind of reply would be rather a shock to our readers.107

Positions were nonetheless much sought after, and by 1915 there was a long waiting list, consisting mainly of female Arts graduates. There were already many outstanding women on the staff.108 Wright had told a Departmental Board which examined the Public Library gradings and salaries in 1911 that his staff in the Mitchell, almost exclusively women, were on the whole "remarkably good." He singled out for praise Ida Leeson ("the smartest cataloguer here . . . exceedingly well read . . . There is no shirking about her") and Margaret Windeyer, who had trained at Dewey's library school. Leeson had been appointed Library Assistant in 1906, and in 1909 was placed in the Mitchell Library, where she helped to sort and describe David Scott Mitchell's collection. She would thrive under Ifould, and

106 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 30 October 1913; Public Service Board, Papers Set at Examination of Candidates for Appointment as Library Assistant, Public Library, Held 28th and 29th July 1915 (Sydney: Government Printer, 1915), copy in SLNSW archives box NPL90; Ifould to Emily L. Hart, 14 June 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21.

107 Ifould to T. S. Champion, Public Service Board, 3 March 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22.

108 Ifould to Emily L. Hart, 14 June 1915.

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would be one of the first women to achieve a senior management position in an Australian library.109

Professional contacts

Ifould's move to Sydney did not signal a break with colleagues, family and friends in South Australia. He spent most Easter holidays at his orangery at Waikerie, which meant a train first to Melbourne, and then from Melbourne to Adelaide. This gave him the opportunity to see fellow librarians and friends in Melbourne and Adelaide at least once a year for more than thirty years. The Sydney-Melbourne-Adelaide triangle was an influential one in the Australian library world.110 It contained the largest libraries in the country, and the most senior exponents of the profession: Wadsworth and Binns, during the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library's sojourn in Melbourne; Armstrong and later E. R. Pitt at the Public Library of Victoria; Adams and Purnell at the Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery in South Australia; and F. E. Meleng of the Port

109 Department of Public Instruction, Transcript of Notes of Evidence, [1911]. Ida Emily Leeson (1885-1964) was appointed to the PLNSW in 1906, became Mitchell Librarian in 1932, and resigned in 1946. See Cleary, "Women Librarians," 15a-18; Berzins, "Ida Leeson," in Australian Library History; and Baiba Berzins, "Leeson, Ida Emily," in Australian Dictionary of Biography, 10: 58- 59; Phyllis Mander-Jones, "Ida Emily Leeson, 1885-1964," Australian Library Journal 13 (June 1964): 98-99. Malvina Evelyn Wood (1893-1976) is often overlooked among pioneer senior women librarians. She was appointed Librarian of the University of Western Australia in 1927 and held that position until her retirement in 1959. See Fred Alexander, Campus at Crawley: A Narrative and Critical Appreciation of the First Fifty Years of the University of Western Australia (Melbourne: Cheshire for the University of Western Australia Press, 1963), 367-9.

110 Ifould also kept in touch with Sir Samuel Way, continuing to purchase items for his collection. (Way to Ifould, 3 September 1912). There was little contact with Queensland libraries: Ifould confessed he knew little of the Public Library of Queensland, and neither business nor pleasure took him to Brisbane during this decade. (Ifould to F. W. S. Cumbrae Stewart, Brisbane, 23 April 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20). There was occasional correspondence with Battye in Perth and Miller in Hobart.

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Adelaide Institute.111 In the absence of a revived Library Association of Australasia, these informal contacts and correspondence were the only means of sharing professional experiences and exchanging views.112

Ifould's relations with Adams and Armstrong were very cordial, and their institutions cooperated readily. They consulted each other before purchasing expensive items and compared notes on professional practices, although no ground was given on the issue of the Mitchell Library's scope.113 Relations with the Commonwealth librarians, however, were already more difficult, and warmth was lacking in Ifould's contact with Wadsworth in particular. Enclosed with one of the few letters which Ifould wrote to Wadsworth were some leaflets on prohibition. It was perhaps Ifould's puckish humour, seldom surfacing in his official dealings, but well-remembered by friends, which prompted this unsolicited donation: Wadsworth was known to enjoy a drink. Andrew Osborn, who worked with Wadsworth at the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library, may have overstated the

111 Ifould to Adams, 6 September 1912; Ifould to F. E. Meleng, Adelaide, 8 August 1912. Arthur Wadsworth (1864-1931) was appointed to the Victorian Parliamentary Library in 1881, becoming its Librarian and Commonwealth Parliamentary Librarian in 1901. He retired in 1927. Kenneth Binns (1882- 1969) was appointed to the University of Sydney Library in 1900. In 1911 he joined the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library as Cataloguer, and became Assistant Librarian in 1918. He was in charge of the Australian Section, later known as the Commonwealth National Library, from 1919. He succeeded Wadsworth as Librarian in 1928, and retired in 1947.

112 From time to time interest was expressed in reviving the old Association. In 1918 Armstrong asked Ifould if there were any Association funds surviving, which Anderson may have salted away and which could be used for another conference. Ifould could not trace any, but hoped that a conference could nonetheless be held after the war. (Ifould to Armstrong, 20 August 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24).

113 There were exchanges of duplicates with his old Library; and manuscript, typescript and photographic copies of manuscripts relevant to South Australia were made in the Mitchell with Ifould's full cooperation. (Ifould to J. R. G. Adams, 13 May 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24).

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case when he recalled that Wadsworth "spent most of his time in the White Horse Inn across the street from Parliament House."114

The scarcity of library resources in Australia at this time is well illustrated by the treatment of duplicates and inter-library loans. Duplicates and discards from the Public Library of New South Wales were gratefully received by the University of Queensland, and, more surprisingly, by Fisher Library at the University of Sydney. In 1919 Ifould proposed an "exchange account" with the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library, to enable the equitable exchange of duplicates between the two institutions. Under this scheme an account was kept of the value of items such as duplicates transferred from one library to the other. In this way neither party would feel disadvantaged, and no money needed to change hands. This scheme worked satisfactorily for a while, but in the next decade would become a bone of contention.115

Inter-library lending was very restricted during this period, and was dealt with at Board of Trustees level. The loan of a copy of Holinshed's Chronicle to the Public Library of Victoria for the use of Professor Wallace was typical of the caution shown: a sub-committee of the Trustees drafted the response. The Trustees of the borrowing library agreed to return the item intact, to replace it if damaged, and to ensure that the book was used only within the Library and that the Professor did not use ink when referring to it. Loans to the Public Library

114 Ifould to Arthur Wadsworth, 23 May 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25; Andrew Delbridge Osborn, interview by Hazel de Berg, 14 May 1962, transcript, National Library of Australia DeB 44, p. 538. Andrew Delbridge Osborn (born 1902) worked in the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library from 1919 to 1926. He went to the United States in 1927, working at the New York Public Library and Harvard University Library. He was at Fisher Library from 1958 to 1962, and completed his career as Dean of the library school at the University of Western Ontario, Canada.

115 Ifould to the Librarian, Fisher Library, 15 May 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20; Ifould to Kenneth Binns, 14 June 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25. A similar scheme was established between the Public Library of New South Wales and Fisher Library in 1921. (Ifould to H. M. Green, 27 September 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL30).

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were infrequent and were marked by detailed justification for the loan and profuse thanks.116

There were some proposals to liberalise inter-library lending. Ifould, Adams and Armstrong discussed a lending system for scientific and technical periodicals and reference books.117 Ifould's own Trustees might be prepared to give him discretion to lend, but other Sydney institutions would be most unlikely to cooperate: the honorary librarian of the Linnean Society would have a "stroke of paralysis" if items were requested for an interstate library.118 A liberalised inter- library loan scheme would at the very least have required the support of the state libraries in New South Wales, South Australia and Victoria, but the Trustees of the Public Library of Victoria decided that they were not in favour, and the proposal went no further. The loan of scientific and technological periodicals remained an intractable problem until the advent of photocopying machines many years later.119

In 1916 the Advisory Council of Science and Industry, which later became the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization (CSIRO), sought Ifould's cooperation in producing a union catalogue of scientific serials.120 There had been nothing similar published since Anderson Stuart's 1889 Catalogue

116 Trustees' Minute Books, 19 May 1913; Ifould to Armstrong, 10 January 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25; Ifould to J. B. Holme, Deputy President, New South Wales Board of Trade, 1 March 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25. Robert Strachan Wallace (1882-1961) was Professor of English Language and Literature at the University of Melbourne from 1912-27. From 1928 to 1947 he was Vice-Chancellor of the University of Sydney. He was knighted in 1941.

117 Ifould to Armstrong, 14 March 1919.

118 Ifould to Adams, 22 January 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25.

119 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 May 1919; Ifould to Armstrong, 14 March 1919.

120 The approach was made through a member of the executive of the Advisory Council who also happened to be a Trustee of the Library: Robert (later Sir Robert) Dickie Watt (1881-1965), foundation Professor of Agriculture at the University of Sydney. (Ifould to Professor R. D. Watt, 30 October 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22).

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of the scientific serial literature, although a ten-year old but still frequently used card index existed at the Public Library.121 The gestation period of the eventual union list, on which Ifould and his staff worked in their own time, was lengthy, and culminated in E. R. Pitt's Catalogue of Scientific and Technical Periodicals in Libraries of Australia, published in 1930.122

Resource sharing, as well as maintaining the stature of his own Library, was also in Ifould's mind when he offered advice to the Advisory Council on forming its own library service. Ifould thought such a library could give "valuable assistance to scientists and industrial corporations," but he noted that it could only be in one place, and stressed the need for State libraries to be as strong as possible in science and technology, to complement the Advisory Council's library, without undue overlapping.123

There were early links with libraries which were being established in some of the major Government departments.124 In 1914, for example, Public Library staff helped to catalogue the library of the Department of Public Works, and Ifould was "most anxious that the Public Library staff should be employed on such

121 Sir Thomas Peter Anderson Stuart (1856-1920) was foundation Professor of Anatomy and Physiology at the University of Sydney. His catalogue of serials held in the Australian Museum, Free Public Library and various scientific societies was published by the Government Printer in 1889.

122 Ifould to Secretary, Commonwealth Advisory Council of Science and Industry, 23 September 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24. "Pitt's Catalogue" was a forerunner of Scientific Serials in Australian Libraries and the National Union Catalogue of Serials.

123 Ifould to Secretary, Commonwealth Advisory Council of Science and Industry, 20 November 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24.

124 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 9 March 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23.

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special work for any department which has an extensive library."125 In 1916 such assistance was provided to the Department of Education library, and their new Librarian trained at the Public Library. Staff from the new libraries were sometimes able to attend Ifould's lectures on library economy. Several of Ifould's staff were promoted to or transferred to such libraries, the Public Library being regarded as a nursery for such officers. As companies and professional associations began to establish special libraries, they too found Ifould and his staff willing to offer advice or to undertake work for them.126

Ifould was also keeping in touch with library developments overseas, through Library Association Record, Library World, Library Journal (which he regarded very highly) and other periodicals. There were direct contacts with some overseas libraries, as exchange partners, or as sources of information on technical processes or publications.127 In contacts with the outside world Ifould always stressed the importance of his own institution: "The Public Library of New South Wales is by far the most important library in Australia," he told the Carnegie

125 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 11 June 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20. Nita Kibble was lent for five months to catalogue the Public Works Department library. Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 15 October 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20.

126 Ifould to W. E. Bethel, 19 May 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 30 June 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 2 November 1916; Ifould to Professor Alexander Mackie, 23 January 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23; Ifould to Secretary, Premier's Department, 15 July 1918. See for example the cataloguing advice provided to the Engineering Association (a forerunner of the Institution of Engineers, Australia) in 1915 (Ifould to Secretary, Engineering Association of New South Wales, 2 June 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21).

127 Ifould to the Principal Librarian, New York Public Library, 24 January 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19; Ifould to the Librarian, Carnegie Library of Pittsburgh, 31 January 1913, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL19; Ifould to John Barr, Chief Librarian, Auckland, 25 October 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24.

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Endowment for International Peace, when soliciting copies of peace pamphlets.128 He also wanted to let the world know that in certain areas, and the Country Reference Section was one such, the Australian library scene was far from backward: "American librarians should recognise that Australia and New Zealand have valuable libraries and active librarians."129

A solid start

Ifould established himself at the Library very smoothly and speedily, considering his potential handicaps as a stranger to Sydney, its elites and public service, and his unfamiliarity with the Library itself.130 If there was latent antagonism on the part of the Library staff who had been passed over, it did not trouble him: Ifould quickly assumed the mantle of a respected, and sometimes feared, "Chief."131

He had the confidence of his Trustees, the backing of his Minister, Campbell Carmichael, and the sustained support of the Department of Public Instruction through its energetic Undersecretary, Peter Board. He had nurtured informal links with the Press, influential public servants and significant groups of users. He was maintaining contact with his professional colleagues in Adelaide and Melbourne. He was streamlining procedures and strengthening the collection.

He had demonstrated strength of character, boundless self-confidence and high self-esteem. He would need all of these qualities during the difficult years of the War and its aftermath.

128 Ifould to the Secretary, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 23 July 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24.

129 Ifould to John Barr, 25 October 1918.

130 Jones, "`Only a Librarian'"; Jones "A Web of Influence."

131 Clara Rodd to J. M. Jopling, 21 May 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25.

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CHAPTER SIX

WORLD WAR I AND THE LIBRARY

The Library at War

The outbreak of war in 1914 dwarfed the more mundane problems of the Library, such as the inadequacy of the Bent Street building and the shortcomings of staff and collections. War had an impact on every area of the Library's operations, from examination of the backgrounds of Library staff to trace German sympathies, to the display of recruiting posters and the sobering casualty lists which were in constant demand in the reading room. Seven staff enlisted: two would die in action, as would the youngest son of Arthur Dowling. President of the Library's Trustees. Ifould encouraged the remaining staff to contribute to patriotic appeals. A third of the staff belonged to rifle clubs and had regular rifle drill. Some Trustees objected to the purchase of works in German, although a motion to cancel all German periodicals was lost.1 Some services to the troops were initiated

1 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 19 November 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20. None of the staff was of German extraction. (Ifould to Colonel Luscombe, Victoria Barracks, 8 March 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21). Ifould to Secretary, Parliamentary Recruiting Committee, London, 15 April 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21; Ifould to Colonel Wallack, Victoria Barracks, 24 June 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21. David John Mackay, temporary library assistant, was killed in November 1917. Charles J. Mackie, temporary nightwatchman, died in 1918. (Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 11 September 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 6 August 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26; Trustees' Minute Books, 18 September 1916). All permanent officers but one gave to the Australia Day Fund. A War Fund Syndicate was established at the Library in 1916. (Ifould, "Memorandum to the Staff," 5 January 1915, TD, SLNSW archives NPL21; Ifould, "Memorandum to the Staff: Australia Day Fund," 30 July 1915, TD, SLNSW archives NPL21; Ifould, "Memorandum to the Staff," 27 January 1916). Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 25 March 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21; Trustees' Minute Books, 17 April 1916; 15 May 1916.

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- boxes of books were sent to troops guarding the Trial Bay Concentration Camp, for example - but there was nothing approaching the scale of library services for the troops which the next world war would bring into existence.2

Book orders to Truslove and Hanson in London were reduced to a trickle, and duplicate orders were sent by different ships, in case of enemy action. Some consignments were lost in transit.3 Ifould had previously criticised this supplier's performance, which deteriorated further during the War. Some of their staff enlisted; book production was reduced; warehouses were bombed; periodical subscriptions became even more erratic than usual. He thought of changing agents, but to have tried out Angus and Robertson at this stage would have been "e fumo in flammam," as he eruditely put it to Alexander Mackie, Principal of the Teachers' College.4 Ifould expected things to return to normal rapidly after the War, but by 1919 he was utterly exasperated with Truslove and Hanson, their "impossible methods" and their illegible handwriting. He gave them a last chance to improve their service or lose his business. They recovered, and remained associated with the Library until they ceased trading in the 1970s.5

At some stage Ifould may have considered enlisting, like English-born Rutherford Purnell, who had succeeded him in Adelaide. Ifould thought Purnell was doing "the right thing," although it would "disorganize the affairs of your department whilst you are away," something which Ifould was anxious to avoid. He was not too old to have volunteered - at the outbreak of war Ifould was thirty-six -

2 Ifould to C. H. Forrester, 23 January 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23.

3 For example shipments on the Boorara and the Mongolia in 1918 (Ifould to Truslove & Hanson, 10 May 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24).

4 Ifould to Alexander Mackie, Teachers' College, Sydney, 2 December 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives box NPL24. Alexander Mackie (1876-1955), educationist, was Principal of the Teachers' College, Sydney, 1906-40.

5 Ifould to Truslove & Hanson, 3 October 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26.

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although his short stature might have disqualified him from the early intakes. When recruiting ended in November 1918 the minimum height for recruits was five feet, and the maximum age forty-five. He may have felt more useful to the war effort running an efficient library and information service, and in his spare time otherwise assisting as a civilian.6

He helped the "Secret Service" from time to time during the War, in true intelligence fashion pursuing isolated jigsaw pieces without being told more than he needed to know. On one occasion he asked Adams in Adelaide for information on the wife of a fellow South Australian who we now know was the Navy Office cryptographer who had cracked the German Pacific Squadron cipher. The authorities were presumably checking the officer's bona fides. On another occasion Ifould reported a suspicious enquiry to the authorities: investigations revealed, not an enemy agent, but a schoolboy interested in battleships.7

Probably on his own initiative, Ifould took an active part in the propaganda war. He asked the Royal Colonial Institute for "as many publications as possible counteracting German propaganda." He then read the pamphlets carefully, marking particularly effective passages, and sent them, with covering letters, to the Sydney newspapers. More publicly, he served on the committee of a soldiers' convalescent home.8

6 Ifould to H. R. Purnell, 31 March 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22; Ernest Scott, Australia during the War, The Official History of Australia in the War of 1914-1918, vol. 11 (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1936; reprint, St. Lucia, Qld.: University of Queensland Press, 1989), 438 (page references are to reprint edition).

7 Ifould to Adams, 11 November 1915, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL21; Who's Who in Australia, 1944, s.v. "Wheatley, Frederick William"; Ifould to Inspector-General of Police, 19 May 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives box NPL22.

8 Ifould to Secretary, Royal Colonial Institute, 23 July 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives box NPL24; Ifould to H. P. Lyne, News Editor, Sun (Sydney), 6 April 1918; Ifould to H. H. B. Bradley, 5 April 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22.

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He ensured that materials documenting Australia's part in the War were collected. Copies of photographs from the Department of Defence were deposited in the Mitchell Library. Materials produced by internees in various concentration camps were sought. There was, however, no attempt to make an exhaustive collection of materials relating to war generally.9 This was being done by the Public Library of Victoria, and Ifould thought it "inadvisable to duplicate more than the important books in New South Wales."10

After the Armistice, Ifould was appointed as the New South Wales civilian representative on a national committee intended to establish a war museum and to distribute surplus war trophies, such as captured field guns, machine guns and mortars, to cities and towns across the State.11 Aspects of the proposed museum, which eventually took shape as the Australian War Memorial in Canberra, worried Ifould. In building up a collection of private as well as official documents, the proposed institution would be competing with the Mitchell, and Ifould strongly recommended "that the Mitchell Trustees should decide to act independently of the Federal authorities in obtaining miscellaneous material for the Mitchell Library and that he be authorized to take the necessary steps to advertise widely that the Trustees desired to purchase or acquire by donation all such material."12

Accordingly the Library advertised throughout Australia and New Zealand, using the press and ex-servicemen's clubs, for Australian and New Zealand soldiers' diaries. Advertisements were run for six months in Australasian capital city and provincial newspapers. Printed notices asking ex-soldiers to offer their diaries to the Mitchell Library were sent out with ballot papers for the

9 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 December 1917, 20 May 1918.

10 Ifould, "Departmental Report - 1917."

11 Ifould to C. H. Hay, 25 October 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24.

12 Trustees' Minute Books, 18 November 1918.

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Returned Sailors and Soldiers Imperial League of Australia (RSSILA), and posters were placed on notice boards in all five hundred of its branches in New South Wales. The assistance of the Returned Soldiers Association of New Zealand was also obtained.13

Advertisements for soldiers' diaries also appeared in England, in the Times, the Daily Telegraph, the Morning Post, the Daily Mail and the expatriate newspaper, the British Australasian. There was a sustained response from Australian servicemen, among them Norman Gilroy.14 Ifould and the Trustees had no compunction about collecting original war materials "without in any way considering the Federal authorities":15

As the Mitchell Library has by far the most important collection of manuscript and printed material relating to Australian history and conditions, and has, in fact, a collection of Australiana which can never be seriously rivalled, the trustees do not hesitate to continue collecting in the domain of war material.16

The building

A few days after the first ANZAC day in April 1915, stiffened by a report from the Government Architect on the unsafe galleries around the reading rooms, the Trustees resolved to wait upon the new Minister, Arthur Griffith, who had been given the Public Instruction portfolio the previous month. The Minister delayed meeting them until October, when a Cabinet meeting prevented him from

13 Ifould to Gordon and Gotch, 27 November 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Ifould to Government Printer, 15 January 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25; Ifould to the Mitchell Library Committee, 14 January 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL242, file "Soldiers' Diaries"; Ifould to Secretary, Returned Soldiers Association of New Zealand, 31 January 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25.

14 Ifould to Gordon and Gotch, 27 November 1918; Ifould to N. T. Gilroy, 19 March 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25. Cardinal Sir Norman Thomas Gilroy (1896-1977) was ordained in 1923 and was Archbishop of Sydney, 1940- 71.

15 Ifould to Secretary, Premier's Department, 18 February 1919.

16 Ifould to the Mitchell Library Committee, 14 January 1919.

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keeping the appointment. So Ifould and the Trustees presented their list of grievances to the Undersecretary, Peter Board, a fellow Trustee.17 The Minister was finally run to earth on 2 November, Melbourne Cup Day. Griffith agreed that the Public Library building was "a disgrace to the metropolis," but told them that there were still no funds for major public works of a non-revenue character: "if it were a railway which would be providing revenue, we might get it done." But he did agree to have electric light installed forthwith, to have the unsafe galleries reinforced and the plans revised. With mounting cynicism Ifould noted the construction, despite the supposed prohibition, of several public buildings of a non- revenue-raising nature within a stone-throw of the Library, including a new Treasury building, and extensions to the Department of Education building in Bridge Street to house the Department of Agriculture, and awaited a more propitious time to press his case.18

Creating the Research Department

Demand for technical information for business and industrial users increased enormously during the War years, as local manufacture began to replace imports, and industrialists sought ways of substituting for or making better use of strategic commodities. The Library received requests by mail, in person, and increasingly by telephone, for information on subjects as diverse as the processing of mutton bird feathers as an eiderdown substitute, the production of industrial alcohol, the preparation of potash from seaweed and the recovery of precious metals from industrial waste. Periodical literature was especially relevant for such

17 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 May, 21 June, 20 September, 28 October 1915. Arthur Hill Griffith (1861-1946) was Minister for Public Instruction, 1915- 16.

18 Trustees' Minute Books, 2 November 1915. Eight months later the Government Architect had done no further work on the plans, despite the Minister's promise (Trustees' Minute Books, 17 July 1916).

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requests, and in response to demand, over one hundred new subscriptions to scientific and technical periodicals were taken out between 1917 and 1919.19

Ifould was anxious to extend this information service if staffing permitted and made efforts to promote it to manufacturers and the commercial sector. It is not clear when Ifould first conceived of a Research Department, or whether he was inspired by an overseas model. He would have been aware of the establishment of the Industrial Department of the Los Angeles Public Library in 1914, with its important collection of trade catalogues.20 Metcalfe gave credit for the original idea to H. C. L. Anderson who, "in his brilliance had the idea of research to provide information for the building up of industries" when he was Director of the Intelligence Department.21 Cass, who had consulted Metcalfe, has written that Ifould got the idea from a conversation with Anderson at the 1898 Library Association of Australasia conference. No evidence has been found to support either assertion. Whatever the origin of the concept, Ifould recognised

19 The Broken Hill Proprietary Company (BHP) steelworks at Newcastle, for example, opened in 1915. Hitherto most structural steel had been imported from Great Britain. Ifould to Ernest H. Harpur, 22 April 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20; Ifould to John Harrington, 13 January 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22; Ifould to Adams, 22 January 1919; Trustees' Minute Books, 19 May 1919.

20 Ifould, "Notes on the PLNSW"; Ifould to Adams, 1 August 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Billie M. Connor, "Trade Catalogs in the Los Angeles Public Library," in The Role of Trade Literature in Sci-Tech Libraries, ed. Ellis Mount (New York: Haworth Press, 1990), 10.

21 Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9896. Anderson was director of the Intelligence Department, 1905-7.

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that a demand for such a service existed and that the time was ripe. His next task was to marshal resources for the service, to organise it and to publicise it.22

The strengthening of the Library's periodical resources has already been noted. Ifould also recognized the value of trade literature. In 1918 he contacted the National Association of Manufacturers in New York, requesting catalogues of major American companies. The purpose was twofold: to identify what might be purchased from American suppliers, and also to keep local manufacturers abreast of overseas developments. The American response to Ifould's request was encouraging: a regular call for catalogues was published in the Confidential Bulletin of Foreign Trade Opportunities which the Association issued. By January 1919 he had been sent catalogues from 205 manufacturers.23

Some of these American catalogues, and technical periodicals, formed the basis of a major exhibition which Ifould and his staff mounted in 1919 to draw attention to the Library's resources and services for business and industry. "I am using the forthcoming exhibition for as big an advertisement as we can get out of it," Ifould told Armstrong, his counterpart in Melbourne.24 Advertisements for the exhibition were placed on Sydney trams and ferries. Posters were put up in the city

22 Cass (Librarians in New South Wales, 22), who does not provide a specific source for this information, states that "the idea of this service [the Research Department] seems to have stemmed from conversations with H. C. L. Anderson during one of the conferences organized by the ill-fated Library Association of Australasia." Elsewhere he writes: "After the Conference of 1899 [i.e. 1898?] W. H. Ifould returned to South Australia convinced of the need of extending the collection of the South Australian Public Library to include Science and Technology and providing information services to industry" (p. 46). In a footnote Cass mistakenly refers to "The research service he [Ifould] established in South Australia." Nelson, "H. C. L. Anderson," has no reference to such a suggestion on Anderson's part.

23 Confidential Bulletin of Foreign Trade Opportunities (National Association of Manufacturers, New York), 15 August 1918 (copy in SLNSW archives NPL241, file "Commercial Library.") The Trade Catalogue collection was added to systematically during the 1920s and 1930s, and is still of interest to those investigating the technology of the period or restoring antique machinery.

24 Ifould to Armstrong, 8 July 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26.

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and suburbs. A display in the Government Tourist Bureau in Martin Place gave passers-by a taste of the larger exhibition. Ifould hoped to stimulate a significant increase in the Library's statutory endowment so that he could subscribe to yet more scientific and technical periodicals.25

On 28 July 1919, after many weeks of preparation, "morning, noon and night," the exhibition was opened by the Governor in the galleries of the Education Department, which were decorated for the occasion with flowers from Ifould's own garden. For ten crowded days, newly acquired trade literature, samples of scientific and technical periodicals and major monographs were on display. The printed catalogues were in such demand that they had to be reprinted. Library staff were on hand to describe the Library's services, and there was an accompanying programme of lunch-time and evening lectures. Ifould himself addressed business college students on "the value of the Public Library to the Business Man."26

To promote and mount the exhibition he had gained the cooperation of many organizations, including the Commercial Artists Association, the Chamber of Manufactures, the Master Printers and their employees, and the Chemical Societies.27 Despite initial reservations, there was help from the Sydney Chamber of Commerce - "The secretary of that body remarked that he had never heard of

25 "Exhibition of Technical and Commercial Literature 1919," SLNSW archives NPL241.

26 Ifould to C. H. Hay, Secretary, Premier's Department, 26 July 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26; Ifould to E. R. Pitt, 6 August 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26; "Exhibition of Technical and Commercial Literature 1919" file; Exhibition of Technical and Commercial Literature, July 28-August 6 1919 (Sydney: Public Library of New South Wales, 1919) [poster]; Public Library of New South Wales Exhibition Committee to J. A. Turner, Metropolitan Business College, 4 July 1919, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL26.

27 Ifould to N. L. Salmon, Department of Education, 17 July 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26.

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the Public Library! It is this kind of ignorance that we need to dissipate."28 Largely through this exhibition, Ifould made his mark on the business community. The diminutive librarian became a sought-after luncheon guest and a natural member of the elite which met two years later to found the Rotary Club of Sydney.29

The Trustees resolved to request an increase in the Statutory Endowment from £2,000 to £3,000 per year "in view of the increased demand for technical and scientific literature stimulated by the recent exhibition."30 The success of the technical exhibition, and the demand which it stimulated, led to the formal establishment of the Research Department, the first of its kind in Australia, with Nita Kibble as Principal Research Officer. Staff from this Department searched the Library's collections for information, primarily on scientific, industrial, commercial and social topics, on behalf of businesses and Government departments. Using periodical indexes, standard works such as Gmelin and Beilstein, bibliographies, trade catalogues and intelligent browsing, they not only collected citations, but gathered and flagged the relevant articles, chapters in books or even paragraphs or sentences, making information available with a speed and a precision which astonished enquirers. Kibble was in her element in this Department, which she would manage for over twenty years. It was over twenty years before another major library, the State Library of South Australia, under

28 "Exhibition of Technical and Commercial Literature 1919" file.

29 See, for example, the invitation to luncheon at Farmer's with the Chamber of Manufactures (Ifould to W. J. Donnelly, Secretary, New South Wales Chamber of Manufactures, 16 August 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26).

30 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 October 1919. In fact, despite repeated requests for an increase, the Statutory Endowment remained at £2,000 until 1931/32, when it was reduced to £1,600 because of the Depression (PLNSW Annual Report, 1932: 2).

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pressure from wartime demands for technical information, established its own research department.31

Dixson and the building campaign

Ifould did not cultivate relations only with business, industry, the public service and the press. There was one private individual who came in for special attention. William Dixson was a significant collector of Australiana, and a generous benefactor: in 1914, for example, he had presented a bust of Charles Sturt to the Library. Ifould courted Dixson in very much the way Anderson had wooed Mitchell twenty years before. Library staff followed up Dixson's many enquiries, made notes on Australian artists for him, and cleaned and mounted pictures from his collection.32

Dixson was the eldest son of Sir Hugh Dixson, a leading tobacco manufacturer, and joined the family firm after an engineering apprenticeship in Scotland. Like Mitchell, Dixson's collecting did not initially focus upon Australiana. His earliest serious acquisition was a first edition of the works of Chaucer, purchased from Angus and Robertson. His interest in Australiana was

31 The origins and early years of the Research Department are described in Nita Kibble, "Notes on the Work of the Research Department of the Public Library," read at a meeting of the Society of Chemical Industry, 19 June 1929, SLNSW archives NPL94. The Department, later styled the Research Service, existed for over sixty years, celebrating its diamond jubilee with the introduction of online information retrieval, but later merging with general reference services. Kibble has been credited as the driving force behind the establishment of the Research Department; she was certainly the keystone of its success (Arnot, "Miss Nita Bernice Kibble," 90). The Research Service of the State Library of South Australia was established in 1942, primarily to assist local manufacturers adapt their plant to produce war materiÅl (Hedley C. Brideson, "Public Library Research Services," 47).

32 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 August 1914. The bust had been offered to the Library at £150 by Angus and Robertson shortly before. Ifould to William Dixson, 22 January, 6 February 1917, TL copies, SLNSW archives NPL23.

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encouraged by the same Fred Wymark who had placed Barron Field's First Fruits of Australian Poetry in Mitchell's hands just before the collector's death.33

Dixson's collections were particularly rich in manuscripts and pictures: "When I learned that the terms of Mr. D. S. Mitchell's will did not permit the trustees to spend any part of the endowment's income on pictures," Dixson said later, "I decided to pay special attention to them."34 Whenever Ifould became aware of important historic paintings, which could not be purchased from Mitchell funds, he approached Dixson. He even used the Library's London agents to purchase items for Dixson in the expectation that they would eventually be presented to the Trustees.35

Ifould's efforts bore early fruit: in May 1919 he showed Dixson plans of the proposed Library extensions, including an area which could be called the Dixson Gallery, if there were some firm offer which he could put to the Trustees.36 Dixson was impressed. He immediately offered to donate a number of oil paintings, to lend others to the Library during his lifetime and to bequeath the remainder on his death. His condition, following the Mitchell precedent, was "that an extension be made to the National Library building to provide for an extra

33 Frederick Victor Grey Wymark (1872-1942) began work in 1884 with the firm which became of Angus and Robertson. He was the firm's most accomplished specialist in Australiana.

34 Public Library of New South Wales, Proceedings at the Opening of the William Dixson Gallery . . . October 21 1929 (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1929), 2.

35 Thomas Watling's Sydney Cove in 1794, for example, was offered to the Public Library in 1919. Ifould put Dixson in touch with the owner, urging haste, before the latter could "stir up the Federal Government" (Ifould to William Dixson, 21 March 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL25). "Notes for Delegation to the Minister on 28 May 1924," TD, SLNSW archives NPL136; Trustees' Minute Books, 20 October 1919.

36 Ifould, File note, 2 May 1919, TD, SLNSW archives NPL93.

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gallery."37 Ifould told him "your generous offer will greatly assist in my negotiations with the Government."38

From the time it became clear that the war was drawing to a close, Ifould had been looking for opportunities to resurrect the building project, and had been vigorously lobbying politicians, manufacturers and professional groups, such as architects.39 He contributed an article to the Australian Worker, which he called "our ultra-socialistic labour paper," stressing the educational value of his Library for all who cared to use it, and its space problems.40 The article evoked a sympathetic response from Claude Thompson, General Secretary of the powerful New South Wales Amalgamated Railway and Tramway Service Association and member of the Australian Labor Party. It was the first indication of support which Ifould had received from that quarter since his arrival in Sydney, and he told Thompson: "I am anxious that the leaders in the Labour Movement should take the matter up."41

Ifould had no hesitation in cultivating contacts with the Opposition, as the party in government was in an unreceptive mood. Perhaps he saw an institution

37 Trustees' Minute Books, 19 May 1919.

38 Dixson to Ifould, 6 May 1919, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL93. The pictures in question, for which Dixson had insufficient space to display at his Killara home, included portraits of James Cook (including one ascribed to Reynolds), Arthur Phillip, Mrs. Phillip, Macquarie and Viscount Sydney. Merle Kirkpatrick Beddie, ed., Bibliography of Captain James Cook, R.N., F.R.S., Circumnavigator (Sydney: Library of New South Wales, 1970), 610, item 3583, suggests that the Reynolds is "more likely to be the portrait of another Captain Cook."

39 In 1919 Ifould met the Council of the New South Wales Institute of Architects, who "expressed a desire to co-operate with the Trustees and with other bodies in urging upon the Government the necessity for better accommodation for the Library" (Trustees' Minute Books, 15 September 1919).

40 Ifould, "Sydney Public Library: The University of the Workers," Australian Worker, 22 August 1918, 17; Ifould to Adams, 20 August 1918.

41 Ifould to Claude Thompson, 10 September 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24.

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facilitating the education of the masses as inherently more attractive to Labor; perhaps he hoped that bipartisan support would bring success. He certainly needed to hedge his bets: as the decade closed the conservative parties' grip on power in New South Wales was beginning to loosen. In the meantime some direct action was indicated.

In March 1919 Ifould interviewed James, who had succeeded Griffith as Minister for Public Instruction in 1916, and found him poorly-briefed: he was not even aware that the Mitchell Library was to form part of the complete National Library building. Later that month Ifould tried again with the Treasurer, J. C. L. Fitzpatrick, who should have been more aware of the building's shortcomings - he had been a Trustee of the Library since 1901. Ifould told him that the Trustees would be willing to lend the Government £60,000 to help finance the building. Fitzpatrick thought a staged project would be necessary, as the cost of the whole building would be high. Ifould noted that a start could be made by providing stack accommodation along the Macquarie Street frontage.42 He then played his trump card: space above the stacks could be designed as galleries, and William Dixson "would probably agree to present his collection of early Australian pictures" to hang in them.43 Ifould had the impression that the Treasurer was sympathetic, and that although the building would not generate revenue and was not a "reproductive work in the ordinary sense of the term, yet it was necessary work." He hoped Fitzpatrick would win over the Government, "even if it only amounted to the provision of a few thousand pounds to make a start."44

42 Ifould, Notes regarding the building, 10 March 1919, TD, SLNSW archives NPL136; Ifould, "National Library Building," file note, 1 April 1919, TN, SLNSW archives NPL93. Augustus George Frederic James (1866-1934), Minister for Public Instruction, 1916-20. John Charles Lucas Fitzpatrick (1862-1932), New South Wales Secretary for Mines 1916-20, Treasurer 1918-20, was a Trustee of the Public Library, 1901-32.

43 Ifould to Trustees, 17 April 1919, TD, SLNSW archives NPL25.

44 Ifould, "National Library Building," file note.

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In April 1919 the Trustees had the opportunity to put the case to the Premier, W. A. Holman, together with a request for additional funding for collections and staff.45 In May Ifould followed up with a written submission, suggesting that the Library building be regarded as a war memorial for the State. To support his case he pointed to the soldiers' diaries, photographs and other memorabilia which the Library now collected. This was despite James's earlier comment that "of course everybody thought that their building should be the War Memorial building."46 Ifould conceded that the total cost, estimated at £450,000, was "a large sum for any Government to spend at one time on a work which is not regarded as directly reproductive."47

He was greatly encouraged when he ran into James in the street a few weeks later, and was told that some funds for the building were being placed on the estimates. The Trustees were equally enthusiastic. They were not to know that the new wing was still ten years away, and that Dixson's offer, like Mitchell's twenty years earlier, would remain unacknowledged by the Government until the threat of its withdrawal.48

Staffing policies and practices

With the appointment of Nita Kibble in 1899, Anderson had pioneered the employment of women in the Public Library. By the time of Ifould's arrival in 1912 there had been a high proportion of female staff: eleven of the twenty-six clerical and professional staff were women. Attempts to increase the proportion of men, and to encourage well-educated men to follow a library career had failed.

45 Ifould to Trustees, 17 April 1919.

46 Ifould, "National Library Building," file note.

47 Ifould to A. James, Minister for Education, 7 May 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL93.

48 Ifould, Notes regarding the building, 10 March 1919.

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The temporary staff who were recruited, after competitive examinations set by Ifould and approved by the Public Service Board in 1916, were well-educated women. The system suited Ifould very well: he could observe the candidates' performance and personality on the job before they became permanent.49

This arrangement covered base-level staff, with a maximum salary of £110 in 1916. Under normal public service conditions, further progression was by examination under Regulation 116 of the Public Service Act. Ifould was not satisfied with the general public service examination papers. He identified specific requirements for library staff: letter and precis writing, library economy, departmental practice, general business methods and handwriting (there was at this time a preferred library style of handwriting to ensure uniformity of catalogue cards). Successful candidates could progress by increment to two hundred pounds per annum.

Regulation 119 examinations governed progression beyond two hundred pounds. Again, those used in the public service were too general for Ifould: he wanted to provide "proper technical training of the officers under this special sub- department," and recommended a grade test in English, library economy, departmental practice and bibliography.50 The Public Service Board approved all his recommendations, and in 1917 the first papers for the new scheme were compiled. The pattern was set for a distinct mode of entry into the Library and

49 New South Wales Public Service List, 1912; Ifould to F. A. Bland, Public Service Board, 7 July 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22; "A Scheme of Examination for Admission to and Promotion in the Public Library," July 1916, TMs, SLNSW archives NPL90.

50 Ifould to Secretary, Public Service Board, 23 April 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL90; "A Scheme of Examination"; Keane, "Education for Librarianship in Colonial Australia," 115.

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progression through it, based on private study and a course of lectures by Ifould and other senior staff.51

The examinations were severe: more severe, the Public Service Board later ruled, than the diploma of the New York State Library School which Margaret Windeyer possessed. Ifould estimated that the Regulation 119 examination for library staff would involve about two years' study for a graduate and four years for a non-graduate. Those who passed would be exempt from two further public service hurdles: the requirements of Regulations 122 and 123. This was not the first time that courses of study and lectures had been arranged for staff of the Public Library, nor the first time that examinations had been conducted on library subjects: Anderson had been a pioneer in this too. Ifould was extending and adapting the system which he found in place.52

He drew upon more than his own experience, extensive though that was, in determining the curriculum. He knew of the course content of library schools associated with major libraries or universities in the United States, where "they take the profession of librarianship very seriously." The only similar institution in Australia, he told Thomas Mutch, Trustee and a future Minister for Education, was that at the Public Library of New South Wales.53

51 The first examination in bibliography, which Ifould set, was reprinted in the Library's Annual Report for 1917, and he was clearly proud of it, drawing Adams and Armstrong's attention to the paper when he sent them a copy of the printed report (Ifould to Adams, 23 July 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Ifould to Armstrong, 23 July 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24). Ifould to R. A. Gilfillan, 25 September 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23.

52 Ifould to Margaret Windeyer, 7 November 1923, TN, SLNSW archives NPL32; Ifould to Secretary, Public Service Board, 23 April 1918; PLNSW Annual Report, 1900: 7; Keane, "Education for Librarianship in Colonial Australia," 115.

53 Ifould to T. D. Mutch, 13 August 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26; Trustees' Minute Books 19 June 1916. Thomas Davies Mutch (1885- 1958) was a Labor politician and Trustee from 1916, Minister for Education from 1920-22 and 1925-27, a historical researcher and genealogist.

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Ifould was confident about the value of the Public Library of New South Wales examinations to his own institution. He also believed they would "do much towards increasing the status of the profession." There were suggestions that the examinations could be used in other States: in 1916 Purnell and Ifould discussed the possibility of making Adelaide a centre where candidates could sit for the examinations. Purnell was enthusiastic, and Adams raised the issue again two years later. It is unclear why nothing eventuated.54

Women librarians

At a time when few women could penetrate the legal or medical professions, and fewer still engineering and architecture, librarianship was an attractive alternative to the teaching profession for well-educated women. They prospered at the Public Library of New South Wales. With the death in 1916 of James Pierce, the Library's only male cataloguer, Ifould had initiated an extensive and for some unexpected rearrangement of duties within the Library, which would acknowledge and reward the superior performance of two of his most able women, Ida Leeson and Nita Kibble.55 Ifould was not accustomed to lavishing undeserved praise on his staff, but he regarded Nita Kibble as "a thoroughly competent and reliable officer with considerable initiative and capacity for work," and thought Leeson "an exceedingly competent woman."56 In July 1916 they were both promoted to the positions of Senior Cataloguer, which carried salaries inferior only to Ifould, Wright, the Mitchell Librarian, and George Gifford, who was in charge of the General Reference Library. Three years later five women Library

54 Ifould to Adams, 6 August 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24.

55 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 18 January 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22. James Pierce (1867-1916) had joined the Public Library in 1886.

56 "Public Library Sub-Department: Positions and Salaries of Officers," 20 August 1919, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

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Assistants were redesignated "Cataloguer," moving from the Clerical Division of the public service to the Professional Division.57

This was a significant advance for the time, and women staff were delighted with these developments, which they saw as opening up career paths.58 The more visionary may have seen the Principal Librarianship eventually within a woman's grasp. Publicly Ifould did not disabuse them: in response to a note of appreciation from Nita Kibble, he wrote:

I believe there are now opportunities for the most efficient women officers and that they will eventually be greater than are immediately presented. I am satisfied with our women and intend to do everything possible to provide for them opportunities equal to those for men.59

As we shall see, however, this equality of opportunity had its limits, and would not apply to the Principal Librarianship, nor to an heir apparent.

Ifould was able to appoint the cream of the women school leavers and graduates, because of the lack of demand elsewhere in the public service, where his enthusiasm was not shared. "The Public Service Board had difficulty in placing them [women] in departments because of hostility to them, and we took the best," Metcalfe recalled.60 Ifould realised that it was "impossible to obtain men with the

57 New South Wales Public Service List, 1917; Ifould to Public Service Board, 13 March 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23; Ifould to Arthur Wadsworth, 10 April 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 26 August 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26.

58 Not all of Ifould's proposals were as welcome, however. His idea that staff working on Sundays could carry on with their normal work when not actually serving the public provoked a protest from ten of his staff, and he abandoned it (Petition from ten members of staff of the PLNSW, 11 December 1917, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL89).

59 Ifould to Nita B. Kibble, 4 July 1916, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL22.

60 Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9900.

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requisite education willing to undergo special training for such a small salary."61 At this time in the New South Wales public service salaries for females were four- fifths of the equivalent male salary, so Ifould had a distinct incentive to employ women to stretch his budget.62 "The necessity for employing well educated officers without unduly increasing the expenditure on salaries in the Public Library," he wrote, "forces us to employ women."63 To compound the problem of trying to attract suitable males, the poor quality of male occupants had a depressing effect on the value of some positions. "Until suitable officers can be obtained or trained for the work," Ifould wrote in 1918, "larger increases cannot be expected."64

A question of succession

Despite Ifould's relative youthfulness, the question of his successor emerged as a major concern very early in his time as Principal Librarian, largely because of the unsuitability of his two immediate subordinates. George Gifford and Hugh Wright were considerably older than Ifould. Gifford had been working at the Library since before Ifould was born, but was incompetent: a junior did much of his work for him. He would in any case be due to retire in early 1921, and Ifould was unlikely to recommend extending his appointment. Wright, though loyal, hard-working, good-humoured, and well-respected in the community of historians for his knowledge of Australiana and his own historical writings, was not

61 Ifould to Town Clerk, Sydney, 13 November 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26; Ifould to Charles Lloyd, 10 September 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24.

62 This accords with Cass's view in "Librarians: A Survey: A Reply to the LAA," 429.

63 Ifould to N. L. Salmon, Department of Education, 19 December 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24.

64 Ifould to Trustees, 15 June 1918.

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inclined to run the Mitchell with the vigour which Ifould required.65 Both Gifford and Wright had been passed over in 1912. Assuming that the Trustees still judged them unsuitable, Ifould stated: "There is, in my opinion, no male officer in a junior position in the Library who is at all likely to become competent to fill the position of Principal Librarian."66

As a result of the 1916 restructuring, Ida Leeson and Nita Kibble were the next most senior staff.67 Ifould strongly advised his Trustees to consider "the question of the limitation, if any, which they propose to make in the promotion of women to the higher positions." His words were carefully chosen, but he left the Trustees in no doubt about his preference. Without their knowledge, he had already sounded out the Public Service Board and had tacit agreement to the creation of a new position and the recruitment of a male officer "to be trained in the special work of the Library," who would be "suitable for the chief executive office." The suggested salary - five hundred pounds per annum - would have made this new recruit senior by salary to Wright and Gifford.68

Wartime was not a good time to recommend new and highly-paid positions, Ifould conceded, but the question of a successor was a vital one. To

65 Gifford's position "should be filled by an officer of considerable education and first class library training," Ifould wrote. Nita Kibble was carrying Gifford, working 672 hours unpaid overtime in eighteen months between 1917 and 1919 doing Gifford's work (Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 18 February 1919, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 28 March 1919; Ifould to Trustees, 15 June 1918). "Mr Wright did much to persuade important early families here and abroad that the Mitchell Library was the safe and proper repository for their archives" (John Alexander Ferguson, "In Memoriam: Hugh Wright, O.B.E., F.R.A.H.S.," Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Australian Historical Society 43 (August 1957): 139-43).

66 Ifould to Trustees, 15 June 1918. The Trustees reaffirmed their view of Wright's unsuitability as a Principal Librarian in February 1919 ("Public Library Sub-Department: Positions and Salaries of Officers," 20 August 1919).

67 "List of officers in Public Library of New South Wales, 1918-1919," 22 May 1918, SLNSW archives NPL24.

68 Ifould to Trustees, 15 June 1918.

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stimulate the thinking of the subcommittee of Trustees which had been appointed to consider the question of increments and salaries, he added, with characteristic use of litotes: "Perhaps I should say also that it is not improbable that I may be vacating the position of Principal Librarian within a few years."69

Ifould had been considering a more lucrative position for some time, and an unnamed Sydney company had recently offered him a thousand pounds per annum. They had given him two months to decide, and the Commonwealth was also interested in securing his services.70 He told the subcommittee he would prefer to remain at the Library if he could receive an immediate increase in salary to eight hundred pounds, an increase of one hundred pounds on his current salary. He would agree to remain at the Library for at least five years on that new salary. The stimulus was effective: the subcommittee endorsed Ifould's offer. Eight hundred was two hundred pounds less than he had been offered, and was "certainly much less than his well tried qualifications thoroughly warrant."71 The Trustees accepted the report, and sent a deputation to the Minister. Daniel Levy, a member of the delegation who met James, pulled no punches, painting a bleak picture of the Library before Ifould's benign influence and concluding that it was "not whether we can afford to give Mr. Ifould another £100 a year, but whether we can afford to lose his services."72 Cabinet agreed to the increase, despite a wartime freeze of public service salaries.73

69 Ibid.

70 Transcript of deputation to A. G. F. James, 6 August 1918; Albert James, Minister for Education, to W. A. Holman, Premier of New South Wales, 13 August 1918, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1918- 21, AONSW 20/13004.

71 PLNSW Trustees, "Report of Sub-Committee anent Position of Principal Librarian, 24 July 1918," TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

72 Transcript of deputation to A. G. F. James, 6 August 1918.

73 Trustees' Minute Books, 15, 29 July, 16 September 1918.

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That settled, in September 1918 the Trustees appointed a subcommittee to consider Ifould's report on increments and promotion of officers. They deplored the lack of a suitable officer who could be promoted to Principal Librarian, if Ifould were to leave, or to the position of Deputy Principal Librarian, if such a position were created. Because of the economic situation they shrank from recommending an actual appointment at that stage, but proposed a restructuring when Gifford, the "incompetent senior," retired as First Assistant Librarian.74

The subcommittee also dealt with Ifould's reference to limiting the promotion of women, and their confidential minutes disclose a unanimous resolution that no woman be appointed Principal Librarian, nor to the proposed position of Deputy Principal Librarian. There was no reference to the Mitchell Librarianship: Wright was still thirteen years away from retirement and was unlikely to leave prematurely. Women would however be allowed to occupy other positions at the third level in the hierarchy, the pinnacle of their aspirations being Senior Cataloguer, General Reference Library (to be designated Principal Research Officer), Senior Cataloguer, Mitchell Library, and Accountant.75

The members of the subcommittee, the President, J. Arthur Dowling, William Wood and Charles Lloyd, reported back to the full Board on 17 February 1919, and their report was adopted, "after the elimination of all reference to the limitation of the promotion of women officers." The full report and accompanying correspondence were filed under lock and key with the Library's "Confidential Papers." It was a very sensitive issue at the time, coming as it did shortly after the

74 PLNSW Trustees, Minutes of meetings of Committee considering the employment contract for W. H. Ifould, 6, 13 February 1919, TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

75 Trustees, PLNSW, Minutes of meetings of Committee considering the employment contract. It was to this 1919 resolution which Charles Lloyd referred, thirteen years later, when Ida Leeson was being considered for the position of Mitchell Librarian (Trustees' Minute Books, 19 September 1932).

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passing of the Women's Legal Status Act, 1918, which provided a formal entitlement for women to practise law in New South Wales. At this time the Feminist Club and the National Council of Women were assuming an increasingly prominent role in promoting issues of equality.76

The Trustees' expurgated resolution was duly reported to the Department, and the groundwork was laid for the future appointment of a male Deputy Principal Librarian. Ifould declined the outside offer, undertook to remain Principal Librarian at his new salary for at least five years and signed a contract to that effect. The question of an understudy remained unresolved for the time being. Ifould was on the lookout for suitable candidates, and over the next few years would redouble his efforts to find a suitable successor.77

Ifould "The Chief"

It is remarkable that this young man - thirty-four years old at the time of his appointment - could so quickly have become "The Chief" to his staff, the most venerable of whom had been appointed to the Library years before Ifould had been born.78 Ifould ran a very tight ship. He was firm, but fair. Although he was a stern disciplinarian, he was aware of his staff's circumstances and was responsive to

76 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 February 1919. The elimination of all references to restriction on women's appointments is recorded on Professor Woodhouse's copy of the report (PLNSW Confidential Papers). William Wood was a Trustee, 1899-1926. Charles H. Lloyd was a Trustee, 1913-37. Jocelynne A. Scutt, Women and the Law: Commentary and Materials (Sydney: Law Book Company, 1990), 17-19.

77 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 18 February 1919; Ifould, "Memorandum of the Principal Librarian," 18 February 1919, TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers; Trustees' Minute Books, 21 July 1919; Agreement between Ifould and Trustees regarding salary and period of service, 25 July 1919, TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

78 George Gifford had been appointed in 1874; his brother William, "a very conservative, careful officer [who] doles out the stores as if he were handing out sovereigns," joined the Library in 1881, and Hugh Wright in 1885. (Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Works, 14 January 1927, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL37; Ifould to Secretary, Public Service Board, 29 July 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24).

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their needs. Recommending an increment for Monica Flower in 1914, for example, he referred to the death of her father and the dependence of the family on the daughter's income. When price increases resulting from the War began to have an impact, particularly upon low and middle income-earners, Ifould recognised the hardship this might cause. At a mass meeting of public servants in 1919, he moved for a cost of living increase for public servants earning less than five hundred pounds per year. These examples of Ifould's fairness would not have been lost on his staff. It is not difficult to see why he earned their respect.79

If at the close of 1919 Ifould had taken time to reflect on his progress since arriving in Sydney, he would have looked back, not on seven particularly lean or fat years, but on significant progress in many fields, and a range of unfinished business. "Order has been produced out of chaos" was Trustee William Wood's summing-up of the achievements of Ifould's early years in Sydney.80 On a personal level there was cause for considerable satisfaction. He and his wife were comfortably settled at Warrawee. Their three sons were attending nearby primary schools. The family had made friends there and were well-respected.81 Some interests had successfully transplanted from Adelaide: the garden provided

79 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 4 September 1914, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL20; Ifould to J. C. L. Fitzpatrick, 17 September 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26. Emily Monica George Flower (born 1886), M.A., was appointed to the Library in April 1912.

80 Transcript of deputation to A. G. F. James, 6 August 1918.

81 The eldest son, Edward Lister Ifould, attended Turramurra College and North Sydney Boys' High School. He became a chemist with the Colonial Sugar Refining Company (CSR), served with distinction in the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) during World War II, and later became Managing Director of CSR. Elton Murray Ifould attended Gordon Public School and Sydney Church of England Grammar School ("Shore") and became an agricultural machinery salesman. He also served in the RAAF during World War II and was awarded the American Silver Star. The youngest son, Frank Henry Ifould also attended Gordon Public School and "Shore," then worked for the Permanent Trustee Company and the Goodyear Rubber Company. He served in the Navy in World War II. ("Trifould Musketeers," Smith's Weekly, 24 June 1944, 11; Reg Button, Gawler, S.A., to Mrs Powell, 15 February 1981, ALS, copy in possession of Mrs M. Ifould, Bayview; Neville Parnell and Trevor Boughton, Flypast: A Record of Aviation in Australia (Canberra: AGPS Press, 1988), 187).

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evidence of Ifould's horticultural skills, which he was sharing with readers of his newspaper column. He was acting as an unofficial agent for the art gallery in Adelaide, as well as buying for his own collection of pictures and ceramics. In 1918 he had he lent some of these to the Art Gallery in Sydney for an exhibition, beginning a long association with that institution.82

Further afield he was honing his skills as a fly fisherman in the streams of the Snowy Mountains. He had retained his interest in the orangery at Waikerie, the income from which would eventually exceed his salary as Principal Librarian. In short he was busying himself as much in his private life as he was in his public life, usually managing to take a complete break in South Australia at Easter, and at Jindabyne at New Year.

He had gained and retained the respect of the Trustees: they had twice made special representations to the Government to increase his salary and had on several occasions expressed complete satisfaction with his performance. Crucial to his progress during these years was the support he received from the Department of Education through its Undersecretary, Peter Board. Ifould had recognized that the development of the Library was dependent upon the degree of pressure which could be applied to his political masters: he would apply this principle for the rest of his career. His power base was still relatively weak, however: even after the resounding success of the technical exhibition in 1919, he felt his was the "voice of one crying in the wilderness."83

82 Articles in Sunday News (Sydney) and Evening News (Sydney), May 1918 to mid-1921; Ifould to Norman Lindsay, 23 November 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24; Ifould to G. V. F. Mann, 19 February 1918, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL24. The Art Gallery of New South Wales was then known as the National Art Gallery, just as the Public Library of New South Wales new building was always referred to as the National Library building. Ifould became a member of the Art Gallery Board of Trustees in 1921 and served continuously until 1960.

83 Ifould to Marie Kennard, 14 August 1919, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL26.

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Winning over the bureaucrats by demonstrating the value of libraries and his Library in particular was a major strategy. Ifould ensured that the Library was involved in the setting-up and running of departmental libraries; their staff were trained at the Public Library; books were lent to departmental heads; bibliographies were prepared; reference and research enquiries were answered; inter-library loans were obtained. A reputation for helpfulness was established in these early years which Ifould and the institution would enjoy for the remainder of his incumbency, and beyond.

Two innovative library services had been established or expanded during this period: the Research Department and the Country Reference Section, specialised services unique at that time to New South Wales. Both were logical and efficient responses to a perceived need. Their potential was recognized, the infrastructure to support them - library resources, trained staff, efficient procedures - was put in place, and their availability and benefits were publicised and demonstrated. Both served very influential constituencies: the country dweller, well represented in the political forum in an age of growing "countrymindedness"; and the increasingly powerful business and industrial sector, with its active lobby groups and webs of influence throughout the community.

There had been a corresponding development of the Library's collections to support these specialised services: scientific and technical works, trade catalogues, as well as practical and informative works for loan to country borrowers. Gaps in the collection had been identified and filled, often with the aid of outside experts. Growth had been actively pursued in the Mitchell also, with a copying programme for Governors' despatches, the solicitation of donations, vigorous buying campaigns for early manuscripts and soldiers' diaries and other

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items within the original scope of the collection, despite the mildly expressed claims of other States and of the Commonwealth.84

There were two major unresolved issues: Ifould's successor, and the completion of the library building. There had been some progress with the former, with acceptance of the proposal to create a Deputy Principal Librarian. A stimulus had been given to the campaign for completion of the building by Dixson's offer of his collection of pictures, and there had been expressions of support from interested bystanders, but there was as yet no political commitment. The building and the identification of potential successors would remain unresolved and high on Ifould's agenda for many years.

Continuing to develop reference and information services would also remain a high priority, and each year the success of this approach revealed itself in the Library's statistics.85 But there was as yet no wider vision of public library services beyond a Sydney-based one. Such issues had not emerged at Board meetings, nor had Ifould attempted to raise them elsewhere.

If in these unpropitious times of drought, miners and seamen's strikes, riots of returned soldiers and fears of Bolshevism, Ifould did not articulate a wider vision of what was possible, he certainly did pursue what was practicable, within the means at his disposal. Practicality would remain an Ifould hallmark for as long as he drew breath: he would need every ounce of it in the 1920s.

84 Statistics on the growth of the Library's collections are provided in Appendix 3.

85 A table showing the number of visits to the Library is provided in Appendix 4.

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CHAPTER SEVEN

EXPANDING HORIZONS: THE EARLY TWENTIES

"A disgrace to the State"

In the year ended 30 June 1921 the Library recorded 226,637 visits, the highest number ever. Ifould reported that the Library had become so overcrowded that "many people who are anxious to utilise the resources of the Library refuse to enter the reading-rooms because of the congestion and the unsatisfactory conditions for students."1 On some days more than 140 people jostled for the 100 seats, and there were complaints about the Library in the daily press. The General Reference Library had completely run out of space for its collections, and outside storage was sought for sets of newspapers and periodicals. The Mitchell too was in trouble: there was no more room for folios and newspapers, space for manuscripts was almost exhausted, and collections were being refused.2 "The Library building is a standing disgrace to the State and to our whole educational system," Ifould wrote in an annual report.3 To ease congestion in the stack rooms, some duplicates were sold, and patent specifications were stored at Darlinghurst Gaol, where they were subject to the ravages of rats and damp.4

1 PLNSW Annual Report, 1921: 3. The 226,637 visits between July 1920 and June 1921 was 60,000 more than during the 1912 calendar year, and 70,000 more than during 1919, when numbers were affected by the influenza epidemic.

2 Ifould to S. H. Smith, Assistant Undersecretary, Department of Education, 2 June 1922, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL31; PLNSW Annual Report, 1921: 4, 5.

3 PLNSW Annual Report, 1922: 3.

4 Ibid.; Trustees' Minute Books, 20 February 1922.

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Ifould sought support from friends in the media: the Editor of the Sydney Morning Herald told him that the paper would do "all it possibly can to express the public need for a suitable National Library building."5 But in August 1920 the campaign to complete the building received a major setback. McGirr, Minister for Public Health and Motherhood in the Labor Government, announced that his Department would build a nurses' home in Richmond Terrace, which lay next to Parliament House, and encroached upon the National Library site. The old nurses' home would be used as a venereal disease clinic.6 The Premier, John Storey, reiterated the Department of Public Health line, with words to the effect that "while libraries were useful in developing the minds of the people, the hospital was caring for their health and their lives."7

The new Minister for Education in the Labor Government was T. D. Mutch, a Library Trustee, and was out of Sydney when McGirr made his announcement. Mutch scribbled a note to Ifould urging him to persuade the Premier, Storey to inspect the site. Ifould asked for an interview with the Premier, but was refused, and was referred back to Mutch.8 Ifould was not prepared to wait until Mutch returned to town: the loss of a portion of the site for the National Library building was a very serious matter. It would result in a Library building which would be "totally inadequate and an architectural abortion," as he expressed it in a letter to the Secretary to the Premier's Department. He ended this letter with a thinly-veiled threat to go public: "I say also, deliberately, that it will cause

5 Ifould to J. Arthur Dowling, 3 May 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL27.

6 Trustees' Minute Books, 31 August 1920. John Joseph Gregory McGirr (1879-1949) was Minister for Public Health and Motherhood in 1920.

7 Sydney Morning Herald, 7 September 1920; quoted in Trustees' Minute Books, 10 September 1920. John Storey (1869-1921) was Premier of New South Wales, 1920-21.

8 T. D. Mutch to Ifould, [1920], ALS, SLNSW archives NPL90; Trustees' Minute Books, 10 September 1920.

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very great surprise to the Trustees and to the public generally when it is known that the Premier refused even to discuss the matter with me."9

Ifould checked the legal position, and found that the land in question had never been vested in the Trustees, except for the portion occupied by the Mitchell Wing. Moral suasion was therefore needed, and the Trustees put their case very strongly when they interviewed, not the Premier, but the Secretary of the Premier's Department, C. H. Hay, on 10 September. The next month Ifould saw the Premier himself, who agreed not to hand over Richmond Terrace until he had considered a report from a committee, consisting of George McRae, Government Architect, W. M. Mowle, Clerk of the Legislative Assembly (from habit, Ifould called it the House of Assembly, as it was styled in his native State) and the Principal Librarian. The Committee reported in December 1920, opposing a nurses' home on the site, and recommending waiting for a report from the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Public Works. The Government chose to ignore these recommendations, and in January 1921 the Trustees learned that Richmond Terrace had in fact been handed over to the Hospital.10

Throughout 1921 and into 1922 the Richmond Terrace affair remained unresolved. When Labor lost Government in the March 1922 State election, Mutch was no longer the Minister for Education. He said later that if Labor had won the election, £50,000 would have been allocated for the Library building project - presumably he would have resolved the difficulties over the site. The Library would have benefited earlier, he maintained, had the Storey Government

9 Ifould to Secretary, Premier's Department, 9 September 1920, TL copy, filed with Trustees' Minute Books, 10 September 1920.

10 Trustees' Minute Books, 10 September, 18 October 1920; W. M. Mowle, G. McRae, and W. H. Ifould, Report to Secretary, Premier's Department, on Richmond Terrace, 13 December 1920, TD, SLNSW archives NPL90; Trustees' Minute Books, 17 January 1921.

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not given priority to primary school buildings at the expense of other institutions during its last year in office.11

Mutch spoke to Albert Bruntnell, the new Minister, and believed he was "not unsympathetic." He also hoped that the new Director of Education, S. H. Smith, who was appointed to the Board of Trustees in April 1922, would be on the Library's side.12 The contacts which Ifould had been making with the labour movement were also beginning to bear fruit. In June the Labour Council resolved to urge the Government to complete the Public Library building "in the interest of knowledge" and "to absorb a number of the unemployed," presumably during its construction, and not just as readers.13 In July Ifould and the Trustees went to sound out Bruntnell for themselves. They outlined to him a litany of building deficiencies, and urged the Minister to press for the completion of at least part of the new Library building, to reconsider the proposal to build a nurses' home on the Richmond Terrace site, to provide additional funds for binding and to double the statutory endowment to £4,000. In October 1922 the Trustees tried their luck with Cocks, the Treasurer. They were received politely, but there was still no action.14

Country services

The growth in use of the Reference Library and the Mitchell Library reflected in the record number of users was matched by increased demand for

11 T. D. Mutch to William Wood, 2 November 1922, ALS, SLNSW archives NPL90.

12 Ibid. Albert Bruntnell (1866-1929), was briefly Minister for Health in 1920, Minister for Public Instruction, 1922-25, and Colonial Secretary, 1927-29. Stephen Henry Smith (1865-1943) was Undersecretary of the Department of Education and Director of Education, 1923-30. He was a Trustee of the Public Library, 1922-37.

13 J. S. Garden, Labour Council of New South Wales, to A. Bruntnell, Minister for Education, 6 June 1922, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL90.

14 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 August, 18 September, 16 October 1922. Arthur Alfred Clement Cocks (1862-1943), Treasurer 1922-25.

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services from the Country Circulation Department, the Country Reference Section and the Research Department. Use of the Country Reference Section had grown phenomenally - the 128 volumes lent to individual borrowers in 1913 increased to 11,912 in 1918, and to 19,450 in 1921. "I dare not advertise any more at the present time," Ifould wrote, turning down an offer of display space at an agricultural and horticultural exhibition in Gosford. For the time being he also discouraged country newspapers from mentioning the service.15

In August 1920 Zoe Bertles was placed in charge of the Country Circulation Department, and immediately began to streamline procedures. On her suggestion, the Library began advertising on slides at picture theatres in country towns. Users could find out what was in the Country Reference Section by printed subject lists, their scope reflecting the variety of interests of country users: boatbuilding and seamanship, meat and cold storage, religion, anthropology and ethnology.16 Many years later one user of the Country Reference Section wrote:

How well I remember the many blue covered catalogues that we perused in search of books that might interest us. I also remember repacking the books and addressing them to W. H. Ifould, Principal Librarian, before taking them to the railway to be returned. From those books, at age ten, I built a sundial with a rotating gnomon. As a teenager, I learnt all about the chemistry of photography and built my own cameras, one of which was used to take photographs of aliens for registration during the [World War II] years.17

Ifould had evidently come to believe that unless he advertised and extended country services, difficult though that might be for his overstretched staff,

15 Ifould to H. G. Parry, Gosford, 9 January 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL27; PLNSW Annual Report, 1922: 3.

16 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 September 1920. Zoe Emma Bertles (1880- 1975), B.A., B.Ec., was appointed to the Public Library in 1916, and in 1920 became head of the Country Circulation Department. She became Chief Cataloguer in 1942, Senior Technical Officer of the Library Board of New South Wales in 1944, and retired in 1946. See David J. Jones, "Bertles, Zoe Emma," in Australian Dictionary of Biography, 13 (forthcoming). Ifould to Government Printer, 24 May 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29.

17 H. K. Garland, Dora Creek, N.S.W., to Alison Crook, State Librarian, 19 May 1993, TLS, copy in the possession of the author.

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there would be little hope of winning support for additional funding. So in mid- 1921, when the Country Circulation Department was already running at full capacity, he welcomed the Chamber of Agriculture's offer to publicise the Library, and asked them to express their approval publicly and to urge the Government to provide adequate funds. Within a year, however, demand outstripped resources, and Ifould again discouraged country newspapers from referring to the Country Reference Section, although its fame continued to spread, even across State borders and to North America.18

In 1920 a plan to lend boxes of children's books to country schools was put into action. Initially there were 120 boxes, each containing about forty volumes aimed at eleven to eighteen year-olds.19 There were stories with real girls and boys, not "unmanly boys and unwomanly girls," with themes "chosen for the encouragement of the team spirit." There were books of adventure, history and geography, biographies of "famous men" [sic], popular mechanics for boys and suitable occupations for girls, in which Ifould included flower gardening, sewing, cooking and other sensible things which Jean Stewart might include in her 300 Things a Bright Girl Can Do. Sex would have no place in the repertoire: "On no account should children be introduced to stories dealing with sex problems, passionate love stories, tales of dishonesty and dishonour, and books calculated to provoke discontent."20

18 Ifould to George Fitzpatrick, Chamber of Agriculture, 10 June 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29. The Chief Secretary's Department in Brisbane, and the Education Department in Toronto, for example, enquired about the Country Reference Section (Ifould to Undersecretary, Chief Secretary's Department, Brisbane, 7 January 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33; Ifould to S. B. Herbert, Public Libraries Branch, Department of Education, Toronto, 29 April 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43).

19 Ifould to Mark Cohen, Dunedin, 9 February 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL35.

20 Ifould, Undated address on children's books, in Notes for lectures and addresses, 1922-39, TNn and ANn, SLNSW archives NPL244.

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Ifould's purpose was manifold: to provide "wholesome amusement," to assist education, to train in the appreciation and use of books, and to instil the reading habit which these "outback" children could satisfy in adulthood by using the Country Circulation Department. He hoped the books would begin the process of "educating a generation to read books and to require books." Part of the process, Ifould felt, lay in "breaking down the conservatism of rural people, who are inclined to imagine that their own experience is the only thing which counts."21 The school box scheme was instantly successful, and had the useful side- effect Ifould had hoped for: many parents were reported to be reading the books as enthusiastically as their children.22

Teachers were encouraged by their inspectors to make full use of the Country Reference Section, and in turn put pressure on their Department for extension of the children's box service.23 Most teachers welcomed the extension of box services to schools, although some felt that they were already well enough served by schools of arts. Ifould disagreed. He thought that "the schools of arts in general have made no attempt whatever to cater for the needs of children."24 There were exceptions: in the Sydney suburb of Burwood, for example, there was close cooperation between teachers and their local school of arts, which allowed children to borrow. Ifould felt this practice worthy of emulation, but it did not become widespread.25

21 Ifould to Cohen, 9 February 1926.

22 PLNSW Annual Report, 1920-21: 3.

23 Ifould to W. T. Fraser, Inspector of Schools, Lismore, 14 October 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32.

24 Ifould to J. W. Dunlop, Inspector of Schools, Lismore, 13 February 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL27.

25 PLNSW Annual Report, 1924: 3.

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Ifould was certainly aware of the shortcomings of many schools of arts, and of the lack of expertise of those responsible for them. Most were unable to provide "even such reference books as a good English dictionary, a modern gazetteer and atlas, a general encyclopaedia, a dictionary of general biography, the Commonwealth Year Book, works on cooking, gardening, workshop recipes, Australian flora and fauna."26 He helped the more enlightened who approached him for advice, and sent them lists of recommended reference books, hoping that his advice would enable them to spend their subsidy wisely.27 Try to build up a reasonable reference collection, especially one strong in subjects relevant to the local community, he told them. "Fiction can come later on," was his standard, if rather unrealistic, advice.28

Recipients of Country Circulation Department boxes frequently asked for adult fiction, which Ifould steadfastly refused to supply.29 He saw no reason for country people, or city people for that matter, to expect his Library to provide fiction. Why should the taxpayer "supply them with amusement as well as information?" Rather he thought local communities had a duty to build up their own libraries and to "help themselves."30 It was a forlorn hope: the schools of arts were generally in no condition to take up the challenge. Drawing on his experiences of the South Coast of New South Wales around this time, D. H.

26 Ibid.

27 Ifould to Honorary Secretary, Katoomba School of Arts, 10 August 1922, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL31. He reused this list and supplemented it for subsequent enquirers: see for example Ifould to E. J. Taylor, 6 July 1927, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL38.

28 Ifould to Secretary, AIF Memorial School of Arts, Peak Hill, 23 November 1925, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL34.

29 Wright to Honorary Secretary, Western District Conference, Agricultural Bureau of New South Wales, 14 May 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32.

30 Ifould to H. Reg Mailer, 24 March 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33.

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Lawrence described one of the poorer examples of a school of arts library, with its "four rows of novels: the top row a hundred or more thin books, all Nat Gould or Zane Grey." As he observed in this snapshot view, fiction was the desideratum of the masses.31

Although the users of the Library's country services attested to their usefulness, the actual number of users was relatively small, even during the hey- day of the services. In the year ended June 1929, for example, rural dwellers had access to the 3,328 Country Circulation Department boxes circulated to schools, or to the 305 boxes lent to schools of arts. In the same year there were 21,953 "students" using the Country Reference Section, at a time when the population of rural New South Wales exceeded a million. It was a small proportion of the total population, but it was a very influential one. About a third of the users of the Country Reference Section were teachers, and hundreds of pupils would read at least some of the books in the school boxes. By associating library services closely with the education system, and its powerful centralised Department - in which portfolio the Library then happily sat - Ifould cultivated valuable allies in the country, in addition to the manufacturers and businesses in the city whom he reached through the Research Department.32

The Research Department earns its keep

The growth in the local manufacture of goods, which before the War had been imported, had been sustained once the hostilities were over, and the demand

31 D. H. Lawrence, Kangaroo (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1960), 211. David Herbert Lawrence (1885-1930), the English novelist and poet, was in Australia between May and August 1923. Nat Gould (1857-1919), born in England but for eleven years resident in Australia, was author of some two hundred books, most with a horse-racing setting. Zane Grey (1875-1939), an American author who was no less prolific, specialised in Westerns.

32 PLNSW Annual Report, 1929: 4. At the 1921 Census, the New South Wales population was 2,100,371, of whom 1,201,312 lived outside the Sydney metropolitan area (Official Year Book: New South Wales, 1969: 50, 60).

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for technical information from the Research Department continued to increase.33 By 1921 there were three staff working full-time in the Research Department, and in eighteen months they had completed 675 literature searches for manufacturers and government departments. Links were forged with large and influential companies, such as the Colonial Sugar Refining Company, and Davis Gelatine. A research on workmen's cottages helped architects Peddle and Thorp win a design competition. Industry bodies were also cultivated, and the New South Wales Chamber of Manufactures became a valuable ally. Members of the Society of Chemical Industry were frequent users of the Research Service, and in due course became an influential lobby group, urging the Government to provide more accommodation for the Library. Ifould was at pains to stress the value of the Research Department to the whole State: it could assist the primary producer as well as the manufacturer, and would therefore have a broad base of community as well as political support.34

Research services, however, like the country services, were barely able to cope with existing demand, let alone meet potential demand. In fact it was only the long hours of unpaid overtime worked by Nita Kibble and her Research staff which enabled the Library to keep pace with current demand.35 By 1924 a form of rationing was necessary, with priority given to "research on matters of undoubted economic importance."36 Charging for research services might have provided funds for additional staffing and resources, and was considered. But Ifould consistently resisted such suggestions, even when they came from clients.37 He regarded the

33 PLNSW Annual Report, 1920-21: 2.

34 PLNSW Annual Report, 1920-21: 4; 1926: 3; 1929: 4; Ifould to Trustees, 13 December 1923, TD, SLNSW archives NPL32.

35 PLNSW Annual Report, 1922: 2-3.

36 PLNSW Annual Report, 1924: 3.

37 Ifould to Messrs Sidney Williams & Co, Dulwich Hill, 13 January 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL35.

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general public benefit of such services as sufficient justification. As he later expressed it:

I consider the work is a very necessary work of a modern state reference library, making costly material available to the public - purely work of an educational character which returns its profit to the State indirectly many times over.38

Some services were cut back. No further boxes of books were sent to lighthouse keepers, now a Commonwealth responsibility. Mitchell Library opening hours were reduced by an hour each evening: average attendance at night in the Mitchell Library was only five, with regular users like historian and librarian Charles Bertie, barrister and bibliographer John Ferguson, journalists Tom Dunbabin, E. A. Ancher and J. H. M. Abbott, and T. Mowle, who was compiling a history of the Customs Department.39

The question of succession

Ifould continued to be concerned by the composition of his staff. There was no shortage of first-rate women seeking positions in his Library, despite a salary scale which paid a female library assistant only £130 per annum, £70 less than a male cleaner. There were however barely enough men to take charge of what were then essentially male duties such as locking up the Library at night, waking up sleeping readers, checking the men's toilets and persuading drunks to

38 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 17 January 1928, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL39.

39 A. P. Ford, Assistant District Officer, Lighthouse Service, to Ifould, 25 July 1921; Trustees' Minute Books, 19 November 1923; Hugh Wright to Trustees, 15 May 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32; Wright to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 25 July 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32. Sir John Alexander Ferguson (1881-1969), became a judge of the New South Wales Industrial Commission in 1936. A keen collector of Australiana, he compiled the monumental Bibliography of Australia (7 volumes, Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1941-69). He was a Trustee of the Library, 1935-67. His collection is now in the National Library of Australia. Thomas Charles Dunbabin (1883-1973) was an author and newspaper editor.

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leave. There was no suitable male who could fill Ifould's shoes should he decide to leave.40

Ifould had no reason to revise his opinion of Hugh Wright, who as Mitchell Librarian was his de facto deputy. Wright was "energetic and conscientious," but Ifould thought that he was not really suitable for his current job, let alone that of Principal Librarian.41 Wright's tactless telling of apocryphal stories about David Scott Mitchell, incensing Mitchell's cousin, the influential feminist Rose Scott, his slowness to respond to some of Ifould's instructions, and the lack of progress with the Mitchell's catalogues, did not impress Ifould.42 Valuable manuscripts like an Oxley journal, Ifould found, could disappear into the Mitchell collection without trace, before even a shelflist entry had been prepared.43 "If we want to know at any time whether the Mitchell Library has some useless pamphlets or other we can find out straight away from our Catalogues," Ifould told Wright. "The more precious our possessions the more difficult it appears to me to find out whether we actually possess them or not."44

So Ifould began the time-consuming and often frustrating search for a potential Principal Librarian. He believed that there was no-one suitable within the New South Wales public service. He would have preferred someone who was

40 Ifould recommended a £33 increase for the library assistants (Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 6 January, 17 February 1920, TL copies, SLNSW archives NPL27).

41 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 26 October 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32.

42 Ifould to Rose Scott, 12 November 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32. Rose Scott (1847-1925), feminist, was a founding member the New South Wales National Council of Women, and foundation president of the Women's Political and Educational League.

43 Ifould to Senior Cataloguer, Mitchell Library, 24 June 1925, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL34.

44 Ifould to Hugh Wright, 30 November 1923, TN, SLNSW archives NPL32.

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trained in Public Library of New South Wales methods, which owed much to Ifould's own training in cataloguing at the Public Library of Victoria and practices at the Public Library of South Australia. His options were therefore very limited.45 He had no compunction about head-hunting at his old institution, which was facilitated by his annual visits to his orangery at Waikerie. When he advertised for a male library assistant in 1920, he was therefore confident of applications from Adelaide. He had his eye on Clyde Whiting, an "average lad," "reliable and useful" whom he had appointed as a cadet in 1910. He also approached G. H. Pitt, whom he regarded as the best cadet who had been appointed during Ifould's years in Adelaide.46 Pitt demurred at the salary, but Ifould persuaded the Public Service Board to approve an increase "entirely on the assumption that you will find it worth while to apply." He painted a rosy picture of Pitt's prospects in Sydney.47 The Trustees in Adelaide promptly increased Pitt's salary, and made him their first Archivist. Ifould did not give up, and virtually guaranteed him Gifford's position as chief of the General Reference Library when he retired, at an increased salary, and with excellent prospects beyond. Pitt was unmoved. Having failed to land his preferred candidate, Ifould set off for the Snowy Mountains to see if he would have better luck with the trout.48

45 Ifould to Rev. F. Wheen, 16 September 1912, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL18; Ifould to Professor G. C. Henderson, 19 October 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL28.

46 Ifould to G. H. Pitt, 27 September 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL28; Ifould, Report of the Librarian, 7, 8; Ifould to Registrar, University of Adelaide, 3 April 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL47. Clyde Taylor Whiting (1895-1967) remained at the Public Library of South Australia, reaching the position of Deputy Principal Librarian, and retiring in 1960.

47 Ifould to J. L. Williams, Public Service Board, 13 October 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL28; Ifould to G. H. Pitt, 11 October 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL28.

48 Ifould to G. H. Pitt, 19 October, 1 November 1920, TL copies, SLNSW archives NPL28. Pitt was perhaps concerned not to disrupt his family, or feared that he would not pass the New South Wales Public Service medical examination. When he tried to enlist during the War, he had failed the medical (Ifould to Adams, 12 April 1917, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL23). He remained at the Public Library of South Australia and was Principal Librarian from 1948 to 1955.

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A fishing interlude

"No joy is so great as a trout-fishing holiday on a clear stream miles away from the usual haunts of man," Ifould later wrote. Fishing in the Snowy Mountains had become one of Ifould's passions, in which he indulged during most New Year breaks from 1920 to 1966.49 At the Creel on the Thredbo River it was a close-knit group, and many of his companions were or became close friends. One of them recalled the happy days before the Creel was inundated by the waters of the Snowy Mountains Hydroelectric Scheme:

Anything from six to a dozen of us would be staying there, and in the evenings we foregathered in the dining-room in front of the big log fire in the great stone chimney and recounted fishing experiences, real and imagined, past and present, Billy Ifould our master presiding.50

In an effort to separate fishing fact from fiction, Ifould instituted a record of catches of trout over two pounds. Over the next forty years Ifould's name appeared regularly, providing in the process, and in the absence of any diaries, clear evidence of his whereabouts from time to time - at least when the fish were biting.51

A promising catch

Before he left Sydney for his holiday, Ifould had arranged for the vacancy to be advertised at a reduced starting salary, and for S. T. O. Pentelow and Whiting of his old Library to be invited to apply.52 Ifould had worked with Pentelow too,

49 Ifould, "The Gentle Art of Angling," The Home, 29 July 1932.

50 Hudson Fysh, Round the Bend in the Stream (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1968), 125.

51 The record of significant catches which Ifould instituted in 1929 is reproduced in Fysh, Round the Bend in the Stream.

52 Clara Rodd to C. T. Whiting, 15 December 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL28; Rodd to O. Pentelow, 28 December 1920, SLNSW archives NPL28; Rodd to Ifould, 30 December 1920, SLNSW archives NPL28. Samuel Thomas Otho Pentelow (1892-1954) became Deputy Principal Librarian at the PLNSW in 1947, also holding the position of Reference Librarian.

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and thought him a capable officer who "will certainly make a first-class cataloguer," but who needed a bit of prodding.53 When Ifould returned there were eleven applications, among them Pentelow's and Whiting's, and an unexpected catch, such was the "dearth of men of sufficient education and suitable personality."54 There was an application from one Ian Hugh Sutherland, a Master of Arts from Melbourne University. Ifould thought he sounded promising, and asked Armstrong, his opposite number in Melbourne, to interview him. Sutherland had excellent academic qualifications, but no library experience, and Pentelow was therefore appointed, although Ifould kept Sutherland in mind for future vacancies.55

Soon after he arrived from Adelaide, Pentelow was sent to see Christopher Brennan, at that time Professor of German at the University of Sydney, and a former member of staff of the Public Library. Ifould was anxious for Pentelow to carry on with his German, and to finish the degree which he had all but completed at the University of Adelaide.56 After seeing him in action for a few months, Ifould declared that he was very satisfied with him, and prepared the ground for his promotion after Gifford's retirement by recommending a higher maximum salary for male library assistants. This would avoid any "acknowledgement by the Court and by the [Public Service] Board that female

53 Ifould, Report of the Librarian, 7.

54 Ifould to Armstrong, 14 January 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29.

55 Ifould to H. T. Thornton, Registrar, Public Service Board, 1 February 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 1 February 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29; PLNSW Annual Report, 1920-21: 7.

56 Ifould to Professor C. J. Brennan, 6 April 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29.

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assistants should receive just as high a scale." Ifould wanted to avoid "protests and dissatisfaction from the higher women professional officers of the Library."57

Ifould also went to unusual lengths to appoint Ian Sutherland, and in May 1921 nominated him as a temporary library assistant. A month later, however, there was a freeze on all appointments to the New South Wales public service. Ifould cabled Sutherland to cancel his passage to Sydney, but wrote reassuringly that he might be able to persuade Cabinet to make an exception in this case. Sutherland was handed the cable just as he was walking up the gangplank of the "Narkunda," bound for Sydney.58

Ifould was as good as his word. The case went to a special committee of Cabinet, which did not share Ifould's sense of urgency, but finally agreed. Sutherland commenced as temporary library assistant in October 1921.59 He never became permanent. After barely a year this gifted young man who had earlier "made up his mind to devote his life to library work," resigned to try his luck as a

57 Ifould to H. Rutherford Purnell, 21 October 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL30; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 13 June 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29; Ifould to J. S. Duncan, Senior Inspector, Public Service Board, 9 November 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL30.

58 The vacancy had not been advertised. Ifould had interviewed Sutherland in Melbourne, possibly on his way to Adelaide on his annual Easter visit to Waikerie. Ifould to Ian Sutherland, Airey's Inlet, Victoria, 25 May 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 26 May 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29. Ifould to Sutherland, 15 June 1921, text of cable, and TL copy, SLNSW archives box NPL 29; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 12 August 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL30.

59 Ifould to C. A. Akhurst, Secretary to the Minister for Education, 22 June 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29; Ifould to T. D. Mutch, 15 July 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL30; Ifould to Sutherland, 8 July 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL30; Ifould to Peter Board, 12 August 1921; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 12 October 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL30; PLNSW Employment Register, 1915-27, SLNSW archives NPL115.

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teacher. Ifould was left with just Pentelow to groom as a successor, although he remained on the lookout for other able men.60

In January 1923 the Library advertised throughout Australia for a Library Assistant (Male) to fill Sutherland's vacancy. Applicants were required to have "extensive experience in a General Reference Library," knowledge of the Dewey classification, dictionary catalogues and reference books. Preference would be given to candidates with a knowledge of foreign languages, and they should be under thirty-five years old. Ifould always felt that it was difficult to teach new tricks to middle-aged dogs.61 Ifould would be away when applications closed, but he told the Undersecretary for Education that he would be happy for Whiting, from his old Library, to be appointed. If Whiting were not selected, however, he wanted the position left vacant, as:

It would be a great disadvantage to the Library if some male officer were appointed in this interim position who was not suitable, and under the conditions which exist I am most anxious that there should be no risk of an unsuitable appointment.62

Some extramural activities

In 1921, when he was Minister in the Labor Government, Mutch had nominated Ifould to the Board of Trustees of the Art Gallery, then known as the National Art Gallery of New South Wales.63 It was unusual to appoint the head of one cultural institution to the Board of another, and would not be countenanced in today's competitive cultural environment. There were never murmurs of conflict

60 S. H. Smith to Minister for Education, 24 June 1921, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1918-21, AONSW 20/13004. Sutherland to Ifould, 18 January 1923, ALS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1922-25, AONSW 20/13005.

61 Public Service Board, "Papers relating to the appointment of J. W. Metcalfe as Library Assistant, 1923/24," AONSW 5/8310.3.

62 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 29 January 1923 (AONSW 5/8310.3).63 Ifould to T. D. Mutch, 9 March 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29.

63 Ifould to T. D. Mutch, 9 March 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29.

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of interest over Ifould, however, and it was an appointment which would give Ifould immense satisfaction over the next four decades. It also provided useful contacts.

At the Art Gallery Ifould was among such establishment figures as Charles Lloyd Jones, of the retailer David Jones, and a number of prominent artists, some of whose works eventually found their way into the Mitchell Library and onto the walls of Ifould's home, for he was a collector, on a modest scale.64 John Sulman (later Sir John), architect and at the time lecturer in town planning at the University of Sydney, was President of the Trustees when Ifould was appointed.65 B. J. Waterhouse, another prominent architect and later member of the Council of the Free Library Movement was appointed a year after Ifould.66 Sydney Ure Smith and Lionel Lindsay were also Trustees.67

From time to time Ifould acted as Director of the Art Gallery.68 When a new Director was sought in 1928, competent administrators with a knowledge of art were in short supply, and it was suggested that Ifould could occupy the positions of Principal Librarian and Director of the Art Gallery on a permanent basis. Ifould thought he could manage this "at the cost of a little extra worry and a little

64 Ifould, "List of furniture, pictures etc I desire Lister to take," [196?], AN, Ifould Family Papers. Charles Lloyd Jones (1878-1958), Chairman of the retailer David Jones and Company from 1920.

65 John Sulman (1849-1934), architect, was appointed Trustee of the Art Gallery in 1899, and was their President from 1919. He was knighted in 1924.

66 Free Library Movement, Free Public Libraries (Sydney: Free Library Movement, 1936). Bertrand James Waterhouse (1876-1965) was a prominent Sydney architect.

67 Hal Missingham, They Kill You in the End (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1973), 24. Sydney Ure Smith (1887-1949), publisher and artist, was founder of Art in Australia and publisher of the monthly magazine, the Home. Lionel Arthur Lindsay (1874-1961), etcher, water-colourist and art critic. He was knighted in 1941. Hal Missingham (born 1906), artist and photographer, was Director of the Art Gallery of New South Wales, 1945-71.

68 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 December 1925.

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extra night work." He wouldn't be able to lecture on art or be a "thoroughly competent art critic," a self-assessment with which observers privately agreed.69 This expedient proved unnecessary: James Stuart MacDonald, a Melbourne artist and critic, and later a distinguished director of the National Gallery of Victoria, was appointed.70

The Rotary Club of Sydney

In early 1921 Ifould was visited by two Canadians who had been given his name by the chief of the Calgary Public Library. They had come to Sydney to promote Rotary International, and invited Ifould to join them for lunch at Farmer's. There, on 17 May, Ifould and a group of the most prominent citizens of Sydney became foundation members of the Rotary Club of Sydney, and Ifould was elected one of the Club's six directors. Among the other foundation members were several people whom he already knew well: George Robertson, of Angus and Robertson, Peter Board, the Director of Education, Charles Lloyd Jones (of David Jones), and Sir Edgeworth David, professor of geology and former Trustee of the

69 Ifould to S. H. Smith, Director of Education, 10 August 1928, TL copy, SLNSW archives, box NPL40. Sir Harold White, later National Librarian, and Hal Missingham, for many years Director of the Art Gallery of New South Wales, would agree on that point. Sir Harold said "In my humble view he didn't really know anything about art." (Sir Harold Leslie White, Interview by author, 11 July 1990, Canberra). Missingham "never felt that Ifould really knew or felt much about art. But he was quite sure he did and never backward in stating his opinion." (Hal Missingham, Darlington, W.A., to the author, 28 May 1989). Sir Harold Leslie White (1905-1992) joined the Commonwealth National Library in 1923 as a cadet, became Binns's Deputy in 1928, was appointed Parliamentary Librarian in 1947, and became the first National Librarian in 1960, retiring in 1970.

70 Ifould to J. McDonald [i.e. MacDonald], 29 January 1929, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL41. James Stuart MacDonald (1878-1952), was Director of the National Art Gallery of New South Wales, 1928-36, and Director of the National Gallery of Victoria from 1937-42.

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Library. Another, Jim Conley of the Sydney Morning Herald, would subsequently prove to be an invaluable contact.71

Rotary's Objects of uniting people in service to society and the Club's emphasis on ethical standards in business and the professions appealed to Ifould, who regarded it as a privilege to serve the public. He took his membership of the Club very seriously indeed. He lunched with other members on most Tuesdays for many years, gave numerous addresses, attended the 1923 Rotary International Convention in St Louis, chaired the Club's Education Committee, participated in a survey of boys' work for the Club, and supported young men who came to Australia under the Dreadnought scheme. He gained respect in the Club - a contemporary described him as one of the three most brainy men in the Club - and in 1927-28 served a term as President.72

Ifould's work for Rotary not only brought him into contact with influential citizens, but also brought his own institution and the library profession into prominence. Some later Principal Librarians kept up the connection: Metcalfe

71 Ifould to Alexander Calhoun, Librarian, Calgary Public Library, 26 May 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29; Rotary Club of Sydney, A History of the Rotary Club of Sydney (Sydney: Rotary Club of Sydney, 1941), 2. George Robertson (1860-1933), Sydney bookseller and publisher. Sir Tannatt William Edgeworth David (1858-1934), geologist, Antarctic explorer, Professor of Geology and Physical Geography at the University of Sydney, 1891-1924. He was knighted in 1920. W. G. ("Jim") Conley was General Manager of the Sydney Morning Herald and Sydney Mail newspapers.

72 Alex Mitchell, The Rotary Club of Sydney 1921-1981 (Sydney: Rotary Club of Sydney, 1981), vii, 55, 74; Ifould, Memorandum to staff, including extract from Tangye's Notes of my Fourth Voyage to the Australian Colonies, Duplicated typescript, 29 July 1932, copy in possession of Jean Arnot, Double Bay; Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 3 November 1931, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL45; Ifould, "The Rotarian as Citizen"; "Rotary and World Peace"; "Rotary and the Education of Public Opinion," Undated, TDs, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878; Ifould to Mortimer Thomas, Colonial Sugar Refining Company, 28 April 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43; Rotary Club of Sydney, History of the Rotary Club, 2-4.

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was a Rotarian, and although two of his successors declined membership, Alison Crook accepted nomination in 1991 "for useful connections for the Library."73

A visit to New Zealand

In 1922 Ifould made his first overseas trip, spending six weeks visiting libraries in all the major centres in New Zealand, and examining manuscripts of Australian interest. He was accompanied by the bookseller George Robertson, "who has an intimate knowledge of the subject and a valuable personal interest in building up the Mitchell Collection." Robertson was going to New Zealand on a buying trip.74

Ifould visited the Turnbull Library in Wellington, the Grey Collection in Auckland and the Hocken and McNab Collections in Dunedin. He made arrangements for some items to be copied for the Mitchell Library. He reported privately that it was unlikely that there would be strong competition for Australasian materials from New Zealand libraries and collectors. He also concluded that the Mitchell was better organised to bid at auction for items than were the New Zealanders.75

The state of development of New Zealand libraries was a revelation for Ifould. He found them "much better equipped for their work than I had expected,"

73 Alison Crook, State Librarian, State Library of New South Wales, to the author, 25 June 1991. Principal Librarians who declined membership of Rotary were Gordon Richardson and Russell Doust. Gordon Dalyell Richardson (born 1917) joined the Public Library of New South Wales staff in 1934, served in the Army during the War, and was Principal Librarian, 1959-72. Russell Fletcher Doust (born 1927) was State Librarian, 1973-87. Alison Laura Crook (born 1946) was appointed State Librarian in 1987.

74 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 February, 20 March 1922; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 2 February 1922, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL31; Ifould to Trustees, 20 March 1922, TD, SLNSW archives NPL31.

75 PLNSW Annual Report, 1922: 4; Ifould to J. C. Andersen, Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand, 4 January 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32; Ifould to Trustees, 20 March 1922.

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noting that the municipal libraries in Dunedin and Auckland had excellent reference collections, up to date methods and good buildings. Wellington's was less satisfactory - "more like the Sydney Municipal Library." But some of the smaller towns surprised him: many had good libraries "far superior to the so-called schools of arts in our own State."76

The golden years of the Mitchell

In the 1920s a considerable amount of Australiana was finding its way onto the market in the United Kingdom, as the wealthier classes began to feel the pinch of increased taxes and death duties. "There is a disposition on all sides to realise on libraries, pictures, etc. wherever possible," T. A. Coghlan, the New South Wales Agent-General in London told the Premier in 1922. With income from its endowment, the Mitchell Library was well-placed to take advantage of the situation, and was buying heavily.77

The acquisition of pictures remained limited, although Ifould was still hopeful that the offer of William Dixson's collection, unacknowledged by the Government since the offer was made in 1919, would be taken up. In the meantime, the "next best thing" to purchasing a picture on offer was "that Messrs Angus and Robertson should purchase it for submission to Mr. Dixon [sic] whose collection of Australian pictures we expect will eventually form part of the State Collection in the Mitchell Library."78

76 Ifould to Trustees, 20 March 1922.

77 T. A. Coghlan, London, to George W. Fuller, Premier of New South Wales, 31 October 1922, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL90. Sir Timothy Augustine Coghlan (1856-1926), Government Statistician, 1886-1905, and from 1905 until his death, apart from three short intervals, Agent-General for New South Wales in London.

78 Ifould to G. V. F. Mann, 2 September 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL30.

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The Mitchell Library had also begun to accept local government records and State archives. The role of the Mitchell in collecting official archives remained ill-defined, however. The Premier's ten-year old instruction to department heads to consult the Principal Librarian before disposing of records remained in force. Special efforts were made to acquire records from the two major repositories of official records, the Lands Department and the Chief (formerly Colonial) Secretary's Department. A retired Lands Department officer, familiar with the arrangement of the records, was employed in the Mitchell to organize documents which had been transferred. Ifould was not keen to encourage massive deposits of archives at this time, however: such was the growth of the Mitchell that he had neither the room nor the staff, and preferred items to remain with their departments or with local government authorities for the time being.79

The Mitchell and its rivals

The proposal that each State concentrate on the documentary record of its own history was revived in 1921 by Ifould's old friend G. C. Henderson, Professor of Modern History and English Literature at the University of Adelaide. On behalf of the Trustees of the Public Library of South Australia, Henderson suggested that some South Australian material in the Mitchell should be repatriated, and that they would do the same with New South Wales documents.80 Ifould told him "you will never persuade the Mitchell Trustees to recognise the principles of localization in the preservation of Australiana."81

79 Ifould to Town Clerk, Darlington, 6 December 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33; Ifould to Kenneth Binns, 3 August 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL36.

80 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 March 1921.

81 Ifould to Prof. G. C. Henderson, 22 March 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29.

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Relations with the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library were becoming increasingly uneasy at this time. In 1922 about ten thousand withdrawn Country Circulation Department books and duplicates were sold by tender. Some of the items would have been of interest to the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library, with which Ifould had an exchange agreement, but he made no effort to contact Kenneth Binns, who now headed the Australian Section. If Ifould thought that Binns would not find out what had occurred, or would not mind, he was very much mistaken. The duplicates were listed, and their provenance revealed, in one of Tyrrell's catalogues.82 Binns was infuriated, and told Ifould he regarded his actions as "both unfair and unfriendly" in the light of their exchange agreement "which at present stands with you in our debt." It is a measure of the decline in the relationship between the two at this time that the "yours sincerely" with which Binns customarily signed off, became "yours faithfully."83

The "Endeavour" Journal

In 1922 it was announced that a number of manuscripts of James Cook, including the journal of his first voyage on the "Endeavour," would be offered at auction at Sotheby's in London in March the following year.84 Ifould had known of the collection for some time, and it had been examined on the Trustees' behalf by Professor Woodhouse when on a visit to England. The Trustees also asked J. F. Bruce, a history lecturer at the University of Sydney, to examine the Cook

82 James R. Tyrrell to Ifould, 22 May 1922, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL 90; Trustees' Minute Books, 19 June 1922. James R. Tyrrell (1875-1961) was a Sydney bookseller.

83 Kenneth Binns to Ifould, 21 November 1922, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL90. See also the account in Osborn and Osborn, The Commonwealth Parliamentary Library 1901-1927, 129.

84 For accounts of the affair of Cook's Endeavour journal, see Biskup, "Captain Cook's Endeavour Journal"; Jones, "Manoeuvres of a Man of Principle"; Osborn and Osborn, The Commonwealth Parliamentary Library, 110-19.

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collection when in England, ostensibly to check some details for a new edition of Professor G. Arnold Wood's Discovery of Australia.85

On the strength of Bruce and Woodhouse's reports, the Trustees decided to offer the owner, H. W. Bolckow, £3,000 for the collection, with an upper limit of £5,000 if required. At the time the available income from Mitchell endowment stood at only £1,000, and it was realised that an overdraft would be needed to secure the collection. Bolckow thought that he could better the Trustees' price at auction, for it was believed that a number of other American and Australian institutions, including the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library, were interested in the papers.86

After hurried deliberations and negotiations with banks, Ifould was sent to London to bid for the manuscript at the auction, with a limit of £10,000, thanks to an overdraft from the Australian Bank of Commerce.87 He cabled Truslove and Hanson, the Library's London agents, and asked them to book him and his wife into an inexpensive hotel, where they would not attract undue attention. He warned them that: "It is possible that I may not desire that the officials at Australia House or at our Agent General's Office shall know of my presence in London."88 Before leaving, Ifould laid a number of false trails, creating the impression that the Mitchell Library was so short of cash that it would not bid. He believed this would discourage dealers from bidding in the hope of on-selling to the Mitchell. He told the London dealer Quaritch that "it is useless for the Trustees to make any further

85 Trustees' Minute Books, 24 April 1922; Ifould to J. Truslove, 6 December 1922, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL31. George Arnold Wood (1865-1928) was Challis Professor of History at the University of Sydney from 1891 until his death. He was a Trustee of the Public Library, 1916-28.

86 Trustees' Minute Books, 18 July 1922.

87 Trustees' Minute Books, 19 February 1923.

88 Ifould to J. Truslove, 15 January 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32.

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effort to acquire the documents."89 He led Ashton of the Sun to believe that £5,000 was the Mitchell's limit, and that "it looked very probable that the documents would not come to Australia."90 A week later, when Ashton offered to start a public subscription through his paper, Ifould took him into his confidence, and asked him not to proceed:

At the present time any public subscription list would be disclosing our hand and letting the auctioneers know how interested we are in procuring the documents. They do not even know that we are likely to bid up to any amount at all.91

Ifould met George Robertson on 11 January 1923, and they concocted a story for another London dealer: Angus and Robertson were to write that they "do not consider it worth while making any effort to purchase" any of the documents in the collection.92

The first voyage Home

It was a fine day on Tuesday 30 January when Ifould and his wife set out on their journey, exhausted by their hurried preparations. They were armed with travel guides and a warm overcoat lent by Dowling, the President of his Board of Trustees, who with the Ifould children, waved good-bye from the pier. Ifould's deception had worked too well, and whilst his wife relaxed and he won the singles championship at deck tennis on the "Macedonia" as it sped at seventeen knots towards "Home," they left in their wake growing concern in the press and among the public that the Endeavour Journal would be lost to Australia. In private, there

89 Ifould to Bernard Quaritch, London, 16 January 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32.

90 Ifould to Prof. G. A. Wood, 16 January 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32. Julian Howard Ashton (1877-1964) journalist, critic and artist, was a senior journalist with the Sun from 1916, and later became its editor.

91 Ifould to Howard Ashton, Sun, 27 January 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32.

92 Ifould to George Robertson, 12 January 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32.

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were several meetings between the Trustees and representatives of the Commonwealth. The discussions resulted not, as Dowling had hoped, in financial assistance from the Commonwealth, but in the Trustees agreeing that Ifould would be given secret instructions to bid for the Journal on the Commonwealth's behalf.93 At least two of the Trustees, Fitzgerald and Lloyd believed that the Mitchell could not afford the likely price. Former Principal Librarian Anderson was openly critical of the Mitchell's "reckless buying," which he believed had driven up the price of Australian manuscripts.94

The Commonwealth stipulated a limit of £15,000, which was £5,000 more than the Trustees had been able to scrape together. The Trustees were mollified by the prospect of the Journal being exhibited for some time (perhaps permanently) at the Mitchell Library and by being provided with a photographic copy. It is a measure of the growing support for and confidence in the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library and its national aspirations that the Cook manuscripts affair was not a rerun of the Macquarie Papers acquisition ten years before. On that occasion, the Commonwealth had agreed not to compete with the Public Library of New South Wales, and the collection was purchased prior to auction, at below the reserve price. In 1913 it was the Mitchell Librarian, Hugh Wright, who had been sent to London, and Ifould who had remained in Sydney. One suspects that the Trustees would have resisted the Commonwealth offer more strongly in 1923 had Ifould been at hand to guide them.95

93 J. Arthur Dowling, Sydney, to Ifould, London, 1 February 1923, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL91; Photograph of W. H. Ifould on the Macedonia, Ifould Family Papers; Ifould to Truslove, 15 January 1923; Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 28 February 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 11, files "Mathews Ornithological Collection."

94 Ifould to Prof. G. A. Wood, 16 January 1923; J. Arthur Dowling, Sydney, to Ifould, London, 13 April 1923, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL91.

95 Trustees' Minute Books, 12 March 1923; J. Arthur Dowling to S. M. Bruce, 12 March 1923, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL32; Ifould to Wright, 20 April 1914.

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Subterfuge at Sotheby's

After sending cables for Ifould to Truslove and Hanson, and to the Australian Bank of Commerce in London, the Trustees were satisfied that his instructions were "now so complete and distinct that he will have no difficulty in carrying out the agreement with the Federal Government with complete satisfaction."96 The pains which Dowling took to make Ifould's instructions completely unambiguous may have been more than a solicitor's customary caution. After the event, there were rumours that Ifould had been playing a double game, and that he had left Sydney with the intention of acting for the Commonwealth. It is also possible that the Trustees feared that Ifould would ignore their instructions, and perhaps purchase the Cook manuscripts for Dixson, although there is no evidence that he discussed the matter with Dixson.97

When the "Macedonia" arrived in Plymouth on 14 March 1923, Ifould was "horrified" to find an urgent request to see the High Commissioner, Sir Joseph Cook, in London. At Australia House the Trustees' unpalatable instructions were relayed to him.98 He immediately cabled to Dowling through the Premier's office in Sydney for confirmation, although the instructions were explicit enough. He received no reply - his cable was delayed as the bureaucrats ruminated on the "questions arising concerning my authority to represent another government." He knew that they would be "pernicketty over the question of official procedure" and perhaps hoped that he would be instructed by them not to comply with the

96 Shannon, Australian Bank of Commerce, Sydney, to Ross, Australian Bank of Commerce, London, 14 March 1923, Copy of cablegram, SLNSW archives NPL91; J. Arthur Dowling to S. M. Bruce, 14 March 1923, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL32; Dowling to Trustees, 19 March 1923, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL32.

97 J. Arthur Dowling, Sydney, to Ifould, London, 27 March 1923, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL91.

98 Ross, Australian Bank of Commerce, London, to Shannon, Sydney, 14 March 1923, Cablegram, SLNSW archives NPL91; Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 28 February 1939.

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Trustees' instructions, such was the lack of cooperation between the Commonwealth and the State.99

Ifould visited the auction rooms on the day before the Cook sale, watching the auctioneer's methods and trying to identify the dealers and other likely opposition. On the day of the sale, he struck up a conversation with a Dr. Rosenbach, an American who, he discovered, was also interested in the Cook items. Ifould revealed his identity, and bluffing boldly, told the American he was interested in some of the items in a sale preceding the Bolckow sale, especially a first edition of Milton's Comus, "which I knew he was certain to covet." According to Ifould, the two men came to a gentleman's agreement, and Rosenbach did not bid for the Cook items.100

Ifould overestimated Rosenbach's significance as a competitor for Australiana: his main interests as a dealer and collector in his own right were rare European editions, Americana and literary manuscripts. Had Rosenbach really been interested in the Cook material, he could have outbid Ifould and the Commonwealth's money tenfold. Ifould's ploy would have seemed rather transparent to the "Terror of the Auction Room," as Rosenbach was known.101

99 Ifould, Hotel Belgravia, London, to J. A. Dowling, Sydney, 16 May 1923, ALS, SLNSW archives NPL91.

100 Ifould to Dowling, 22 March 1923, ALS, SLNSW archives NPL91. Abraham Simon Wolf Rosenbach (1876-1952) was the most prominent American rare book dealer of the time, and a significant collector in his own right. Renowned for his "wild" bidding, he was at the time buying extensively for the American collector Henry E. Huntington. He "had a hand in forming all the great private collections in the United States," and three years later would pay a record US$106,000 for a Gutenberg Bible (Current Biography, 1946:517-20; 1952:503).

101 In a wireless broadcast about early books ten years later Ifould gave a somewhat different account, stating that "Mr Huntingdon [i.e. Henry E. Huntington] of California . . . generously cancelled his agent's commission to buy the Captain Cook documents when he heard that the Commonwealth was bidding for them." (Ifould, "The Beginnings of the Book," broadcast address, c. June 1933, in Notes for lectures and addresses, 1922-39, TNn and ANn, SLNSW archives NPL244).

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Comforted that his identity was "manifestly unknown to the auctioneer and to the dealers," and believing that at least one dangerous competitor had been effectively neutralised, Ifould started bidding, causing "somewhat of a flutter amongst the dealers."102 He secured the Endeavour journal for £5,000, the exact sum he had forecast to the Mitchell Committee, and four other lots for £1,780. The following morning he wrote to Dowling, reporting his success in detail, before hurrying off for lunch with the Duke of Newcastle. He had carried out his assignment to the letter, although bitterly disappointed that it was not for his own institution, and exasperated by the weakness of his Trustees. He drew some satisfaction from having kept up the pretence of bidding for the Mitchell long enough for it to be widely reported in the British press.103 Australia House, the Agent General's office and Ifould's hotel were inundated with offers of material for "the Mitchell." For many days Ifould was scurrying around a cold and wet London following up these offers. and thankful for the loan of Dowling's overcoat. His wife expected him to be "picked up in the street and carted away to either a rest home or a morgue."104

Through Dowling, Prime Minister Bruce conveyed his congratulations to Ifould "on the successful issues of his mission, which it is quite clear was executed by him in a most discreet and commendable manner."105 This buttered no parsnips for Ifould, although he was able to see that adversity was not without comfort and hope: the Mitchell still had funds available to purchase Australiana which came to

102 Ifould to Dowling, 22 March 1923.

103 Ifould told Dowling that he had not received the cable instructing him make public that the Commonwealth was the purchaser until after the sale. "I was very glad to have got in first with an advertisement for the Mitchell." (Ifould to Dowling, 22 March 1923).

104 Ifould to Dowling, 27 March, 16 May 1923, ALS, SLNSW archives NPL91.

105 S. M. Bruce to J. Arthur Dowling, 17 May 1923, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL91. Stanley Melbourne Bruce, Viscount Bruce of Melbourne (1883-1967) was Prime Minister of Australia, 1923-29. He was raised to the peerage in 1947.

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light in England after the publicity generated by the Cook sale. Bradley's journal was a good example of the rich pickings, although at £1,850 it was too rich for the Trustees, who did not allow Ifould to buy it. Eighteen months later, when the excitement of the chase had died down, the Library bought it for a less "exorbitant" £1,300.106

Hopes of further cooperation

Following the incident of the "Endeavour" journal, William Watt, Chairman of the Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, wrote to Dowling: "May I conclude with an expression of the hope that this satisfactory instance of co-operation between our respective libraries may be allowed to establish a precedent for all similar occasions in the future." Dowling agreed that his Trustees would consult the Commonwealth if the two institutions were likely to be competing for materials of all-Australian interest. For some time after the Cook purchase there was a measure of cooperation, at least on the surface. In November 1923, for example, Ifould drew Binns's attention to a Cook chart of the west coast of Newfoundland for sale at the Museum Book Store in London, telling him that if Binns were not interested in it, the Mitchell would order it (although in truth, it would have been only of marginal interest to the Mitchell). This pattern of relaying information continued into the 1930s, but on a selective basis, with more instances of advice to Binns about items which the Mitchell did not want than otherwise.107

106 Ifould to Dowling, 16 May 1923; Trustees' Minute Books, 4 April 1923, 15 September 1924. The manuscript journal of Lieutenant William Bradley of HMS Sirius is a meticulous first-hand account of the voyage of the First Fleet and of the early years of the Colony, together with watercolour views and charts.

107 W. A. Watt, Melbourne, to Dowling, 23 August 1923, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL91; Dowling to Watt, 21 November 1923, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL32; Ifould to Binns, 5 November 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32; Ifould to Binns, 25 June 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43. William Alexander Watt (1871-1946) Member of the House of Representatives, 1914-29, held various ministerial positions, and was Speaker from 28 February 1923 to 12 January 1926.

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For Binns the Endeavour Journal was a document "of such outstanding national importance that its only permanent repository should be the Commonwealth's own National Library." Its purchase marked a significant step forward in his mission to establish his Library as a national institution, in line with the aspirations of its founding fathers. On 11 June 1923 the Library Committee renamed the Australian Section the Commonwealth National Library.108 For Ifould and his Trustees, however, particularly those who served on the Mitchell Committee, this was gall and wormwood. With the Cook acquisition and the earlier purchase of the Petherick Collection by the Commonwealth, Ifould and the Trustees realised that they now had a serious rival. Although Binns cherished the belief that there existed some measure of agreement on the scope of respective collections, this was never formalised. When formal demarcation of areas of collecting had been suggested by other state libraries, the Trustees had dismissed it abruptly. If the most complete collection of Australian materials up to the time of David Scott Mitchell's death in 1907, and subsequently augmented by deposit, gift and purchase, were in Sydney, what was the point of trying, however fruitlessly, to duplicate it elsewhere or to try to create a collection which would never rival it in depth and breadth, but would only serve to weaken it? This sentiment sounded sympathetic chords among New South Wales Ministers and bureaucrats.109

108 Kenneth Binns, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 31 March 1967, NLA, DeB 837, 2876. It was certainly seen thus, twelve years later, by the authors of the Munn-Pitt Report, and by more recent observers. "The purchase in 1923 of the Captain Cook manuscripts at a cost of £7,600 indicates that the Commonwealth really intends to develop its library," (Munn and Pitt, Australian Libraries, 36). See also Harrison Bryan, "The National Library of Australia: An Historical Perspective," Australian Academic and Research Libraries 22 (December 1991): 163-79; Osborn and Osborn, The Commonwealth Parliamentary Library, 110-19.

109 Ifould to Evatt, 28 February 1939; Trustees' Minute Books, 20 October 1913, 21 March 1921; Ifould to Henderson, 22 March 1921; Jones, "Manoeuvres of a Man of Principle," 165.

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Ifould and England

In England Ifould set himself and his wife a very full programme, inspecting libraries, clearing up a large number of acquisitions queries with Truslove and Hanson, and making contact with Madame Helouis, a copyist who had been working in French archives on the Mitchell's behalf for eleven years. The Government had also entrusted him with a number of miscellaneous tasks, including checking the progress of sculptors who were working on two statues for Sydney. One of these was Colton's statue of Matthew Flinders, which the New South Wales Government had commissioned to fulfil the conditions of a gift of Flinders's papers.110 Ifould thought the statue mediocre, and he was irritated that Coghlan, the Agent-General, had approved a model of it without reference to the Trustees.

Ifould was happier with Bertram Mackennal's statuary for the Shakespeare memorial, and was later able to persuade the Government to locate it close to the Public Library.111 Ifould had also managed to secure the Shakespeare Tercentenary Memorial Fund for his Library. This fund had been inaugurated in 1912 to commemorate the three hundredth anniversary of Shakespeare's death. The War had prevented any celebration in 1916, although the fund continued to accumulate. In 1923 it was resolved to apply the fund, then amounting to £1,425, to form a special collection within the new Library building, whenever that

110 Under this arrangement the Government commissioned and erected a statue of Matthew Flinders, and in exchange, Flinders's grandson, the archaeologist Sir Flinders Petrie, agreed to give his collection of the explorer's papers to the Mitchell Library. In fact the cost of the statue was met from Mitchell funds. The Flinders statue, on the western side of the Mitchell Wing, was unveiled by the Governor on 23 October 1925 (PLNSW Annual Report, 1926: 4).

111 Ifould to Fred Johns, Adelaide, 22 October 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33. Fred Johns, whom Ifould had known in Adelaide, was the editor of Who's Who in Australia. Ifould to Secretary, Premier's Department, 26 October 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32; PLNSW Annual Report, 1924: 3. Sir (Edgar) Bertram Mackennal (1863-1931), the most prominent Australian sculptor of his time, spent much of his working life in England. Among his many commissions were the Cenotaph in Martin Place, Sydney, and the British coinage for the reign of George V.

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eventuated. This culminated in 1942 in the completion of the Shakespeare Tercentenary Memorial Library, a Tudor-style room on the ground floor of the Library, facing Shakespeare Place and the Mackennal statuary.

Ifould was enthused by London: "London is wonderful. I could spend weeks looking at the shops alone," he told Dowling, President of his Trustees, though he added that most of his time had been spent on business, including several visits to the British Museum. There he found the methods "archaic," and some of the staff "pig-headed" and disdainful of the expertise of their colonial visitor, a feeling which John Metcalfe sensed keenly on his visit a decade later.112 Like many of his countrymen, Ifould was daunted by London's size and astonished by the time and effort needed to get around the metropolis to transact business. He was also charmed by the warmth of his reception. He was "overwhelmed with invitations," and was made an honorary member of two "quite exclusive" clubs. His days were crowded, his evenings filled with social activities, and late at night, back at the Hotel Belgravia, he caught up with correspondence.113

For Ifould the visit to England was a return "Home." Throughout the period of the War and its aftermath, he had loyally supported the Imperial cause. He, like millions of his countrymen, bought British and thought British. In a modest way he had helped feed the propaganda machine during the War. He had been no less supportive during the peace, using his contacts with the local press to help foster the objects of the Imperial Trade Propaganda Organization, which

112 Ifould to Dowling, 27 March 1923. Ifould told George Robertson in 1930 that Esdaile at the British Museum was "a very pig-headed Englishman . . . In 1923 he would not listen to my arguments that the [Palliser copy of the] log [of the Endeavour] was not in Cook's handwriting." (Ifould to Robertson, 4 July 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL44). Arundell James Kennedy Esdaile (1880-1956) was appointed to the British Museum in 1903, and directed it from 1926 to 1940. He was President of the Library Association from 1939 to 1945, lectured in librarianship and was a distinguished author and editor.

113 Ifould to Dowling, 16, 27 May 1923.

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promoted British trade with Australia.114 It was not just a sentimental or automatic attachment to his father's homeland. Ifould found much to admire in England, especially in its political and administrative system, which he saw as being founded on the integrity of the "English gentleman." In his "Tradition" speech, which he later gave on more than one occasion, he extemporized on the theme that: "The English gentleman by breeding and training is the greatest gentleman of the world. English government both throughout its political race and its permanent public service is the least corrupt government on earth."115 As Hirst has shown, this view of the gentleman as "scrupulously honest and considerate" was being progressively undermined by the spread of egalitarianism, real and imagined, but in Ifould it had a staunch supporter.116

Ifould allowed himself and his wife some relief from Library business during their stay. They visited Kew Gardens, and attended the Chelsea Flower Show. They travelled to the "straggling one road village" of Preston Candover in Hampshire, taking photographs of the picturesque thatched cottages, among them the house where Ifould's great-grandfather had lived. They also made pilgrimages to Stratford and Oxford, and spent some days in Paris. They did not have time to visit Yorkshire to take up an invitation from Bolckow, whose Cook collection had brought them to England. Nor could they visit Scotland, the birthplace of Mrs. Ifould's family. On 7 June they left for the United States on the "Celtic."117

114 Ifould to Theo Feilden, Editor-in Chief, Empire Mail, 8 March 1920; Ifould to A. Bennett, 5 July 1920, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL28.

115 Ifould, "Tradition Speech," undated AN, Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878.

116 John Hirst, "Egalitarianism," in Australian Cultural History, eds. S. L. Goldberg and F. B. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 62.

117 Garden and the Home 1 (1 November 1923): 13; Ifould, Photographs and postcards of Preston Candover, Hampshire, June 1923, Ifould Family Papers; Ifould to Dowling, 16 May 1923; Ifould to H. W. F. Bolckow, 18 October 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32; Ifould to Dowling, 27 March 1923.

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The United States

During their visit to the United States there was the same mingling of official and private activities. In New York they met Joyce Jopling, a former member of Ifould's staff who was working at the Detroit Public Library. It was not just a social encounter: Ifould left with Jopling a list of topics relating to library buildings and services which he wanted her to research for him. In St Louis, Missouri, Ifould attended the International Rotary Convention as an official delegate from the Rotary Club of Sydney.118

Ifould was astonished by the lack of awareness of Australia, and by the paucity of Australian books in the collections of even major American libraries. On a tour of the New York Public Library he was shown two presses of books on Australia and was told this was "probably as good a collection as could be found in any American library." Ever practical, Ifould encouraged George Robertson to circulate a list of suitable works on Australia to American libraries.119 Ifould was otherwise impressed by the libraries he saw in the United States, confirming the impressions he had earlier gained from the literature. He noted that libraries like his own "obtain most guidance from the experience of American librarians, especially in progressive library work," despite the obvious differences between the countries: Australia with a small, dispersed, essentially monolingual population, and the United States with a large, denser and multiracial society.120

118 PLNSW Annual Report, 1925: 4; Ifould to the Examiner, Public Service Board, 29 January 1925, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL34; W. H. Ifould and E. Mortimer Richards, International Rotary Convention, St Louis, USA . . . 1923 [reports to] Sydney, Australia, Rotary Club (Sydney: n.p., 1923); Mitchell, The Rotary Club of Sydney, 40.

119 Ifould to George Robertson, 23 November 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32.

120 Ifould to Adam Strohm, Librarian, Detroit Public Library, 19 November 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33.

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The Ifoulds balanced time spent visiting libraries with cultural tourism and trips into the countryside. Ifould took particular interest in citrus-growing and irrigation in California, which was relevant to his property at Waikerie. The Ifoulds left San Francisco on the "Tahiti" on 18 July, reaching Sydney, rested and refreshed, on 15 August. On the following day Ifould was back at work.121

The Trustees gave him a very warm welcome at their meeting on 20 August, recording their appreciation of the "skilful and tactful manner in which he has performed the task entrusted to him."122 The Cook manuscripts had in the meantime reached Melbourne, where they were exhibited in Queen's Hall at Parliament House, before being temporarily deposited in the Mitchell. There they would remain for the next four years, until the new home in Canberra for what was now known as the Commonwealth National Library was ready to receive them.123

Exhilarated by what he had seen overseas, relieved to be home and to be reunited with his sons, frustrated that the Mitchell's preeminence was now under challenge - with such mixed emotions it is not surprising that Ifould found it difficult to settle back quickly into his normal routine. The problems of overcrowded buildings and lack of Government commitment to complete the National Library building, the limited funding, and the rising demand for services - none of the major challenges facing him had resolved itself in his absence. The Richmond Terrace site was still vested in the Department of Health. Dixson's 1919 offer remained unacknowledged. A technical hitch had prevented a selection

121 Ifould to J. Wray, 24 November 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32; Ifould to F. R. Arndt, 11 April 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43; Ifould to Dowling, 27 March 1923; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 17 August 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32; Ifould to C. H. Hay, Secretary, Premier's Department, 31 August 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32.

122 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 August 1023.

123 Dowling to S. M. Bruce, 29 May 1923, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL32; Trustees' Minute Books, 11 April 1927.

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committee from recommending a successor to Sutherland. A very full agenda awaited him.124

124 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 17 August 1923; Ifould to C. H. Hay, Secretary, Premier's Department, 31 August 1923.

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CHAPTER EIGHT

METCALFE, A PROPOSED ASSOCIATION AND THE DIXSON WING

Metcalfe's appointment

When Ifould resumed duty in August 1923, he found that no-one had been appointed to fill Ian Sutherland's vacancy, despite a good response to the advertisement. Among the sixteen applicants was John Wallace Metcalfe, who had been a Junior Library Assistant at Fisher Library in the University of Sydney for six years. Metcalfe was attracted by the prospect of a change of scene.1 He was attracted too by the higher salary, although this was not a major motivation - and in this there was an affinity with Ifould - for Metcalfe "the mere fact of the supply of books was sufficient."2

Educated at Fort Street Boys' High School, Metcalfe had passed the Public Service entrance examination in 1916, becoming a junior clerk in the State Taxation Department. After a few months, his mother had seen an advertisement for a position at Fisher Library, and he applied, successfully.3 He clearly impressed Brereton, the University Librarian, who recognised his "eagerness to extend his field of knowledge and his energy in seizing every opportunity to

1 John Le Gay Brereton was in charge of Fisher Library when Metcalfe was appointed. Brereton's successor in 1921 was Henry Mackenzie Green (1881- 1962), literary scholar, author, barrister and journalist, who was Librarian until 1946. Metcalfe had little time for Green and dismissed him as a "literary critic" (Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9897).

2 Ibid., 9943.

3 Metcalfe started work at Fisher Library on 16 May 1917 (Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 5 October 1923, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL32; Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9947).

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improve his mental resources."4 He began a part-time degree in 1919, completing it in 1923. His application to the Public Library was supported by six excellent references from four professors, from H. M. Green who had succeeded Brereton, and from E. V. Steel, the senior cataloguer at Fisher Library. Two of the professors, G. Arnold Wood and W. J. Woodhouse, were Trustees of the Public Library, so he came highly recommended. He had all the right qualifications: a degree, knowledge of French, German and Dewey, and experience with a dictionary catalogue. And he was the right age. Two of the fifteen other applicants were over the age limit of thirty-five which Ifould had stipulated. The selection committee's summary sheet listed their ages, marital status, and showed if they were "RS" - returned soldiers.5

The Government policy of preferential employment for returned soldiers was a factor with which Ifould had not reckoned. Whiting, from Ifould's old Library, whom Ifould favoured for the position, was not a returned soldier, but several of the applicants were. One had six months library experience and was, in the Public Service Board's view, "probably `capable of effectively performing the duties of the office.'" Les Nightingale, an attendant on the Public Library staff, was also a returned soldier. Unable to appoint Whiting outright, the Board had followed Ifould's advice, and deferred selection.6

By the time Ifould returned, Whiting had withdrawn his application. Ifould declared that none of the returned soldiers was suitable, and the only person called for interview on 25 September was John Metcalfe. Metcalfe, Ifould

4 J. Le Gay Brereton, Reference for J. W. Metcalfe, 19 February 1923, AONSW 5/8310.3.

5 Public Service Board, "Papers relating to the appointment of J. W. Metcalfe," AONSW 5/8310.3; J. W. Metcalfe, Personal file, SLNSW archives N45. Edward Victor Steel (died 1962) became University Librarian in 1946, retiring in 1958.

6 Public Service Board, "Papers relating to the appointment of J. W. Metcalfe."

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explained, "although not a returned soldier, was only 16 [actually 17] years of age when the War closed," but had six years experience at Fisher Library.7 He was nominated, passed his medical and was appointed as Library Assistant on 1 December 1923. So there was an element of compromise in Metcalfe's appointment, just as there had been in Ifould's, eleven years earlier.8

Pentelow and Metcalfe settle in

G. H. Gifford retired in February 1924 after forty-nine years service, and was presented with his desk with a silver plaque on it. He would serve his old Library a further ten years, preparing newspaper index cards for the Mitchell Library. There was no intention to fill his position for some time, as neither Pentelow nor Metcalfe had yet established themselves. Nor had they taken the examinations which they would need to pass to qualify for promotion.9 For a decade after their appointment, Pentelow and Metcalfe were the only male library assistants, and apart from Ifould and Wright, the only male professionals on the staff. Their duties were a pragmatic mixture: they assisted readers, "cajoled drunks, tried to throw them out, inspected the lavatories at night to see that there was nobody hiding in them . . . locked the front doors and did the bag-taking."10

7 Ifould to Secretary, Public Service Board, 3 November 1923. TL copy. SLNSW archives NPL32, also in PLNSW Confidential Papers. Metcalfe was born on 16 May 1901 and would therefore have been seventeen, not sixteen, when the Armistice was signed on 11 November 1918, and recruiting ended. The official minimum age to enrol in the armed forces was eighteen, although many under that age did join the forces. Men under twenty-one who wished to enlist needed their parents' permission (Ernest Scott, Australia during the War, 438, 460).

8 Public Service Board, "Papers relating to the appointment of J. W. Metcalfe."

9 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 December 1923; Ifould to G. H. Gifford, 17 February 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL47; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 5 October 1923.

10 Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9904.

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Metcalfe's reception was mixed. Before long, it became obvious to some of the women that he was being "groomed to supplant them," and there was a measure of hostility towards him. Pentelow had been tolerated, because of his training at the Public Library of South Australia: Metcalfe's experience at Fisher counted for less. Both men would have to undergo the Public Service Regulation examinations devised specifically for Public Library staff. This would later cause Metcalfe some anguish.

At first Ifould may have had his doubts about Metcalfe. He was not like the well-groomed Pentelow. He was actually scruffy.11 He was "introspective, very well able to talk amongst boon companions but not able to address a meeting."12 In such circumstances he was awkward, shuffled his feet, studied his boots, looked up at the sky - anything but look at the audience. He was well-read and highly intelligent, but he presented poorly.13

In his twenties Metcalfe was unsure of himself, and was uncertain what career he should follow. He was aware of his own abilities, but not of their focus. No keen gardener, golfer, angler or steeplechaser he, although he enjoyed tennis, and was part of the Sydney bohemian set during the 1920s.14 Richard Pennington recalled a party at Metcalfe's in 1927, when Metcalfe lived in Darlinghurst: "I found myself a little lost among artists and attractive women (`Models, but not necessarily of virtue,' said Rundle; but I think he was exaggerating)." The conversations of writers, artists and their subjects, journalists, publishers, the more Bohemian doctors and barristers and the well-read librarian mingled merrily and noisily into the small hours of the morning. This was a far cry from Ifould's Rotary

11 Arnot, Interview by author.

12 Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9893.

13 Arnot, Interview by author.

14 Jones, "`A Dormant Commission'"; Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9943.

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lunches, bridge evenings, weekends in the garden and on the golf course, and holidays fishing and tending his orangery.15

It was not a commonality of pastimes or interests which attracted Ifould, but a recognition of Metcalfe's intellectual capacity and potential. He had an insatiable need to read, a perpetual inquisitiveness and spirit of investigation throughout his lifetime: a picking-up, turning-over and then setting aside of a multiplicity of issues and causes, including Basic English, Mass Observation, Blisssymbolics, censorship and comics. He was a rich mixture, and Ifould would work on him intensively over the next few years.16

Ifould reviews his position

At the end of 1923 the salary agreement which Ifould had made with the Trustees in 1919 expired, and he was free to raise the question of his salary once again. In his letter to the Public Service Board he showed that his salary compared unfavourably with those of other senior public servants in New South Wales. As the "senior and most able Australian librarian," he also claimed to be underpaid in comparison with his interstate and Commonwealth colleagues. In New South Wales, he believed library work had "progressed further and reached a higher standard than in the other states in Australia."17 Wadsworth, the Commonwealth Parliamentary Librarian, with twelve staff and an expenditure of £8,460, earned

15 Richard Pennington, Christopher Brennan: Some Recollections (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1970), 4-5. Richard Pennington (born 1904) was later librarian of the National Liberal Club, the University of Queensland and McGill University, Canada.

16 Arnot, Interview by author.

17 Ifould to Secretary, Conference of the Universities of Australia, University of Melbourne, 26 August 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL36.

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£900. Ifould had almost five times the staff and three times the expenditure, but earned only £814 2s. 2d.18

Ifould's reference to his status among his fellow librarians in this manner was uncharacteristic: he was aware of his own abilities, but did not seem to need constantly to thrust his name and his contributions before the public. He asked for his contribution to the Australian Encyclopaedia to remain anonymous, telling George Robertson: "I do not possess that kind of vanity which would make me anxious to see my name recorded in such a distinguished company of Australians as you have collected as contributors."19

He had similar reservations about being proposed for a Fellowship of the Library Association of the United Kingdom, which Purnell, Librarian of the Public Library in Adelaide, suggested. Ifould was "always opposed to such signs or attachments" and didn't think his being a Fellow would help library services in New South Wales one whit. He told Purnell, who was attuned to his bluntness, "I don't care a hang. Many thanks, however, for the suggestion."20

The Public Service Board was initially unconvinced by Ifould's case for a salary increase, but when he threatened to appeal to the Salaries Tribunal, they offered him £900 per annum, which he accepted. Three years later, after a further appeal, he progressed to £1,000.21

18 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Public Instruction, 18 November 1925, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

19 Ifould to George Robertson, 10 December 1925, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL34.

20 Ifould to Purnell, 2 February 1927, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL37. British-born Purnell, who had worked at the Bodleian in Oxford and at Croydon Public Library before being appointed to Adelaide, was himself a Fellow the the Library Association.

21 Ifould to Secretary, Public Service Board, 3 November 1923; S. H. Smith to Ifould, 29 June 1926, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL93.

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The death of Anderson

H. C. L. Anderson, the former Principal Librarian, who had been appointed to the Board of Trustees in 1922, died in March 1924, and Ifould conveyed his Trustees' condolences to Anderson's daughter. He added a note of personal appreciation of the man who had "succeeded in building up, with a very inefficient staff and a miscellaneous collection of books, a well-organised and valuable library." "Few will ever realise the difficulty of his task," Ifould wrote, "and the very great ability and knowledge which he brought to bear on it." Ifould acknowledged Anderson's kindness and encouragement and "his friendship which I have valued ever since I took up my duties in this State."22

Ifould sought an immediate interview with the Minister, Albert Bruntnell, to discuss Anderson's replacement. He now did this whenever vacancies occurred on the Board, endeavouring to avoid undesirable appointments, such as party hacks or politicians. Even before Anderson's funeral, Bruntnell had been approached by or on behalf of six such aspirants.23 Anderson's place was taken by Peter Board, former Director of Education, a fellow founding Rotarian and a well- respected public figure, whom Ifould regarded as an "excellent nominee."24

The Dixson Wing

In April 1924 Dixson, whose patience was being tried by the Government's failure even to acknowledge the offer which he had made in 1919, revised his proposal. He decided to give, rather than to lend his collection of paintings to the

22 Ifould to Miss Anderson, 1 May 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33.

23 Ifould to S. H. Smith, Director of Education, 18 March 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33; Ifould to William Wood, 24 March 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33. In 1926 Ifould delayed informing the Trustees of the resignation of William Wood so that he and Smith would have time to consider whom to recommend to the Minister as a replacement (Ifould to William Wood, 29 May 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL35).

24 Ifould to William Wood, 24 March 1924.

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Library, and would also bequeath his collection of books and manuscripts if a wing were added to the Library. This prompted further lobbying and yet another deputation to the Minister: the Trustees even offered to lend the Government money to help finance the project.25 Bruntnell seemed sympathetic, there was bipartisan support, and Cabinet approval of the project came in June 1924, with the Trustees agreeing to lend the Government £50,000 at six per cent interest, prudently stipulating that funds would be lent in instalments to match progress with the construction.26

Cabinet approval is not always a signal for immediate action, and Ifould warned Dixson that the Trustees were not yet in a position to accept his "very generous and public spirited offer."27 The National Library Building Act, 1905, would need to be amended and the Richmond Terrace site was still the subject of a dispute with the Health Department. To add to the uncertainty, there was a change of Government at the May 1925 State election, and Labor, under Jack Lang, came to power. Mutch became Minister for Education once again, but was unable to forward the interests of the institution of which he was still a Trustee. By late 1925 the amending Bill had still not been introduced into the Parliament, which was preoccupied with new legislation for the Water Board and the Railways Department, as well as grappling with novel methods of motor vehicle taxation.28

25 Trustees' Minute Books, 28 April, 19 May, 27 June 1924; Ifould to G. A. Wood, 14 June 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33; PLNSW Annual Report, 1924: 3.

26 Smith to Ifould, 20 June 1924, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL93; Ifould to Smith, 28 June 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL93.

27 Ifould to Dixson, 7 July 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL93.

28 Ifould to William Wood, 14 November 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33. John Thomas Lang (1876-1975), Premier of New South Wales, 1925-27, 1930-32.

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Ifould suspected that the Bill would lapse, and be one of the "slaughtered innocents."29 In the last days of the sitting in December 1925, however, the Bill was passed, and the Public Works Department was asked to prepare tender documents for the Dixson Wing and for basement accommodation for the Country Circulation Department as quickly as possible. Ifould made his customary Christmas pilgrimage to the Creel, relieved and with renewed optimism. A year later, however, there had been little progress with the plans and specifications: Dixson was becoming impatient, and Ifould's optimism was evaporating.30

Melbourne beckons

During the 1920s Ifould received a number of job offers. In 1925 the Trustees of the Public Library of Victoria and the Victorian Government made separate approaches to him. Armstrong was about to retire, and Ifould was offered a newly-created position of general secretary of the Public Library, Art Gallery and Museum of Victoria. He declined. Had Ifould not had private means, he may have taken such outside job offers more seriously. His salary at this time did not even cover his living expenses. Each year between 1918 and 1923 he had spent on average £250 more than his salary, reinforcing the view that the interesting nature of his position and the importance of the work he was doing were his major motivation.31

29 Ifould to William Wood, 22 November 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33.

30 Ifould to William Wood, 14 November 1924, 18 December 1924, TL copies, SLNSW archives NPL33. The National Library Act Amendment Act passed through the Legislative Council on 17 December 1924, and became law on receiving Royal Assent on 23 December 1924. It sanctioned the construction of the entire building, at a cost not exceeding £495,000, in a style conforming to the Mitchell Wing. At this stage only £50,000 was voted, for the construction of Dixson Wing and some basement rooms on the eastern side of the site (Ifould, "Notes handed to the Minister," [1924], TD copy, SLNSW archives, box NPL33). Ifould, Memorandum, 27 March 1926, TD, SLNSW archives NPL93.

31 Ifould to S. H. Smith, 28 February 1927; Ifould to S. H. Smith, 18 November 1925, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers; Ifould to Secretary, Public Service Board, 3 November 1923.

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Also in 1925 Metcalfe applied for the position of Librarian at the University of Melbourne. Ifould gave him a glowing reference, but Metcalfe was unsuccessful. Leigh Scott, who had sixteen years experience at the Public Library of Victoria, was appointed - and Metcalfe began to think seriously about another career.32 Like some of his male predecessors at the Public Library, he contemplated a career in law. Ifould gave him no encouragement at all, refusing to rearrange shifts to enable him to attend lectures. Ifould would not approve anything so "clearly intended to give him an opportunity to transfer to another department."33

Services to schools

In April 1926 Ifould unveiled a plan to extend the school box scheme to every school in the State where there was a teacher who could be relied upon to record loans, and a Parents and Citizens' Association with funds to replace missing or damaged books. He hoped that most schools would establish a small library of their own from which ex-pupils would be allowed to borrow.34 He saw children's libraries very much as a local initiative, with some centralised assistance, through the Country Circulation Department and the Country Reference Section. Such libraries would only happen "if the children themselves will work for such a local library and do everything possible to persuade their parents that a little money expended in this way will be of great advantage to all people in the district."35

32 Ifould, Reference for John Metcalfe for the position of Librarian, University of Melbourne, 13 October 1925, TD, SLNSW archives NPL34; Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9945

33 Ifould, Memorandum, 18 February 1926, TN, SLNSW archives NPL92.

34 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 13 April 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL35; Ifould to F. E. Long, Public School, Missabotti, N.S.W., 13 April 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL35.

35 Ifould to Head Teacher, Blanket Flat, via Crookwell, N.S.W., 23 April 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL35.

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By 1927 there were 1,050 schools participating in the school box scheme, and in one year 2,751 boxes containing 47,596 volumes, had been circulated. This compared with a mere 335 boxes (13,267 volumes) requested by schools of arts. There was a steady increase in the circulation of school boxes during the 1920s, and a consistent decrease in use by schools of arts. According to the Education Department, 98 per cent of the 2,959 schools in New South Wales in 1926 possessed a library of sorts. The extent and quality of these school collections varied enormously: the average number of books per school library in the Wollongong district, for example, was only 167. Small wonder that the arrival of Public Library boxes, with their "fresh" books, many of which would have been too expensive for the Parents and Citizens' Association to purchase, caused such excitement at country schools. By the end of the decade the overwhelming proportion of Country Circulation Department boxes were being lent to country schools.36

The Dixson Wing delayed

In 1927 work finally began on part of the basement of the new Library building to provide space for the Country Circulation Department, but there had been no progress with the Dixson Wing. This raised the spectre of Dixson withdrawing his offer. Ifould appealed to the Premier, Jack Lang, and to Mutch for action. He stressed the "deplorable condition" of the Library and emphasised the importance of the Library to a wide range of users. The "increase of scientific and technical knowledge" meant that even researchers in the narrowest disciplines were unable to keep up with the literature without the Library's assistance. The

36 PLNSW Annual Report, 1927: 3; Percy F. Cane, Inspector, Department of Education, to Undersecretary, 12 November 1926, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1926-29, AONSW 20/13006; PLNSW Annual Report, 1930: 2. Teachers in the Sydney metropolitan area were able to borrow from the library of the Teachers' Federation (Ifould to W. J. Hendry, Secretary, Teachers' Federation, 28 June 1932, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL46).

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expansion of industry in New South Wales was placing greater demands on the Library. He told Smith, the Director of Education:

We struggle under the greatest disadvantages to do our work. Our staff is well trained and wonderfully loyal and efficient under most trying conditions . . . The [Bent Street] building is utterly unsuitable and inadequate and has been so for 40 years. I have no hesitation in saying it is a disgrace to the State and to successive governments.37

Appealing to what he may have perceived as the Lang Government's egalitarianism, and trying to strike a sympathetic chord, Ifould also pictured "those struggling students who have to educate themselves. It is their University."38 He also continued to stress that the new building, when it materialised, was for the whole of New South Wales: "There is always a feeling in the country that the government should not spend large sums of money on Sydney buildings."39 Lang's Government lost its slender majority at the election on 8 October, and Bavin's coalition Government came to power: it honoured the commitment to the Dixson Wing, and construction began shortly afterwards.40

Library Cooperation

By the 1920s, Ifould's Library had become highly respected for the quality of its staff and their training, and cooperated freely with other libraries, especially those in New South Wales. Staff were lent to set up new libraries, such as that of the Australian Commonwealth Engineering Standards Association (now Standards Australia). Ifould was asked to inspect and report on a variety of libraries, including those of Sydney Teachers' College and Sydney Observatory. The Public

37 Ifould to S. H. Smith, 28 February 1927.

38 Bede Nairn, The "Big Fella": Jack Lang and the Australian Labor Party 1891-1949 (Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press, 1986), 316; Ifould to Undersecretary, Premiers Department, 23 February 1927, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL37, and NPL136; Ifould to S. H. Smith, 28 February 1927.

39 Ifould to C. N. Baeyertz, Sunday Times, 29 June 1927, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL37.

40 PLNSW Annual Report, 1929: 3.

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Library prepared the New South Wales entries for E. R. Pitt's Catalogue of Scientific and Technical Periodicals in Libraries of Australia, which was published in 1930 by the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research. Staff from other libraries in Sydney were invited to lectures for the higher grades examinations.41

Relations with Fisher Library at the University of Sydney were necessarily close: three of the University's professors were Trustees, its Chancellor was an ex officio member of the Board, and its students and staff were heavy users of the Public Library. Ifould felt the two libraries should cooperate closely: the Public Library generally purchased items on the University's reading lists.42

A proposed library association

The cooperation between Ifould and colleagues in other institutions was informal and sporadic, but its value was recognised. The notion of extending this exchange of experiences and ideas by reviving some form of library association or conference surfaced from time to time. Meleng, Secretary of the Institutes Association of South Australia, had suggested it in 1921, and Ifould gave him some encouragement, although he said he was too busy to volunteer to organise a conference himself.43

In Tasmania Morris Miller, University Librarian and Professor, also saw merit in librarians being better organised, partly to maintain the status of the

41 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 26 March 1925, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL34; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 4 August 1925, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL34; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 3 December 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52; Ifould to James Nangle, Government Astronomer, 12 July 1927, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL38; PLNSW Annual Report, 1928: 3; Ifould to H. M. Green, 8 December 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL36.

42 Ifould to H. M. Green, 12 July 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL30; Ifould to G. A. Wood, 30 April 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33.

43 Ifould to Armstrong, 31 January 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29.

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profession: he was appalled by the appointment of a journalist, Collier, to head the Public Library in Hobart, and by Green's appointment at Fisher.44 "Too many positions are being filled by men without adequate qualifications," Miller told Ifould.45 A letter signed by "library officers" throughout Australia and New Zealand was circulated, protesting against Collier and Green's appointments, but to no avail. Ifould too took strong objection to Collier's appointment, but thought that a protest was futile. He preferred to make the best of a bad job, as he had done with Green, and arranged for Collier to undergo a period of training in Sydney.46

At the 1926 conference of the Institutes Association in Adelaide a wider library association was proposed. Ifould had not attended, pleading pressure of work, for in addition to his own position, he had for several months been acting Director of the Art Gallery during the absence overseas of the permanent director. It was a heavy workload, although for a man of Ifould's energy and organisational ability, perfectly manageable. In fact he "administered" the Gallery mainly by dictating correspondence over the telephone, but he did not tell Meleng that.47

Clucas, the University Librarian in Adelaide, believed that the proposed association was "obviously one for the aggrandisement of Sir William Sowden, and he uses the Institutes Association, of which he is the president, as his tool":

44 James Douglas Archer Collier (1893-1970), Librarian of the Tasmanian Public Library, 1923-43; State Librarian, State Library of Tasmania, 1943-54.

45 Miller to Ifould, 17 January 1922, ALS, SLNSW archives NPL90.

46 Trustees' Minute Books, 19 June 1922; Ifould to Miller, 2 February 1922, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL31.

47 Ifould to F. E. Meleng, 30 August 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL36; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 25 October 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL36.

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From the point of view of the bigger libraries the whole scheme is nonsensical, as we should be outvoted by the institutes, probably 100 to one. Further, so far as South Australia is concerned, the librarians of the institutes, generally speaking, are about the grade of caretakers.48

Ifould subsequently met Quinn, the Parliamentary Librarian, Bertie, the City Librarian, David Cumming, Director of the New South Wales Government Railway and Tramway Institute, and Green to discuss the proposed new association, and also corresponded with Boys in Melbourne on the matter.49 Ifould felt that the time was "ripe for a resuscitation of our moribund Library Association," but he made it clear that he wanted no part of any association which was dominated by country institutes.50

On 3 November 1926 Ifould, Bertie, Quinn and Green met and agreed unanimously "that they would not have anything to do with a Library Association which included other than professional librarians as full members." They also agreed that associate or honorary membership could be open to people associated with libraries. The management of the association, however, would have to be in the hands of the full members. At this stage the motivation of Ifould and his colleagues was purely to achieve professional control of a professional association, as Whyte has noted. There is no evidence that a "free library sentiment" led them to oppose full participation by the custodians of subscription-based institute libraries, as Scott has suggested.51

48 R. J. M. Clucas, Adelaide, to H. M. Green, Sydney, 19 April 1928, TL copy, University of Adelaide Archives, photocopy and partial transcript by Jean P. Whyte in the author's possession.

49 Ifould to H. M. Green, 15 October 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL36; Ifould to R. D. Boys, Melbourne, 15 October 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL36. John Joseph Quinn (1879-1954) was Parliamentary Librarian in New South Wales, 1924-43. He had been on the staff of the Public Library, 1899- 1909.

50 Ifould to Boys, 15 October 1926.

51 Ifould, "Memorandum: Formation of a Library Association," 27 October 1927, TD, SLNSW archives NPL94; Whyte, "From ALA to LAA," 124; Scott, "Library Associations in Australia," 104.

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In the same year the possibility of a trans-Tasman association was canvassed. Ifould suggested that the 1927 conference of the Libraries Association of New Zealand could become an Australasian one, with Bertie, Boys, Green and himself invited to attend. He was duly invited to present a paper on the distribution of books to country districts, but was unable to attend because of the expense and pressure of work. He did however write a paper about the Country Circulation Department and the Country Reference Section, which he thought would be thoroughly worthwhile systems for New Zealand to adopt.52

Imperial Honours

The King's Birthday Honours in 1928 brought an O.B.E. for Ifould. His "valuable and meritorious services to the State" had been recognised "even though inadequately" in what was probably the Governor's conventional form of words for such circumstances.53 Ifould's response to the congratulations of his staff was typically self-effacing:

The honour itself I value but not nearly so much as the attitude and fine feeling of comradeship of my fellow officers. Moreover I realise that I personally have done far less to deserve the honour than my very loyal and able staff which has made my work in this State such a pleasure.54

52 Ifould to W. B. McEwan, Chief Librarian, Public Library, Dunedin, 27 February 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL47; Ifould to Herbert Baillie, 14 December 1926, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL36; Trustees' Minute Books, 17 January 1927; Ifould to Herbert Baillie, 18 January 1927, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL37; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 18 January 1927, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL37. Ifould's paper was published in the proceedings of the conference (Ifould, "The Country Circulation Department of the Public Library of New South Wales," in Proceedings and Papers of Fourth Conference of Representatives held at Dunedin, 13th and 14th January 1926, by the Libraries Association of New Zealand (Dunedin: Evening Star, Printers, 1926), 13-17).

53 Sir Dudley De Chair to Ifould, 3 June 1928, TLS, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. Ifould's "Certificate of Appointment as Officer of the Civil Division of the Order of the British Empire," dated 4 June 1928, is in the Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878x.

54 Ifould to Hugh Wright, 13 June 1928, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL39.

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William Sowden, President of the Institutes Association of South Australia, himself knighted by that stage, sent his congratulations from Adelaide. There was no love lost between the two men. It was the first direct contact between the two men since the acrimony of Ifould's farewell to his former Board of Trustees sixteen years earlier. "Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes," was Ifould's wry comment to Purnell, the Principal Librarian in Adelaide, who would have to contend with Sowden for many years to come.55

The 1928 Conference

The Australian Library Conference, as it was styled, was held at the University of Melbourne on 21-23 August 1928, and Ifould presented a paper entitled "Australia Requires a Better Library Service."56 In it he traced the increased demand for technical information, due to the growth of secondary industry, his Library's response, through its Research Service, and the growth of services through the Country Reference Section and the Country Circulation Department. Characteristically, Ifould thought that it would be a good thing if other States adopted New South Wales systems. This would be a beginning: librarians should do everything possible to provide a library of reference and "entertaining reading" in "every centre of population in the Commonwealth," with reference libraries catering for local specialties. He gave particular emphasis to encouraging reading, starting with schoolchildren: cultivating the reading habit

55 Ifould to Purnell, 18 June 1928, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL39. The quotation is from Virgil's Aeneid: "I fear the Greeks, especially when they bring gifts." These were the words of Laocoon, and the gift in question was the Trojan Horse. This is one of the many Classical allusions with which Ifould peppered his correspondence, with due regard to level of comprehension of his audience.

56 Ifould, "Australia Requires a Better Library Service," in Proceedings of the Australian Library Conference held at the University of Melbourne, August 1928 (Melbourne: Government Printer, 1928), 8-14.

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would in the long term provoke a demand for library services, not just from the State libraries.57

Ifould's vision of public library service

Ifould's vision of the future of libraries relied heavily on the long-term stimulus of a library-conscious school population, encouraged by teachers who were conveniently within the same bureaucracy as the Public Library. His ideas were firmly based on his own experience and his own institution. If there were lessons to be learned from British or American experience which he had witnessed overseas or had read about, he did not allude to them in his 1928 paper. Here he presented a limited vision, pitched, perhaps, at those he would have regarded as the lowest common denominator in his audience - the custodians of the institute libraries. Ifould would have viewed his contribution as realistic and achievable - hadn't he proved it in New South Wales? To outsiders it would perhaps mark him as lacking vision and as limited by his own circle of experience.

In his paper to the 1928 conference, Morris Miller drew attention to overseas public library provision, including the report of the recent British Public Libraries Committee. Miller suggested a strong "central library organization with radiating branches" based firmly on new legislation which would coordinate State and municipal action. Unlike Ifould, he saw the great State libraries as having "dulled or prevented the development of civic library consciousness." Miller's own recipe was to establish a board to examine library provision in metropolitan areas, to devise a financial scheme for municipal libraries, with State and local government participation, linking special libraries into the scheme, developing subject departments within the major public libraries, cooperation by interlibrary loan, cooperative cataloguing and acquisitions, training of staff and advancing the

57 Ibid., 13.

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status of the profession.58 The astuteness of Miller's comments, and their practicability, would be vividly demonstrated less than ten years later. What he was suggesting was substantially what the New South Wales Libraries Advisory Committee, chaired by Ifould, would be established to examine.

The Australian Library Association

The constitution for the Australian Library Association drafted at the 1928 conference provided for a structure of State associations, each with its own constitution. It would require the ratification of three State associations before the constitution of the federal association came into force. The limitation of membership to professional librarians, which Ifould and his senior staff preferred, or the possibility of two levels of membership, which he would have tolerated, were nowhere to be found in the constitution. Indeed the domination of the institutes, and in particular those in South Australia, seemed assured: Sir William Sowden, President of the Institutes Association, was elected President of the Australian Library Association. F. E. Meleng, Secretary of the Institutes Association, also became the Secretary of the new Association.59

Some delegates to the Conference believed that Ifould undertook to form a branch in New South Wales, but whether it was a promise merely to try is not documented. Ifould did put some effort into a draft constitution for a State association, and sent it to Green for comment.60 Ifould did not give it a high priority, and by October 1929 freely admitted that he had made little progress,

58 Edmund Morris Miller, "The Relation of State and Municipal Libraries: A Question of Policy," in Proceedings of the Australian Library Conference held at the University of Melbourne, August 1928 (Melbourne: Government Printer, 1928), 33- 35.

59 D. B. Copland, "Foreword," in Proceedings of the Australian Library Conference held at the University of Melbourne, August 1928 (Melbourne: Government Printer, 1928), 3-4.

60 Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia," 139; Ifould to Green, 18 September 1928, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL40.

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although he knew "everybody is waiting for me to fix the thing up." He had a number of reasons for his inactivity - the construction of the Dixson Wing and the fitting-out of the stacks was taking up a good deal of his time - and he wondered if the federal Association would mind waiting until he had time. Alternatively he was prepared to ask Bertie to do the organising. This was most uncharacteristic, and shows how reluctant Ifould was to constitute a State association.61

This reluctance to act was due primarily to his continuing concern about the status of institutes and schools of arts within the proposed association. The growing professionalism of librarians was also a factor which Ifould could put to good advantage.62 He called a meeting of his senior staff, and all those classified as professional, at which strong opposition to the proposed association was voiced on a number of grounds. In the provisional association, Ida Leeson contended, there was already opposition to free libraries, to State libraries, to "professional" librarians and to women. The differences between the proponents of subscription libraries run by untrained secretary-librarians and those who advocated and worked in free libraries staffed by trained "professionals" seemed irreconcilable.63 In retrospect Ifould saw himself as "entirely responsible" for aborting a federal

61 Ifould to Meleng, 9 October 1929, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL41. Bertie did draft a constitution for a New South Wales and Australian Capital Territory branch, which Ifould sent to Binns, Green and Quinn for comment in 1930, prior to calling a meeting of the new branch (Ifould to Binns, 17 March 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43; Ifould to Meleng, 24 March 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43; Ifould to Binns, 11 April 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43). The libraries which would be represented at the inaugural meeting would be the Public Library, Fisher Library, the Sydney Municipal Library, the Parliamentary Library, the Commonwealth National Library and the Schools of Arts in Sydney and Newcastle (Ifould to Binns, 29 April 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43).

62 This is alluded to in Johnson and Doust, "The Library Association of Australia," 2.

63 Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia," 139; Norman S. Lynravn, Libraries in Australia (Melbourne: F. W. Cheshire, 1948), 20; J. W. Metcalfe, "Laymen and Libraries," in Proceedings: 6th Conference, Sydney, October 1947, and Other Papers, by the Australian Institute of Librarians (Sydney: Australian Institute of Librarians, 1949), 90-91; Metcalfe, "From the Record, for the Record," 5.

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association. In reality the influence of his feminised professional staff was a major factor.64

It was clear that the affiliates of the Australian Library Association in other States expected a New South Wales branch to be formed without undue delay, and for the first conference of a fully fledged federal association to be held in Sydney. Ifould was equivocal about this, suggesting that much depended upon his Trustees finding the funds: "If we have a Conference, we don't want it to be a dud."65 No such conference eventuated. As Metcalfe later humorously put it, "with the ratlike cunning which is our most noted characteristic," New South Wales librarians left the Australian Library Association to sink: "in fact, except for our captain who came hastily ashore, we did not embark on the ill-fated ship."66

A lifelong passion

During the 1920s Ifould took up another pastime which would become the passion of a lifetime. He started to play golf, believing that the exercise would ease his lumbago. He quickly became a devotee, enjoying the fresh air and exercise, the challenge of the game, the ordered environment of the links and, last but not least, the people he met on the course and in the club-house. Shortly after its foundation in 1928, Ifould became closely involved with the development of the Elanora Country Club on an elevated bushland site near Narrabeen, on Sydney's northern beaches. Elanora became the resort of a privileged elite, and Ifould devoted considerable energy and time to the Club, selecting species of trees, as a member of the Arboretum Committee, taking part in regular working bees, and investing in local real estate to help finance the operation. The cypresses,

64 See Ifould's marginal note on page 14 of his copy of Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878.

65 Ifould to Binns, 29 April 1930.

66 Metcalfe, "Laymen and Libraries," 91.

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Christmas bush, eucalypts, pines, paperbarks, pohutakawas, ficus hillii and brush box which Ifould selected for the course, "an everlasting memorial to him," were later joined by a special poplar, known as "Bill Ifould's tree."67

Like most other members of the new Club, Ifould spent Saturday afternoon at a golf club near his residence (in Ifould's case, usually Killara Golf Club, also frequented by William Dixson), and was driven to Elanora each Sunday by his wife. Lifetime friendships and useful contacts sprang from Elanora: accountants, stockbrokers, politicians, lawyers and developers were among the members, including at least one who achieved notoriety in later years: Eric Campbell, founder of the New Guard. A special friend at Elanora was Claude McKay, co-founder and for many years editor in chief of Smith's Weekly and first editor of the Daily Guardian. Ifould was elected to membership on the same day as Professor Alexander Mackie, Principal of the Teachers' College, and Richard Windeyer, K.C. A little later they were joined by Phil Remington, a stockbroker, the brother of G. C. Remington with whom Ifould later came into close contact through the Free Library Movement, and G. S. Reichenbach, lawyer and sometime partner of G. C. Remington, with whom Ifould worked during World War II.68

67 McKay, "Memoirs and Some Random Thoughts," 1:54; Barry, Elanora, 35, 183.

68 Ibid., 28, 33, 36-37, 51, 91-92; Thomas Sidney McKay, Exeter, N.S.W., to the author, 15 July 1989; 2 July 1991. Eric Campbell (1893-1970), solicitor and former army officer, led the New Guard, an organisation established on military lines in 1931, which stood for complete loyalty to the Crown, suppression of disloyal elements in society, the destruction of Communism and opposition to the Lang Labor Government. Claude McKay (1878-1972) lived near the Ifoulds at Warrawee for many years. Richard Windeyer (1868-1959) was a prominent Sydney barrister. Geoffrey Cochrane Remington (1897-1968) was a Sydney solicitor and businessman, a founder of the Free Library Movement and an eloquent and energetic advocate for library services. He was a Trustee of the PLNSW, 1937-68. For a warm tribute, see John Wallace Metcalfe, "Geoffrey Cochrane Remington, 1897-1968," Australian Library Journal 17 (March 1968): 57-59.

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Ifould and the "reading habit"

Despite the time he spent on his gardening, golf, fishing and Rotary activities, Ifould still found a great deal of time for reading. He was often asked to talk to groups about books, and reworked his "Just a Chat about Reading" many times to suit his audience. He encouraged his listeners to cultivate the reading habit:

For the man who does not read there can be no past, and if he think or reason or experiment he must do so from his own small starting point and with his own limited resources, and not as the inheritor of the accumulated treasures of generations.69

His own reading was eclectic: he recommended the letters of Gertrude Bell, which appealed to him because of her "wonderful energy, her versatility and her consuming interest in life" - characteristics which he shared. To one audience he commended a wide-ranging collection of non-fiction: Axel Munthe's autobiography (The Story of San Michele), Harold Nicolson's Life of Sir Arthur Nicholson, Strachey's Elizabeth and Essex, Wilhelm Dibelius's England, Lord Birkenhead's Hundred Best English Essays, Shaw's Intelligent Woman's Guide to Socialism and Capitalism, A. S. Eddington's Nature of the Physical World and Sir James Jeans's The Universe around Us.70 He emphasised educational and instructional works, and read very little fiction himself. For all that, he had a fair idea how residents of a New South Wales country town might react to Colette's works. "They are not books for the school miss," he told the librarian at Broken Hill: "Even the reviewers warn parents that the title of `Claudine at School' must not mislead them into giving the book to a daughter still at school."71 In his personal tastes he was in tune with the prevailing mores. His view of Norman

69 Ifould, "Just a Chat about Reading," [1930?], TD, Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878.

70 Ibid.

71 Ifould to M. Atherton, Librarian, Broken Hill Municipal Library, 29 July 1932, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL46.

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Lindsay's Redheap - he told George Robertson it ought to be called "Rubbish heap" - was shared by the Censor, and it was banned in Australia for thirty years. He read such works as a duty, not for pleasure.72

Ifould exhibited the same penchant for tradition in literature as he did in painting and sculpture, and indeed in his everyday life, criticising the "modern free verse which the literary jazz artists claim to be poetry," but revealing otherwise catholic taste, embracing Plato, Aristotle, Bacon, Alfred Austin, Wordsworth, Tennyson and Banjo Paterson.73 He returned again and again, however, to Shakespeare and to an Australian writer whose prose he much admired: Henry Lawson. For many years Ifould was a member of the Henry Lawson Memorial Fund, established in 1924 to raise funds for a statue of the writer. The Fund solicited donations from all sections of the community, seeking pennies from schoolchildren and more substantial gifts from prominent citizens, culminating in the unveiling of a statue of Lawson in the Sydney Domain in July 1931.74 Ifould responded to criticism that Lawson was sharing the site with the unemployed, many of whom were by then camped in tents and humpies nearby: Lawson, Ifould retorted, had been a "friend of the poor and no snob."75

Ifould's stimulating talks on books had an unexpected side-effect: they generated a regular correspondence from budding authors who sent him

72 Ifould to George Robertson, 16 April 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43. Redheap by Norman Lindsay (1879-1969) was published in London by Faber and in New York by Cosmopolitan in 1930. It was finally published in Australia, by Angus and Robertson, under the title Every Mother's Son in 1959.

73 Ifould, "How to Appreciate Poetry," TD, broadcast from 2BL Sydney, 13 October 1933, (also delivered at Quota Club luncheon, 28 October 1935), Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878.

74 Ifould to G. Allanson, Intermediate High School, Randwick, 19 January 1924, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL33; Metcalfe, "William Herbert Ifould."

75 Sydney Morning Herald 29 July 1931, quoted in Robert Darby, "`A National Literary Shrine': Attempts to Save the Henry Lawson Family Home, 1935- 46," Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society 74 (December 1988): 242.

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unsolicited manuscripts to read and comment on, which he did with candour. "You write flowing metrical minor verse, not often very bad but never very good," he told one hopeful correspondent. "The poet is a seer; you are not."76 Two members of one of Ifould's audiences were so moved that they resolved, not to submit manuscripts for Ifould's comments, but to make a very large bequest to the Library for a collection on art and literature.77

Overseas once more

In 1929 Ifould was sent to London, once more secretly and in great haste. To allow more time to prepare for the journey, he took the train to Adelaide, where he caught up with his ship. He disembarked from the "Mongolia" in Marseille, spent a few days in Paris and arrived in London in early May. On this occasion his quest was a collection of papers of Sir Joseph Banks which was to be auctioned at Sotheby's, and he was given discretion to spend up to £10,000. He hoped that it would be much more successful than his 1923 visit. He and Binns had agreed to divide the spoils, and share costs, if his bids were successful.78 At the sale, Ifould outbid the dealers Quaritch and Maggs for the Banks papers, spending £8,600 on the four lots. He was delighted by the publicity for the Mitchell which the sale generated, and gleefully reported to his Board of Trustees:

The Mitchell Library has received a valuable advertisement, which the librarian of the Commonwealth Library and his Committee rather querulously recognise.79

76 Ifould to Edith Erskine, 14 March 1921, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL29.

77 The residue of the estate of Margaret and Elizabeth MacPherson, amounting to $113,000.00, became available to the Library in 1970, and is discussed in Chapter Sixteen (PLNSW Annual Report, 1970: 17).

78 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 14 March 1929, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL41; Ifould to J. W. Ferguson, 20 March 1929, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL41; Trustees' Minute Books, 18 March 1929; Ifould, Memoranda covering points of tentative agreement [with Kenneth Binns regarding the Banks papers], 18 March 1929, TD, SLNSW archives NPL94.

79 Ifould to Trustees, 19 August 1929, TD, SLNSW archives NPL41.

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The most spectacular item which came to light after the auction was the Thomas Phillips portrait of Banks. Ifould journeyed to Kent and persuaded the owner, Michael Knatchbull, to sell the painting to William Dixson, on the understanding that the painting would be handed to the Trustees when the Dixson Gallery was completed.80

Metcalfe seeks alternative employment

When Ifould returned from overseas he found that Metcalfe had applied for a job with the fledgling Department of External Affairs, and that Wright, as Acting Principal Librarian, had supplied him with a reference. Ifould was just in time to add a postscript to the reference, alluding to Metcalfe's "rare qualities of initiative and imagination."81 Whether these qualities, the lack of an old school tie, or what would later be perceived as leftist leanings, disqualified him or not, Metcalfe's application was unsuccessful, although he was apparently shortlisted.82

Metcalfe was very unsettled. He had been having difficulties with the Regulation 119 examinations, which he had to pass to gain promotion. By the end of 1928 he had obtained a high enough average in his three papers in Library Economy to pass. In Cataloguing, however, his mark was only forty per cent - and for one question he received no marks at all, much to the amusement of later commentators, but understandable in the light of his lack of practical experience in this area at the Public Library. Ifould refused to issue the vital "efficiency certificate," but made special arrangements for him to gain some of the necessary

80 Ifould to Mitchell Committee, 13 August 1929, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL41; Ifould to Trustees, 19 August 1929.

81 Hugh Wright, Testimonial for J. W. Metcalfe, 18 July 1929, TL copy, SLNSW archives, box NPL41.

82 "Otherwise I might have been in the diplomatic service and finished up Sir John Metcalfe, Ambassador somewhere or other" (Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9944).

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experience. After six months of cataloguing practice, he was recommended for promotion to Senior Library Assistant III.83

Pentelow, on the other hand, had catalogued extensively at the Public Library of South Australia and had no difficulties with the Regulation 119 examinations, although Metcalfe out-pointed him in some papers. Pentelow, like Ifould, never did manage to complete the part-time degree which he had started in Adelaide in 1909: a half-subject stood between him and graduation.84 Ifould was beginning to realise that Pentelow did not have the makings of a Principal Librarian: he was "a little disinclined to take responsibility" and was "too negative in character."85

The Regulation 119 examination was the turning point for Metcalfe: "Having to take those examinations," he later reflected, "I developed a genuine technical interest in librarianship."86 He was motivated not just to get his certificate of efficiency, but also to embark on a major self-imposed task: to

83 Metcalfe gained 75% in Classification, 71% in Library Administration and 40% in Cataloguing (Ifould to Examiner, Public Service Board, 21 December 1928, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL40). Metcalfe's progress was to be reported on at the end of May 1929 (T. S. Champion, Secretary, Public Service Board, to Acting Undersecretary, Department of Education, 20 May 1929, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL94; Clara Rodd to Examiner, Public Service Board, 25 March 1929, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL41; Wright to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 6 June 1929, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL41). Senior Library Assistants were graded, in ascending order, III, II and I.

84 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 8 February 1929, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL41; T. S. Champion to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 17 January, 29 June 1927, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1926-29, AONSW 20/13006; F. W. Eardley, Registrar, University of Adelaide, Statement of record of Pentelow, 11 September 1928, TD, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1926-29, AONSW 20/13006.

85 Ifould to Trustees, 15 August 1932, TD, SLNSW archives NPL46; copies also in PLNSW Confidential Papers, including copy lent to Ida Leeson for appeal. Jean Arnot, who worked at the Library from 1921 and observed the male imports, believes Pentelow was a disappointment to Ifould. She suggests that Pentelow had a drinking problem, although it did not seem to affect his work (Arnot, Interview by author, 22 July 1989).

86 Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9893.

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compare the Public Library cataloguing rules with a number of overseas codes. It would be an abiding interest about which he would speak, write and publish for the rest of his life.87

The Dixson Wing

The Dixson Galleries were officially opened by the Governor, Sir Dudley de Chair, on 21 October 1929, and the wealth of early Australian paintings was finally placed on public exhibition, ten years after Dixson's original offer. The Gallery walls were lined with landscapes and portraits by Watling, Lewin, Eyre, Taylor, Lycett, Martens, Peacock, Elyard and Terry, as well as the Phillips portrait of Sir Joseph Banks which Ifould had persuaded Knatchbull to sell to Dixson.88

Ifould was concerned that the Government might rest from its labours once the Dixson Wing had been completed, as had occurred with the Mitchell Wing. He encouraged the Chamber of Manufactures, whose members were heavy users of the beleaguered Research Service, to apply pressure to the government.89 The press also helped, and Sydney's journalists and their editors, who made good use of the Library's services, joined the campaign to complete the building. The Revolutionary Socialist, an organ of the Left, indicted the "Capitalist Government" not only for spending £4 million on the cruiser "Australia" (instead of a seventy-six mile row of houses, one hundred feet apart), but also "for its failure to even provide adequate building accommodation for such obviously indispensable pre-

87 In this exercise, Metcalfe consolidated the rules then in use at the Public Library of New South Wales, a modification of those established by H. C. L. Anderson, and compared them with Linderfelt, the British Museum, Cutter and the 1908 Anglo-American Rules. The result was "an important sourcebook for anyone interested in the development of Metcalfe's ideas on cataloguing and classification" (W. Boyd Rayward, "Metcalfe," in ALIAS: Australia's Library, Information and Archives Services (Sydney: ALIA Press, 1989), 2:125).

88 PLNSW Annual Report, 1930: 3.

89 Ifould, Memorandum, 22 April 1926, TD, SLNSW archives NPL93; Ifould to F. L. Edwards, Secretary, Chamber of Manufactures, 20 January 1928, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL39.

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requisites for General Culture as Great Libraries." Even-handedly, the journalist excoriated the Labor-dominated Municipal Council for tolerating a substandard building for the Sydney Municipal Library, "a cross between a pigeon box and a rabbit-warren."90

The Crash of '29

If some of the dignitaries on the dais at the opening of the Dixson Galleries, including the benefactor himself, seemed preoccupied - and the Premier, Bavin, was so distracted that he twice referred to Dixson as "Mr Mitchell" - their minds may well have been on the stock market.91 The previous Saturday had been Black Saturday on the New York Stock Exchange, and the outlook was dismal. The Great Depression would affect all of them. Dixson the collector would hibernate, doubly troubled: his income diminished to the extent that he no longer purchased for his collection items which the Mitchell could not afford, an arrangement which had worked satisfactorily throughout the 1920s. He was also disappointed that his gift of paintings had not been recognised by a knighthood, despite Ifould's lobbying.92

For a time Bavin's Government grappled with the economic hydra, but by 1930 the situation was desperate. As Jack Lang colourfully put it, Bavin had "not a shilling to jingle on a tombstone."93 Visiting British banker Sir Otto Niemeyer recommended a heavy deflationary programme, and at the Premiers' Conference in August, the Commonwealth and States agreed to balance their budgets, to raise no more overseas loans and to undertake only productive works. State

90 "Capitalist Government and Culture," Revolutionary Socialist, December 1928.

91 "The Dixson Pictures," Daily Guardian, 22 October 1929.

92 Ifould to C. H. Hay, Undersecretary, Premier's Department, 10 September 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL44.

93 Nairn, The "Big Fella", 183.

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Government bodies including the Public Library were instructed to cut expenditure by fifteen per cent. Vacancies were left unfilled for long periods. Those fortunate enough to be in employment had their salaries reduced by eight per cent, and threepence in the pound was deducted for unemployment relief. Ifould's own salary, nominally £1001 6s. 1d., was reduced to £776 10s. 9d.94

Ifould was still optimistic that New South Wales would weather the storm. It certainly had more resources upon which to draw than "poor old South Australia." He believed that if the Nationalists under Bavin were returned at the next election in New South Wales, "financial confidence will be restored and we will get through the year without disaster." It was not to be. The election on 25 October 1930 brought Labor and Jack Lang back to power.95

94 Ifould to H. M. Green, 4 November 1931, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL45; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 12 September 1932, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL46. Sir George Otto Niemeyer (1883-1971), adviser to the Bank of England, and its Executive Director 1938-52.

95 Ifould to Purnell, 8 October 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL44.1 Ailsa Merrick, Reminiscences, AMs, [1990], Mitchell Library file 92/90.

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CHAPTER NINE

DEPRESSION AND SUCCESSION

The Library and the Depression

The social consequences of the Depression were keenly felt at the Library. Many unemployed, like their comrades in other capitalist societies, spent their days in the Library, saddening the staff who watched them grow steadily shabbier and more desperate as time wore on, and touching the heart of Mrs. Newton, the Caretaker's wife, who hung packages of sandwiches for them on the iron railings at the back of the Bent Street building.1 Book thefts increased: between 1928 and 1931 thefts almost doubled, and in April 1931 Ifould reported 433 stolen books in the previous nine months. He circulated a warning to local booksellers, telling them where to look for the Library's ownership marks. Some of the culprits were caught, tried and fined.2

Demand for country services was very high during the Depression. In 1930-31 use of the Country Reference Section reached a record level - 35,308 volumes were borrowed by 21,038 individuals - with an exceptional demand for books on financial crises, budget-balancing and monetary reform. Some country- dwellers were looking for alternative sources of income, or wanted to increase the productivity of their landholdings or their businesses, and borrowed books on bees, poultry, vegetables, flowers, dairying, dressmaking, tanning and short story writing.3

1 Ailsa Merrick, Reminiscences, AMs, [1990], Mitchell Library file 92/90.

2 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 April 1931, 15 February 1932; Ifould to various booksellers, 19 August 1930, TL copies, SLNSW archives NPL44.

3 PLNSW Annual Report, 1931: 3; 1932: 4.

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The Library was in no way cushioned from the drastic economic effects of the Depression. There were capital reserves, such as the Mitchell Endowment, investments and mortgages, but income was falling. The Library had transferred a large proportion of its endowment funds from Government securities to mortgages from about 1918. Mortgages offered a higher rate of return, although they carried a greater risk and increased Ifould's workload. In 1930 the Trustees resolved to call in all mortgages, which then amounted to some £58,050. By this time several mortgages, on cinemas, factories, blocks of flats and residences, were in arrears. Few mortgagors were in a position to pay out their debts during the Depression, however, and mortgages remained an important segment of the Library's investments throughout the 1930s: a decade later they still amounted to £49,800.4

In the September 1931 State budget, the Library's statutory endowment, primarily for the purchase of books, which had been two thousand pounds since

1899, was reduced by twenty per cent. Other income was negligible: payment for lost books, proceeds from the penny in the slot men's toilets and from the sale of empty packing cases. Subscriptions to a number of scientific and technical journals were immediately cancelled.5

The dwindling book vote

The Library's purchasing power had already suffered because of the falling value of the Australian pound. This was compounded by the introduction of the

4 It is overstating the case to say that the Depression "did not have much effect" on the Public Library, as has been asserted in Encel, Bullard and Cass, Librarians: A Survey, 20. The Mitchell income fell from £5,056 in 1930/31 to £4,147 in 1931/32 (PLNSW Annual Report, 1932: 3). Ifould to Secretary, Public Service Board, 3 November 1923; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 23 February 1931, TL copy, SLNSW archives box PL/N6, file "Mortgages"; Ifould to W. F. Gale, 13 May 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43; Trustees' Minute Books, 19 January 1931.

5 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 September 1931; PLNSW Annual Report, 1932: 2; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 16 May 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43; PLNSW Annual Report, 1932: 2.

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closed market agreement, under which British publishers sold their books only through an Australian distributor or subsidiary, generally at higher prices. Ifould tried to obtain items from local booksellers at the previous rates, but at the same time he gradually increased the volume of orders from the London agents, Truslove and Hanson. In the meantime he asked the Agent-General in London to make representations to the Publishers' Association. Ifould thought that British publishers of children's books in particular should be receptive. When the Public Library selected a title for its children's boxes, it purchased forty-eight copies. He might have to increase his purchases of American imprints, if British terms were so unfavourable. Over three thousand pounds per year in purchases was at stake, and the impact on local booksellers was therefore not inconsiderable.6

The cost of books was also threatened by a Tariff Board proposal to place an import duty on books, and Ifould convened a meeting of library colleagues and scientific institutions in Sydney to fight the proposal.7 Ifould believed that such a "tax on knowledge" would discourage reading and also encourage the publication in Australia of cheap nasties: "detective novels of the Edgar Wallace type, suggestive sex novels, etc, have a big sale and would be chosen by local publishers because they would be safe to print here."8

In April 1930 Ifould gave evidence before the Tariff Board on import duty. Later that year he went to Canberra to press for exemption from increased postal charges for the Country Reference Section, and interviewed Joseph Lyons, then Postmaster-General. No exemption was granted, and additional costs of £800

6 PLNSW Annual Report, 1932: 2; Ifould to Truslove & Hanson, 7 February 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43; Ifould to Undersecretary, Premier's Department, 12 February, 17 June 1930, TL copies, SLNSW archives NPL43.

7 Ifould to G. V. Portus, Director of Tutorial Classes, University of Sydney, 6 March 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives box NPL43.

8 Ifould to Meleng, 13 March 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43.

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per year were incurred. Ifould and Sir Daniel Levy, President of his Board of Trustees, also lobbied for government bodies to be exempt from primage duty, a surcharge on customs duty, and from sales tax,, and were promised that the Bill would be amended accordingly. The Commonwealth Parliament had other ideas, however, and the Library became liable for both.9

The Library was therefore suffering on a number of fronts: reduced income from endowments and investments, increased running costs, including postage, expanding demand, rising book prices, the fall in the Australian pound, and liability for new taxes and duties. Ifould did not give up hope of overturning the new taxes, at least as far as public institutions were concerned. In November 1931 he went to Canberra again to interview fellow Rotarian Robert Ewing, the Federal Commissioner of Taxation, in an effort to exempt the Library from sales tax.10 He travelled to Canberra twice in the following year as part of a deputation to Prime Minister Lyons, and "to play golf and bridge and drink whisky with some of the men. I suppose I will come back with a damned bad liver if I know anything about the game in Canberra."11 He returned optimistic that major public libraries which were sub-departments of Government, such as the Public Library of New South Wales and the Public Library of Victoria, would be exempted. His optimism was well-founded: the Library was granted exemption from June 1932.12

9 Ifould to Trustees, 14 April 1930, TD, SLNSW archives NPL43; Trustees' Minute Books, 21 July, 18 August 1930; Sir Daniel Levy, Circular to Federal Members of Parliament regarding primage, sales tax, and restricted publications, 13 December 1930, TD, SLNSW archives NPL44. Joseph Aloysius Lyons (1879- 1939) was Postmaster-General and Minister for Public Works, 1929-31, and Prime Minister 1932-39.

10 Trustees' Minute Books. 16 November 1931; Ifould to R. Ewing, Federal Taxation Office, Canberra, 2 August 1932, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL46; Who's Who in Australia, 1944:331. Robert Ewing (1871-1957) was Taxation Commissioner, 1917-39.

11 Trustees' Minute Books, 15 February 1932; Ifould to Purnell, 23 June 1932, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL46.

12 Ifould to A. E. McMicken, 9 August 1932, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL46; PLNSW Annual Report, 1932: 4.

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Ifould continued to press for the book tax to be abandoned completely, writing an eloquent letter to the Sydney Morning Herald which prompted an appreciative note from Miles Franklin. Ifould told her that he expected a long campaign, and proposed to hammer home the anti tax message again and again:

I feel that the Carthago est delenda method is the only one to adopt with politicians who think more about votes than anything on earth.13

The political crisis of 1932

The year 1932 was marked by even greater economic, social and political instability, and the Library was not isolated from its effects. Trustees' meetings and much of Ifould's time were dominated by investments and mortgages, anxiety about the possible defaults by debtors, the impact of taxes, and the Mortgage Taxation Bill. There were rumours of uprising and civil commotion. There was an upsurge in interest in the Library's Communist literature, and Ifould wondered whether some restriction should be placed on its use. The Trustees, who now included the Justice Evatt of the High Court, declined to act. Thirty years later Evatt would lead the successful "no" campaign when a ban on the Communist

Party of Australia was proposed.14

13 Ifould to Miles Franklin, 23 June 1932, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL46. Stella Maria Sarah Miles Franklin (1879-1954), Australian novelist, best known for her My Brilliant Career. "Carthago est delenda" (Carthage must be destroyed) was the cry with which Cato the Elder ended all his speeches to the Roman Senate after a visit to what he regarded as that dissolute city-state. In the third Punic Wars which followed in due course, Carthage was indeed destroyed.

14 Nairn, The "Big Fella", 259; Andrew Moore, The Secret Army and the Premier: Conservative Paramilitary Organisations in New South Wales 1930-1932 (Kensington, N.S.W.: New South Wales University Press, 1989), 169; Trustees' Minute Books, 21 March 1932. The Mortgage Taxation Bill was passed in May 1932 but was not assented to. It would have applied a levy on all mortgages, which would have reduced the Library's income from such sources by ten per cent. Herbert Vere Evatt (1894-1965), K.C., judge of the High Court of Australia, 1930- 40, Labor M.H.R., 1940-60, was Minister for External Affairs and Attorney General, 1941-49, later became Federal Opposition Leader, and ultimately Chief Justice of New South Wales. He was a member of the Board of Trustees of the Public Library, 1931-63.

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Throughout the State a well-organized anti-Labor movement, inaugurated in February 1931 under the name of the New Guard, seemed to be preparing for its own form of direct action. Within a year it would receive 87,000 applications for membership in New South Wales. Its founder was Eric Campbell, a near neighbour of Ifould, who played golf at the same clubs. They were on familiar terms, they had mutual friends, like Colonel T. A. J. Playfair, an Elanora pioneer.

More shadowy was the Old Guard, with which G. S. Reichenbach, another golfing acquaintance of Ifould's and later co-worker in the Department of War Organization of Industry, was associated. A Citizens' Safety Committee was formed at Warrawee, Ifould's suburb, and groups of vigilantes patrolled its streets. About this time in Melbourne, a young and impressionable librarian at the Public Library of Victoria, Axel Lodewycks, was joining the Silent Knights, a similar organization.15

There was a distinct antipathy between the Lang Government and senior public servants, including Ifould. The proposal to reduce all senior public service salaries to five hundred pounds certainly did not endear Lang to them, and Ifould was prominent at a protest meeting.16 There was no doubt on which side Ifould stood. Around this time he was giving addresses to his fellow Rotarians on current affairs, notably world peace, the shortcomings of Communism and the advantages of democracy. Socialists, he declared, were not interested in humanity, but only in the proletariat:

15 Keith Amos, The New Guard Movement 1931-1935 (Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press, 1976), 4, 22, 24; Moore, The Secret Army and the Premier, 78, 92, 140; Karel Axel Lodewycks, The Funding of Wisdom: Revelations of a Library's Quarter Century (Melbourne: Spectrum Publications, 1982), 38. Thomas Alfred John Playfair (1890-1966) was a meat trader and exporter, soldier and politician. He was State President of the United Australia Party, 1932-39. Karel Axel Lodewycks (1910-90) started work at the Public Library of Victoria in 1928. He later became Librarian of the University of Melbourne.

16 Ifould, Form letter regarding a meeting of senior public servants, 20 July 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL48.

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The hideous doctrine of class-consciousness is making headway, and unless its progress can be stopped, will destroy some of the finer things of civilization in a war, not between countries only, but between classes.17

"Democracy is the best form of government," he told fellow Rotarians, with the Orwellian rider, "for a people deserving it." He disapproved of "slackness, disloyalty to the state, cowardice and indiscipline," and saw the dangers of

"democracy under the leadership of demagogues."18 About this time Eric

Campbell was telling his fellow New Guardsmen:

Democracy cannot cure the existing state of affairs. Only discipline, patriotic and spiritual belief can do this. Discipline that is right and good for the country, respect for the things that count.19

It was this view of guided democracy, with elements of paternalism, which led Ifould to consider limiting access to Communist literature. He would defend the right of people to publish such materials, but he wanted to keep them out of the reach of impressionable minds. In January 1934 Ifould ordered the segregation of Russian pamphlets which were "very definitely propaganda" and had them placed in "protective imprisonment" in his office.20

A building project is abandoned

On 13 May 1932 Ifould gave an address on public speaking to the Commercial Travellers' Association Literary and Debating Society. He was in good form, joking about his short stature and its disadvantages. Large people, he told his audience, could get away with things small people could not. Big people

17 Ifould, "Rotary and World Peace."

18 Ifould, "The Rotarian as Citizen," 10.

19 Quoted in Moore, The Secret Army and the Premier, 137.

20 Ifould to Pentelow, 24 January 1934, TN, SLNSW archives NPL49. This form of segregation was given to items which were especially valuable or unsuitable for indiscriminate use, including items which had been banned by the Censor. Anderson had initiated this "Special Reserve" system in 1898 (Nelson, "H. C. L. Anderson," 74-75).

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could say the "veriest rubbish," he added. The reference to Premier Jack Lang, nicknamed the "Big Fella," was not lost on the audience, who applauded enthusiastically. The following day Lang was dismissed by the Governor, Sir

Phillip Game. In the ensuing election, Labor was resoundingly defeated.21 One of the casualties of the fall of the Lang Government was a proposal to relieve the Library's critical space problem. Ever since the completion of the Dixson Wing, Ifould had pushed for the completion of the National Library building. There were frequently more than 200 people competing for the 114 seats in the reading rooms of the Bent Street building. Looking for a solution as well as posing a problem, he had suggested using unemployment relief funds to build the Library. His allies in the Society of Chemical Industry, intensive users of the Research Department and of the Library's scientific periodicals, had supported him.22

It had been a forlorn hope. Ifould believed that there was little likelihood of the building being completed "within a generation." He expected that the State's financial difficulties would continue for many years, and that the necessary £200,000 would simply not be made available.23 He was prepared to grasp at straws and as an interim measure had favoured extending the Macquarie Street wing of the old building into the two adjoining houses, at a cost of £40,000. This would have provided up to two hundred additional seats and space for perhaps 30,000 more open access books. Ifould and the Trustees had always opposed

21 Ifould, "Public Speaking," address to the Commercial Travellers' Association Literary and Debating Society, May 13 1932, SLNSW archives NPL244 (published in Australian Traveller 28 (June 1932): 17-18). Sir Phillip Woolcott Game (1876-1961) was Governor of New South Wales, 1930-35. A United Australia Party and Country Party coalition, headed by B. S. B. Stevens and Michael Bruxner formed government after the election of 11 June 1932.

22 PLNSW Annual Report, 1931: 3, 4; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 11 June 1930, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL43.

23 Ifould to Trustees, 18 January 1932, TD, SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "Old building - extension."

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stopgap measures, but these were desperate times. Davies, Minister for Education in Lang's Ministry, had supported the idea.24

When Labor was swept from power in June 1932, D. H. Drummond, who had been Minister for Education in the Bavin Ministry, resumed office and settled in for what promised to be a long incumbency, such was the disunity of the Labor Party in New South Wales. Drummond was lukewarm about extending the old building and the proposal was abandoned. Instead a cheaper form of construction for the new building was investigated, and, taking matters somewhat further, a complete redesign was mooted, with a rectangular main reading room instead of the circular room and dome originally planned. It was a fortunate development. Although the Library's users, collections and staff would have to endure overcrowded conditions for another decade, expenditure on a stop-gap extension would have undermined the case for completing the building. At the height of the

Depression, faced with the daily evidence of overcrowding and unsatisfactory conditions, it is easy to see why Ifould was so pessimistic, and all the more remarkable that Drummond should be so far-sighted.25

The Mitchell Librarianship

In 1932 Hugh Wright retired after twenty-two years as Mitchell Librarian, and the issue of who might succeed Ifould was rekindled. Ifould thought that

"every endeavour should be made to appoint a man to this second position on the staff because of the necessity for having a successor to myself as Principal Librarian." But he was unable to recommend either Pentelow or Metcalfe wholeheartedly: neither had made "any special attempt to acquire an intimate

24 Trustees' Minute Books, 18 January 1932. William Davies (1882?-1956) was Minister for Education in 1927, and 1930-32.

25 Ifould to Trustees, 18 January 1932; Trustees' Minute Books, 15 August 1932. David Herbert Drummond (1890-1965), MLA 1920-49, and MHR 1949-63, was Minister for Education in New South Wales, 1927-30 and 1932-41.

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knowledge of Australiana." Metcalfe had more general ability than Pentelow, and would probably pick up a knowledge of Australiana very quickly, but was let down by his "unsatisfactory address."26

The other candidates were Ida Leeson, Nita Kibble and Zoe Bertles. Kibble was the senior officer, but neither she nor Bertles could match Leeson's extensive knowledge of Australiana. As Principal Accessions Officer, Leeson had handled all of the Library's acquisitions of printed materials, new and secondhand. Her experience with manuscripts was well-known: in 1928, when on long service leave in England, she had discovered the third volume of Flinders' Log of the "Investigator" and the "Cumberland" at the Public Record Office. The two other volumes were in the Mitchell.27

The Public Service Board suggested advertising outside the State public service: Ifould did not think the salary would attract "a suitable man" from another library, with the possible exception of G. H. Pitt of Adelaide.28 Characteristically Ifould thought of known quantities, people he had trained, worked with and could trust. On balance, he preferred appointing Pentelow or Metcalfe, rather than risk getting "an untrained man, no matter how well educated and suitable otherwise, from outside."29 The Trustees were divided. Mutch acknowledged that Metcalfe was "an officer of unusual promise," but favoured Leeson. A majority of Trustees agreed with him, and in October 1932 they nominated Leeson as Mitchell Librarian.30

26 Ifould to Trustees, 15 August 1932.

27 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 February 1928.

28 Ifould to J. J. Quinn, Parliamentary Librarian, 26 August 1932, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL46.

29 Ifould to Trustees, 15 August 1932.

30 "Evidence given at Miss Leeson's appeal: Transcript of extracts from Mr. Griffits' [sic] notes as he read them to Miss Rodd in Mr. Ifould's office on 21st August 1933," August 1933, TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

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Following the advice he was receiving from his Undersecretary and from Ifould, Drummond refused to accept the nomination, just as Carmichael had refused to accept the nomination of Dr. Watson as Principal Librarian twenty years before.31 Drummond told the Trustees bluntly that they must consider who would succeed Ifould when he retired. He reminded them of their own 1919 resolution to recommend the creation of the position of Deputy Principal

Librarian.

To this end the Minister considers that the office of Mitchell Librarian should be abolished and a new position, viz. that of Deputy Principal Librarian, should be created, and that such office should be filled by a man.32

G. Ross Thomas, the Undersecretary of Drummond's department, found a host of reasons not to consider a woman for a position where she would deputize for the Principal Librarian, or succeed him. Thomas was aware of overseas precedents (and like most people since, overlooked Malvina Wood at the University of Western Australia). Linda Eastman, who had been American Library Association President a few years before, and Annie S. Cooke, the County Librarian in Kent, were among those he listed. But he was not convinced that their success could or should be matched in Australia.33

31 As Metcalfe later recalled: "Like Ifould's, my appointment had been more or less forced by the Minister and the Public Service Board" (Metcalfe, "Remarks to Trustees of the Public Library of NSW on retirement, 1959"). As noted earlier, Metcalfe is mistaken in believing that the Public Service Board had pressed for Ifould's appointment.

32 G. Ross Thomas to Ifould, 13 October 1932, TLS, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

33 G. Ross Thomas to Drummond, 10 October 1932, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, AONSW 20/13009; Notes of an interview between the Trustees and Drummond, 9 November 1932, TD, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, AONSW 20/13009. Malvina Wood (1893- 1976) was the Librarian of the University of Western Australia, 1927-59. Linda Anne Eastman (1867-1963), chief librarian in Cleveland, Ohio, had been President of the American Library Association in 1928-29. Annie Sybil Cooke became Librarian of the new Gloucestershire County Library in 1918, and in 1921 became the County Librarian in Kent. "Her qualities of leadership were outstanding" (F. A. Sharr, Recollections: Forty Years of Public Library Service (Adelaide: Auslib Press, 1992), 20).

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Thomas doubted that a woman could administer funds and manage investments. How could she control a mixed staff? Would not the men on the staff be discouraged if a woman were appointed? He also noted that the Principal Librarian had to represent the Library, and win public support "as a man of general affairs." "Practically all the negotiations have to be carried on with men," he added, "and men prefer dealing with men."34 These were good enough reasons for Thomas, and Drummond agreed.35 No-one mentioned, at least in writing, the question of Leeson's lifestyle - an openly lesbian domestic situation - which at the time would have represented a significant further disqualification.36

Drummond offered the Trustees a compromise: he would accept Leeson as Mitchell Librarian if the position of Deputy Principal Librarian were created and filled by a man. By filling the two positions simultaneously, he hoped to deflect criticism in the press. Drummond's will prevailed. On 17 October the Trustees nominated Leeson as Mitchell Librarian and Metcalfe as Deputy

Principal Librarian. They then turned to the more mundane matters of insurance and mortgagees in arrears, and the pleasanter duty of presenting an address of appreciation to Hugh Wright, the retiring Mitchell Librarian.37

The Trustees wished it to be clearly understood that the appointment of Metcalfe and Leeson "should not be interpreted as binding the Trustees in the slightest degree to nominate either of such officers for further promotion."38 It was however abundantly clear to observers like Sir George Julius, later appointed a

34 G. Ross Thomas, Memorandum regarding the Mitchell Librarianship, 3 November 1932, TD, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, AONSW 20/13009.

35 Thomas to Drummond, 10 October 1932.

36 Berzins, "Ida Leeson," 101; Cleary, "Women Librarians at the Public Library of New South Wales: The First Generation," 17.

37 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 October 1932.

38 Trustees' Minute Books, 29 November 1932.

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Trustee, that Metcalfe's training was "fitting him for the post of Principal

Librarian."39

The Trustees wanted a clear demarcation between Leeson and Metcalfe's duties. The Deputy Principal Librarian would be "instructed not to interfere with the professional duties of the Mitchell Librarian or with the internal work of the Mitchell Library, but confine himself to necessary decisions of a general administrative character." Ifould and the Trustees thereby solved the immediate problem by defining Leeson and Metcalfe's responsibilities, and reduced the opportunity for friction. They were however reinforcing the separateness of the Mitchell Library from the Public Library, symbolised for many years by the separate buildings. Communication would be hampered, and at times relations between the staff of the two libraries would be very strained. The demarcation had already allowed operational differences to flourish: for many years each Library had its own cataloguing department, using different editions of Dewey, and even bound its collection in a different style.40

The row over the appointment simmered for some time. There was some opposition to Metcalfe's appointment in Cabinet, as Metcalfe later recalled: "It was taken up to the Cabinet level, when I was being put up as Deputy Principal Librarian, that I was a communist, you see. That ignorance and besmirching of people was very common."41

At the Library four women and one man - Pentelow - protested on the grounds that Metcalfe was junior to them. Kibble, on the other hand, appealed against Leeson's appointment, obtaining advice from counsel (Frederick Jordan,

39 Sir George Julius to H. V. Evatt, 10 June 1940, TLS, in Metcalfe, Personal file, SLNSW archives, box N45. Sir George Julius (1873-1946), engineer, inventor of the automatic totalisator and chairman of the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research from 1926. He was a Trustee of the Public Library, 1937-42.

40 Trustees' Minute Books, 29 November 1932.

41 Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9913-14.

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K.C., who had worked with her at the Library during Anderson's regime), seeking access to the Promotions Committee and taking her campaign direct to the Premier, but to no avail. Ida Leeson also initiated an appeal, maintaining that the Mitchell Librarian should be next in seniority to the Principal Librarian. The Public Service Board heard her appeal, and disallowed it. Three years later she was still protesting, also vainly, about the level of her salary compared with

Metcalfe's.42

The adverse publicity which Drummond had hoped to avoid, eventuated nonetheless. The Australian Women's Weekly wrote of "Women passed over in the service."43 Influential feminists led a spirited campaign. Jessie Street, President of the United Associations of Women, asked the Trustees to restore the status of the Mitchell Librarian. Mildred Muscio, President of the National Council of Women, protested to Drummond, and wrote to the Sydney Morning

Herald in the same vein.44

42 I. Parsons, M. Flower, Z. Bertles, O. Pentelow and M. Barrington, to Public Service Board, 1 February 1933, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, AONSW 20/13009; Kibble to B. S. B. Stevens, 9 November 1932, TLS; Kibble to Ifould, 22 November 1932, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, AONSW 20/13009; Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9944; H. E. Best, Secretary, Public Service Board, to Under-Secretary, Department of Education, 25 July 1933, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1930-33, AONSW 20/13007; Thomas to Ifould, 3 March 1936, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1930-33, AONSW 20/13007.

43 "Women passed over in the service," Australian Women's Weekly, 23 February 1935.

44 Jessie Street, United Associations of Women, to Trustees, 1 December 1932, TLS, SLNSW archives box PL/N6, file "Mitchell Librarianship"; Mildred Muscio, President, National Council for Women, to Drummond, 7 December 1932, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1936, AONSW 20/13009; Muscio, "Appointments for Women," Letter to the Editor, Sydney Morning Herald, 7 December 1932. Jessie Street (1889-1970) feminist, founding President of the United Associations of Women, social activist and later Labor candidate for the federal seat of Wentworth in Sydney. Florence Mildred Muscio (1882-1964), feminist and lecturer in psychology, was active in many community organisations.

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The determination to exclude women from the two senior positions at the Public Library was common knowledge and was of long duration, but was never acknowledged publicly. It was because of the still-raw nerves which were touched, as much as its historical inaccuracies, that the Encel Report was assailed in the

1970s. As Cass commented, "Ifould's attitude is still prevalent."45 Metcalfe meanwhile was settling into what he was later wont to call his "dormant commission." It would not remain dormant for very long.46

45 Cass, "Librarians: A Survey: A Reply to the LAA," 428.

46 Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia," 139; Metcalfe, "Remarks to Trustees of the Public Library of NSW on retirement, 1959."1 Ifould, Memorandum, 15 August 1933, TDs, SLNSW archives "Old Files," box 12, National Library Building. Eric Sydney Spooner (1891-1952), MLA for Ryde 1932-40, at various times Assistant Treasurer, Minister for Public Works and Minister for Local Government between 1932 and 1939. UAP MHR, 1940-43. In 1941 he was Minister for War Organization of Industry.

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CHAPTER TEN

THE BUILDING CAMPAIGN AND THE MUNN-PITT SURVEY

A renewed campaign

One morning in August 1933 Ifould was walking to the railway station on his way to work when an official limousine pulled up beside him and he was offered a lift. It was E. S. Spooner, then Assistant Treasurer, Minister for Public Works and Minister for Local Government, who lived a few doors away from Ifould. As they drove down the Pacific Highway towards the city, Ifould took advantage of the chance meeting to talk about the Library building, and asked

Spooner to walk around the site with him. They discussed construction costs, possible sources of funds - including the perennial suggestion of using unemployment relief - and the delicate issue of which Minister would receive the credit for the project. Drummond dearly wanted his name associated with the building, but had confided to Ifould that he might not have the numbers in Cabinet to push the project through on his own. If that were the case, Drummond was prepared to let another Minister run with it. Spooner, as Deputy Leader of the

United Australia Party as well as a senior Minister, was a good prospect.1

Spooner was sympathetic, telling Ifould he could count on his personal support, but noting that "the more help I can get from other directions than Cabinet the better." Stirring up the newspapers was an excellent idea, Spooner

1 Ifould, Memorandum, 15 August 1933, TDs, SLNSW archives "Old Files," box 12, National Library Building. Eric Sydney Spooner (1891-1952), MLA for Ryde 1932-40, at various times Assistant Treasurer, Minister for Public Works and Minister for Local Government between 1932 and 1939. UAP MHR, 1940-43. In 1941 he was Minister for War Organization of Industry.

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thought, as long as there was no public perception that the Government was being pushed into something by the press. He asked Ifould to wait until there was an official announcement about the building, which he expected would be made after the next Cabinet meeting.2 In fact Cabinet did not have time to discuss the Library at all at its next meeting, but Spooner promised to bring it before his colleagues at the earliest opportunity. In the meantime Ifould began to crank up a media campaign, beginning with an article and a leader in the Sydney Morning Herald, and publication of a report by an industrial hygiene expert condemning the Bent Street building's poor ventilation and overcrowding, which he said could spread infectious diseases.3

There was some progress in September 1933. The Government Architect was instructed to continue planning the Library building, in consultation with a review committee, to which Ifould was appointed. A few days before Christmas,

Cabinet accepted Drummond's recommendation for the completion of the building. Ifould received the cheering news just before he left town for his holiday in the Snowy Mountains. Drummond's strategy of rejecting a stopgap extension and holding out for the completion of the Library building seemed to have worked, although, as Ifould may have mused, turning a Cabinet resolution into action might

2 Ibid.

3 Ifould to Trustees 21 August 1933, SLNSW archives "Old Files," box 12, National Library Building; Charles Badham, Medical Officer of Industrial Hygiene, to Ifould, 29 August 1933, TLS, SLNSW archives "Old Files," box 12, National Library Building.

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prove as difficult as landing a two-pound trout, which, that season at least, eluded him entirely.4

Metcalfe's progress

In his first year as Deputy Principal Librarian, Metcalfe confounded his critics and lived up to Ifould's expectations. His major role was as Principal

Accessions Officer, the position which Leeson had held, selecting, suggesting and ordering books, certifying purchases, and valuing old books. He was senior officer in Ifould's absence. According to his statement of duties, he was supposed to assist the Principal Librarian in administration, but Ifould kept a close eye on the entire

Library himself, and, as Metcalfe later recalled, didn't want much assistance.5 The final section of Metcalfe's statement of duties referred to "further technical and executive duties at the direction of the Principal Librarian." Metcalfe's portfolio was conveniently broad.6 If the office of Deputy Principal Librarian was empty when he came to it, it rapidly filled with significant activities, so much so that one commentator, relying heavily on Metcalfe's own account, concluded that he initiated much of the policy of the Library in the 1930s.7 As we shall see in later chapters, some of the duties into which Ifould channelled Metcalfe's energies

4 The committee consisted of Ifould, James Nangle, the Superintendent of Technical Education, and G. Ross Thomas, the Under Secretary of the Department of Education. The committee coopted Professor A. S. Hook of the School of Architecture at the University of Sydney as an independent, honorary advisor (G. Ross Thomas to Ifould, 26 September 1933, TLS, SLNSW archives "Old Files," box 12, National Library Building; PLNSW Annual Report, 1935: 5; Ifould, Memorandum, 21 December 1933; G. Ross Thomas to Ifould, 27 December 1933, TLS, SLNSW archives "Old Files," box 12, National Library Building). Trustees' Minute Books 15 January 1934; Fysh, Round the Bend in the Stream, 168.

5 Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9910.

6 "Statement of Duties, John Wallace Metcalfe," [1933], Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1930-33, AONSW 20/13007.

7 Encel, Bullard and Cass, Librarians: a Survey, 21; Cass, "Librarians: a survey: a reply to the LAA," 425-33.8 Ifould to Under Secretary, Department of Education, 27 September 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL48.

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during the next ten years would be of major significance in the development of libraries and the library profession in Australia.

The assurance and confidence which Metcalfe later exhibited did not develop overnight. He needed and received grooming from Ifould in a number of areas. In early 1933, for example, Ifould took advantage of the absence on long service leave of his trusted correspondence clerk and bookkeeper Clara Rodd to allow Metcalfe to cut his teeth on some administrative and financial tasks, and to put into practice his "theoretical knowledge of accountancy."8

Metcalfe's "unsatisfactory address," which still worried Ifould, was addressed by elocution lessons.9 Metcalfe's punctuality also left something to be desired. Between April and September 1933 he was late for work at least once a week. Nita Kibble, by contrast, had been late only once in the whole period. Late attendances had to be reported to the Public Service Board.10 Metcalfe's was the "second worst record of whole staff," Ifould's stern memorandum informed him. "Although you doubtless more than make up the time, you surely cannot be satisfied to have such a record going to the Board's office."11 Metcalfe didn't need to be told twice: Ifould was able to report a marked improvement in the next report. Metcalfe's marriage, in March 1934, may have assisted his timekeeping.12

8 Ifould to Under Secretary, Department of Education, 27 September 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL48.

9 Metcalfe remembered the elocutionist reciting Mark Antony's "Friends, Romans, Countrymen" speech in the manner of Jack Lang, "and I sort of got the idea" (Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9906).

10 Ifould to Under Secretary, Department of Education, 5 October 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL48.

11 Ifould to Metcalfe, 5 October 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL48.

12 Ifould to Under Secretary, Department of Education, 9 April 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL 49. Metcalfe married Thelma Constance Vagg, a teacher of languages, on 3 March 1934 (Who's Who in Australia, 1944: 591).

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Metcalfe was mentioned in despatches from time to time at meetings of the Board of Trustees, with Ifould drawing attention to his Deputy's growing maturity. Sometimes the praise seems disproportionate. On one occasion, two readers were suspected of having mutilated a dictionary and Metcalfe engaged them in conversation while a detective was sent for. Ifould recommended that the

Trustees "record their approval of Mr Metcalfe's tact and discretion."13 Ifould also kept Metcalfe's name before the Minister. He told Drummond in 1935:

You will be satisfied to know that Mr. Metcalfe is rapidly taking a prominent position in the Australian library movement. I am sure this will be satisfactory to you because of the strong attitude you adopted two years ago in regard to the need for the appointment of a male officer as deputy to myself; one who could be trained to succeed me when the time comes for my retirement.14

The Depression lingers

In the year ended 30 June 1933 there were 310,274 visits to the Library, the largest number recorded up to that time. Country dwellers were also using the Library more and more: items in the Country Reference Section were simply wearing out. There was not enough money to replace or even to repair many items. Expenditure continued to be curtailed.15 In his 1933/34 estimates, Ifould continued to press for additional funds for country services, but indicated that savings would be made in general running costs. He did not ask for more money for the General Reference Library, although he had been obliged to cancel a number of serial subscriptions. On that issue he was confident that he could mobilise outside pressure to influence Government policy. Pressure to restore cancelled subscriptions came from his allies in the Chamber of Manufactures and other organizations which used the Research Department. Ifould had close friends among their executives, like F. H. Rickleman, General Superintendent of the

13 Ifould to Trustees, 15 August 1932; Trustees' Minute Books 15 August 1932.

14 Ifould to Drummond, 17 June 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51.

15 PLNSW Annual Report, 1933: 4, 5; 1934: 4.

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Electrolytic Refining and Smelting Company, who was a regular fishing companion of Ifould's at the Creel.16

A delegation of scientific and industrial organizations met Spooner, the Assistant Treasurer, and their arguments impressed him. As Ifould later recalled, "immediately after the deputation had left his room, Mr. Spooner called me on the telephone and asked what amount was required to enable the Trustees to re-order technical and scientific journals."17 Spooner promised an extra £400 to restore journal subscriptions. The space problem under which the Research Department laboured, Ifould told Drummond, could only be remedied by completing the

Library building.18

Ifould knew that Drummond was keenly interested in the work of the Country Reference Section - his electorate was a country one - but funds for education generally were scarce, and there was the perception that personalised country services were a luxury. Lobbying for country services too was indicated, and Ifould enlisted the support of key inspectors in the Education Department,

16 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 6 April 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL47; Ifould to H. J. Keyes, Adelaide, 19 July 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL50; N. B. Kibble to F. H. Rickleman, 1 May 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL49; Fysh, Round the Bend in the Stream, 168-76.

17 Ifould, "Co-operation in bibliographical research in industry," 19 July 1939, TD, SLNSW archives old files box 6 - Addresses delivered by the Principal Librarian. This paper was read at a combined meeting of the Australian Chemical Institute and the Australian Institute of Librarians, New South Wales Branch. An edited version was published as "The Technologist and Bibliographical Research," in Proceedings: Second Annual Meeting and Conference held at Melbourne, 1939, by the Australian Institute of Librarians (Adelaide: Australian Institute of Librarians, 1940), 92-98. In Groenewegen, "Scientific Information Resources, Services and Needs," 187, it is mistakenly assumed that Ifould read this paper at the Melbourne Conference.

18 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 August 1933.

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being careful to keep his distance: "It does not help to have every little piece of pressure traced back as another stunt of the infernal Principal Librarian."19

A survey is proposed

There had been interest in and in many cases financial support for Australian education on the part of the Carnegie Corporation of New York for many years. Grants for library buildings had been made to Hobart, Mildura, Northcote and Midland Junction between 1902 and 1909. Funds were granted to support adult education in the 1920s, recipients including the Workers' Educational Association and the Extension Boards of some Australian universities which provided adult education courses. The Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER) had been established in 1929, with financial support from the Corporation, to study aspects of education and to promote educational advancement in Australia. There had also been Carnegie-sponsored visits by educationists, which facilitated the exchange of ideas and alerted the Corporation to areas in which its support might prove fruitful. James E. Russell, Dean Emeritus of the Teachers' College, Columbia University, visited Australia in 1928. Lotus D. Coffman, President of the University of Minnesota, and C. O. G. Douie, Secretary of the University of London, made separate visits in 1932. Although these observers had a broader focus, all commented on the general paucity of library resources.20

Douie spent six weeks in Australia in late 1932, visiting each State. He did not meet Ifould, but was nonetheless well briefed about library provision in the

19 Ifould to H. N. Barlex, Cremorne, 14 February 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL47.

20 Horrocks, "The Carnegie Corporation of New York," 57-68, 110; Lotus D. Coffman, "Report of Dr. Lotus D. Coffman on Australia," 1932, TD, Carnegie Corporation of New York Archives. James Earl Russell (1864-1945) was Dean of the Teachers' College, Columbia University, 1897-1927. Lotus Delta Coffman (1875-1938) was President of the University of Minnesota, 1920-38. Charles Oswald Gaskell Douie (1896-1953) was Secretary of the University of London.

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State.21 In the six pages of his report which dealt with libraries, Douie recommended the breath-taking expenditure of US$300,000 on a "national library scheme" when a "suitable scheme has been submitted" and governments restored the financial support for libraries which had been curtailed by the economic crisis.22 His report was not adopted by the Corporation - indeed Frederick Keppel, President of the Carnegie Corporation, described the report shortly afterwards as

"not significant" - but it did highlight the issue of libraries, and reinforced the case for a more thorough survey.23

The suggestion that the Carnegie Corporation undertake a detailed survey of Australian libraries had been made by Leigh Scott, Librarian of the University of Melbourne, at a meeting of the Library Association of Victoria as early as October 1929. This suggestion was followed up by Frank Tate, former Director of Education of Victoria and at that time President of the Association, in correspondence and during a visit to the United States in 1932. The Corporation's response was encouraging, although it sought an assurance that there was widespread support for such a survey on the part of Australian library authorities.24

21 C. O. G. Douie, Report on Adult Education in the Dominion of New Zealand, the Commonwealth of Australia and the Union of South Africa (New York: 1933), 5.

22 Ibid., 73-78.

23 Frederick P. Keppel, Informal Report of the President on Visit to the Southern British Dominions, January-June 1935 (New York: Carnegie Corporation of New York, 1935), 7. Frederick Paul Keppel (1875-1943), was President of the Carnegie Corporation of New York, 1923-41.

24 Metcalfe, Review of The Australian Council for Educational Research, 97; R. J. W. Selleck, Frank Tate: A Biography (Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press, 1982), 276. Cunningham's evidence (Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, 10, 11) seems conclusive. In his obituary to Munn in 1975, however, Metcalfe is tentative about Scott's role, saying that the survey "seems to have been suggested possibly by Leigh Scott" (Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia," 138). Frank Tate (1864-1939), Director-General of Education in Victoria, 1902-28, was very widely respected. He was involved with the Library Association of Victoria, and took a leading role in the formation of the Australian Council for Educational Research, of which he was Chairman until his death. He was the first honorary member of the Australian Institute of Librarians in 1938.

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Ifould first found out about a firm proposal for a survey from E. R. Pitt, Principal Librarian of the Public Library of Victoria. In a letter to the other State libraries on behalf of his Trustees, Pitt asked other States to signify their willingness to cooperate in the survey. The letter came out of the blue, and provided no background information, but Ifould's Trustees resolved nonetheless to cooperate fully with the survey.25 Ifould himself told Pitt: "You may be sure I shall do everything possible to assist."26

The 1933 Library Conference

The proposed survey was discussed at the 1933 conference of the Australian Library Association, the body of which Ifould and his New South Wales colleagues had failed to form a branch. The Association had asked Ifould's

Trustees to appoint a delegate to the conference, but they resolved not to do so.27 Ifould would not have to face the inevitable recriminations about his inaction. Instead Metcalfe went "on his own initiative," and was disconcerted to find that the institutes and their prejudices were still dominant: the Association was riven by irreconcilable schools of thought.28 Recalling Ida Leeson's view that there was opposition in the provisional Association to free and state libraries, professional librarians and women, Metcalfe commented: "All Miss Leeson had said was still true."29 Some delegates were bitter that New South Wales had failed to form a

25 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 July, 21 August 1933; Ifould to Binns, 3 July 1933, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL48.

26 Ifould to E. R. Pitt, 27 February 1934, State Library of Victoria, La Trobe Library, MS 9596, box 2 (MSB 58).

27 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 October 1933.

28 Metcalfe, Review of The Australian Council for Educational Research, 97.

29 Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia," 139.

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branch, and there was "criticism of Ifould as having broken a promise."30 Tate was able to report to the Carnegie Corporation, however, that all States had been represented, and shortly after the conference, made a formal request for the survey to take place.31

Munn and Pitt are appointed

Ralph Munn, director of the Carnegie Library of Pittsburgh, was selected by the Corporation to carry out the survey, with the assistance of an Australian collaborator. There has been much speculation surrounding the choice of Munn's associate. John Russell at the Corporation contacted Andrew Osborn, an Australian then working at the New York Public Library, and asked him for his ideas on who might partner Munn. The Carnegie files record that his response was to the effect that Ifould was the senior librarian in Australia. Osborn's recollection of the incident, over half a century later, was different. He believed he suggested Binns, as Binns was remote from inter-State rivalries, but Russell then told him that the Corporation had already decided to use Pitt.32

According to Cunningham, Director of the Australian Council for Educational Research, it was Munn who nominated Pitt, because of his "work in the field of librarianship," and Australian library politics and personalities did not

30 Metcalfe, Review of The Australian Council for Educational Research, 98.

31 Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia," 139; Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, 11-12; Selleck, Frank Tate, 276.

32 Horrocks, "The Carnegie Corporation of New York," 187-88; Ralph Munn, "Australia," TD, [1935?], Carnegie Corporation of New York archives (This is an unsigned, undated report by Munn, prepared for Keppel, containing notes on people in the library field whom Keppel would meet on his visit to Australia). Andrew Delbridge Osborn, Interview by author, 19 October 1989, Roseville, N.S.W.

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enter into it.33 As Metcalfe later noted, Ifould and Binns were both senior to Pitt in length of service as a senior librarian (so for that matter was Battye, who was senior to all of them, but Metcalfe did not mention him).34 It is unclear how sensitive the Corporation really was to interstate and Commonwealth/State rivalries, and whether, as Metcalfe has suggested, they also took into account the failure of Ifould to press for the formation of a New South Wales branch of the

Australian Library Association. Metcalfe also recalled that Munn and Tate told him that they believed that Ifould would be "quite uncooperative."35 There were even suggestions that New South Wales should be excluded from the survey.36 Ifould would in fact cooperate most willingly with the Carnegie surveyors, but he knew he would not have been acceptable within Australia as Munn's partner, and recorded privately that he would not in any case have accepted an invitation. Tate and Munn both knew that "I would have refused because I was publicly committed to strong opposition to the existing subscription library system a priori."37

Pitt, whom Ifould called "a yes man, though a competent one," would carry out his part of the survey with great thoroughness, as both Ifould and Cunningham later agreed, administering a questionnaire to all known libraries in Australia, coordinating Munn's activities and providing background information and local knowledge. It was a good combination, Ifould thought: the dynamic Munn and the

33 Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, 14-15. Kenneth Stewart Cunningham (1890-1976), educationist and promoter of libraries, Executive Officer and later Director of the Australian Council for Educational Research, 1930-54.

34 Metcalfe, Review of The Australian Council for Educational Research, 97. James Sykes Battye (1871-1954), was Librarian of the Public Library of Western Australia, 1894-1954.

35 Metcalfe, Review of The Australian Council for Educational Research, 98.

36 Metcalfe, "From the Record, for the Record," 5; Selleck, Frank Tate, 97.

37 Note in Ifould's hand on the cover of his copy of Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878.

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"gradualist" Pitt, who, unlike Ifould, "had not `burned his boats' on the question of government aid to subscription libraries."38

Munn in Sydney

Ralph Munn and his wife arrived in Sydney on 21 May 1934 aboard the "Mariposa," and were given a warm welcome. Flowers from Ifould's garden brightened their hotel room. Ifould arranged a luncheon for them in a private dining room at the Metropole in Bent Street, a favourite venue. Those present included Pitt and Tate, as well as the senior librarians of Sydney, and Drummond, underlining the importance which the Government ascribed to the issue of library services. Ifould's preparations for the luncheon were meticulous, from the oyster cocktail to the three bottles of South Australian Quellthaler Hock, which he thought the nineteen guests might consume. On one weekend the Americans were transported to Elanora, for Ifould and Munn shared golf as a pastime. On one Tuesday Rotarian Munn accompanied Ifould to the regular Rotary Club luncheon.39

When Munn returned to Sydney in July, Ifould, recovering from a severe bout of influenza and back at work for only a half day at a time, but ever the gracious host, arranged a social programme for their stay and met them at Central railway station. He charmed and impressed Munn, and gained his confidence. In their discussions, Ifould outlined his ideas for a library system for New South

38 Ibid., 15.

39 Ifould to E. R. Pitt, 3 May 1934, TLS, State Library of Victoria, La Trobe Library, MS 9596, Box 2 (MSB 58); Ifould to C. H. Bertie, 14 May 1934, TL copy, State Library of Victoria, La Trobe Library, MS 9596, box 2 (MSB 58); Ifould to E. R. Pitt, 14 May 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL49; Ifould to Mr. Gomme, Metropole Hotel, 19 May 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL49. Also at the luncheon were Metcalfe, Leeson, Green and Steel (Fisher Library), Quinn and O'Brien (Parliamentary Library), Flannery (Sydney Municipal Library), Alexander Mackie (Sydney Teachers' College), Marjorie Barnard (Sydney Technical College), C. H. Currey (Teachers' Federation), H. J. Bayliss (President of the Literary Institutes Association) and P. Logan (Sydney School of Arts).

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Wales firmly based on his own institution. Metcalfe was set to work preparing a paper for Munn, fleshing out Ifould's scheme.40 Ifould in turn found much to admire in Munn, "a fine type of American librarian" whose "outspokenness" would, he thought, do much for the library cause. He looked forward to seeing some of this outspokenness in print.41

Metcalfe's Carnegie grant

When Munn was in Sydney, Ifould pressed the case for Metcalfe to receive a Carnegie grant to enable him to visit to the United States:

In the ordinary course of events the successor to me as Principal Librarian would have to be found within a few years, Mr. Metcalfe has been chosen by the Trustees and the Government to understudy me for this position. He is a comparatively young man and in the present state of library activity in Australia big demands will be made on him for initiative and driving force. A visit to the United States would, I feel sure, greatly help to develop these qualities.42

Metcalfe was awarded a grant, took six months leave without pay, and left Sydney on 22 August 1934. Calling at Auckland en route to the United States, he was impressed, as Ifould had been a decade before, by the level of development of New Zealand libraries. "If Auckland is any indication," he wrote, "there is no

40 Ifould to E. R. Pitt, 18 July 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL50; Metcalfe, "A Scheme for Library Service in New South Wales," [1934], TD, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report." Ifould's scheme and Munn's reaction to it are described in the next chapter.

41 Ifould to John Barr, Chief Librarian, Auckland, 23 July 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL50.

42 Ifould to Ralph Munn, 8 June 1934, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

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doubt that New South Wales could learn a great deal about municipal library services without going further afield than New Zealand."43

On his visit to North America and Europe he inspected about a hundred libraries, keeping up a regular correspondence with Ifould. Ifould told Munn: "He has his eyes and ears wide open and I am sure this trip will do him a world of good, and incidentally, I hope, library work here in the years to come."44 Ifould was not disappointed: the visit was a great success. Munn wrote that Metcalfe was the

"keenest and most alert visitor" they had had from overseas.45

Metcalfe identified a number of key directions in which overseas libraries were developing, especially in the United States. He saw the emphasis which was being given to children's library services, to the role of libraries in adult education, and to the education of unemployed youth. He reported general agreement that subscription libraries were only a transitory stage on the way to free public libraries. He noted that where there were small, scattered populations, rural areas would require support from a centralised service. He also saw a breakdown in the distinction between reference and lending libraries.46

Metcalfe went on to the United Kingdom, like Ifould before him conscious of the aloofness of some of the staff at the British Museum, and then visited Paris, Geneva and Rome. As instructed, he reported in detail on library

43 Metcalfe, Report of Mr. John Metcalfe, B.A., Deputy Principal Librarian, Public Library of New South Wales, on his return from a tour . . ., 1935, duplicated typescript, copy in SLNSW archives, "old files" box 11, file "Metcalfe, J. Reports from Abroad," 2. (Reprinted in Metcalfe, The Development of a Library Profession in Australia: The International Travel Diaries and Other Papers of John Wallace Metcalfe, ed. W. Boyd Rayward (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, forthcoming). Page references are to original edition).

44 Ifould to Munn, 28 February 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51.

45 Trustees' Minute Books, 15 April 1935.

46 Metcalfe, Report of Mr. John Metcalfe, B.A., Deputy Principal Librarian, 6, 12.

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design, air-conditioning, book conveyors, lifts, conservation and photocopiers. His report on the visit was widely circulated.

The building project is approved

In July 1934, towards the end of Munn's stay in Australia, the National Library Building Amendment Act, authorising the construction of the remainder of the building, had passed through the New South Wales Parliament, "following remarkable evidence of unanimity of all parties in both Houses."47 On his visits to Parliament House during the debate on the Bill, Ifould found that his promotion of services was paying dividends. He was buttonholed by innumerable country members, including many whom he had not met before, who pledged their support for the Library. Drummond announced the Government's intention to erect a major portion of the building at a cost of up to £150,000.48

Planning did not proceed smoothly. Ifould was having difficulties with the Government Architect, R. M. Seymour Wells, who proposed a classical design for the Library extension, grafted onto the rococo Mitchell and Dixson Wings. Ifould thought it would be better to modify the "bastard Victorian Renaissance style" of the existing wings, and build a less ornate extension.49 The Trustees agreed with him.50

The differences between librarian and architect were not restricted to the exterior: there was "trouble brewing" over the decoration of the Vestibule. Wells, Ifould wrote, "apparently wants to make the vestibule look like a small edition of the interior of the Commonwealth Savings Bank." Ifould wanted plain sandstone

47 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 July 1934; PLNSW Annual Report, 1935: 5.

48 Ifould to Purnell, 15 March 1935; PLNSW Annual Report, 1935: 5.

49 Ifould to Arthur J. Vogan, 9 January 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL60.

50 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 May 1934.

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walls, like at the Art Gallery: "Even the internal decoration should be dignified and suitable. I am not prepared to leave this to the Government Architect."51 Wells found some of Ifould's ideas so repugnant, however, that at one stage he instructed his staff not to talk to the Principal Librarian.52

Ifould's direct contact with the designers continued in secret, and he passed on to them his ideas as well as details gleaned from the Library's works on architecture. Ifould knew the senior staff of the Government Architect's Branch very well: he had been sitting on their promotion committee as an independent member for many years. When his contacts informed him that Wells intended to press ahead with his own design without consulting the Library, Ifould sought ministerial intervention.53 At a meeting attended by Drummond and Weaver, the Minister for Public Works, Ifould "carried the day" and persuaded the Ministers to "abandon the ugly and costly type of decoration on the old building" in favour of a

"modern and beautiful design."54

From October 1934 Ifould dealt direct with S. E. Coleman of the Government Architect's Branch on the question of the design, by-passing the

Government Architect.55 Within a few months Ifould told Drummond "the designs

51 Ifould to A. S. Hook, 30 August 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives, old files box 12 - "National Library Building - memoranda, correspondence etc."; Ifould to Drummond, 5 July 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL137. The bank to which Ifould is referring is at 48 Martin Place, Sydney. The ornate banking chamber is a classic of its type, and was refurbished in the 1980s. It is dominated by Australian marble floors and panelling, and scagliola columns.

52 Ifould to Drummond, 5 July 1934.

53 Arnot, Interview by author, 22 July 1989; Ifould to Cobden Parkes, 17 May 1938, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL56; Ifould, File note, 30 July 1934, TN, SLNSW archives NPL137.

54 Drummond to L. O. Martin, Minister for Public Works and Local Government, 28 March 1941, TLS, PLNSW Confidential Papers. Reginald Walter Darcy Weaver (1876-1945) was Minister for Health and Public Works, 1932-35.

55 Trustees' Minute Books, 15 October 1934; Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 1 December 1939, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

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are full of meaning and interest. I have no hesitation in saying that it will be the most interesting building yet erected in Australia . . . Every piece of design shall be as interesting and artistic as Australian draftsmen and artisans can make it."56

Design work for the new building began to consume more and more of Ifould's time, and that of his staff, especially the Research Department and the tireless Nita Kibble. Staff scoured the collection for illustrations of decorations for the building: Caxton, stained glass windows, animals in Chinese art, authentic images of Aborigines, pictures of cherubs and watermarks. Even Ifould's garden began to take a back seat, and he missed some seasons at the Creel.57

The Bronze Doors

Inspired by the doors of a number of American public buildings which he had visited, Ifould had in mind "a beautiful pair of bronze entrance doors." He regarded these as a luxury which it might be "impolitic to include in the contract price," so in 1934 he decided to approach William Dixson, suggesting that he donate the doors in memory of David Scott Mitchell. It was on a golf course that Ifould made his approach:

On Saturday morning I found Mr Dixson looking for me for a game of golf at Killara. After missing a six inch putt in order that he should have the pleasure of squaring the match with me on the last green, I found him in a very good mood. After the usual whisky and soda, I took advantage of the opportunity and his mood to broach the subject, and he said "How much would it cost?" I said "Somewhere about 3000 pounds" and he said, "Well, I am prepared to stand up to it to the extent of, say, 4000 pounds if it is necessary to pay that much.58

56 Ifould to Drummond, 12 February 1935, TL copy, PLNSW archives, old files box 12, "National Library Building, memoranda, correspondence, etc."

57 Ifould to S. E. Coleman, Government Architect's Branch, 10 June 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51; Ifould to Mary Simpson, Unley Park, S.A., 10 June 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51; Fysh, Round the Bend in the Stream, 168-69.

58 Ifould to Drummond, 25 July 1934, TL copy, PLNSW archives PL/N6, Bronze Doors.

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Shortly afterwards Dixson formalised his offer in a letter to the Premier, and the offer was accepted without hesitation.59 Drummond congratulated Ifould on his "spirit of diplomacy (or is it pugnacity?)" and the excellent results he was obtaining.60 Again Ifould raised the possibility of a knighthood for Dixson - his feathers remained ruffled after the earlier failure to recognise the gift of his collection of pictures.61

Ifould was not the only person intent on cultivating Dixson. Drummond himself paid Dixson the compliment of expressing an interest in seeing his collection, spending some time at the Library beforehand boning up on manuscripts so as not to appear too ignorant when he met the great collector.62 Drummond's interest was twofold: the Public Library, Dixson's principal beneficiary, was in his portfolio; but the Teachers' College at Armidale was doubly so: it was also in his electorate. He was keen to stimulate Dixson's interest and suggested an endowment for the College. As Ifould predicted to Drummond - wagering a Stetson hat to a cheroot - Dixson politely declined, telling Drummond he was awaiting "four nice little billets-doux - Federal Income Tax and Supertax Assessments, and State Income Tax and Wages Tax Assessments. These take quite a few pennies, which cannot be used for other purposes."63 Drummond's cultivation of Dixson later bore fruit: between 1937 and 1939 he contributed £5,000

59 Dixson, to B. S. B. Stevens, 8 August 1934, TLS, SLNSW archives PL/N6 - Bronze Doors.

60 Drummond to Ifould, 27 July 1934, TLS, SLNSW archives PL/N6 - Bronze Doors.

61 Ifould to Dixson, 31 July 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives PL/N6 - Bronze Doors.

62 Drummond to Ifould, 5 March 1935, TLS, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

63 Dixson to Drummond, 4 March 1935, TLS, PLNSW Confidential Papers. Emphasis in original.

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to what is now the University of New England at Armidale, where the Library also bears his name.64

The good-humoured banter between Ifould and Drummond illustrates the closeness and warmth of their relations. There was a great deal of mutual respect and trust, and a steady flow of personal and confidential correspondence between the two. Ifould appreciated Drummond's accessibility, unlike some of the other ministers under whom Ifould had served, who despite early promises of an "open door" policy, "proceeded to appoint a bull dog whose duty it was to keep them out."65

Outlook promising

As 1934 drew to a close Ifould had every reason to be optimistic. He believed that action on the building was imminent. Metcalfe had lived up to

Ifould's expectations. Relations with his Minister were excellent. Another major benefaction from William Dixson had been secured. The world was slowly dragging itself out of the Depression. The eagerly-awaited Munn-Pitt Report might prove a stimulus to public library activity, perhaps advocating the scheme which Ifould had outlined to Munn during his visit. The effectiveness and influence of his Library might thereby grow even more strongly. The year 1935 held great promise.

64 Robertson, Treasures of the State Library of New South Wales, 110.

65 Ifould to Drummond, 18 December 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52.1 Munn and Pitt, Australian Libraries, 24, 25.

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CHAPTER ELEVEN

PROPHETS FROM ABROAD AND LOCAL INITIATIVES

The Munn-Pitt Report is published

The Munn-Pitt Report was released in January 1935. It was scathing about the state of development of Australian libraries, with very few exceptions. The "wretched little institutes" which in most States had become "cemeteries of old and forgotten books" were contrasted with the excellent work being done by municipal lending libraries in Sydney and Prahran.1 The institutes' limited availability to the public, untrained staff, poor collections, general lack of non- fiction, absence of catalogues and poor record of services to children all came in for criticism. In many of the small towns of New South Wales, the report added, "the only readable non-fiction is that contained in the travelling box from the

Public (state) Library."2

The reference services and Research Department of the Public Library of New South Wales were singled out for praise: "In other state libraries the inquirer secures very little aid beyond what can be given at the catalogue and indexes."3

The Public Library collection was "excellently selected" and "catalogued and classified according to approved bibliographical methods."4 Staff training was

1 Munn and Pitt, Australian Libraries, 24, 25.

2 Ibid., 32.

3 Ibid., 29.

4 Ibid., 39.

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"systematic."5 There was favourable comment too on the proposal to complete the

Public Library building.6

The Commonwealth National Library was also praised as "a highly creditable institution" which should be encouraged to become "more truly national in scope."7 The situation in Brisbane, by contrast, was desperate: "anyone wishing to carry away a favourable impression of the Public Library of Queensland should never make the mistake of entering it."8 The Tasmanian Public Library, for a city the size of Hobart, was "the poorest in Australia and New Zealand," with no trained staff and "perhaps the largest uncatalogued collection in any public library in the world."9 Development of truly public library services in South Australia would be hamstrung because of the antagonism between the Institutes Association and the Public Library.10

The Public Library of Victoria was described as "a credit to Victoria," with a well-rounded collection and satisfactory technical processes, but hampered by lack of staff.11 Munn was critical of staff selection procedures, believing too much reliance was placed on seniority - which Munn privately called the Public Library goose-step - and that the Chief Librarian did not have enough freedom in selecting young candidates.12 Ifould, as we have seen, had a considerable influence on the selection and promotion of his staff, and had not made a fetish of seniority.

5 Ibid., 43.

6 Ibid., 38.

7 Ibid., 37.

8 Ibid., 61.

9 Ibid., 84, 86.

10 Ibid., 76.

11 Ibid., 50-52.

12 Munn, "Australia"; Munn and Pitt, Australian Libraries, 52.

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The Munn-Pitt Report identified the inability of the Sydney Municipal Library, despite the good work it was doing, to provide services to one and a quarter million residents of the greater Sydney area.13 The schools of arts and institutes around Sydney, with their "janitor-librarian-billiard marker in charge" were "wholly unable to give the type of service demanded." The largest of these, the Sydney School of Arts, with three thousand members, "scarcely touches the community." There was some prospect of legislation to amalgamate the metropolitan municipalities and shires into a "Greater Sydney," but if this did not eventuate, the Report recommended that the City should request legislation to create a "metropolitan library district."14

For Newcastle, the Report recommended a city takeover of the school of arts as a first step in creating a rate-supported library service, and noted that a library district could be formed for the whole Hunter Valley region. Similarly in country areas large towns could become the centres for library service for their region. The Report acknowledged that it would take years of promotion to persuade communities to expend rate funds for such regional libraries.15

The Report and Ifould's scheme

Ifould had outlined a scheme for public library services for New South Wales to Munn when he was in Sydney, and Metcalfe had elaborated upon it in subsequent correspondence. Ifould's scheme now came in for some attention in the Munn-Pitt Report. The scheme recognised the difficulty of providing services across local government boundaries, but offered a strategy.16 Under the Local Government Act "county councils" had been established to manage electricity

13 Munn and Pitt, Australian Libraries, 44.

14 Ibid., 45.

15 Ibid., 47.

16 Metcalfe, "A Scheme for Library Service in New South Wales," 2.

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supplies, and similar bodies could cover libraries. Alternatively councils could contract with each other to obtain library services. The regional libraries would initially be reference collections, but would become lending libraries as soon as possible after their establishment. Some State Government assistance was suggested, partly to encourage local authorities to allow non-residents to use their facilities: "Eventually by reason of his state citizenship and the state's support of libraries anyone might be entitled to use whatever regional library service happened to be most convenient."17

The proposed regional libraries would be in Armidale, Newcastle, Wollongong, Wagga Wagga, Katoomba, Bathurst, Goulburn, Tamworth, Grafton, Broken Hill and Sydney. Country dwellers out of range of these centres would be served by local branches and deposit stations. Institutes might be brought into the scheme, providing popular fiction on a "pay collection" basis, a compromise partly intended to defuse possible institute opposition:

However moribund the institutes are they do represent an impulse towards cultural reading, an untutored enthusiasm for good books, and they do involve a vested interest which might be more effective in resenting an imagined slight than it has been in providing library service.18

The suggestion of "pay" collections of fiction was in accord with Ifould's consistent view of the public library as an educational force, with an emphasis on informational rather than recreational works. There was certainly a steady demand for light fiction.19 In the 1930s there were still hundreds of "threepenny lending libraries" around the country, well patronised by those seeking an escape from "the miseries and fears of the time."20

17 Ibid., 3.

18 Ibid., 6. "Pay collections" existed in some parts of the United States, the United Kingdom and New Zealand, and were acceptable to the Free Library Movement (Free Library Movement, Free Public Libraries, 28).

19 Lyons and Taksa, Australian Readers Remember, 115-29.

20 George Johnston, My Brother Jack (London: Fontana Books, 1967), 168.

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Institutes also had buildings which could be used in the library scheme, and staff who could at least be taught how to look after loan records. Some local authorities might be prepared to take over declining institutes. Local schools might house deposit stations: many already received Library boxes. Backup resources would be available from the Country Circulation Department and the

Country Reference Section.21

Government subsidy could be provided to staff the regional libraries, to provide technical assistance and perhaps to supply books for circulation beyond immediate local government boundaries.22 Such subsidies might be conditional upon providing a reasonable standard of library service, based on the quality of the bookstock, the circulation figures for the collection and the qualifications of the librarian.23

It was an ambitious and sophisticated scheme, much more so than Ifould's earlier idea of creating a ground-swell of support for free public libraries throughout the State by encouraging the reading habit in a new generation of school children.24 The Munn-Pitt Report gave the scheme its cautious support, although it warned that there was a danger that municipalities in which State library branches were located would have little incentive to establish their own lending services. This was exactly the situation in most of the State capitals where

"the municipalities are doing nothing."25 The Report noted Ifould's conviction that

"library progress can be furthered only by the state government."26 This ran

21 Metcalfe, "Scheme for Library Service in New South Wales," 19.

22 Ibid., 11.

23 Ibid., 13-14.

24 Ifould to J. N. Harrison, Forbes, 14 March 1934.

25 Munn and Pitt, Australian Libraries, 48.

26 Ibid., 48-49.

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counter to overseas experience "that public libraries should be established as a result of local initiative and be governed and financed by the local authorities." The Report acknowledged however that Australians had reason to claim that their situation was different, and that local library development fell properly within the

State's functions.27

There was in fact no clear American pattern for regional library services, and experimentation was still taking place, assisted in some areas by the Carnegie Corporation. As a contemporary commentator noted:

There is a difference of opinion as to whether these regional libraries will be natural developments, sponsored by the people in the areas concerned, or whether they will be developed and supervised by state agencies through the division of the state into a number of areas convenient for library service.28

Lacking a clear-cut American model, and in the face of Ifould's persuasiveness and Drummond's enthusiastic support, Munn accepted, albeit with reservations, Ifould's proposals for library development in his State. Ifould could therefore be doubly pleased with the Report: his views had been given a reasonable measure of approval, and his own institution had been one of the few to come in for praise.

The reception of the Report

Release of the Munn-Pitt Report was delayed until January 1935, in the hope that it would gain additional coverage during the newspaper "silly season."29 Ifould wanted the State librarians to seize the initiative and show a united front by issuing a statement on the Report. Frederick Keppel, President of the Carnegie

27 Ibid., 128.

28 Leora J. Lewis, "The Small Library in Regional Planning," American Library Association Bulletin 29 (October 1935): 786.

29 Selleck, Frank Tate, 277.

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Corporation, would be visiting Australia later that year, and to have any hope of securing Carnegie support, librarians would need to show solidarity. Ifould proposed meeting Purnell, Pitt and Binns to draft a suitable statement on the Report. He confided to Purnell that he did not wish to involve Bertie, the Sydney City Librarian, because then McMicken from Prahran, the institutes and the university librarians would all want to become involved. He would have liked to include Battye, although there would probably not be time for him to attend a meeting, and "if he did come he would be an infernal nuisance." Ifould clearly wanted to limit the signatories to people who would agree with him, so that the statement would pull no punches.30

Battye surprised his colleagues by signifying his "cordial approval" of a draft of the joint statement.31 As expected, because of the harsh words about institutes in the statement, Purnell's Trustees in Adelaide did not approve his signing it. "What an extraordinarily little-minded crowd they are!" Binns exclaimed to Ifould. "Poor Purnell! Fancy having to serve under a crowd like that!"32 "Now I have a pack of ravening wolves on my trail headed by a mutual `friend,'" Purnell told Ifould. The mutual "friend" was Sir William Sowden, President of the Institutes Association of South Australia and former President of the Public

Library Trustees, with whom Ifould had crossed swords a quarter century before.33

30 Ifould to Purnell, 8 January 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives unnumbered box, labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report." Alfred Ernest McMicken (1872-1964) was Librarian of Prahran Public Library in Victoria, 1902-39.

31 Ifould to Purnell, 25 February 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives unnumbered box, labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report."

32 Binns to Ifould, 4 March 1935, TLS, SLNSW archives unnumbered box, labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report."

33 Purnell to Ifould, 14 January 1935, TLS, SLNSW archives unnumbered box, labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report."

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In their statement, Ifould, Binns, Pitt and Battye wrote:

Generally speaking we approve of the recommendations as the most practicable means for establishing free library facilities. We consider the existing country and suburban institutes and schools of arts are inadequate and the system unsuitable . . . From the point of view of education, over 90 per cent are practically useless.34

They urged the establishment of free libraries in all towns with a population of over ten thousand, with State and local support through rates, beginning with a number of demonstration projects. They ended their statement by asking that the book votes of Commonwealth and State libraries be restored to those prevailing before the Depression:

No progressive people in the world are so dependent as Australians on information available from books and journals. It is therefore a disastrous policy for Australian State governments to save an insignificant amount at the cost of immediate and irremediable damage to these institutions so necessary to Australia's economic efficiency and social welfare.35

Ifould's Trustees' response to the Report was cautious. They were "pleased with the very favourable report on the Public Library of New South Wales, and the recommendation that the improvement of local libraries can best be effected through the agency of the State libraries." At this stage they proposed nothing more specific than requesting additional funds to increase services through the Country Circulation Department, for which there would still be a role "however successfully the Government may solve the problem of providing good free libraries in all important centres of population." The Trustees did not appear

34 A copy of the joint statement is in SLNSW archives unnumbered box, labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report."

35 Ibid.

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ready to seize the initiative themselves. Statewide public library services were beyond the scope of their Act: the ball was firmly in the Government's court.36

The Institutes Association of South Australia, predictably, repudiated the Report. The Australian Library Association, however, made no response to the Munn-Pitt

Report, and did not even meet to discuss it.37 It was a dead duck, "shocked out of existence."38

Publicity surrounding the Munn-Pitt Report was initially extensive, but was not sustained. It was most vigorous in New South Wales, thanks in part to Ifould's press conferences and his relations with the newspapers. "As far as this State is concerned," he told Munn, "you have had a wonderfully favourable press as the

Report deserved."39 In public addresses at this time, including one to the Constitutional Association on "What is wrong with our libraries?" Ifould tried to fan the flames.40 Stirred by the publicity, several institutes and local authorities wrote to him asking for advice on how to develop a better form of library service. The president of Goulburn Mechanics' Institute telephoned him at a friend's house at 10.45 one night to ask if there would be a library at Goulburn, as he had a promise of £156 from the local council to support a library.41 All Ifould could do at

36 PLNSW Annual Report, 1935: 5. The Munn-Pitt Report was tabled at the meeting of the Trustees on 18 February 1935. (Trustees' Minute Books, 18 February 1935).

37 Talbot, A Chance to Read, 162; Johnson and Doust, "The Library Association of Australia," 2; Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia," 140.

38 Metcalfe, Review of The Australian Council for Educational Research, 98.

39 Ifould to Munn, 28 February 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51.

40 Ifould to Secretary, Constitutional Association of New South Wales, 7 March 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51.

41 Ifould to Drummond, 8 November 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement;" Ifould, "Notes on an interview with the Minister 23.10.35, to discuss his notes on country libraries," SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement."

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this stage was to respond in general terms, saying that the time was ripe for most institutes to change from "the subscription library to a free municipal library with State assistance." He hoped that the Government would soon decide its library policy.42

The Munn-Pitt Report was powerful propaganda for the proponents of a free public library system.43 As Remington and Metcalfe later put it: "We required the prophet from abroad, and fortunately he came."44

Munn's pessimism

The "prophet" was privately pessimistic. In a note to Keppel, President of the Carnegie Corporation of New York, who was about to visit South Africa, Australia and New Zealand, Munn wrote that he did not expect rapid development of public library services in Australia, partly because there were few librarians whom he regarded as "able and alert," in contrast to New Zealand.45 Brown in Queensland was "thoroughly and incurably incompetent on any and all counts." McMicken in Prahran was "a limelighter, always out in front, but only mediocre in performance." At the Public Library of Victoria there was a "continuing procession from apprenticeship to the chief librarians chair," with no-one in charge long enough to make an impact. South Australia was riven by the "warfare" between the Public Library and the Institutes Association - "a funeral service over Sir William Sowden the founder and czar of the Institutes Association must come before there is any chance of peace, and even then it is a slim chance."46 Munn's

42 Ifould to Drummond, 23 July 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52.

43 Whitehead, "AM and PM: The Munn-Pitt Report in Context," 7.

44 Remington and Metcalfe, "The Free Library Movement, 1935-1945," 4.

45 Munn, "Australia"; Munn, "New Zealand," [Undated], TD, Carnegie Corporation of New York archives.

46 Munn, "Australia."

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assessment was shrewd: Sowden died in 1943, but the last institute was not wound up until June 1989.47

Now what can any one do with a situation like that? What Australia needs is a flock of Carl Milams and Helen Stewarts to start things moving and there are too few who are even potentially able to do that kind of work.48

Munn singled out Ifould and Purnell, "and to a lesser extent" Pitt, Metcalfe, McMicken and Miller as being fully aware of the defects and how to cure them, and predicted that Ifould would be the key to developments in New South Wales: "Ifould is extremely able and can be depended upon to develop service so long as it can be done through his own library."49

For Munn there were two additional factors which would hamper library development in Australia: lack of acceptance by local authorities of the responsibility to maintain library services, and a public with very limited experience of free library service. Probably recalling his meetings with Drummond, however, Munn noted that there was "an apparently favorable group of public officials."50

Keppel's visit and the Library Group

Armed with the Munn-Pitt Report and Munn's candid background notes, Keppel visited Australia in 1935, spending fifteen days in New South Wales, gaining some first hand impressions of the library, museum, university and general educational situation which had been reported upon by previous Carnegie

47 Talbot, A Chance to Read, 211.

48 Munn, "Australia." Carl Hastings Milam (1884-1963) was Executive Secretary of the American Library Association, 1920-48. Dr. Helen Gordon Stewart was director of the regional library demonstration project in the Fraser Valley, British Columbia, which Ifould would see in action in 1936 (see Chapter 12).

49 Ibid., emphasis in original.

50 Munn, "New Zealand."

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surveyors. He met Ifould, saw the Public Library in action, and was favourably impressed by the Research Department - "one of the best of its kind anywhere."51 His conclusion regarding libraries was that it was best for the Corporation to allow the Munn-Pitt Report to be digested for a time before the Corporation followed it up with specific grants. Referring by way of example to regional library schemes, Keppel pointed to the "financial independence of the separate boroughs which make up the larger cities," which would inhibit local cooperation in a library service. "These boroughs must experience a change of heart before they are ready to contribute an equitable share to any regional enterprise."52

Despite this cautionary note, Keppel wrote of "substantial expenditure for a considerable period" in supporting regional library demonstration projects whenever they could "profitably be undertaken in cooperation with the public authorities."53 In the meantime, he felt the Corporation should concentrate on training "promising people," and providing grants to support the development of "a few competent leaders."54

The Library Group

The possibility of financial support from the Corporation to establish free public library services generated intense interest in Australia, and the question of allocating any forthcoming grants became a burning issue. The Trustees of the

Tasmanian Public Library thought recipients should be selected by a representative committee of Australian libraries.55 Ifould agreed: "It is perfectly clear from what Dr Keppel told me, that the Corporation will do nothing in the

51 Keppel, Informal Report, 37.

52 Ibid., 23.

53 Ibid., 26.

54 Ibid., 23.

55 Trustees' Minute Books, 18 March 1935.

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way of assistance without professional advice from this end."56 Ifould's main concern was that too soft a line would be taken with the institutes, and that they might gain Carnegie funds at the expense of free public libraries. As he confided to Purnell: "I want Keppel to be strengthened in the feeling he had when he left here that his Corporation could only depend upon the advice of specialists."57 A Committee of Librarians (later known as the Library Group) was therefore formed under the auspices of the Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER) as a channel of communication with the Corporation. Frank Tate chaired the Group until his death in 1939, and K. S. Cunningham, executive officer of the ACER, was its secretary.58 The library members of what Metcalfe would later call "this cabal" were Binns, Ifould, Pitt and Purnell or their deputies.59

In April 1935 the Library Group held its first formal meeting in Melbourne, and Ifould was given the responsibility of drafting a brief for "organisations and persons anxious to help in creating public opinion" relating to library development.60 Ifould hoped, through the Library Group, to put the case to the Carnegie Corporation for support for the regional library scheme. If Drummond approved, he would ask the Corporation to be informed:

That a start be made for the provision of regional libraries in New South Wales, and that the Government would probably help along certain definite lines provided that they can get assurance from the Carnegie Corporation that definite aid could be expected.61

56 Ifould to Drummond, 15 April 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51.

57 Ifould to Purnell, 23 May 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51.

58 Selleck, Frank Tate, 277; Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, 17-23.

59 Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia," 140.

60 Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, 18.

61 Ifould to Drummond, 26 April 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "LAC."

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Prospects of early action

In early 1935 there seemed a real prospect of one or more of the regional libraries becoming reality. Newcastle was a case in point. Following Munn's visit, the Rotary Club of Newcastle had taken up the cause of public libraries, and indicated its support for an art gallery, technological museum and public library in its city. Ifould reported this to the Carnegie Corporation. He hoped that

Newcastle would establish the first of the regional libraries, supported by the State Government and the local municipalities. If Carnegie assistance were forthcoming, the success of the scheme seemed assured.62

Drummond was keen about a possible regional library at Armidale, within his electorate. He thought such a library, "roping in a number of the surrounding Shires and Municipalities to make a contribution which, added to that of the City of Armidale, and ultimately subsidised by the Government, would make the nucleus of a very fine fund for the development of a Free Lending Library." So enthused was he by this prospect that he asked Ifould to draft a paragraph on regional libraries for the Premier's policy speech.63

Ifould obliged, pointing out that by supporting the development of regional libraries of this nature, the Government would not need a long purse. Even if eight such libraries were established, he estimated that Government expenditure would be limited to about four thousand pounds per year, and he saw little likelihood of more than two or three being established within the next few years. He also pointed out that expenditure on schools of arts was being saved, he

62 Ifould to Dr K. E. Shellshear, President, Rotary Club of Newcastle, 24 July 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL50; Ifould to Drummond, 24 July 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL50; Ifould to K. Mulholland, Newcastle, 1 July 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52.

63 Drummond to Ifould, 5 March 1935.

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thought, to the tune of ten thousand pounds per year. This was not a real saving, however, as schools of arts had not been subsidised since the Depression.64

He was confident of support in the press: Brunsdon Fletcher, the editor of the Sydney Morning Herald, Ifould told Drummond, was "very anxious indeed to do everything possible to forward the movement for an improved library system, and the Herald will give us all the space we want."65 The Premier's policy speech was promising: £150,000 would be made available for the Library building. This was "the first step in a scheme to bring proper library facilities to every important centre in the State. We propose to establish a system of Regional Libraries, based upon this extended Public Library."66

A change of government, or even of Minister, at this time would have been "a disastrous thing," Ifould believed. All the other States, he told Drummond, were now looking to New South Wales for a lead: "What is done now can immeasurably affect the cultural and economic life of the whole community."67 After the Stevens Government had been returned with a solid majority at the May 1935 election, Drummond was anxious to put a firm library scheme to the Premier.

64 Ifould to Drummond, 15 March 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51. Subsidies had averaged £7,239 between 1909 and 1931, when the last subsidies, amounting to £1,293, had been paid. (Department of Education, "Public Expenditure on Institutes," TD, c. 1938, SLNSW archives old files box 5, file "School Libraries Committee.")

65 Ifould to Drummond, 28 March 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51. Charles Brunsdon Fletcher (1859-1946) was editor of the Sydney Morning Herald, 1918-37. He later became a Vice-President of the Free Library Movement.

66 Ifould to John Barr, Chief Librarian, Auckland, 2 July 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52; Metcalfe to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 30 July 1936, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement."

67 Ifould to Drummond, 21 May 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51.

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He set Ifould to work preparing a detailed description of the regional library scheme.68

The Free Library Movement

On 26 June 1935 Ifould was invited to a meeting at Chatswood- Willoughby School of Arts at which the future of library services was to be discussed. He asked Brunsdon Fletcher to ensure that a Sydney Morning Herald reporter was present. He also asked Tom Dunbabin, Editor of the Sun, to send a reporter, promising him that there would be enough interesting morsels left by the Herald for the afternoon paper. Ifould addressed the forty representatives of parents and citizens' and progress associations on free public libraries, emphasising the need for a State-wide system, cooperation between new public libraries and a central library, and for a demonstration of unity in order to attract government support.69

At this meeting an organisation "to be known as the Free Library Movement, having in general the objects outlined by Mr. W. H. Ifould" was formed. Ifould gave the Movement his guarded official encouragement. In private he assured the organisers of his wholehearted support. He helped financially: with Billy Hughes, Sir Frederick Stewart, Ruth Fairfax, and A. Lyell Scott, he stood as guarantor for a bank loan for the Movement. He also helped secure Carnegie

68 Ifould, Memorandum of meeting with Drummond, 25 June 1935, TD, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement." Sir Bertram Sydney Barnsdale Stevens (1889-1973), Premier of New South Wales, 1932-39.

69 Ifould to G. W. Brain, 10 June 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51; Ifould to C. Brunsdon Fletcher, 21 June 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51; Ifould to T. Dunbabin, Editor, The Sun, 21 June 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL51; Free Library Movement, Constitution of the Free Library Movement with an Introductory Note (Sydney: Free Library Movement, 1935), 4; "Inaugural meeting of Delegates from public and quasi-public bodies, convened by the Middle Harbour Progress Association and held in the School of Arts, Victoria Avenue, Chatswood," 1935, TD, SLNSW archives, unnumbered box, labelled "Free Library Movement."

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financial support for the Movement through the Australian Council for

Educational Research.70 As he later described his relationship with the Movement:

I am careful not even to be a member of it much less an executive officer, but for all that I have taken care that the policy of the Free Library Movement should be our [i.e. the Library's] policy.71

This was one of the Movement's great strengths, as Metcalfe later pointed out: it was "essentially a laymen's movement."72 The axes which its members ground would be seen as those of society in general, not of a profession guarding or promoting its own interests. It was also a grass roots movement, working through branches and associated with organisations which enjoyed widespread community support. Metcalfe would play a leading role in the Movement's activities as its "informal adviser," and attended all its executive and council meetings. Thelma Metcalfe was an early member of the Movement's executive committee. Ifould attended the Movement's council meetings.73

70 Ifould to Drummond, 17 June 1935; Ifould to G. W. Brain, 17 July 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52. Free Library Movement Council Meeting, 19 October 1936, SLNSW archives unnumbered box, labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report"; Metcalfe to G. W. Brain, 3 December 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52. William Morris Hughes (1862- 1952), Prime Minister 1915-23, was a Vice-President of the FLM. Sir Frederick Stewart (1884-1961), businessman, politician and philanthropist, was Federal Minister for Commerce, 1932-34, and was prominent in the United Australia Party. He became President of the FLM. Ruth Fairfax (Mrs Hubert Fairfax) (1878- 1948), a co-founder of the Country Women's Association, was a Vice-President of the FLM, and became a Trustee of the Public Library in 1937. A. Lyell Scott was a member of Council of the FLM. For an account of the activities of the FLM in New South Wales see Snibson, "The Free Library Movement in New South Wales, 1935- 1944," and "The Free Library Movement Campaign."

71 Ifould to J. D. A. Collier, 7 May 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL64.

72 Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9887.

73 Snibson, "The Free Library Movement in New South Wales, 1935-1944," 121; Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia," 141; G. C. Remington to John Russell, Assistant to the President, Carnegie Corporation of New York, 16 February 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement." Thelma Metcalfe, who had married John Metcalfe in 1934, was prominent in a number of organisations, including the British Drama League, the Lyceum Club and the National Council of Women.

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In October 1935 Ifould dined with members of the Free Library Movement committee at the Metropole, a short walk from the Library and from the Movement's office in O'Connell Street, and they discussed a draft constitution for the Movement.74 Its objects were simply expressed: "To advocate and work for the establishment of Free Libraries. To create and foster public opinion on the value of Free Libraries."75 To encourage wide membership, fees were kept to a minimum: one shilling per year for individuals, and five shillings per year for organisations.76

The constitution was endorsed on 25 November 1935, the centenary of the birth of Andrew Carnegie, and the Movement was formally launched at a well- reported meeting in the Dixson Galleries. Delegates from public bodies in the Sydney area, as well as a number of country members of parliament, heard John Ferguson, bibliographer and judge, recently appointed to the Library's Board of

Trustees, talk on Andrew Carnegie. Ifould spoke once again on the need for better library services. Delegates were urged to return to their districts and set up branches of the Free Library Movement, involving local members of parliament, representatives of Progress Associations, Chambers of Commerce, Municipal and

Shire Councils, Parents and Citizens' Associations and similar bodies.77

74 Ifould to G. W. Brain, 17 October 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52.

75 Free Library Movement, Constitution, 2.

76 Ibid., 7; Ifould to Cunningham, 23 February 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "Free Library Movement."

77 Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, 24; Free Library Movement, Constitution, 5, 6; Sydney Morning Herald, 26 November 1935; Sun (Sydney), 26 November 1935. Ifould had suggested Ferguson's appointment as a Trustee, not just for his literary and historical interests, but also because of his legal training "which Ifould rightly held to be of advantage to the Library and to himself" (Richardson, The Instruction and Good of his Country, 9).

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Remington

Geoffrey Cochrane Remington was a leading light of the Free Library Movement from its inception. He was a well-known Sydney figure, a solicitor and businessman, who involved himself in a range of organisations, including the Australian Institute of Political Science (of which he was a founder member) and the Constitutional Association of New South Wales. He was, with F. A. Bland, one of the driving forces behind the Royal Australian Institute of Public Administration. In June 1935 Ifould had helped form the New South Wales branch of this organisation.78

Frank Tate, Chairman of the Australian Council for Educational Research, had handed Remington a copy of the Munn-Pitt Report, with words to the effect: "So you want to help poor suffering humanity, do you? Well get your teeth into this."79 It was largely due to Remington's infectious energy and enthusiasm, and his valuable connections, that the Free Library Movement had such a firm foundation and made such early progress.80 He was a supreme lobbyist. His technique was a deceptively simple two-pronged approach: stimulating public interest, and influencing politicians, especially Ministers. As he said a few years later to a group which wanted to establish an Australian Council for Social Research: "The interest of the politicians can be aroused by telling them of all the benefits which research in the social sciences will enable them to confer on the people. Their interest will be capitalised so soon as they believe that there is a growing public opinion supporting the social research idea." Persuasive

78 Vincent, "Why Bother with Library History?" 9. Francis Armand Bland (1882-1967), former Public Service Board examiner, was then Professor of Public Administration at the University of Sydney.

79 Selleck, Frank Tate, 278; Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, 23; Metcalfe, "Remarks to Trustees of the Public Library of NSW on retirement."

80 Vincent, "Why Bother with Library History?"

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arguments for politicians and the public had to be "hard-boiled, practical - in the business sense - pounds shillings and pence reasons," he advised. Only when public interest in an issue had been demonstrated, would politicians begin to take notice.81

The blossoming of interest on the part of two laymen, Tate and Remington, is now seen as fortunate for library development in Australia, but there may have been some initial concerns in Ifould's mind about the involvement of enthusiastic amateurs. Metcalfe believed that "Ifould was never sure about either Tate or Remington." He thought that Ifould did not share their taste for creating "uproar" in furthering the causes they espoused. Ifould's unwavering support for the Free Library Movement, his consistent expressions of respect for Tate, and his subsequent endorsement of Remington's tactics suggest either that Metcalfe was overstating the case or that Ifould was adept at overcoming or concealing his true feelings.82

Cabinet considers the library scheme

There was some delay in presenting detailed library proposals to Cabinet, partly because of differences of opinion between Ifould and Drummond. The scheme which Ifould submitted in July 1935 involved major libraries at Newcastle, Katoomba and Wollongong, each of which would have branches, and fourteen libraries in other major centres which would be branches of the Public Library of New South Wales. A library would only be established if each centre promised to raise a rate and contribute to running costs.83

81 G. C. Remington, "Organising Australian Social Research," Notes for an address, 23 September 1941, SLNSW archives old files box 7, file "Social Research."

82 Metcalfe, "Laymen and Libraries," 92.

83 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 9 July 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "Free Library Movement."

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Ifould maintained that regional libraries should, in the early years at least, be branches of the Public Library, subsidised by the local authority, but not "trammelled by local control." He believed that association with the Public Library would also mean a more balanced collection, better staffing and provision of relief staff, better training and close links with the Library when information, books or other assistance were required.84 The capital cost to the Government he estimated at £59,500 over a period of ten years. When fully operational the recurrent cost of the scheme would be £16,600. The reference collections would cost up to £18,500, for which Carnegie grants might be forthcoming. There would be no saving of expenditure on the Public Library: indeed he expected that heavier demands would be made on its collections and services.85

Munn's reaction to this scheme had been encouraging, but cautious. The demonstration power of regional reference libraries would be limited, he thought, and they should lend as quickly as possible; local libraries should be supported by a local rate, and there should be extensive local involvement. If the bulk of funding were from State sources, Munn noted, the cost would eventually be staggering - up to £400,000 per year, he estimated - and would be a sitting duck at each budget hearing. If such expenditure were spread over a number of authorities, the ratepayer would not feel it as much.86

Drummond agreed with Munn, and did not want to "dump upon the whole of New South Wales an entirely complete library system." He too favoured a scheme which would encourage local communities to develop a library service for

84 Ifould to Drummond, 27 March 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "Free Library Movement."

85 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 9 July 1935; Ifould to Drummond, 27 March 1935.

86 Metcalfe, "A Scheme for Library Service in New South Wales"; Munn to Ifould, 3 January 1934 [i.e. 1935], TLS, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report."

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themselves, with Government assistance. Localities should be encouraged to "make their own sacrifices." There was evidence that many were prepared to do so.87 Drummond's view was consistent with the Carnegie approach which was expounded for all to read in Tate's foreword to the Munn-Pitt Report. Andrew Carnegie, Tate had written, "clearly foresaw that the best guarantee for a permanent interest and pride in a local institution was the sense of ownership, associated with a steadily developing willingness to make further sacrifices on its behalf."88

The scheme upon which Drummond and Ifould eventually agreed was a hybrid, consisting of "Regional Libraries" and "State Branch Free Lending Libraries." For Regional Libraries the State Government would provide the whole cost of the initial building and furniture, the initial bookstock, and a trained librarian, and thereafter make a pound for pound subsidy for the maintenance and development of the library. Similar arrangements were suggested for the State Branch Free Lending Libraries, except that only half the cost of the building would be provided and that there would be no pound for pound subsidy.89 Drummond thought it prudent not to take Carnegie support for granted, but if it were forthcoming, it would best be spent on books, not buildings. With Carnegie support, he believed, the success of the public library scheme would be "practically assured" in Cabinet, even though State funds were severely limited.90

Their hopes were soon dashed. "My worst fears have been more than realised," Drummond told Ifould in November.91 The library scheme had come at a

87 Drummond to Ifould, 29 October 1935, TLS, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

88 Munn and Pitt, Australian Libraries, 10.

89 "Library Development in New South Wales," TD, 1935, AONSW 20/13008; B. S. B. Stevens to Drummond, 31 October 1935, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

90 Drummond to Ifould, 29 October 1935.

91 Drummond to Ifould, 6 November 1935, TLS, PLNSW Confidential Papers

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bad time: Cabinet had before it proposals for a massive increase in funding for technical education. Ifould and Drummond had left their cost estimates out of the Cabinet submission, but Stevens, Premier and Treasurer, and an accountant by profession, believed the impact on the budget would be considerable. He told Drummond "it would be extremely undesirable at the present juncture to embark upon the scheme, as this would undoubtedly increase our budgetary and other financial difficulties."92

Ifould was doubly disappointed: he had also heard unofficially that funds might not be available to commence work on the Library building during that financial year.93 "The winds which blow my way seem to waft a rumour equally disquieting," Drummond told him.94

Too little, too late

Too late Drummond asked Ifould to provide supplementary information on the library scheme, including examples of potential regional libraries at Lismore and Wagga, and their likely costs. Ifould assessed the extent of Government capital outlay required and the prospects of the local authority meeting capital and running costs out of rate income. He also examined the impact of reducing the number of regional libraries for the time being, in order to limit early expenditure. He suggested "pay collections" of light fiction - romances, detective stories and westerns - "the class of light fiction which forms the pabulum

92 Stevens to Drummond, 31 October 1935.

93 PLNSW Annual Report, 1936: 3-4; Ifould to J. Norrie, New Zealand Library Association, 13 December 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52; Ifould to Drummond, 15 November 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives, old files box 12, "National Library Building - memoranda, correspondence etc."

94 Drummond to Ifould, 20 November 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives, old files box 12, "National Library Building - memoranda, correspondence etc."

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of many readers," - to reduce costs.95 He also sounded out Tate and Cunningham on the prospect of Carnegie assistance for demonstration regional library projects, only to be told that they felt it unlikely at present, as the Corporation was concentrating on the education of librarians.96

The premature submission of an ambitious and open-ended scheme, without a detailed financial analysis, had been a major error. Drummond had the bit between his teeth, and Ifould had been equally impetuous and intent on a scheme over which he could retain maximum control. The scheme had been devised hastily and without consultation with any of the local authorities concerned. Despite Munn's warnings, Ifould had championed a very centralised system, which would incur a great deal of State expenditure with little commitment needed from local authorities. It was a serious error of judgement, and a setback for the free library cause.

There was a crumb of comfort: Stevens agreed to a review of the library scheme, "from a financial angle," at some unspecified time in the future.97 Ifould and Drummond would have time to refine their approach, and there would be time for the Free Library Movement's propaganda to take effect.

95 Ifould to Drummond, 28 November 1935, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers; Ifould to Drummond, 8 November 1935; Free Library Movement, Free Public Libraries, 28.

96 Ifould to Drummond, 8 November 1935.

97 Drummond to Ifould, 6 November 1935; Stevens to Drummond, 31 October 1935.1 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 October 1935.

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CHAPTER TWELVE

IFOULD'S 1936 TOUR AND FORMATION OF THE LIBRARIES ADVISORY COMMITTEE

Ifould overseas

The failure to adopt the regional library scheme and the delay in calling tenders for the building brought one immediate consolation: it meant that in 1936 Ifould would be able to take six months leave in order to accept the Carnegie Corporation's invitation to the United States, and to revisit the United Kingdom. He departed for the west coast of the United States in March 1936, leaving

Metcalfe to show his mettle as acting Principal Librarian.1

Ifould and his wife spent a week or so in California, indulging in some pastimes, including fishing for brook trout, on which the Rod Fishers' Society back home eagerly awaited Ifould's impressions, and playing on some American golf courses, on which Ifould would later brief the New South Wales Greenkeepers' Association. They then travelled north to British Columbia, where Ifould wished to see the Fraser Valley scheme in action. This was a regional library system in which twenty-four local government authorities cooperated to provide public library services to a region of approximately sixteen hundred square miles (4,144 square kilometres). The scheme had originally been financed by a Carnegie Corporation grant of US$100,000, but was now entirely supported out of local tax

1 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 October 1935.

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revenue. Ifould believed that the Corporation might well sponsor a similar scheme in the Hunter Valley.2

After British Columbia, their itinerary included Minneapolis, Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Washington, New York, Ottawa and Montreal. At the Carnegie Corporation headquarters in New York Ifould met Keppel once again. Their discussions confirmed Ifould's belief that there were good prospects of Carnegie assistance for public libraries, but only if local authorities and people were prepared to help themselves. It was probably at this meeting that Keppel gave what Ifould understood and subsequently referred to as a "promise" to support a regional library based in Newcastle.3 After what Ifould regarded as a very successful visit to the United States, he and his wife embarked for England. In London he did the rounds of booksellers, dealers, and libraries, but on this, their third visit, there was much more time for sightseeing and sentimental journeys. They were able to spend some time in the Scottish Highlands, and to see the birthplace of Mrs. Ifould's ancestors, the Camerons of Lochiel, at Achnacarry in Invernessshire. They saw the tomb of Lachlan Macquarie on the island of Mull. Ifould played a round of golf at St. Andrews. Across the Irish Sea he played at Portmarnock. Returning to Hampshire, the home of Ifould's ancestors, they combined business with pleasure, visiting Preston Candover once more and at nearby Winchester calling on Gregory Mathews, an Australian-born collector of books on ornithology whose collection

2 Ifould to Keppel, 6 January 1936, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL53; Ifould, "Some Travel Observations," Undated, but from context 1936, TD, Notes for lectures and addresses, 1922-39, SLNSW archives NPL244; Ifould to Keppel, 12 November 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52; Ifould to Drummond, 13 November 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52; Leora J. Lewis, "The Small Library in Regional Planning," American Library Association Bulletin 29 (October 1935): 786.

3 PLNSW Annual Report, 1936: 4; Ifould to Keppel, 12 November 1935; Ifould, Radio interview with Ken Sullivan, TD, with ms amendments, [1936?], Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878. The proposal for a regional library at Newcastle, and efforts to secure Carnegie support for it, are described in Chapter Fifteen.

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Ifould hoped one day to secure.4 A few months later Drummond followed in some of Ifould's footsteps, during a six month study tour examining educational systems and libraries in the United States, the United Kingdom and Europe. He would return keener than ever to support library development.5

A valuable six months

The time which Ifould spent overseas in 1936 was useful in many ways. It enabled him to make further contact with the Carnegie Corporation and to test the water for grants to establish regional libraries. It gave him a further opportunity to observe library services and buildings. His time in the United States also reinforced the affinities which Ifould felt for American librarianship and Americans in general. "I'm impatient with people who sneer at Americans and things American," he said after this visit. Citing a common language, literature, tradition and a hatred of injustice and tyranny, he concluded "We have more in common with them than with any other people."6

The six months absence also provided an opportunity to escape from the day to day concerns of his Library, and to enjoy a change of scene and activities. He returned to Australia in October, refreshed and "physically and I hope mentally better equipped for my job."7 The absence had also enabled Metcalfe to gain

4 Ifould to Undersecretary, Premier's Department, 7 April 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL54; Ifould, "Some Travel Observations"; Ifould to Gregory E. Mathews, Winchester, 12 July 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL55. On his return from overseas, in a rare public foray into Australian history, Ifould addressed the Australasian Pioneers' Club on Macquarie's career. (P. D. Lark and R. McKenzie, A History of the Australasian Pioneers' Club, Sydney, 1910-1988 (Brisbane: Boolarong Publications for the Australasian Pioneers' Club, 1988), 112- 13).

5 Ifould, "Library Development in New South Wales," 62; D. H. Drummond, Report of Inquiries into Various Aspects of Education during a Visit to the United Kingdom, Europe, the United States of America, and Canada (Sydney: Government Printer, 1937); Horrocks, "The Carnegie Corporation of New York," 319.

6 Ifould, "Some Travel Observations."

7 Ifould, Radio interview with Ken Sullivan.

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valuable experience as acting Principal Librarian, Secretary of the Board of Trustees, and host to Drummond during the celebrations of the centenary of the birth of David Scott Mitchell. During 1936 Metcalfe completed the final examinations of the Library Association of the United Kingdom, and gained its Diploma, the first Australian practitioner to do so. He was subsequently elected a

Fellow.8

Ifould was highly satisfied with Metcalfe's progress: "He has matured and his work is very satisfactory indeed."9 Drummond shared Ifould's confidence: a little later, when Metcalfe put his case to the Public Service Board for a higher salary, Drummond minuted: "I personally feel that Mr. Metcalfe has justified his appointment and his claim is worthy of consideration by the Board."10

The Movement progresses

During 1936 the Free Library Movement had also progressed rapidly. It had gained support from a wide range of public servants, professionals, academics, judges, parliamentarians and local government aldermen. All sides of politics were represented, although "proponents of `free library service' were generally

8 Metcalfe to Public Service Board, 28 June 1937, TLS, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1937-38, AONSW 20/13010; Metcalfe to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 1 May 1942, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

9 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 30 June 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives PL/N7, file "Salaries."

10 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 30 June 1937, TLS, annotated by Drummond, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1937-38, AONSW 20/13010.

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more influential in conservative ranks than they were in the Labor Party."11 Some trade unions were involved, however, as Remington commented:

Under Australian conditions it is no mean achievement to secure the support on the one hand of the Chamber of Commerce and the Bank of New South Wales, and on the other hand the support of the militant members of the Labour and Trade Union Movements such as Mr. O. Schreiber Secretary of the Trade Unions Secretaries Association, Mr. W. Orr, General Secretary of the Miners Federation of Australia, and Dr. Lloyd Ross, M.A., LL.B., D.Litt, the State Secretary of the Australian Railway Union.12

Women were numerous not only in general membership, but also as vice- presidents and members of the Movement's council, including Jessie Street, President of the influential United Associations of Women (which had a few years before criticised Metcalfe's appointment), Thelma Metcalfe, and Ruth Fairfax, who was prominent in several organisations, including the Country Women's

Association.13

Branches of the Movement sprang up in metropolitan and country areas - and before long there would be Movements in other States. A young teacher, Ron McGreal, later to achieve prominence in the library world, reported that a branch had been established at Cessnock. Branches were rapidly formed at Ashbury, Chatswood-Willoughby, Lane Cove, Wagga Wagga, Muswellbrook, Bathurst, Orange, Casino, Lismore, Mosman, Lane Cove, Newcastle and Grafton. Support even came from schools of arts. At West Maitland, the committee of the local

11 Morrison, "Culture, Education and Municipalisation," 54. Of twenty-nine office-bearers of the Free Library Movement in 1936, only three were or became identified with the ALP. Jessie Street, for example, a member of the Council from 1936, later contested elections as an endorsed Labor candidate; C. E. Martin, a member of the FREE LIBRARY MOVEMENT Executive in 1936, became Attorney- General in the Labor Ministry in New South Wales in 1941; Dr. H. V. Evatt later became a federal Labor leader. A fourth office-bearer, Dr. W. G. K. Duncan was certainly not regarded as a right-wing figure: Metcalfe believed that Duncan was later denied a position with the Army Education Service "because he was supposed to be a Communist." (Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9913).

12 Remington to John Russell, 16 February 1937.

13 Free Library Movement, Free Public Libraries, opposite title page.

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school of arts became the committee of a branch of the Movement. The Chatswood-Willoughby School of Arts, where the Movement had been founded, distributed letters to one hundred schools of arts around the State asking them to support the Movement. The Federation of Parents and Citizens Associations, an influential lobby group, resolved to support the Movement. The State Congress of the Returned Sailors and Soldiers League of Australia signalled its sympathy with the Movement, and urged its sub-branches to do likewise in their own districts.

The former Premier Jack Lang pledged his support.14

Propaganda spread, thanks in part to a sympathetic press: Ifould's friend Brunsdon Fletcher of the Sydney Morning Herald was a vice-president of the Movement. There were also hard-hitting pamphlets, some prepared by John Metcalfe. Readers were jolted by descriptions of the backwardness of library provision in Australia, with liberal quotations from the Munn-Pitt Report. The five million pounds spent each year on education in New South Wales was contrasted with the fifty thousand pounds spent on libraries.15

The Movement praised the record of Broken Hill in providing, since 1910, the kind of library service which no other local authority, except the Sydney Municipal Council, had been prepared to support. It suggested the extension of central library services on a contract basis for small local authorities, the

14 Free Library Movement, Minutes of Executive meeting, 3, 10, 16 September, 15, 22, 29 October, 29 November 1937, SLNSW archives box "Free Library Movement"; Free Library Movement, Report of Council for the Year Ended March 31, 1938, (Sydney: Free Library Movement, 1938); Free Library Movement, Free Public Libraries (Melbourne: Free Library Movement [Victoria], 1937). Movements were established in Queensland (1937), Victoria (1937), and Tasmania (1938). Movements were later formed in South Australia (1944) and Western Australia (1949), but did not display the energy or match the achievements of the New South Wales Movement. Ronald Mervyn McGreal (1906-92) became the first Secretary of the Library Board of New South Wales in 1945. He played a significant part in the Camp Library Service during World War II, and was Deputy Principal Librarian of the Public Library of New South Wales, 1959-71.

15 Free Library Movement, Free Public Libraries.

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establishment of regional libraries in larger centres, as Ifould had proposed, adequate training of librarians, and the completion of the Public Library building. The Movement put forward its platform, provided "ammunition for argument" for its local branches, and encouraged wide participation in the debate.16

Ifould's agenda

Ifould was now approaching sixty, the normal retiring age in the New South Wales public service. There was no reduction in his workload nor in the stimulation which he was receiving from his various tasks. He did not have to keep working: financially he was secure, with his citrus business and investment income supplementing his salary. When he retired, he would be entitled to a substantial pension. He had no inclination, however, to leave the Library service until real progress had been made on two major fronts. A politically acceptable and economically viable scheme for free public libraries remained to be devised, promoted, accepted and implemented. The Library building project had stalled tantalisingly close to realization: plans had been completed, but there had been an indefinite delay in calling tenders.17

Meanwhile the Library's immediate problems were numerous and pressing: at sixteen hundred pounds per year the statutory endowment for the purchase of books was four hundred pounds less than it had been at the turn of the century. There was not enough money to provide boxes of books for the larger country schools. There were fewer binders than ten years before, and a greater binding backlog. In the Bent Street building there was inadequate space for open

16 Ibid., 16, 30.

17 PLNSW Annual Report, 1937: 1. Ifould dabbled in the stockmarket, bought a block of land at Elanora as an investment, and in some years earned more from his orangery at Waikerie than from his salary as Principal Librarian. (Ngahare Gold Dredging Ltd. shares, documents in possession of Mary Ifould, Bayview, N.S.W.; Wunderlich shares, referred to in Ifould to Dixson, 30 May 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives PL/N6, file "Bronze Doors"; Inverell Times, 17 February 1939).

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access books and virtually no stack space, insufficient seating, no heating, poor ventilation, no toilet facilities for women, and no lifts to transport book trolleys. The only response to this catalogue of shortcomings in 1937 was an increase in the statutory endowment: the Budget restored it to two thousand pounds. It was now back at the 1899 level.18

A committee is proposed

In February 1937 Remington, with Ifould and Metcalfe present, met Drummond and told him of the Free Library Movement's hopes of a Library Act and training for librarians, perhaps starting with a half dozen "propagandists." Remington visualised a "whole State scheme revolving round the Public Library," which would deal direct with the regional libraries.19 Drummond was very supportive: "The movement is going to do an incalculable amount of good," he told them. "Personally my sympathies are strongly with it." He believed that the next step should be to establish a committee with members of the Free Library Movement, Ifould, Metcalfe, and possibly someone from his own office who was good with figures, to prepare a Library Bill:

18 PLNSW Annual Report, 1937: 5, 7-8; Trustees' Minute Books, 18 October 1937.

19 Minutes of a discussion between Drummond and Remington, 18 February 1937, TD, SLNSW archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement." The transcript does not indicate who, other than Drummond and Remington, was present. However in the course of the meeting, Drummond said: "You people," presumably meaning Ifould and Metcalfe, "very wisely, have kept in the background."

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I think we should pool our resources so that whatever legislation is brought forward is brought forward in thorough co-operation and understanding with the Free Library Movement. If that is done it is going to facilitate the passage of the Bill, more particularly as your people grow in numbers, experience and political force.20

Remington urged Drummond not to delay: he had heard that, following the Grenfell Price Report, South Australia was planning library legislation:

It would be rather a pity if the other States took action to bring their library services up to date and left New South Wales dragging along behind when it is obvious from the Munn-Pitt Report and all other evidence that New South Wales is in a better position to take steps to provide it's [sic] people with an adequate modern library service than the other States.21

In March 1937 Drummond attended the second annual general meeting of the Free Library Movement in the Assembly Hall of his Department. He announced his intention to appoint a committee to draft a Bill for the establishment of free public libraries, and assured the Free Library Movement that it would be represented on the committee. Ifould provided draft terms of reference, which Drummond accepted, (although he rectified the omission of the

20 Minutes of a discussion between Drummond and Remington, 18 February 1937. Snibson ("The Free Library Movement in New South Wales, 1935- 1944," 123) suggests that the initiative for the Libraries Advisory Committee came, not from Drummond, but from the Free Library Movement, which "believed that it had sufficient public support to ask the Government to appoint a sub-committee." The minutes of the 10 February meeting however clearly indicate that at this meeting at least, Drummond was the first to mention a committee. The idea, however, could well have emerged at Ifould and Metcalfe's frequent meetings with the Movement, and the proposal may have been suggested to Drummond by Ifould during an earlier briefing, or even by A. W. Hicks, a vice-president of the Movement and a senior officer in Drummond's department.

21 Remington to Drummond, 3 March 1937, TLS, SLNSW archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC Appointment." The Report by Archibald Grenfell Price, entitled Libraries in South Australia (Adelaide: Government Printer, 1937), was presented to the South Australian Parliament in 1936. It resulted in the introduction of a Library Bill in September 1937, but this generated such opposition that it lapsed. Another Bill was introduced in the following year, and, heavily amended, passed in 1939, but largely preserved the status quo. (Talbot, A Chance to Read, 163-65).

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Sydney Municipal Library), and on 10 June 1937 the Libraries Advisory

Committee was duly appointed.22 The Committee's terms of reference were:

To inquire into the adequacy of library provision already made in New South Wales by the Public Library of New South Wales, the Sydney Municipal Library, Schools of Arts, Mechanics' Institutes, and any other agencies, and the means of extending and completing such provision, regard being had to the relation of library provision to the general system of education and the provision of scientific, technical and sociological information, and to draft any necessary legislation.23

The Sydney Municipal Council, which had supported a free public library service since 1909, had indicated its interest in the Committee's work. Archibald Howie, the Lord Mayor, and Roy Hendy, the Town Clerk, saw Drummond shortly after the Committee was announced. The Council was considering extending library services and building a new library, gallery and "bureau of statistics of up- to-date current municipal information - both [sic] local, national and universal."24

Howie did not want this development delayed unduly, waiting for the Libraries Advisory Committee to report. Drummond emphasised the need for joint action:

Without such joint action and consideration it is possible that the spirit of the Movement, and the interest in libraries generally, may be frittered away by mutually antagonistic or non-co-operative policies.25

22 Free Library Movement, Report of Council, 1937, SLNSW archives, box "Free Library Movement." Ifould's draft terms of reference (Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 15 April 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "Free Library Movement"), did not refer to any specific libraries, except his own. In the final terms of reference (Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, viii), the Sydney Municipal Library was also specified.

23 Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, viii.

24 Sydney Municipal Council, Report by the Town Clerk, Sydney, 6 December 1935, TD, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC appointment." In 1934 the Municipal Library cost £12,971 19s. 2d., with an income from fines and reservations of £1,196 4s. 7d. The PLNSW at that time was voted £22,000.

25 Drummond to Howie, 25 March 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC appointment."

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He informed the Council, however, that he would ask the Committee to report first on Sydney and Newcastle. Unlike the Sydney Municipal Council and the Free Library Movement, the Literary Institutes Association of New South Wales was not represented on the Committee. Drummond responded to the Association's request for membership by assuring it that it was free to make submissions to the Committee, although in the event it chose not to.26

Committee membership

Ifould was appointed Chairman of the Committee, and Metcalfe its Secretary. Remington agreed to serve as a member, and the Department of Education was represented by A. W. Hicks, also a Vice-President of the Free Library Movement. The Sydney Municipal Council was represented, not by its Librarian, Bertie, as first proposed, but by the Town Clerk, Roy Hendy, indicating the importance which the Council assigned to the Committee.27 On 18 June Drummond further strengthened the representation of the Free Library Movement on the Committee by adding G. W. Brain, an accountant who was Honorary Secretary of the Movement. Drummond believed that cooperation on

26 Drummond to Howie, 25 March 1937; Drummond to G. Ross Thomas, 29 April 1937, SLNSW archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC appointment"; Drummond to H. J. Bayliss, Honorary Secretary, Literary Institutes Association of New South Wales, 13 July 1937, TLS, SLNSW archives - box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

27 Remington to Drummond, 3 March 1937; Drummond to Howie, 23 April 1937; Howie to Drummond, 26 May 1937, SLNSW archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC appointment."

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the Committee was essential to produce draft legislation which would satisfy the

"ideals" of the Free Library Movement and the "wishes" of his Department.28

Drummond also increased the influence of the Free Library Movement on the Library's Board of Trustees. In 1937 the Trustees had their greatest infusion of new blood in twenty years. Vacancies caused by the death of Sir Daniel Levy and the resignations of Walter Gale, S. H. Smith and Charles Lloyd, were filled by Sir

George Julius, G. C. Remington, Ruth Fairfax and Gladys Moore.29 Ifould had a considerable regard for Ruth Fairfax, a prominent figure in the Country Women's Association and in various charitable activities, describing her as "a rather sane, competent type of leading woman, and by the same token a very good public speaker."30 Ifould believed that the women Trustees were a resounding success, and later suggested also appointing women to the Board of the Art Gallery.31

By appointing Remington and Ruth Fairfax, both associated with the Free Library Movement, Drummond was strengthening the links which already existed between the Board of Trustees and the Movement. H. V. Evatt, then a Justice of the High Court, and a Vice-President of the Movement, was elected President of

28 Drummond, Minute regarding appointment of Libraries Advisory Committee, 18 March 1937, TD, SLNSW archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC appointment." Snibson, "The Free Library Movement in New South Wales, 1935-1944," 123, states that "Remington persuaded the minister to appoint a committee whose membership and terms of reference were clearly favourable to the FLM." This is based on Remington's own account to Frank Tate, and may overstate the case. Remington may well have suggested names, and would certainly have liaised with Ifould on the terms of reference, but there is no evidence that Drummond needed much persuading.

29 PLNSW Annual Report, 1937: 2; 1938: 1. Walter Frederick Gale (1865- 1945) had retired from the Government Savings Bank of New South Wales in 1925 after 38 years service. He was an astronomer of international significance. Gladys Moore (1889-1960) was with the Australian Broadcasting Commission from 1933- 40, and was also prominent in the Red Cross movement.

30 Ifould to C. H. Hay, Agent General, London, 23 January 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58.

31 Ifould to Drummond, 1 March 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58.

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the Board.32 With an enthusiastic Minister, a keen Committee, a sympathetic Board of Trustees, and much evidence of grass-roots support, Ifould and his Committee started out on what Ifould would later describe as "one of the most successful jobs I have been associated with." It would also be one of the most difficult.33

Ifould's other concerns

The Libraries Advisory Committee and the Free Library Movement would absorb an enormous amount of Ifould and Metcalfe's time, but these were by no means the only activities which occupied their working hours, and much of their spare time also. As well as the demands of the day to day administration of the Library, they were also intimately involved with a variety of other duties, which would fall to one or the other of them, depending on the time they had available and their interests. There were preparations for the Sesquicentenary of white settlement in Australia, for which Ifould assumed some responsibility. There were proposals for a professional association of librarians, to which Metcalfe devoted many of his waking hours. There was a training scheme for school librarians, and the development of support materials, including a model school library and an abridged version of Dewey, with which Metcalfe was associated. Planning of the building was continuing, and Ifould was happy to assume most responsibility for that.

A professional association

The desultory moves towards the formation of a professional association had received a major stimulus with the publication of the Munn-Pitt Report. The

32 G. Ross Thomas, Memorandum regarding the appointment of Trustees, 8 March 1937, TN, Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1937-38, AONSW 20/13010; PLNSW Annual Report, 1937: 2; 1938: 1.

33 Note on cover of Ifould's copy of Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research.

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Report had rebuked "chief librarians" for their failure to acknowledge their "responsibility for the general library development of the state," and had noted the clash of interests which had prevented the formation of a branch association in

New South Wales.34 Metcalfe had returned from his overseas study tour enthusiastic about a professional association, and had recommended the formation of an "Australian Library Institute by librarians . . . concerning itself solely with their professional interests."35

Ifould's support for the formation of the Australian Institute of Librarians (AIL) was sustained and significant. He encouraged Metcalfe to take a leading role, and Metcalfe made most of the running. It was, as Whyte has concluded, "Metcalfe's brilliant idea" to provide an uncontroversial focus for an organization which qualified people would be invited to join, "interested primarily in examinations and not a threat to other associations."36 With Ifould's approval,

Metcalfe prepared a draft constitution which was circulated to other senior librarians.37

Ifould thought that there might be lingering resentment in Victoria: "New South Wales, after all, was the odd man out in regard to the Australian Library Association," he told Binns, "and it may be natural for Victoria to think the we are forcing our views on them." Ifould therefore suggested that it would be better if

34 Munn and Pitt, Australian Libraries, 116-17.

35 Ifould to Purnell, 23 May 1935.

36 Whyte, "From ALA to LAA," 129. Metcalfe said as much himself: "I only proposed and promoted the AIL as a tactic against elements in the preceding association bitterly opposed to professional librarians, especially those in the PLNSW." (Metcalfe, "The True Story," Australian Library Journal 20 (May 1971): 45).

37 Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, 17, footnote.

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action on the proposed association came from Canberra.38 Binns was happy to agree, "as indicating the Federal character of the movement."39

Ifould had been lukewarm about an association representing mixed interests, but he and his Sydney allies were highly enthusiastic about the proposed Australian Institute of Librarians: "This was a game whose rules had at last been drafted to their satisfaction."40 Ifould encouraged those of his staff who were eligible for membership to attend the Institute's inaugural meeting in Canberra in 1937. He obtained departmental recognition of the new Institute, and requested special leave for staff to attend the meeting. His Library was consequently well- represented: twenty-two staff attended, including Ifould and Metcalfe. Subsequent recruiting was thorough: by mid-1938, of the sixty-six professional, general and clerical staff of the Public Library, thirty-eight were members of the Institute, and twenty-one were student associate members.41

The question of the Presidency of the new Institute was resolved, but not as the Munn-Pitt Report had suggested by the appointment of a distinguished layman with impeccable credentials. Munn probably had Tate in mind, but by

1937 Tate's increasing infirmity ruled him out.42 The driving forces behind the proposed association - Metcalfe, Foxcroft and White, the deputies in Sydney,

38 Ifould to Binns, 5 February 1936.

39 Kenneth Binns, "Report on Library Matters since the Publication of the Munn-Pitt Report," [1935 or 1936], TD, Carnegie Corporation of New York Archives: Australian Library Program.

40 Whyte, "To Unite Persons Engaged in Library Work," 197.

41 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 29 July, 1 August 1937, TL copies, SLNSW archives NPL55; PLNSW Annual Report, 1938: 7.

42 Munn and Pitt, Australian Libraries, 117.

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Melbourne and Canberra - were the provisional executive, but, as Metcalfe later recorded, they felt it "desirable to have some sponsorship by the elder statesmen."43

Ifould was an obvious choice. Battye, Librarian of the Public Library in Perth, had been a chief librarian for longer, however, and Malvina Wood, Librarian of the University of Western Australia, proposed nominating him. The first conference of the new Institute was planned for Sydney, the centre of

Sesquicentennial celebrations in 1938, and it would be convenient for the foundation President and Secretary at least to be from Sydney. "Were it not for this," Ifould told Wood, "I should gladly withdraw the nomination for myself."44 He said the same to Foxcroft, who wrote to inform him officially in November 1937 that he had won the Presidency in November 1937. In a demonstration of interstate fraternity, Ifould and Leeson had nominated E. R. Pitt of the Public

Library of Victoria as Vice-President.45 It was a mellow Ifould who gave the Presidential address at the Conference in Sydney in June 1938. There were undertones of a valediction from a patriarch, intent on salving old wounds and uniting a heterogeneous group. As he said to a well-wisher just after the Conference: "The main thing is for all of us to work together for a common end and not allow sectional interests or pettiness to influence or discourage us."46 These were noble sentiments, but they did not obscure Ifould's desire to forward the interests of his own institution, even if it were at the expense of another. Competition with the Commonwealth National

43 Metcalfe, "Past, Present and Future of the Institute," 52. Albert Broadbent Foxcroft (1884-1938) worked at the Public Library of Victoria from 1902 to 1938. He died during a Carnegie-sponsored study tour in 1938.

44 Ifould to Malvina Wood, 28 October 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL55.

45 Ifould to A. B. Foxcroft, 25 November 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL55; Ifould to E. R. Pitt, 7 October 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL55.

46 Ifould to Miss E. E. A. Wells, Neutral Bay, 20 June 1938, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL56.

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Library over the collection of Australiana illustrated vividly that there were limits to Ifould's commitment to solidarity.

Continuing rivalry with Canberra

Rivalry in collection-building between the Commonwealth National Library and the Mitchell had continued in the 1930s. In 1934 a collection of Dalrymple papers was offered to the Public Library of Victoria. Pitt did not have the necessary funds, and referred the offer to Binns, clearly believing that the Commonwealth, rather than the Mitchell, should acquire the collection. Ifould got wind of the offer, and was convinced that Binns and Pitt had "deliberately been secretive over the whole matter." Knowing that Binns was on his way to Europe, via the United States, Ifould stole a march on him and arranged for the New South Wales Agent General in London to offer £1,000 to the dealer, Kashnor.47 When Binns arrived in London, he found that the papers had already been sold and shipped back to Sydney, not for the Mitchell, but for William Dixson's private collection. "With your backing," Ifould told Dixson, "the State of New South Wales can well look after itself in these matters."48

Binns was annoyed that Dixson had purchased the collection, and suggested that he hand it over to the Commonwealth. "May I ask if you will inform me what dulcet tones I shall employ for your acquiescence or refusal?" Ifould asked Dixson. "Obviously I cannot employ in an official communication the exact terminolog[y] used by you over the telephone on Friday afternoon."49

47 Ifould to Dixson, 28 March 1934, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL 49. Ifould had once met Kashnor, of the Museum Book Store, and found him "very shrewd": "In the language of a broadcaster I heard from one of the `B' class stations this week `he never fails to put his most important goods in the front of the window of his emporium.'" (Ifould to T. R. Dunbabin, 22 February 1937).

48 Ifould to Dixson, 29 April 1934.

49 Ibid. Dixson had an unexpectedly rich store of invective: when particularly irritated, a favoured, if curious phrase was "He can go fuck small spiders." (Robertson, Treasures of the State Library of New South Wales, 109).

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A dispute over a collection of ornithological works further illustrates the intensity of feeling between the rival libraries. The collection had been gathered by Gregory Mathews, an Australian-born ornithologist and author of a thirteen- volume work on Australian birds, who lived in England. Ifould had corresponded with him from about 1934, and had visited him in Winchester two year later during his visit to England, suggesting to Mathews that the Mitchell Library was a fitting repository for his collection.50

In early 1939, just before he left for a fishing trip to the Snowy Mountains, Ifould heard that the Mathews Collection was being presented to the Commonwealth National Library. He instructed Metcalfe to write to Binns asking how on earth the collection had come into the Commonwealth's possession, seeing that the Public Library had been negotiating with Mathews for "many" years. An indignant Binns responded that the Commonwealth had been negotiating with

Mathews for over twenty years:

The Public Library of New South Wales "butted in" without consulting either the Commonwealth Government or this Library. I would point out to Mr. Ifould that this Library has honourably observed the understanding established consequent upon the purchase of Cook's Journal and has consulted with his Library in respect to purchases of outstanding historical material relating to Australia. This, however, has not always been the case with the Public Library of New South Wales.51

Ifould's response was equally indignant. He maintained that he had no inkling that the Commonwealth was involved: "I received from him [Mathews] no statement, or even the slightest hint, that the matter had been under discussion with the Commonwealth."52

50 Ifould to Gregory E. Mathews, 12 July 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 11, files "Mathews Ornithological Collection," and "Mathews, Gregory."

51 Binns to Metcalfe, 16 February 1939, TLS, SLNSW archives old files box 11, file "Mathews Ornithological Collection."

52 Ifould to Binns, 20 February 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 11, file "Mathews Ornithological Collection."

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Taken literally, Ifould's words may well have been the truth. But they were not the whole truth. Ifould knew of some Commonwealth interest in the collection as early as August 1936, when he wrote to A. E. Heath, an official in the New South Wales Government office in London: "I found that the Commonwealth people were endeavouring to procure it for Canberra, that is for the National

School of Anatomy there."53 Mathews's collection of bird skins may certainly have been of interest to the Institute of Anatomy, but the books and manuscripts in the collection were what the libraries sought, and Ifould's carefully-worded denial rings as hollow today as it would have to Binns half a century ago.

As for the "understanding" between the two libraries, as far as Ifould was concerned, it was "somewhat indefinite." The Trustees had stood out of the Commonwealth's way with the Cook Journal "much against my wishes though unfortunately I was at the other end of the world and could not express them."54 Ifould believed the Commonwealth wanted a free hand with material relating to Australia as a whole - "I have never agreed to this," he told Binns:

I strongly deny that any understanding exists which can trammel us in our purchases for the Mitchell Library, because you think you have a prior claim to a certain class of material.55

To those on the sidelines the rivalry between the Mitchell and the Commonwealth National Library seemed unproductive and exasperating. "A

53 Ifould to Heath, 20 August 1936, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 11, file "Mathews, Gregory." The Australian Institute of Anatomy was established in 1924 as the National Museum of Australian Zoology. It was to house a collection of preserved Australian fauna presented to the nation by Sir Colin Mackenzie. Its role subsequently expanded to include Australian anthropology and ethnology.

54 Ifould to Binns, 20 February 1939.

55 Ifould to Binns, 27 February 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 11, file "Mathews Ornithological Collection."

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plague o' both your houses," Pitt exclaimed to Ifould and Binns during one demarcation dispute.56

A sesquicentennial project?

In August 1937 Ifould discovered that the Government proposed to make funds available for the Library building project, but only enough to set out the foundations so that a commemorative stone could be laid during the

Sesquicentenary celebrations. Ifould thought this absurd, but it gave him an idea. After the War he had proposed completion of the Library building as a war memorial. Now he suggested it would be a very suitable Sesquicentennial project.57 Appealing to Stevens, the Premier, in a personal letter, Ifould wrote:

The building would be a far more lasting monument than anything else the government has agreed to do in this year . . . Your government could exhibit a strength and far-sightedness in this national work approved by a long succession of governments which had not the public spirit to carry it out.58

Fifty years later the State Librarian and his Board of Trustees would lobby for a major Library extension as a Bicentennial project, appealing successfully for something which would be more enduring than bunting in the streets. Ifould's appeal, however, did not have the same effect: the sesquicentennial year arrived, and the question of the building remained unresolved.59

On 3 March 1938 a delegation of Trustees met Premier Stevens to press for the completion of the building. Stevens pleaded lack of funds for the entire project, estimated at £230,000, but said he would consider a staged construction.

56 Sir Harold White, Interview by author, 11 July 1990.

57 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 August 1937; Ifould to Evatt, 7 September 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL55.

58 Ifould to Stevens, 25 August 1937, TL copy, PLNSW archives, old files box 12, National Library Building, memoranda, correspondence, etc.

59 Jones, A Source of Inspiration and Delight, 123.

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He asked Ifould and Cobden Parkes, who had succeeded Wells as Government

Architect in 1935, to devise such a scheme.60 After hurried consultation, they reported that it would be inefficient to complete only a section of the building at a time, and urged letting the contract for the whole building, but with work and expenditure spread over four years. When he had read the report, Stevens rang Ifould at home late one evening and told him that he was prepared to let the contract on a staged basis, and asked Ifould to prepare a statement for the press. Ifould took a draft statement to the Premier's office the next day, but was unable to see Stevens personally: the Premier was busily "framing his policy speech with a wet towel round his head." Ifould held a generally dim view of politicians, but he was especially scathing about Stevens, who brought to mind the saying of

Heraclitus that you could never put your foot twice in the same river.61

On 7 March Stevens announced that he had authorised calling tenders for a £230,000 building, with work spread over four years.62 Ifould was moderately optimistic. As he confided to Ruth Fairfax: "One can never, of course, be quite sure that the promises of Ministers will be implemented, but from the Premier's conversations with me since the Deputation of the Trustees, I feel that for the time being at least he is sincere."63 Ifould's caution was well-founded: six months later, despite further representations, tenders for the building had still not been called.64

60 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 7 March 1938, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL137; Ifould to Ross Thomas, 7 March 1938; Ifould to Trustees, 21 March 1938, TL copy, PLNSW archives, old files box 12, National Library Building, memoranda, correspondence, etc. Cobden Parkes (born 1892) was Government Architect, 1935-58.

61 Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 7 March 1938, TL copy, PLNSW archives, old files box 12, National Library Building, memoranda, correspondence, etc.

62 PLNSW Annual Report, 1938: 4-5.

63 Ifould to Mrs Hubert Fairfax, 9 March 1938, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL56.

64 PLNSW Annual Report, 1938: 5; Trustees' Minute Books, 19 September 1938.

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CHAPTER THIRTEEN

THE LIBRARIES ADVISORY COMMITTEE

The Committee starts work

Like the Munn-Pitt survey, the Libraries Advisory Committee began by distributing a questionnaire, in this case to all shires and municipalities in New South Wales, asking whether municipal libraries, schools of arts, mechanics' institutes or any other bodies offered library services within their area. Due to an oversight the questionnaire was not sent to the Sydney Municipal Council, which operated under its own Act, not the Local Government Act.1

Whilst waiting for the questionnaire returns to trickle in, the Committee considered the library needs of metropolitan Sydney. They met the Municipal Council on 28 September 1937 to explore possibilities, stressing the advisory nature of the Committee. They were pleased with the Council's enthusiasm, but dismayed by its haste. At its meeting on 11 October, Council agreed in principle to maintain a lending library, with a branch in each ward of the city, and to provide library services for any municipality on a contract basis.2 The Sydney Morning

Herald had foreshadowed this resolution a few days earlier, describing it as one of the "recommendations" of the Libraries Advisory Committee.3 The Sun went

1 Libraries Advisory Committee, "LAC Questionnaire" file, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "LAC."

2 Ifould to Drummond, 7 October 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd), file "LAC Press"; Ifould, "Report on Library Activities in N.S.W. 1937-1938," 1938, TD, SLNSW archives NPL56; also reported in Free Library Movement, Minutes of Executive meeting, 15 October 1937.

3 Sydney Morning Herald, 7 October 1937.

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further, revealing the financial arrangements which the Committee had canvassed at its meeting with the Council, but getting the figures completely wrong. Residents of Sydney would have been alarmed to read that "a special library rate of 1s. 8d." was proposed.4 Ifould wrote to Drummond immediately to explain that the reports were premature. An understanding Drummond commiserated.5

Local government interest in libraries

Even as the Libraries Advisory Committee met, shires and municipalities were coming under increasing pressure to act, especially where the Free Library Movement had a branch. In North Sydney, for example, the local branch of the Movement urged the municipal council to establish a public library: three of the aldermen also happened to be members of the Council of the Movement. There was little doubt that shires and municipalities would have to play a major part in library development, despite their failure to act under earlier permissive legislation.6 There was no real alternative. There was no existing county structure entrusted with local educational provision, as was the case in the United

Kingdom.7 A completely State-funded system had been ruled out by Stevens and

4 Sun, 7 October 1937.

5 Ifould to Drummond, 7 October 1937; G. Ross Thomas to Ifould, 15 October 1937, TL copies, SLNSW archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC Press."

6 Free Library Movement Minutes of Executive Committee, 2 September 1937; Orlovich, "Library Legislation." Aldermen John Stanton, J. Lyell Scott and C. C. Faulkner are listed as members of Council of the Free Library Movement in Free Library Movement, Constitution, 2d ed. (Sydney: Free Library Movement, 1936), 3.

7 As Ifould later reminded Purnell when commenting on proposals for library development in South Australia: "What have you got in South Australia which is anything like the English county local administration unit? How on earth are you going to bring about a system for your State depending on a local organisation which doesn't exist? How do you think you are ever going to persuade Parliament to set up a separate unit of local organisation and give it power or force it to apply a system of rating for such an educatio[nal] development as libraries?" (Ifould to Purnell, 4 October 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL62).

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Drummond. And by now even Ifould no longer advocated a system of state library branches, about which the Munn-Pitt Report had expressed reservations.8

The possibility of assistance from the Carnegie Corporation was freely discussed. Remington rashly told some delegates from North Sydney that if their Council adopted the Act which was then being prepared, and struck a library rate,

"there would be no difficulty in getting aid from the Carnegie."9 Ifould was equally confident, and believed that he and the Public Library would have a considerable influence on the Corporation's actions. As he told H. V. Evatt, the President of his Board of Trustees, on the eve of the latter's visit to the United States in 1938:

I think Mr. Munn and Dr. Keppel recognise the Public Library of New South Wales as the leading library and, if I may express it this way, myself as the leading Australian librarian. I think that our opinion in regard to the policy of the Corporation and its future policy will have very great weight.10

Ifould consistently believed that because of this, and because the Free

Library Movement had not spread so quickly in other States, New South Wales would take the lead in the movement for free library services. As he told Cunningham: "New South Wales must for a time father the movement in all the

States."11

The need for legislation

Draft legislation was required by their terms of reference, and Remington, the only lawyer on the Committee at that stage, was given the task of preparing a suitable Bill. His first effort was not promising. It went no further than an administrative framework: requiring every shire and municipality adopting the Act

8 Metcalfe, "Remarks to Trustees of the Public Library of NSW."

9 Free Library Movement Minutes of Executive Committee, 2 September 1937.

10 Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 13 April 1938, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL56.

11 Ifould to Cunningham, 23 February 1937.

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to establish a "library authority," a body corporate of three to five commissioners, which would be responsible for overseeing the establishment of a public library in its area. Another draft was prepared. This gave responsibility for implementing the Act to the local council, provided that it established a library committee with certain delegated powers, and allowed adjoining local authorities to cooperate in providing library services. Instead of going into a third draft, the Committee prepared a series of clauses, in no particular order, which it then considered point by point.12

Progress faltered however, until R. A. Johnson, legal officer of the Department of Works and Local Government, joined the Committee. His appointment was doubly useful: first because of his legal expertise and familiarity with the Local Government Act, which would be affected by the Library Act; second, because it provided a link with Spooner, the Minister for Local

Government.13

Spooner's interest had been aroused by the tide of public support for library development.14 In a widely-reported speech to the Association of Local Government Clerks in October 1937 he "urged the fostering of a spirit of civic pride . . . and the development of culture" throughout the State and announced: "I intend to ask certain country towns, in the near future, to lead the way in the

12 Ifould, "Report on Library Activities in N.S.W. 1937-1938." At the Committee's fourth meeting on 2 August 1937, Remington presented a first draft, headed "The Public Libraries Act, 1937." (SLNSW archives, box labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee File and Shires Abercrombie-Bland").

13 Snibson, "The Free Library Movement in New South Wales, 1935-1944," 123, states that Johnson was "appointed to represent local government interests." If this was the intention, it was singularly ineffective. When the composition of the proposed Library Board was later being considered, the Local Government representatives told Drummond "they did not accept the representative of the Department as their representative; he was a representative of the Government." (Report of a conference [between the] Local Government Association and Minister for Education, 7 July 1939, TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers).

14 E. S. Spooner to Drummond, 10 November 1937, TLS, SLNSW archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC appointment."

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establishment of municipal libraries."15 Spooner's announcement was as unwelcome as it was unexpected: the Libraries Advisory Committee's report was still months away, and it was Drummond who wanted to make the running with a free public libraries scheme. The announcement signalled the beginning of a bitter rivalry between the two men which would simmer and occasionally flare for years. For the moment it did little more than irritate and confuse.

Responses to the questionnaire

About three quarters of the 311 local authorities to which the Committee sent its questionnaire responded, and the replies were collated by Ifould's recently- retired confidential clerk, Clara Rodd, who provided clerical support for the Committee. A few councils, among them Stroud, Kearsley and Hume, merely acknowledged receipt of the questionnaire and declined to provide information as they did not wish to establish a library. Not unexpectedly the more complete responses revealed little change from the situation which Munn and Pitt had found through their questionnaire and inquiries. There were no free municipal libraries save those in Sydney and Broken Hill, and innumerable reports of schools of arts and literary institutes in various stages of decay and disuse.16

There was, however, an encouraging interest in library services from several respondents. Frank Oliver, Shire Clerk of Abercrombie Shire at Rockley, for example, was a firm believer in libraries although local provision was dismal. Rockley had a school of arts, he wrote, but its library was no longer used: residents

15 "Australia's lack of libraries," was the Sydney Morning Herald's headline on 20 October 1937. "Spooner wants good council libraries," Daily Telegraph, 20 October 1937. "Culture with your fun," Sun, 19 October 1937. (SLNSW Archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC Press").

16 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 8 July 1937, TL copy, SLNSW archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "LAC." As at 30 August 1937, thirty-two municipalities and forty-four shires had failed to respond. (Libraries Advisory Committee, "LAC Questionnaire" file, [1937], SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "LAC").

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used the ones in nearby Bathurst. Oliver was unusually well-informed about libraries:

I do realise that Australia is far behind Great Britain in the matter of free public libraries. Glossop, Derbyshire, England, my home town, with a population of 20,000 odd can boast three libraries, (Free), i.e. Central, Hadfield and Whitfield.17

He had a practical suggestion for his own shire: Rockley could be a branch of a library service based in Bathurst.18

Drummond's criticism

In November 1937 the Sun carried an well-sourced report on the inadequacy of the Public Library building, and quoted Ifould as having said:

The Trustees can fairly feel annoyed when, in the years of the 150th Anniversary Celebrations, the Government can find a sum, which will be at least £180,000, for two additional pavilions at the Showground, though there is no attempt to provide any enduring memorial such as a great State institution.19

Already sensitive about Spooner's apparent intention to take some of the kudos for library developments, Drummond was in no mood for the Trustees' criticism, especially when paraded in the press. Responding to a question without notice in the Legislative Assembly he showed his irritation, and retorted:

A report of an expert commission from overseas has reflected gravely on the administration of libraries in New South Wales. It appears to me that the trustees cannot escape a certain amount of criticism for the absence of the leadership of public opinion in the administration of libraries in the State.20

17 Frank Oliver, Shire Clerk, Abercrombie Shire, to Libraries Advisory Committee, 17 Aug 1937, TLS, SLNSW archives box labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee File" and "Shires Abercrombie-Bland."

18 Ibid.

19 "Neglect of Library and Gallery distresses Trustees," Sun, 18 November 1937. (SLNSW Archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC Press.")

20 "Minister on the Trustees," Sun, 18 November 1937. (SLNSW Archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC Press").

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In turn, Drummond's criticism stung the Trustees. It was one of the few sour notes in relations between Drummond and Ifould and his Trustees. In his momentary irritation, however, Drummond may have revealed his true feelings: that the Trustees, and by implication Ifould, could and should have done more to promote library services in general. There was some justification for such a criticism: during the whole of the period of government subsidy to schools of arts, from the time of Ifould's arrival in 1912 to the cessation of subsidies for reasons of economy during the Depression, neither the Trustees nor their Principal Librarian had uttered a single official protest about the expenditure, which could arguably have been more effectively applied to the Country Circulation Department.

The Committee and overseas developments

During their deliberations, the Committee had the opportunity to consult several overseas visitors with experience of public library services. They included Sir Percival Meadon, who, as Director for Education, had been responsible for the development of the county library system in Lancashire; Dr. I. L. Kandel, Professor of Education in the Teachers' College, Columbia University; and E. Salter Davies, former Director of Education in Kent, a past President of the Library Association and a member of the Carnegie United Kingdom Trust.21

The committee was also aware of the report of a South African interdepartmental committee on library services. This also described a desperate state of library services, central to which was reliance upon subscription libraries. A free library system, and the active cooperation of central government, provincial, municipal and other local authorities was recommended. Added to Ifould and Metcalfe's first-hand experience of public libraries during their travels, and

21 Ifould, "Report on Library activities in N.S.W. 1937-1938"; Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, viii. Sir Percival Edward Meadon (1878-1959), was Director of Education in Lancashire, 1924-45. Isaac Leon Kandel (1881-1965), Professor of Education, Teachers' College, Columbia, 1923- 47. E. Salter Davies (1872-1955) was Director of Education in Kent, 1918-38.

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accounts of services which they had seen in the literature, the Committee was in a position to evaluate a range of administrative and financial arrangements for library services. They could learn from the successes as well as the mistakes of others.22

A draft report

By February 1938, when Ifould reported progress to Drummond, the full

Committee had met thirteen times, but he thought that its report, including a draft bill, was still two months away. In the meantime, on the suggestion of Remington, who wanted as little delay as possible between approval of the Committee's report and missionary work in country centres, Ifould asked for a teacher to be seconded to the Library. This person would gather and collate information on library needs, and in due course would become a field officer who would help local authorities set up their libraries.23

Establishing principles under which a library scheme could operate was difficult enough, but assessing the library requirements of each locality would be a gigantic task, and a person with stamina and organising ability was required. Ronald McGreal, a teacher who had been involved with the Free Library Movement in Cessnock, had made a favourable impression when undertaking a course for teacher-librarians at the Library, and was "prepared to give up his own

22 South Africa, Report of the Interdepartmental Committee on the Libraries of the Union of South Africa, 1937 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1937).

23 Libraries Advisory Committee, Preliminary report, 4 February 1938, TD, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)"; G. C. Remington, "Suggestions regarding appointment of officers to Libraries Advisory Committee," [c. 15 January 1938], TD, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee contd)."

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time to the improvement of his knowledge of library work."24 Drummond readily agreed to McGreal's secondment.25

After the "hurly-burly" of the 26 March 1938 election, with the Stevens/Bruxner Government safely back on the Treasury benches, Drummond was impatient to obtain the Committee's report and to implement a library scheme. In April he wrote to Ifould:

No section of the work entrusted to my care by Cabinet is closer to my heart than that of Library Development throughout the State, and I would like to be advised as to when I may expect the report of the Libraries Advisory Committee.26

By then the Committee had finalised the principles of a workable scheme, but, as Drummond surmised, was prevented from gathering further information, and from canvassing the scheme with local councils, by Ifould and Metcalfe's lack of time.27 Drummond wanted both of them to visit as many country centres as possible, and, although he agreed to expedite the transfer of McGreal, wondered how much use a "raw recruit" would be.28

In May, a little later than Ifould had expected, a draft report was sent to Drummond for comment. The draft emphasised the educational role of libraries, placing them firmly within the context of education and therefore of Drummond's Department, and stressed the need for state aid to encourage local authorities to establish viable services. Existing library provision was outlined, and the Munn-

24 Libraries Advisory Committee, Preliminary report, 4 February 1938.

25 Drummond to Ifould, 8 February 1938, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee contd)."

26 Drummond to Ifould, 12 April 1938, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

27 Ifould to Drummond, 28 April 1938, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "LAC."

28 Drummond to Ifould, 9 May 1938, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

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Pitt criticism of the subscription library was revisited. A state-wide scheme was recommended, overseen by a Library Board.29

The Committee had agonised over the principles of subsidy. They rejected a fixed subsidy on the grounds that it would give just as much assistance to wealthy districts as to poor ones, and finally decided to use a rate on Unimproved Capital Value (UCV) of properties in the local government area as the basis for calculating the local contribution, topped up by Government assistance, to provide a minimum total expenditure of two shillings per head.30

Government subsidy would be paid on a sliding scale, starting at sixpence per head of population: the council contribution would be based on the product of a farthing in the pound rate on the total UCV of a municipality, or one eighth (later reduced to one tenth) of a penny in the pound on the UCV of a shire. If the council were unable to raise the equivalent of 1s. 6d. per head, based on that rate, it would receive a higher subsidy, up to a maximum of a shilling per head. The benefits would thus be greatest for the poorer shires and municipalities. Ifould expressed satisfaction that most of the local authorities which would receive above average Government assistance contained "ratepayers and electors of an average poorer class; for example Cessnock, Broken Hill, Lithgow, Illawarra North,

29 Ifould to Drummond, 20 May 1938, TL copy; Libraries Advisory Committee, Draft report, [May 1938], TD, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

30 Unimproved Capital Value (UCV) is an estimate of the value of land, excluding any buildings or structures on it, or other improvements such as filling or levelling. It was commonly used as the basis for local authority rating in New South Wales. Valuations were arrived at by the Valuer-General.

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Paddington, Mascot, St. Peters, Erskineville, Annandale, Leichhardt, Auburn,

Granville, Canterbury."31

It was acknowledged that there would be anomalies in using the UCV, the most striking being Bathurst and Orange. These two country municipalities had similar populations, but the UCV of Orange, a more significant regional commercial centre, was twice that of Bathurst. The local contribution in Orange would be correspondingly higher, and the Government contribution lower. According to the Report, Orange would receive £254 0s. 6d. in Government support. Bathurst would receive £549 1s. 0d.32 Such anomalies were inevitable with any form of rating based on UCV, but were fortunately few in number.

Within the Sydney metropolitan area, reference service would continue to be provided from the Public Library of New South Wales, and lending services would be administered on a contract basis by the Sydney Municipal Library. Instant coverage of the whole State was not expected, and for some time outlying country areas would depend upon the Country Circulation Department for library services. The larger municipalities would be encouraged to establish libraries as soon as possible, and would become the nuclei of a wider, integrated service which would eventually serve outlying areas using bookmobiles, rail and postal services.

State-wide resource sharing would be achieved by the establishment of a central clearinghouse, based at the Public Library of New South Wales, on the model of the National Central Library in the United Kingdom. The draft report envisaged remodelling the Bent Street building to accommodate the

31 Ifould to Drummond, 19 October 1938, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers; another copy in SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee contd." Snibson ("The Free Library Movement in New South Wales, 1935-1944," 123) incorrectly states that population was a factor in determining level of subsidy: in fact the final report and all drafts based notional contributions on UCV, and the Committee specifically rejected a per capita subsidy as not necessarily providing the support where it was most needed.

32 Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, 54-55.

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clearinghouse, after the transfer of the Public Library to its new building. Service standards would be monitored by the Library Board, similar in function to the state library commissions in the United States. A supply of suitably-qualified librarians would be assured by the establishment of a library school also based at the Public Library and possibly affiliated with the University of Sydney.33

The appeal of the scheme outlined in the draft report was wide: poorer shires and municipalities would gain most, because of the sliding scale of subsidy.

Country services would also enjoy the "greatest measure of aid" because it was expected that they would make greater use of the clearing house.34

The Committee had considered whether the legislation should make the establishment of libraries compulsory. Ifould favoured this, but had to agree with the other members of the Committee that a compulsory clause "would provoke so much opposition that it would endanger the Bill and the whole scheme." The closest which they dared come to compulsion was to provide for a poll of electors within a local government area which would oblige the local council to establish a library service. Even this would prove repugnant to local government authorities, and this aspect of the eventual report was the most contentious of the whole package.35

On 24 June Ifould met Drummond to discuss the draft report. By Ifould's account, Drummond was generally pleased with progress, although he suggested changes to the composition of the proposed Library Board. He thought both the

33 Libraries Advisory Committee, Draft report, [May 1938]. Frank Bell, a librarian of the Sydney Municipal Library, had noted during his Carnegie- sponsored tour of the United States that state library commissions in the United States were increasingly being seen as "necessary to obtain the utmost efficiency from the libraries of the State." (F. L. S. Bell, Report of Mr. F. L. S. Bell, M.A. of the Sydney Municipal Library, on his Return from a Tour in the United States of America (Sydney: Sydney Municipal Library, 1937), 15).

34 Libraries Advisory Committee, Draft report, [May 1938].

35 Ifould to T. D. Mutch, 14 August 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59.

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Shires Association and the Local Government Association should be represented, as should Treasury, suggestions which the Committee adopted. He also thought it inadvisable for the Principal Librarian to be ex-officio chairman: Ifould was near retiring - he would be sixty-one that August - and Drummond thought he would be the best person to chair the Board. The new Principal Librarian would have his hands full just running the Public Library.36

Drummond seemed happy with the thrust of the report and the accompanying draft Bill, although he believed the Bill would be crowded out of the current session of Parliament. Ifould stressed the need for prompt action. Many local authorities were champing at the bit. The Sydney Municipal Council was still considering a new library building, the size of which would be influenced by the type of library scheme adopted for the metropolitan area. "You cannot allow the matter to remain in the air," Ifould told Drummond, and suggested that the full report be published as soon as possible after it had been presented. Drummond agreed, but said that he would first have to show the report to the Premier. Meanwhile Ifould took Drummond's comments back to his Committee, and they worked towards a final draft, paragraph by paragraph, their revisions recorded by Metcalfe, pored over and further annotated by Ifould, until all members were satisfied not just with the content, but with what Ifould termed the "verbiage."37

The Committee revises its draft

The Committee reexamined the suggested rate on which council contributions and Government subsidy would be based, and in the case of shires, reduced it from one eighth of a penny in the pound, to one tenth of a penny,

36 Ifould to Drummond, 19 October 1938; Ifould, File note, 24 June 1938, TD, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)"; another copy in PLNSW Confidential Papers; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 28 July 1938, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL57.

37 Ifould, File note, 24 June 1938.

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thereby ensuring them a greater Government subsidy for shires, which were predominantly rural.38

The education of the librarians who would take charge of the new library services was also further discussed. The Committee wondered whether there would be enough suitably-qualified people, and deleted what had been a prerequisite of the earlier drafts: possession of a university degree. At this final draft stage, they deleted the paragraph:

A fully qualified librarian should have an education at least to the standard of a university degree, at least a year's special training in a library school, and subsequent experience with refresher courses.39

In the final report, the only training element recommended was the proposed library school of the Public Library. It would be another 25 years before the professional association adopted even the principle of the graduate qualification.40

It is unclear whether the Committee rejected a graduate qualification in 1938 because they perceived a shortfall in suitably-qualified candidates, or because they believed that graduates would be unwilling to relocate to country areas. Members of the Committee may have thought, as did Ifould, that some of the unqualified "librarians" of schools of arts might make the grade as proper librarians if they were given some basic training at a library school. Ifould himself was equivocal about graduate qualifications: he selected staff with the highest academic and personal qualifications for his own institution, but had earlier expressed the view that a "fetish" should not be made of a university degree for

38 Libraries Advisory Committee, Final draft report, [1938], TD, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

39 Ibid.

40 ALIAS: Australia's Library, Information and Archives Services, 2:86.

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staff in a university library. Pentelow and Kibble, two of his senior and most trusted staff, had never completed a degree; nor indeed had Ifould himself.41

More inspired journalism

The final stages of the Committee's work on the report were not without drama. On 25 September the Sunday Sun carried an article which seemed to outline all the main recommendations of the report.42 This was much more serious than the Sydney Morning Herald's forecast of one of the Committee's recommendations a year earlier. Drummond assumed that the report had been leaked, and was incensed:

I am gravely perturbed to find that a report which has not yet been handed to me by the Committee of inquiry is so intimately canvassed in detail in the Metropolitan press.43

When Ifould read the article, he had been "surprised that certain information had apparently leaked out and of course I was very greatly annoyed."44 Most people who read the article, like the Editor of the Newcastle Sun, who promptly wrote a leader based on the Sunday Sun article in his own paper because of local interest in library services, believed the report to be accurate "and possibly an inspired one."45 Ifould's anxiety was heightened by the knowledge that, just a few months before, the Trustees' decision to bid for a collection of Bourke Papers had been leaked, on that occasion also to the Sun. There had been previous

41 Ifould to the Chairman, Honorary Commission on the University of Sydney, 6 December 1928, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL94.

42 Drummond to Ifould, 27 September 1938, TLS, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

43 Drummond to Ifould, 27 September 1938.

44 Ifould to Drummond, 28 September 1938, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

45 Bruce MacGregor, Editor, Newcastle Sun, to Ifould, 21 November 1938, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC."

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"leakages" - the Trustees' minutes do not elaborate - and Ifould had warned them of the need for confidentiality.46

The Sunday Sun journalist had approached Remington, Hendy and the Lord Mayor. They had all told him to "see Mr. Ifould." When he rang Ifould he was told to wait until the Minister published the Report. On reading the article carefully, Ifould concluded that the journalist had definitely not seen the Report, but had used reports of the Committee's discussions with the Sydney Municipal Council and extracts from the annual report of the Free Library Movement, and "apparently then made some rough guesses," some of which were wildly incorrect. The Committee's Report did not refer, for example, to bookmobiles, did not mention applying to the Carnegie Corporation for financial assistance, did not recommend leaving the lending of fiction to commercial libraries and did not suggest an expenditure of two pounds per head, which was absurdly high - twenty times the real figure in the Report. Drummond was reassured by Ifould's response, and this affair too blew over.47

The real Report is completed

On 19 October 1938 Ifould sent copies of the Libraries Advisory Committee report to Drummond, apologising for the delay in presenting it because of the other commitments of Committee members. Discussions had been wide ranging and lengthy: there had been thirty-six meetings of the full Committee, innumerable meetings of drafting subcommittees and many consultations between Ifould, Metcalfe and individual members. The resulting report, however, was unanimous. As Drummond had requested, the Committee dealt only with public library services at this stage. Despite the Committee's intention, it would never address its remaining terms of reference: the organisation and coordination of

46 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 May 1938.

47 Ifould to Drummond, 28 September 1938.

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special libraries, Government department libraries and collections of learned and scientific societies.48

Apart from modifying the tone of the Report - softening the harsh words for schools of arts, for example - deleting the graduate qualification as a prerequisite, and increasing the subsidy for shires, there had been little change in the thrust of the report from the final draft which Ifould had discussed with

Drummond.49

Ifould therefore had every reason to believe that Drummond would be supportive. The Premier might be a different matter. The Committee expected Stevens to take exception to the implied promise that the State Government would subsidise local contributions, although the draft bill clearly stated that such subsidies would be subject to Library Board recommendations and limited to what Parliament was prepared to vote. If there were not some definite promise, however, the Committee were convinced "there would be little encouragement to Councils to adopt the Act." Again Ifould urged the early release of the Report, to give a lead to councils across the State which were "marking time until the policy of the Government is known."50

48 Ifould to Drummond, 19 October 1938; Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, viii; Libraries Advisory Committee, First draft report, [1938], 1.

49 The language used to describe schools of arts is an example; the final draft report reads: "Our inquiries show them to have failed abroad and in every state of the Commonwealth. They must be either superseded or absorbed by public libraries." (Libraries Advisory Committee. Final draft report, 2). In the published report, "failed" and "must" are nowhere to be seen in the section dealing with schools of arts. Instead we read: "The schools of arts, and literary and mechanics' institutes have not provided this modern [library] service [described in the preceding paragraph], even when the subscriptions on which they depended were subsidised, as they were up to 1932. Experience in other countries has been similar to that in Australia." (Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, 3).

50 Ifould to Drummond, 19 October 1938.

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The Library Board

Ifould had some suggestions for Drummond on the composition of the Library Board. He was keen to restrict its number - he had had enough trouble with the "cumbrous board" in Adelaide - but felt it would be politic, in view of Spooner's interest in library developments, to include a representative of the Local Government Department. A representative of the Public Library's Trustees on the

Library Board was also desirable, he thought, partly because of the important role the Library would have in training public librarians and providing expanded central library services, and partly to appease some "nettled" Trustees. He had detected irritation about lack of consultation by the Committee.51

Ifould expected that during the first two or three years of operation of the scheme, the workload of the Library Board would be very heavy. He saw the value of high level negotiations, and of powerful persuasion, during the initial stages of the library scheme, and projected a key role for the Chairman and Deputy, who would be remunerated. Staff of the Library Board would be minimal: an "inspector at about £600 per annum, and a woman typist at about £300 per annum."52

Ifould told Drummond privately that he would be willing to retire as Principal Librarian and become the first Chairman of the Board. He had "no desire to be encumbered with another position" but was paradoxically "anxious to do all that I possibly could to get this scheme working smoothly." He suggested Remington as the first Deputy Chairman. Although the proposed salary - £350 per year - was low, and the workload might have an adverse effect on Remington's law firm, Ifould thought that he might accept the position at least on a trial basis for twelve months. When Ifould stepped down as Chairman, after two or three years,

51 Ibid.

52 Ibid.

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Remington would be a suitable successor, and might then retire from his legal practice to work for the Board full time.53

Drummond's reaction

Drummond chewed over Ifould's suggestions and the Report for a week, and then informed Ifould of a major concern. Some of the amounts specified as minima for a library service were extremely small - he cited Gerringong at £89 and Hillston at £119 as examples. Could viable, properly staffed libraries really be established and maintained with so little expenditure? Drummond feared that unless a minimum were stipulated, a series of minuscule and insubstantial services would be set up, taking advantage of the Government "hand-out." Drummond had visions of civic pride spawning a host of individual library services with inadequate continuing support - a repetition, as he expressed it, of the failure of the schools of arts and of the libraries established under the Municipalities Act.54 He was also concerned - as was Ifould - that some local authorities would overcommit themselves by erecting "ornate and costly buildings" rather than concentrating on good collections of books and competent staff. He wanted a limit placed on the proportion of expenditure on buildings, and reminded Ifould of the Los Angeles

County Library operating out of a modest rented warehouse.55

Ifould accepted Drummond's criticism, and immediately drafted an additional paragraph, specifying that the Board had to be satisfied that any library

53 Ibid.

54 Drummond to Ifould, 25 October 1938, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)"; another copy in PLNSW Confidential Papers.

55 Drummond to Ifould, 3 November 1938, TLS, PLNSW Confidential Papers; Ifould to Drummond, 7 November 1938, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)." Unnecessarily ornate buildings had also been a problem with early Carnegie benefactions, and had led to changes in the way in which applications for Carnegie funding were handled. See Free Library Movement, Free Public Libraries, 14.

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could provide effective service, adequate current reading and up to date information. To reinforce this, he added:

It is obvious that smaller communities cannot maintain independent libraries. There must be an expenditure of at least £1000 a year, and at a bare two shillings a head only communities of ten thousand or more can raise this amount.56

This was still not emphatic enough for Drummond, who suggested a further paragraph:

Smaller communities by pooling their resources with larger communities would be enabled to secure for themselves efficient library service. It would be the duty of the Library Board to encourage such co-operative action but to discourage smaller communities from establishing independent libraries unless they were prepared to raise, with the subsidy, an income sufficient to make them effective.57

The final report was amended to incorporate both Ifould's and Drummond's additions, virtually word for word. Drummond submitted the revised

Report to Cabinet in November, recommending its adoption and publication. He further recommended that legislation be enacted in early 1939, and that funds to begin to implement the Report be provided for in the 1939/40 estimates. The scheme was placed on the agenda for the first meeting of Cabinet in 1939. At last a sustainable free public library system seemed to be within reach. The year 1939 was set to become a watershed in Australian library history.58

56 Drummond to Ifould, 25 October 1938.

57 Drummond to Ifould, 27 October 1938, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

58 Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, 13-14; Drummond, "Statement for Submission to Cabinet: Free Libraries, 29 November 1938," TD, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."1 Ifould to Mrs. Hubert Fairfax, London, 20 January 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58; Trustees' Minute Books, 16 January 1939; Ifould, "Library Development in New South Wales," 63. In a letter to C. H. Hay, then Agent-General in London and formerly Secretary of the Premier's Department, Ifould refers to "our success at getting a knighthood for Sir William Dixson." (Ifould to C. H. Hay, 23 January 1939). The building contract was let on 27 March 1939. (PLNSW Annual Report, 1939: 3).

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CHAPTER FOURTEEN

THE IMMEDIATE IMPACT OF THE "IFOULD REPORT"

Adoption in principle

1939 began auspiciously with three announcements in which Ifould could claim a measure of personal success. William Dixson was knighted in the New Year Honours. Tenders were called for the Library building. Cabinet met on 18 January and adopted (unanimously, Ifould was told) the Libraries Advisory Committee Report and draft Bill in principle, and agreed to the establishment of a Library School at the Public Library. Cabinet intended to have the library scheme in operation on 1 January 1940, and work began immediately on a Bill to be introduced into the Parliament in the next session. This task fell to the Parliamentary Draftsman, E. B. Cahalan, one of the many former members of the

Public Library staff who had forsaken librarianship for the law.1

The Libraries Advisory Committee Report was printed and distribution began immediately. Copies were sent to every institute and school of arts in New

South Wales, to each of the 450 branches of the Returned Sailors and Soldiers Imperial League of Australia in New South Wales, to 375 branches of the Country Women's Association, to all council clerks and elected members, to all public, university and parliamentary librarians in Australia, to all New South Wales

1 Ifould to Mrs. Hubert Fairfax, London, 20 January 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58; Trustees' Minute Books, 16 January 1939; Ifould, "Library Development in New South Wales," 63. In a letter to C. H. Hay, then Agent- General in London and formerly Secretary of the Premier's Department, Ifould refers to "our success at getting a knighthood for Sir William Dixson." (Ifould to C. H. Hay, 23 January 1939). The building contract was let on 27 March 1939. (PLNSW Annual Report, 1939: 3).

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parliamentarians, and to various government departments. Five copies were dispatched to each Apex Club, and six to each Rotary Club. By March 1939, five thousand copies had been distributed, and a reprint of two thousand was ordered.2

Reaction to the Report

To the Free Library Movement the publication of the Report was the signal for renewed agitation and pressure. Branches of the Movement had been gearing up for this since the Committee's inception. For simplicity, and to commemorate its chairman, the Movement resolved always to refer to the Report as the "Ifould Report" in addresses, pamphlets and correspondence. But the name did not catch on, even in the Movement's own publications: in Remington and Metcalfe's account of the Movement, published six years later, the report is referred to under its full title.3

Despite a feeling that there had been insufficient consultation, the Trustees of the Public Library assured Drummond of their "hearty cooperation" in implementing the recommendations of the Report. They took the opportunity to emphasise the need to complete the Library building in order to provide the space needed for the library training school, and to make more resources available through the Country Circulation Department.4

Ralph Munn was sent a copy of the Report, and complimented

Drummond for aiding the development of "library consciousness in New South

2 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 February 1939; Drummond to H. J. Bayliss, 13 July 1937; also mentioned in FLM, Minutes of Executive meeting, 17 February 1939; Ifould to Hay, 23 January 1939; Ifould to Acting Undersecretary, Department of Education, 20 January 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58; FLM Council meeting 29 March 1939.

3 FLM, Minutes of Executive meeting, 11 February 1938, 18 August 1939; G. C. Remington and J. W. Metcalfe, The Free Library Movement, 1935-1945 (Sydney: New Century Press, 1945), 5.

4 Trustees' Minute Books, 20 February 1939; PLNSW Annual Report, 1939: 4.

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Wales." "Certainly you are far in advance of all of the other states," he added in a private letter.5 In an official letter intended for public consumption he elaborated:

I am convinced that it [the Report] applies the best principles of library service to the needs and possibilities of New South Wales . . . Your committee has overlooked no feature of successful development abroad in determining upon its draft bill. I particularly approve the provision that government subsidy be conditioned upon (1) opening of the local libraries as free, and (2) raising of the local fund through rates.6

This was just the kind of supportive comment Drummond would find useful in Cabinet. This was an early instance of Munn's helpfulness which, as Metcalfe later attested, continued long after he left Australia's shores.7 Munn also paid a tribute to Ifould and Metcalfe, endorsing the confidence which had been placed in them:

As long as your committees can have men like Mr. Ifould and Mr. Metcalfe as library counselors, you are assured of recommendations which combine a knowledge of library development throughout the world with their own study of local conditions.8

Press coverage, when the authentic report was issued, was widespread and favourable. The Industrial Australian and Mining Standard, for example, commended the wisdom of basing developments on the Public Library of New South Wales "as the principal librarian, Mr. W. H. Ifould, has had wide experience and is fully sympathetic to the extension of opportunities for a wider scope of reading amongst the community."9 Left wing unions and their traditional foes were

5 Munn to Drummond, 24 January 1939, TLS [personal], SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

6 Munn to Drummond, 24 January 1939, TLS [official], SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

7 Metcalfe, "Ralph Munn and Australia."

8 Munn to Drummond, 24 January 1939 [official].

9 Industrial Australian and Mining Standard, 15 January 1939.

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equally keen to find out what was proposed, and generally supported the Report's findings.10

Local interest is stimulated

Some local authorities wished to establish library services immediately, but Ifould asked them to hasten slowly. He advised the Town Clerk of Inverell, one of many eager officials, to read the Libraries Advisory Committee Report very carefully, and to think seriously about regional cooperation. With a population of only six thousand, Inverell was below the recommended minimum of ten thousand.11

I should like the council to study the clauses relating to the organisation of libraries in shire centres where local municipalities are not strong enough to provide sufficient funds for the establishment and proper upkeep of an independent municipal library.12

Undaunted, Inverell, like the Municipal Council of Sydney, resolved to adopt the principles set out in the Libraries Advisory Committee Report, in Inverell's case with the sensible proviso that Parliament did not materially alter the proposals.13 In February 1939 Ifould and Drummond visited Inverell. Ifould addressed a meeting in the council chambers before Drummond arrived, and won over the audience with his "land-mindedness." Here was no city slicker, but a country-born and bred property owner. He had struggled to establish a profitable

10 Copies were requested, for example, by the Australian Railways Union, the Australasian Coal and Shale Employees' Federation, the Farmers and Settlers' Association, and the Graziers' Association. (Lloyd Ross to Drummond, 5 January 1939, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "LAC").

11 Inverell had 5,900 residents as at 31 December 1937. (Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, 55).

12 Ifould to C. S. Innes, Town Clerk, Inverell, 23 January 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58.

13 Ifould to C. S. Innes, Town Clerk, Inverell, 27 January 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58.

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orangery, he told them, which now brought him more income than his public service salary. He could point to the practical benefits of library services from his own experience.

The audience warmed to Ifould, and cheered Drummond, who had "received his first political baptism" at Inverell, when he arrived. Ifould told them he had worked under fifteen different Ministers in South Australia and New South Wales.

Drummond "was the best Minister for Education he had ever known," he told the applauding audience. As the local newspaper reported: "Public servants soon learnt to evaluate their Ministers, said Mr. Ifould. They got many `duds' (laughter), and it was a treat to work with a man of extraordinarily outstanding qualities."14 It was a remarkable statement for a public servant to make in such a public arena. Ifould would no doubt have been more circumspect in Sydney. After considering Ifould's warnings about population size and viability, Inverell proposed an ambitious regional scheme for itself and eight adjoining shires. Too ambitious, Ifould thought. He could not see Moree and Glen Innes accepting Inverell as the centre of their regional library scheme.15

At the southern end of the State the movement for library services was also stirring. After an approach from people in the Murrumbidgee Irrigation Area, Ifould asked Remington to organise some "propaganda." "You see that I am passing the buck," Ifould told him, for he felt it was better for such agitation to come from the lay body, the Free Library Movement, rather than from official sources or from the Australian Institute of Librarians.16 Remington agreed with this approach: as he later explained to Cunningham:

14 Inverell Times, 17 February 1939.

15 Remington to Ifould, 1 March 1939, TLS, SLNSW archives old files box 8, file "Free Library Movement and Mr Remington."

16 Ifould to Remington, 8 March 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 8, file "Free Library Movement and Mr Remington."

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My angle on this aspect of the matter is that it is too early for the Institute of Librarians to take an active part in the work of The [sic] Movement - they know too much - they might well be embarrassed by becoming identified with a propaganda organisation.17

Spooner stakes his claim

Eric Spooner, the Minister for Local Government, had weighed into the library debate once again. At the annual conference of the Local Government

Association in November 1938 he had expressed satisfaction that councils were considering free public libraries, and told them: "This is a matter which Councils should take up. This movement is long overdue."18 He clearly still regarded public library developments as within his portfolio.

Ifould was aware of the tension between Drummond and Spooner, and the difficulties which this might pose for library development. It was important not to antagonise Spooner, and the cooperation of the officers of his department was also critical to the reception of the draft Bill. Ifould therefore began unofficial discussions with H. E. Street, the Under-Secretary of Spooner's Department. As he explained to Drummond, "Senior public servants often discuss amongst themselves confidentially, and without the knowledge of their Ministers, matters of policy. It sometimes oils the wheels and provides against opposition." It was a shrewd move: the public library bandwagon would need a good deal of oiling.19

Local government concerns

The Local Government Association had many reservations about the draft Library Bill. Although expressing support for the principle of free public libraries,

17 Remington to Cunningham, 19 August 1939, TL copy, (sent to Ifould by Remington), SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement."

18 Quoted in report of FLM Executive to Council meeting, 28 November 1938.

19 Ifould to Drummond, 28 October 1938; Ifould to Street, 7 November 1938, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

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the Association regarded the proposed funding formula as a burden. Alderman Cramer of North Sydney saw the proposal as "one more responsibility that the

Government is shouldering upon the local councils."20 The Association found fault too with the use of the Unimproved Capital Value (UCV) as the basis for assessing subsidy, and pointed to anomalies. Ifould told Drummond that he believed that there was no real alternative to the UCV "if the Government is to stick to the principle of giving greater assistance to the poorer localities and allowing the wealthy districts to carry a larger share of the burden of providing this amenity for the population."21

The Association also objected to electors in a municipality or shire being empowered to inflict a rate on ratepayers, through a poll on library services. Alderman Samuel of Waverley Municipal Council preferred the status quo: "If things are left as they are, the councils have the power to subsidise or set up libraries," he declared, rather ignoring the long history of inaction under the relevant section of the Local Government Act. Even aldermen who sounded more conciliatory, like Alderman A. Griffiths of Newcastle, thought the proposals had "many objectionable features," although Griffiths believed Drummond would be responsive to their criticism.22

In April, A. R. Bluett, Secretary of the Local Government Association, outlined his Association's concerns to Spooner. Members felt that their share of the cost of library services should be limited to twenty-five per cent, rather than the fifty to seventy-five per cent specified in the Bill. They rejected the concept of a poll of electors which could compel a local authority to "provide, control and

20 "Free Libraries: `Burden on Councils,' Bill Criticised," Sydney Morning Herald, 7 April 1939.

21 Ifould to Drummond, 14 July 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

22 "Free Libraries: `Burden on Councils,' Bill Criticised," Sydney Morning Herald, 7 April 1939.

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manage" a public library.23 They declared that the governing body should be an instrumentality of the Department of Local Government, or at least be subject to the concurrence of the Minister for Local Government: a ministerial advisory committee rather than a Library Board. They felt that regulations should be made under the Local Government Act, rather than a Library Act.

This was music to Spooner's ears. On 1 June he told the Institute of Public Administration:

. . . that in his opinion Parliament would not be likely to agree to the Bill in the terms recommended by the Libraries Advisory Committee, pointing out that local governing bodies would object to library services being an activity of the Education Department instead of the Local Government Department.24

Some members of the Institute who, like Remington, were also active in the Free Library Movement, were dismayed, and conveyed their concern to

Drummond.25 Ifould too was appalled by Spooner's "butting in," and horrified at the prospect of libraries being under the control of the Local Government Department:

With our knowledge of local government people, we know that they have not the slightest glimmering of what a library is or what these new libraries are intended to be. It is quite obvious that the control of them must be kept in the hands of the Education Department and not Local Government.26

Drummond was furious, and took advice on the administrative and legal implications from an authority on public administration, Professor F. A. Bland of

23 A. R. Bluett to E. S. Spooner, 28 April 1939, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd);" Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, 45.

24 Remington to Drummond, 26 June 1939, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

25 Ibid.

26 Ifould, "Re Mr. Spooner's letter to Mr. Drummond," 7 June 1939, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

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the University of Sydney.27 Reassured by Bland's advice, Drummond rejected the suggestion that libraries should be the responsibility of the Department of Local Government with vehemence and a measure of sarcasm. He agreed that the Local Government Act did empower local government to establish libraries, but this was but one of a range of activities, including light railways:

I suggest that it would be just as reasonable to deduce from this that the Minister of Local Government should also be the Minister for Transport as to deduce that because libraries are mentioned in the Local Government Bill, that which is essentially a function of education should be handed over to the Minister of Local Government.28

On 26 June, and again on 3 July the executive of the Local Government Association met Remington and Alderman John Bales of the Free Library Movement to try to resolve some of their differences. After lengthy discussions they managed to agree on everything except the financial provisions. On the question of responsibility for the Library Board, they agreed to compromise:

That in regard to matters of local administration by the councils the [Library] Board should, through the Minister for Education, make recommendations to the Minister for Local Government for the incorporation of its suggestions in the local government system.29

On the contentious poll of electors, they agreed "that all references to a decision by a poll of electors should be struck out." On the financial provisions, the Free Library Movement opposed changing the proposed formula, but acknowledged that "the basis of finance is a matter of Government policy."30

27 Drummond to F. A. Bland, 28 June 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

28 Drummond to A. R. Bluett, 27 June 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

29 Report of a conference [between the] Local Government Association and Minister for Education, 7 July 1939.

30 Ibid.

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On 7 July the executive of the Local Government Association met Drummond. He listened to their concerns about finances - the notional rate of a farthing in the pound was considered a "big impost" by local councils, and there was concern too that the burden was on ratepayers, rather than the whole population. Drummond warned them that if they tried to finetune the Bill too much at that stage, "they would probably miss out altogether." If a start were made, the finetuning could come later. The Association was undeterred, however, and pressed the point, extracting a major concession from Drummond: he would put to Cabinet a proposal to reduce the maximum contribution of councils to fifty per cent. If Cabinet would not agree to this, he would advocate working towards this maximum in stages over a period of five to ten years.31 This would have had the effect in a full year, when all councils had adopted the Act, of increasing the State Government's contribution from £95,414 to £134,310, an increase of over forty per cent. It would also favour the "stronger," that is the wealthier, councils.32

Drummond was also prepared to give ground on the subject of a poll of electors. He promised the Association that if they and the Free Library Movement were both against a poll, he would not insist upon it. "His main concern was to get the Bill through in its major principles and have something really worthwhile."33 Bluett told Ifould unofficially that if the poll provision were eliminated, his Association would not argue about changes in financial provisions. "It seems to me that this face-saving business applies to the occident as well as the orient!" Ifould told Drummond.34

31 Ibid. The LGA representatives at the meeting with Drummond were Alderman H. Samuel, Mayor of Waverley, Councillor E. S. Shaw of Sutherland Shire and A. R. Bluett, Secretary of the LGA.

32 "Proposed alterations to the financial provisions of the Library Bill, 1939," TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

33 Report of a conference [between the] Local Government Association and Minister for Education, 7 July 1939.

34 Ifould to Drummond, 14 July 1939.

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Ifould seeks a compromise

Ifould had mixed feelings about Drummond's concessions. He was not keen to lose the "spur" of a poll of electors, but realised that local government pressure might force Drummond's hand.35 The Local Government Association appeared mollified, but Spooner's public claim for his department to administer the library scheme remained to be resolved. Drummond was not prepared to yield, and decided to refer the difference of opinion to the Premier, so that it could be settled in Cabinet.36

A compromise was suggested by Street, the Undersecretary of the Department of Local Government. A precedent which sprang to his mind was the Noxious Weeds Act, ludicrous though it may seem to associate libraries with scotch thistle and Paterson's curse. This Act had recognised the interests of both the Departments of Local Government and of Agriculture. Ifould was sceptical: to have two departments administering one Act would be impractical, and

Remington agreed with him.37

Ifould took Johnson, the legal officer of the Department of Local Government, through the Bill clause by clause, asking him to identify sections which related more to Local Government than to Education. Johnson confessed that he couldn't: he had been a member of the Libraries Advisory Committee and was sympathetic to Ifould's point of view. But he had to try to extricate his Undersecretary and his Minister from "a difficult position which his Minister had got into." Ifould thought another compromise was possible. He suggested that all

35 Ibid.; Report of a conference [between the] Local Government Association and Minister for Education, 7 July 1939; Ifould to Mutch, 14 August 1939.

36 Ifould to Drummond, 12 July 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

37 Ibid.; Ifould to Drummond, 14 July 1939.

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regulations under the Act be transmitted to the Executive Council through the Minister for Local Government. Privately he told Drummond:

It may be thoroughly worthwhile for you to agree to a formula of this description which will save his face and which will not trammel the Department very much in the future, as I am confident that most of the regulations which will need to be formed will cover methods of administration of the Library Board itself and will not in any way concern local government.38

During the winter months of 1939 the task of drafting a suitable Bill continued, with persistent attempts to resolve the differences with local government representatives. Problems with Spooner ended abruptly in July, when he resigned from the Stevens Ministry. In the following month Stevens himself resigned, and Alexander Mair became Premier in an increasingly unstable Government. Throughout these ministerial comings and goings, Drummond remained Minister for Education, still fervently committed to the library scheme, but unable, in the general preoccupation with political survival, to instil a sense of urgency in his Cabinet colleagues.39

School libraries and the Library School

Ifould and Drummond had made better progress with the unrelated issue of school library provision. In 1937 Drummond had appointed Ifould to a committee to recommend ways of improving school library services, for which

£3,000 had been allowed in the Department of Education's budget estimates. If applied evenly across the State, these funds would be spread very thinly. The committee therefore recommended that assistance would be given initially only to the larger schools which could house a central library for the schools in their district. The Department of Education would appoint a trained librarian to each

38 Ifould to Drummond, 12 July 1939.

39 Alexander Mair (1889-1969) was Premier of New South Wales, 1939-41.

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central school library, and would provide financial assistance and accommodation.40

The Public Library of New South Wales played a crucial role in the education and training of the first generation of these school librarians. The Library issued lists of books suitable for school libraries. A vacation course in elementary librarianship was held for thirty-six post-primary school teachers in

1938, with lectures and mimeographed notes prepared by Metcalfe. More intensive training was arranged for a select number of trainee teachers from the teachers' colleges in Sydney and Armidale. These trainees subsequently became teacher-librarians in metropolitan schools, where they could keep in touch with

Public Library staff.41

The Model School Library was formed, also in 1938. This was a demonstration school library of 1,500 volumes of non-fiction and "the better class of fiction," fully catalogued and classified, its contents approved by a committee of teachers and departmental inspectors.42 A printed shelflist of the collection, published in 1939, served "for many years as a buying guide and a basic cataloguing aid for New South Wales schools."43 Metcalfe had taken a key role in assembling the Model School Library and catalogue, using an abridged version of the Dewey Decimal Classification which he prepared. The Model School Library was

40 Drummond, "School Libraries," November 1937, TD, SLNSW archives old files box 5, file "School Libraries Committee."

41 I. L. Kandel, The Free Public Library Movement and its Implications (Sydney: Free Library Movement, 1937); PLNSW Annual Report, 1938: 6, 7; List of Books for Boys and Girls (Sydney: PLNSW, 1937).

42 Metcalfe to J. D. A. Collier, 5 July 1938, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL57; Model School Library (Sydney: PLNSW, 1939); Ifould to D. H. Drummond, 26 August 1938, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

43 L. Anne Clyde, "School Library History," in Australian Library History: Papers from the Second Forum, on Australian Library History, Canberra, 19-20 July 1985, eds. Peter Biskup and Maxine K. Rochester (Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1985), 24.

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intended to be used in conjunction with training at the Public Library, and later as a travelling demonstration collection. Loaded into a bookmobile, and accompanied by a trained officer who could lecture to teachers and Parents and Citizens' Associations, it was hoped the Library would become persuasive evidence in the case for good school libraries across the State.44

The Library School, recommended by the Libraries Advisory Committee

Report and approved by Cabinet, began operations on 17 April 1939. There had been four hundred enquiries about the course, and a large number of applicants, including some from other States and from New Zealand. Under Metcalfe's direction, and with the part-time assistance of McGreal and Miss E. L. M. Gallagher, formerly librarian at Sydney Teachers' College, the select group of seventeen started to learn the ropes. They attended lectures, grappled with the extensive reading lists, completed exercises and assignments, and spent some weeks gaining practical experience at the Sydney Municipal Library, Fisher Library and in government department libraries. They were also encouraged to pay their shilling and join the Free Library Movement. All seventeen attended its fourth annual general meeting on 26 April.45

A further honour

In early 1939 Ifould accepted an invitation to join the Library Association of the United Kingdom, and to be nominated as a Fellow, together with seven other librarians "of pioneer quality" in Australia and New Zealand. He had

44 Metcalfe to Collier, 5 July 1938; Abridged Dewey Decimal Classification for School Libraries (Sydney: PLNSW, 1938); General Introduction to Library Practice (Sydney: PLNSW, 1940); Ifould to John Russell, Secretary, Carnegie Corporation of New York, 26 August 1938, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers; PLNSW Annual Report, 1939: 5. The Model School Library has remained intact and is now part of the Rare Books and Special Collections of the State Library of New South Wales.

45 Ifould, "Library Development in New South Wales," 63; PLNSW Annual Report, 1939: 4-5; 1940: 5; Trustees' Minute Books, 17 April 1939; Ifould to Cunningham, 23 February 1937.

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declined Purnell's offer to nominate him as a Fellow twelve years before. Some of his colleagues, including his Deputy, were already Fellows, and Ifould may have felt that it would be churlish, as a former President of the Australian Institute of Librarians, to decline such a distinction, despite his professed lack of concern for such honours. Fellowship would certainly do the stature of his Australian colleagues no harm, on their visits to the United Kingdom.46

Ifould on scientific and technological information

During 1939, Ifould also paid some attention to one of the issues which the Libraries Advisory Committee had not been able to address. In concentrating its efforts on devising an acceptable public library scheme, the Committee had not examined the "provision of scientific, technical and sociological information" which its terms of reference had called for. Ifould did not allow the issue to die completely, and in July 1939 gave a taste of his ideas to a joint meeting of the

Australian Chemical Institute and the New South Wales Branch of the Australian Institute of Librarians. He spoke on "cooperation in bibliographical research in industry," and his paper reached a wider audience when reprinted in the proceedings of the Australian Institute of Librarians second Conference.47

He believed that coverage of science and technology in libraries was inadequate, and thought there should be a conference of research libraries and learned societies to identify and to fill gaps in resources. He pointed to instances of wasteful duplication and the comparative paucity of foreign-language technical

46 Ifould to Drummond, 19 May 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58; Ifould to Purnell, 2 February 1927. The other Australians who became Fellows were Kenneth Binns of the Commonwealth National Library, E. R. Pitt of the Public Library of Victoria and A. E. McMicken of Prahran. The New Zealand Fellows were John Barr of Auckland, E. J. Bell of Canterbury, J. Norrie of Wellington and Dr. G. H. Scholefield of the General Assembly Library in Wellington. (Library Association Record 41 (August 1939): 407).

47 Ifould, "Co-operation in Bibliographical Research in Industry"; Ifould, "The Technologist and Bibliographical Research."

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materials: the key journal Zement, for example, was held nowhere in Australia. Back issues of different journals should be housed in one repository, "which obviously should be the state library." He suggested a new edition of Pitt's union catalogue of scientific serials, and a much more ambitious venture: a union catalogue of scientific monographs. He pointed to the potential of microphotography to assist the inter-library loan process. He believed that ultimately it would be best to have specialist staff in special libraries, and research sections, also staffed by specialists, in all major State and university libraries. In charge would be a trained industrial chemist, and the staff would also include an economist and a mechanical engineer.48

It was a far-sighted and practical paper, with an emphasis on cooperation and resource sharing. As Groenewegen has noted, these ideas would only begin to come to fruition in the late 1970s. Thirty years after Ifould's suggestion of a committee to develop a national cooperative plan, the Scientific and Technological Information Services Enquiry Committee, was established by the Council of the National Library of Australia to investigate the national need for scientific and technological information services in Australia, particularly from the user viewpoint.49

Proposals to microfilm archives

Also during 1939 Ifould and his Trustees considered how best to obtain copies of documents relating to Australia which were in the Public Record Office in London. As with the provision of scientific and technological information, Ifould advocated a cooperative approach between libraries. The Mitchell Committee had other ideas, and Mutch was vehement in his opposition:

48 Ibid.

49 Groenewegen, "Scientific Information Resources, Services and Needs."

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It would be damaging to the prestige of the Mitchell Library to enter into arrangements with other libraries to secure these copies . . . [it] would reduce the importance and weaken the position of the Mitchell, which should be maintained as the mecca of the student of Australian history, biography, etc.50

Mutch's attitude was, in Ifould's words, "probably an echo of another's," an oblique reference to Ida Leeson, and was "dictated by jealousy, if I may use that word, of the increasing importance of the National Library at Canberra, our main rival in procuring all valuable historical material." Ifould was as concerned as Mutch at maintaining the prestige of the Mitchell, but he was more pragmatic. Refusing to cooperate, he felt, would simply antagonise the other States, and weaken his position in the Library Group:

In the past on the Library Group I have succeeded in getting the two other representatives of the States to recognise that the Commonwealth is over greedy, and that we must join together in protecting ourselves. I do not want to lose this influence.51

In February 1939 Ifould explained to Evatt and an agitated Mutch over lunch at the Australian Club, that the best approach was a cooperative one between the States and the Commonwealth. Evatt was inclined to agree with Ifould, but Mutch was sceptical. Whatever eventuated, he wanted his colleagues to insist that Leeson be placed in charge of any copying project. Mutch's view prevailed, although his suggestion that most of the copying could be done by hand or typewriter was not entertained. Ifould and Metcalfe were much better-informed than Mutch about developments in microfilm, and were in fact already making inquiries about purchasing readers and a camera for the Mitchell Library. The Council for Scientific and Industrial Research had already purchased a microfilm camera and readers, and Ifould expected that there would be rapid developments in this area.

50 Mutch to Ifould, 26 February 1939, TLS, SLNSW archives old files box 11, file "Mathews Ornithological Collection."

51 Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 28 February 1939.

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In May the Trustees resolved unanimously to send Leeson to Europe to supervise the copying of documents relating to Australasia in British and European archives, using 35mm microfilm. Ifould was instructed to inform the other major libraries, and to offer them duplicate copies of reels they desired on a cost-sharing basis.

It would prove to be an empty victory for Mutch: the deteriorating international situation prevented the Trustees' resolution being carried out. The threat of war restricted the availability of microfilm and photographic equipment, and cultural materials and official records were evacuated from London. After the War the Mitchell and the Commonwealth National Library finally cooperated in what would prove to be a highly successful venture - the Australian Joint Copying Project - microfilming records of Australian interest at the Public Record Office and in other European repositories.52

The international situation

In Europe tension was escalating, as Germany sought Lebensraum. Austria had been annexed in March 1938, Czechoslovakia was invaded in October; in March 1939 France and Britain pledged to defend Poland; in May the German and Italian alliance was concluded, and in August the Russians signed a non- aggression pact with Germany. In Australia defence spending had been increased, contingency plans were being developed to put industry on a war footing, a national register for military service had been established, and evacuation and air- raid precautions were being devised.

52 Ifould, File Note, 15 February 1939, TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers; Trustees' Minute Books, 17 April, 15 May 1939; Ifould to John Harris, Librarian, University of Otago, 17 May 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58. The other Australian state libraries and the National Library of New Zealand were also partial or full participants in the Australian Joint Copying Project.

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As early as April 1939 Ifould had been asked to estimate how much library material should be removed to safe-keeping in the event of war. He prepared rosters of staff to guard the Library at night.53 He arranged for openings which the building contractor had made in the Mitchell Wing to be secured, in order to keep out "anyone who might want to bomb the building or set fire to it."54

The State War Book, a secret set of coded orders to Government departments designed to cover any level of alert or emergency, was distributed, and Ifould was kept informed of developments by hand-delivered messages from the head office of the Department of Education. War Book instructions ranged from recalling essential officers without publicity, to censorship of cablegrams and radiograms. Most sinister was instruction number twenty, a pro forma which read: "A state of war has been declared, the following being the enemy nations . . . " There followed a space for the names of enemy countries to be inserted by hand.

"Appeal to your staff to use their influence to discourage the spread of alarmist rumours," the instruction concluded. On 4 September 1939, Ifould received instruction number twenty by special messenger, confirming what was by then common knowledge: Australia was at war with Germany.55

53 Trustees' Minute Books, 17 April 1939; Ifould to Mr. Inspector Martin, Department of Education, 6 July 1939, TL copy, "Instructions in case of emergency, 1939-1941," [incorrectly labelled 1929-1931], SLNSW archives, box NPL248; "Telephone numbers and addresses of watchmen and senior officers," [c. 1939], TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

54 Ifould to D. V. Ghiggino, Government Architect's Branch, 25 August 1939, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

55 "Instructions in case of emergency, 1939-1941," SLNSW archives NPL248.

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CHAPTER FIFTEEN

WORLD WAR II AND LIBRARY LEGISLATION

The Library at War

The declaration of war had an immediate effect on the Library and its staff. Censorship of outgoing cables began at once. Weather charts were withdrawn from public use.1 Public servants were instructed to assist the police and military authorities in every way possible, including "giving helpful information regarding enemy aliens."2 Ifould was asked to identify any unnaturalised aliens on the Library staff - there were none.3 There were suspected aliens who had been using the Research Department. During the past year Nita Kibble had been keeping Ifould informed of the subjects they were researching, and details were sent to the Commissioner of Police. "Several of these men are chemists and might under certain circumstances be dangerous," Ifould reported. A Mr. Schuster was researching high altitude flying and the surface hardening of cast iron. Mr. Munz, however, was interested in cotton wool manufacture, Mr. Wormser in dried egg powder, Madame Wagner in negro spirituals, and Mr. Bittner in artificial teeth. On balance, Ifould thought, "None of the subjects would appear to be of importance from the sabotage point of view."4

1 Ifould to Divisional Meteorologist, 8 September 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59.

2 "Instructions in case of emergency, 1939-1941," SLNSW archives, box NPL248.

3 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 4 September 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59.

4 Ifould to Commissioner of Police, 5 September 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59.

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For two weeks after the outbreak of war no bags or parcels were accepted at the entrances to either the Mitchell or the General Reference Library. Parcels addressed to Library staff had to be opened in the street by the people delivering them. There were no incidents, and the measures were discontinued when the authorities felt that all dangerous aliens had been rounded up.5

During World War I demand for information on import substitution and the development of manufacturing industry had led to the formation of the Research Department. Now the benefits of twenty years' experience and collection building were directed to the war effort. In the Country Reference Section topics in high demand were workshop practice, fitting, aeroplane maintenance, navigation and its companion discipline, trigonometry. There were many requests for works in languages other than English, and booklists were issued to help refugees. For the first time in thirteen years, however, the number of books issued by the Country Reference Section decreased, as teachers and others deferred their studies or enlisted.6

The Model School Library book truck, ready to transport the collection for inspection in all parts of the State, was mothballed. It was eventually converted into a mobile hospital unit. Meanwhile the collection was still available for inspection by teacher-librarians, for whom training at the Library would continue, for the time being at least.7

Some male staff, like John Fernon, who had joined the Sydney University Regiment, were undergoing military training. Remaining staff maintained a

5 Ifould to Trustees, 14 September 1939, TD, SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "National Emergency Services."

6 PLNSW Annual Report, 1940: 6-7; 1941: 2. See for example List of Books in the Czech Language, 1940, TD, SLNSW, General Reference Library.

7 PLNSW Annual Report, 1940: 5; 1942: 3; Model School Library (Sydney: Public Library of New South Wales, 1939).

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twenty-four hour guard on the Library, disrupting their regular work, and placing, Metcalfe felt, an extra burden on the male staff. In Adelaide Purnell, too old for active service during this conflict, was busy with intelligence work.8

The scheme to microfilm documents in British repositories on which Ifould and Mutch had differed so sharply was also scuttled by the outbreak of war. The Public Record Office moved key collections out of London and suspended plans to install microfilming cameras. Ida Leeson was sent instead to Victoria and South Australia to examine documents which might be worth copying for the

Mitchell Library.9

There were strict economies imposed on printing and stationery: the Library's own annual report for 1940-41, for example, was less than half the size of the previous year's and used a minuscule type. No further reports were compiled or published until the end of the War.10

As during the earlier conflict, the War had a considerable impact on the Library's collections. There were delays in obtaining books and periodicals from overseas. Prices increased, due to production costs and war insurance. Purchases from non-sterling countries were restricted - the Library deferred about three- quarters of its orders for books published in such countries, which included the United States. Many serial subscriptions were cancelled, with the axe falling on titles such as Ladies' Home Journal, American Pigeon Journal, Saturday Evening Post and one which was dear to Ifould's own heart, Golf. Scarce American dollars could not be spent on such luxuries. German scientific and technical periodicals

8 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 30 November 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59; Metcalfe to Munn, 5 September 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59; Ifould to Purnell, 13 September 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59.

9 Trustees' Minute Books, 15 January, 18 March 1940; PLNSW Annual Report, 1940: 4.

10 PLNSW Annual Report, 1941, 1942.

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were another matter, however, and Ifould briefly considered trying to obtain these through neutral sources, despite a ban on materials of enemy origin.11

Uncertainty about the Library Bill

In the early days of the War no-one was certain what impact the hostilities would have on library legislation. The executive of the Free Library Movement met on 8 September to discuss its future, and followed Ifould's advice to carry on, pending an announcement of the Government's intentions.12 Ifould knew that the Premier, Alexander Mair, who had replaced Stevens just before the outbreak of war, had cold feet about the Library Bill at the best of times. As Metcalfe reported to Munn, it was thought unlikely that there would be any expenditure "not directly connected with the prosecution of the war, especially as the state was faced with heavy deficits and was increasing taxation in any case."13 Drummond had an amendment to the Bill up his sleeve, limiting Government expenditure in any one year to amounts made available by the Treasurer - wartime was no time for a blank cheque - but there was little confidence that Drummond would even be allowed to introduce the Bill.14

Newcastle's library proposals

Although war was on the front page of every newspaper, library development did not seem to be a completely lost cause, Bill or no Bill. It was certainly on the agenda in Newcastle, which Ifould believed was the most promising candidates to form a regional library. Metcalfe had earlier drafted a

11 Ifould to Acting Undersecretary, Department of Education, 9 May, 27 May 1940, TL copies, SLNSW archives NPL61; Ifould to Truslove & Hanson, London, 24 May 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61.

12 FLM Executive meeting, 8 September 1939.

13 Metcalfe to Munn, 5 September 1939.

14 Ifould, Memorandum, 22 September 1939, TD, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

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Bill to establish library trusts, with specific reference to Newcastle in the first instance. The Bill was modelled on the Public Library of New South Wales legislation, with a trust of six to twelve members appointed by the Governor. This body corporate was to take charge of and govern the use of libraries within the Trust's area. Services would be free and would include the use of reference materials in reading rooms, lending to children under sixteen, and lending to residents and ratepayers of "books of an established informative or educational character."15

Ifould had discussed Newcastle with Keppel at the Carnegie Corporation during his visit to the United States in 1936. Ifould later recalled that he had told Keppel that he hoped the Government would give the old Technical College site to Newcastle for a library. The School of Arts would transfer its assets to the city council, and a regional library would be established, with a Government subsidy. According to Ifould, Keppel responded that if these conditions were met, he would be prepared to recommend that the Corporation provide a grant to Newcastle to purchase reference books and non-fiction, amounting to three thousand pounds a year for three years. Ifould knew that it could not be a firm commitment at that stage: the conditions he had mentioned would have to be met, the Library Group, as the Corporation's advisory mechanism, would need to endorse the proposal, and Keppel would have to take any recommendation through the Corporation's normal approval procedures.16 But Ifould was very positive about Keppel's cautious response. When he spoke of it subsequently, to Drummond, Cunningham and to

15 Ifould to Binns, 5 February 1936, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 8, file "Commonwealth Literary Fund;" Ifould to F. O'Malley-Jones, Newcastle, 5 December 1935, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL52; Metcalfe to Drummond, 6 May 1936, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)." The draft bill to establish library trusts, prepared by John Metcalfe in 1936, is in SLNSW archives box labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee File."

16 Ifould to Cunningham, 15 September 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59.

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others, it had magnified into a "promise."17 He was very precise about the nature of the promise, and told interested parties in Newcastle:

The Carnegie Corporation has, with certain provisoes, offered to make a grant of £3,000 sterling a year for three years, for the establishment of a foundation reference library collection fitting such a centre of industrial development as Newcastle.18

In May 1939 the Newcastle School of Arts had agreed to hand over its assets to the City Council as a first step in creating a free public library. In addition, the State Government had offered to hand over the former Technical College site, and if the Library Bill were passed, there would be an annual Government grant of £2,843. Ifould immediately informed Drummond, telling him that he had written to Keppel reminding him of his "promise."19 Prospects for a regional library at Newcastle seemed promising but, as Ifould reported to a contact in Newcastle, "for some strange reason the citizens have not become sufficiently enthusiastic to make their influence felt in the establishment of such a vitally important institution."20

The lack of enthusiasm which Ifould described squares oddly with the mood of the community reflected at the early meetings of the Free Library Movement's Newcastle branch, which had been formed in 1937. Had Ifould badly misread the situation, or was he simply trying to ginger up his Newcastle contacts, among them prominent members of the Rotary Club? If he was correct about the lack of enthusiasm, why was this so?21

17 Ifould wrote: "Dr Keppel promised me that the Corporation would supply the amount I suggested for Newcastle as a demonstration of the effectiveness of a regional library scheme . . . £3,000 a year for three years." (Ifould to Cunningham, 23 February 1937).

18 Ifould to J. M. Smail, Newcastle, 1 June 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58.

19 Ifould to Drummond, 19 May 1939.

20 Ifould to J. M. Smail, 1 June 1939.

21 FLM Minutes of Executive meeting, 29 November 1937.

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We may need look no further than the Carnegie connection to explain why Novocastrians did not rush eagerly into a library system. It was a community of steel-workers - Ifould had called it the "Pittsburgh of Australia" when pressing its case with the Carnegie Corporation - and the Hunter Valley which the proposed regional library would serve was the workplace of thousands of miners. These workers may have had reservations about accepting Carnegie money. In the

United States itself there was occasional labour indifference or antagonism towards Carnegie programmes.22 As a recent commentator has noted, "a familiar social criticism of Carnegie libraries is that they are steeped in the blood of workers who labored in Carnegie's steel mills."23 Even in the 1950s Library Board staff visiting the Newcastle region encountered hostility towards Carnegie and his

"blood money."24

This possible explanation for lack of progress does not appear to have occurred to Ifould. Nor at this stage does he seem to have regarded his disclosure of Keppel's "promise" as ill-advised. The Carnegie Corporation had made it clear that it would look to the Library Group for advice, yet the Group had not at this stage considered the Newcastle proposal, let alone resolved to support it. When asked by Keppel for a reaction, Cunningham had to confess that he had only a

22 George S. Bobinski, Carnegie Libraries: Their History and Impact on American Public Library Development (Chicago: American Library Association, 1969), 104-5, 186.

23 Joe Natale, Review of The Carnegie Library in Illinois, by Raymond Bial and LaPuma Bial, in Illinois Libraries 73 (December 1991): 594-95.

24 Helen C. Woodward, former Secretary, Library Board of New South Wales, and Director, Public Libraries and Extension Services, State Library of New South Wales, Interview by author, 19 August 1993, Sydney.

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"vague recollection" of Ifould mentioning a scheme of the sort after his visit to New

York in 1936.25

Ifould agreed with Cunningham that statements in the press had "frequently been too definite." He admitted that he had been partly responsible, not for "the very definite form that these statements have taken, but for the suggestion that the Carnegie Corporation, under certain conditions, would probably assist." In a rare admission of fault, he conceded that he may have "committed Dr. Keppel too definitely and should have awaited his submission of the matter to his Trustees before I made any mention of the scheme on my return."26 It was an error of judgement which was perhaps caused more by the impatience Ifould felt with the burghers of Newcastle than by a desire to apply pressure to the Carnegie Corporation. There is nonetheless justification for Horrocks's comment that Ifould "at least in the Newcastle case, was not as careful as he might have been."27

Fellow members of the Library Group had other, equally serious, reservations about Ifould's behaviour. They believed that he was favouring his own State at the expense of library development generally. Ifould sensed their feelings, but strenuously denied that his intentions were anything but honourable:

25 Cunningham to Keppel, 11 August 1939, quoted in Horrocks, "The Carnegie Corporation of New York," 347. In fact Metcalfe had reported the "conditional promise" of assistance for Newcastle to Tate as early as July 1936 after Ifould had written to him about his discussions with Keppel, but without elaboration. (Metcalfe to Frank Tate, 29 July 1936, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement"). As noted earlier, Ifould had also reported the "promise" to Cunningham in February 1937 (Ifould to Cunningham, 23 February 1937).

26 Ifould to Cunningham, 15 September 1939.

27 Horrocks, "The Carnegie Corporation of New York," 336.

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I can honestly state that I personally have had no feeling that I should attempt to get for the State of New South Wales as much as I could from the Corporation. I have done my best in this State to block applications to the Corporation. If a scheme similar to the Newcastle one were put up for Victoria, for instance, and a good demonstration could be made of the value of a regional library system, I would strongly support it.28

Interstate jealousy, however, was very strong, as Metcalfe discovered. When he sent copies of a school library manual to other State libraries, he did not even receive an acknowledgement from the "two foremost." Another called it "just another piece of New South Wales propaganda."29

The Library Bill reaches Parliament

On 27 September 1939 Cabinet resolved to defer introduction of the

Library Bill. Ifould and Remington immediately began some discreet lobbying.30 On 5 October Remington met Drummond and told him that he hoped Cabinet would reconsider its decision, emphasising the importance of technical information during a war. He assured Drummond that the metropolitan press, which was then "hammering a dying government," would be most unlikely to criticise the

Government if the Act were passed.31 Pressure groups, such as the Taxpayers Association, were supportive, as was the Labor Party - Remington had discussed the Bill with the Opposition Leader and the Chairman of the Party. Drummond

28 Ifould to Cunningham, 15 September 1939.

29 Metcalfe to Cunningham, 4 September 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL62. The work in question was either School Library Practice: Vacation Course for Country School Teachers (Sydney: PLNSW, 1938), or Abridged Dewey Decimal Classification for School Libraries (Sydney: PLNSW, 1938).

30 Ifould to Drummond, 6 October 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

31 Metcalfe, "Remarks to Trustees of the Public Library of NSW on Retirement, 1959."

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encouraged Remington to talk to the Premier, Alexander Mair, and to other

Ministers.32

Ifould too had been canvassing the views of newspaper editors and leading members of the community, "especially big tax-payers and important commercial men who are not specially interested in education." Five influential members of the Australian Club whom Ifould had approached "agreed that it would be a fatal thing for the Government to drop important measures already prepared for fear of a little natural criticism on the imposition of fresh taxation." The message which he relayed to Drummond was of universal support for library legislation, despite the cost of implementing it. He warned Drummond that "if the Government remains idle and exhibits to the community that Ministers have the jitters, it will lose all newspaper support." He offered Drummond a rallying-call:

In no period in Australian history have our people more needed technical training and good reference libraries. We won't shirk our responsibility to provide them without further delay.33

Ever pragmatic, he also suggested a way of saving face, if Cabinet would not approve expenditure on libraries: "Stick to the library Bill and press Cabinet to go on with it, even if you have to provide for the Government subsidy not to be operative until a date to be fixed in the future." Ifould had no doubt that several local authorities would begin to establish library services early in the following year in any case. Once that happened, he believed that Drummond would be able to

32 Remington to Drummond, 6 October 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd);" Remington to Keppel, 3 November 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement;" Metcalfe, "Remarks to Trustees of the Public Library of NSW on Retirement, 1959."

33 Ifould to Drummond, 6 October 1939. Ifould had joined the Australian Club, an exclusive gentlemen's club on the corner of Bent and Macquarie Streets, Sydney, in 1938. (R. A. Osborn, Secretary, Australian Club, to E. J. Merewether, 19 July 1989, TLS, enclosing extract from Candidates Book, Australian Club, dated 22 August 1938 (original in the possession of the author)).

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persuade the Treasurer to make some funds available. Showing the courage of his convictions, Ifould concluded on a threatening note:

If the Government drops the Library Bill at this stage every important metropolitan newspaper will hammer it as showing no courage or leadership. I will give the newspapers all the pabulum they require for such a campaign. I must, of course, first resign from the service.34

Stiffened in his resolve by what he had heard from Remington and Ifould,

Drummond went back to Cabinet. When they met on 10 October, they agreed to introduce the Bill into Parliament, but decided that the financial provisions in

Sections 13 and 14 of the Bill would be suspended.35 This left "discretion with the

Government as to the time when subsidies can be afforded."36 All the interested parties, not the least Drummond, were disappointed that the library scheme would not be fully operational, but, as Remington acknowledged, there was really no option but to accept this compromise.37

Ifould gave Metcalfe the task of preparing an annotated copy of the Bill for the Minister to use during the Parliamentary debate. In the process, Metcalfe noticed that four critical words had been omitted. Without the words "out of rate income," councils adopting the Act could obtain a State subsidy by applying existing endowments (such as funds from a moribund school of arts) without making any contribution at all from their own rate income, and therefore without the level of commitment which a successful library scheme demanded. Ifould was

34 Ifould to Drummond, 6 October 1939. Metcalfe referred to Remington's role, but not to Ifould's, in persuading Cabinet to change its mind. (Metcalfe, "Remarks to Trustees of the Public Library of NSW on retirement, 1959.")

35 Mair to Drummond, 10 October 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

36 "Library Bill 1939 with notes for the Minister during the passing of the Bill, dated October 1939," Interleaved letterpress and TNn, SLNSW archives box labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee File" and "Shires Abercrombie-Bland."

37 Remington to Keppel, 3 November 1939.

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quick to draw this to Drummond's attention, and to give Metcalfe the credit for noticing the omission.38

As well as providing background for the Minister, Metcalfe's notes also canvassed possible objections to the scheme. He pointed out that subsidies were not a novelty: they had been provided to schools of arts. Expenditure would in any case be suspended until the scheme could be afforded, and even then it would take time for libraries to be established and for there to be any claims for subsidy. There would be an upper limit to the Government subsidy: councils could spend more than the minimum, but not at the Government's expense. Finally, the Bill did not compel authorities to establish libraries: it was permissive, like the British Public Libraries Act of 1919, something which the Libraries Advisory Committee had also stressed in its report. In deference to local government interests, the part of the Library Bill which was to amend the Local Government Act, 1919 was allocated to the Minister for Local Government. Spooner was no longer in the

Ministry, but his campaign to control the library scheme had had some impact.39

These were convincing responses to real concerns which had been voiced by bodies like the Local Government Association. Potential criticism was defused and benefits were emphasised: the ground was well-prepared, Ifould hoped, for trouble-free passage through the Parliament. Thus in the early hours of 3 November 1939 the Library Bill finally passed through the New South Wales

38 Ifould to Drummond, 19 October 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59; another copy in SLNSW archives box labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee File" and "Shires Abercrombie-Bland."

39 "Library Bill 1939 with notes for the Minister;" W. J. Murison, The Public Library: Its Origins, Purpose, and Significance, 3d ed. (London: Bingley, 1988), 75; Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, 6; Ifould to Messrs Creagh and Creagh, Tamworth, 2 October 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL62. The Library Act, no. 40 of 1939, Part 4, section 16, amended the Local Government Act, 1919, section 357. By proclamation in the New South Wales Government Gazette, no. 109, 22 December 1939, Part 4 of the Library Act was allocated to the Minister for Local Government. The remainder of the Act was allocated to the Minister for Education. Spooner had resigned from the Ministry in July 1939.

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Parliament with bipartisan support. It was proclaimed in the New South Wales Government Gazette on 22 December 1939, and would take effect, except for its financial clauses, from 1 June 1940.40

Appeals to the Carnegie Corporation

Remington lost no time in appealing to the Carnegie Corporation for a grant to stimulate library development. Within hours of the Act being passed, he wrote to Keppel, suggesting that Carnegie funds be applied to build and stock regional libraries at Wagga Wagga, Orange or Dubbo or Bathurst, Tamworth or Armidale, Lismore or Casino, Newcastle, Wollongong and Sydney. It was no coincidence that these included the centres Ifould had nominated in his regional scheme for library development. Remington suggested assistance to municipal or branch libraries which would work in conjunction with the regional libraries. In their case he felt the local councils could provide buildings, but that assistance would be required in purchasing reference books. He presented Keppel with a welter of other ideas, some of which he had discussed with Ifould. He wanted a grant to send W. G. K. Duncan, Director of Tutorial Classes at the University of Sydney, to the United States to learn more about adult education, which Remington thought was the "Cinderella" of the University. He suggested that a young economist, Herman Black, could head an enlarged Research Department at the Public Library.41

Remington's direct contact with Keppel reveals his and Ifould's increasing impatience with the Library Group. Both men were convinced that New South Wales should lead the way in free public library development, not for parochial

40 New South Wales Government Gazette, no. 109, 22 December 1939; PLNSW Annual Report, 1940: 4.

41 Remington to Keppel, 3 November 1939. Herman David Black (born 1905), was a lecturer in economics at the University of Sydney. He became Chancellor in 1970 and was knighted in 1974.

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reasons, but because that was where most progress had been made. New South Wales was the only State which had "formulated a library scheme providing for an adequate free library service, and had now passed legislation to implement this scheme."42 Remington was openly critical of the Library Group in his letter to Keppel, believing that, except for Ifould, they had not properly considered library developments in New South Wales. He therefore told Keppel: "I am of the opinion that it would be useless referring these proposals to the Library Group now that Mr. Frank Tate is not guiding its deliberations."43 This would not endear him to Cunningham, who had taken over from Tate at the Australian Council for Educational Research, and would now be chairing the Library Group. In fact, as emerged shortly afterwards, Remington's comments did Cunningham a considerable injustice.

At this time Ifould and Remington were working in concert. To the uninitiated, the Free Library Movement remained an independent, community voice, but informal liaison with Ifould and Metcalfe was very close. Closer, indeed, than even Cunningham at the Australian Council for Educational Research and distant observers at the Carnegie Corporation were led to believe. Ifould feigned ignorance of Remington's letters to Tate and the Corporation, although the methodical Remington always sent carbon copies of his correspondence to Ifould. "I can see no good reason why Mr Tate should ever be informed that you are aware of the contents of my letter to him," Remington had earlier written to Ifould,

"You can then be amused, perhaps even startled at my wild irresponsibilities."44

42 Ifould to Cunningham, Undated draft letter, from context January 1940, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement."

43 Remington to Keppel, 3 November 1939.

44 Remington to Ifould, 1 March 1939.

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Whilst Remington was using his direct personal approach to the Corporation, of which Ifould professed ignorance, Ifould was putting similar proposals to the Library Group at their meeting in Melbourne on 11 and 12 December. The centres for a regional reference library scheme, he told them, had been narrowed down to Newcastle, Wollongong, Lismore, Tamworth, Wagga Wagga and Orange. This start would provide a "wonderful example to library development throughout New South Wales." The financial provisions of the Library Act would not meet the full cost of building up reference collections, and Ifould recommended applying for a substantial Carnegie grant. Funds would be spent through the Library Board or some central organization.45

At the Library Group meeting Purnell expressed the fear that such a large commitment from the Carnegie Corporation might prejudice other States wanting to try out a demonstration project. Ifould assured him that he would not push the

New South Wales scheme if other States thought they would suffer. Binns accepted the need for a broad view: it was better to have a completely satisfactory demonstration project in one State than incomplete schemes scattered all over the country. After discussion, "all members were agreed that from the library point of view the New South Wales scheme was very sound," and asked Ifould to provide a background document for an informal approach to the Corporation.46

The fleshed-out proposal, which Ifould prepared with Remington's assistance, asked the Corporation to support the establishment of the six regional libraries.47 Nine thousand pounds was requested for Newcastle, three thousand pounds for Wollongong, and two thousand pounds for each of the other centres, a

45 Library Group, Minutes of Melbourne meeting, 11-12 December 1939, TD, SLNSW archives PL/N8, file "Library Group;" Ifould to Cunningham, 20 January [i.e. February] 1940, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

46 Library Group, Minutes of Melbourne meeting, 11-12 December 1939.

47 Remington to Ifould, 31 January 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement."

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total of twenty thousand pounds spread over three years. Under the proposal each local council would undertake to provide a building, to adopt the Library Act, and to employ a trained librarian. The Carnegie gift would be expended, with the approval of the Library Board, on "books and periodicals of an informative character exclusive of fiction." The service established would be the basis of a regional library system. The towns and cities nominated covered the most closely- settled parts of the State, and were also strongholds of the Free Library Movement. Ifould again put in a special word for Newcastle.48

When he received Ifould's proposal in February 1940, and from Keppel a copy of Remington's letter of 3 November 1939 outlining roughly the same scheme, Cunningham smelt a rat and asked Ifould to explain. In a lengthy response, Ifould tried to distinguish his views from Remington's. He agreed with Remington that the time was ripe for Carnegie assistance, but in a carefully- orchestrated way, not a plea for "every penny the Corporation can make available."

I have done my best for some years to correct the impression in various states of Australia that the Corporation is simply waiting to shower thousands of dollars on all kinds of Australian educational services.49

Ifould thought the scheme which he had put to the Library Group was restrained - Drummond had been disappointed that only six centres were to be covered. On Remington's comment on the usefulness of the Library Group after the demise of Frank Tate, a sentiment which Metcalfe echoed years later, Ifould wrote tactfully that Remington was "probably not aware" that Cunningham would succeed Tate as Chairman. Tate, Ifould thought, had been able to discern quite clearly elements of local bias among Library Group members which would militate against a "broad Australian view." Ifould implied that he was confident

48 Ifould to Cunningham, Undated draft letter, from context January 1940.

49 Ifould to Cunningham, 20 January [i.e. February] 1940.

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Cunningham would be a worthy successor.50 Ifould reaffirmed his optimism that if Carnegie support were forthcoming, there would be "big library developments" in New South Wales within eighteen months. This

. . . should prove whether the system we have adopted in New South Wales is thoroughly sound and whether it can, either wholly or with modifications, be adopted in other States.51

The Carnegie response to the informal approach from the Library Group suggested, in Cunningham's carefully-worded letter to Ifould in June, "a fair chance of favourable action at a later date."52 It was recognised, however, that "the Corporation may have to defer action until the present financial and international situation becomes clearer."53 In the meantime Cunningham suggested that the next step was to submit a more detailed scheme to the Library Group for endorsement: with the unqualified support of the Group, the proposal would stand a better chance with the Corporation. Cunningham was very supportive of the

New South Wales position:

My own view is that we have been far too much inclined in writing to the Corporation to emphasize the view that no action should be taken in favour of one State which might at some uncertain future date prejudice the chances of another State in making an application of the same kind.54

The breadth of vision and even-handedness which Cunningham reveals in this correspondence show that the fears which Remington indelicately expressed in his letter to Keppel were unfounded. Impatient though he might be with the speed of action of the Library Group - it had met only once in 1938 and twice in 1939 -

50 Ibid.; Metcalfe, "A Comment on our History," Australian Library Journal 5 (October 1956): 143.

51 Ifould to Cunningham, 20 January [i.e. February] 1940.

52 Cunningham to Ifould, 7 June 1940, TLS, SLNSW archives PL/N8, file "Library Group."

53 Library Group, Minutes of meeting, 13 June 1940.

54 Cunningham to Ifould, 7 June 1940.

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Remington need not have been concerned about the motives or the effectiveness of its new Chairman.55

The Library Board

The increased demand for information occasioned by war conditions gave Ifould some of the ammunition he needed to promote the cause of well-developed reference libraries, especially his regional library scheme. "There is need for the establishment of numerous free reference libraries closely connected with a great central library," Ifould reported. As had occurred during World War I, the Library was supplying information "urgently required where factories are being switched over to Defence Department work or to supply machines and tools usually imported in the pre-war period."56

The Free Library Movement too was still promoting its objects, and some members of its Executive were highly critical of the Government's inaction. Alderman Butt of Willoughby spoke of "widespread disappointment amongst Government supporters on the northern side [of Sydney] and the possible failure of the Free Library Movement." The Executive urged Drummond "to take immediate action to have the Act [fully] proclaimed and brought into operation." They could not have been very confident, however: at the same meeting they discussed ways of reducing their running costs.57

Soon after the Library Act was passed, Ifould had discussed the composition of the Library Board with Drummond and with H. V. Evatt, President of his Board of Trustees. Drummond wanted Ifould to chair the Board: he could occupy that position without pay until he resigned as Principal Librarian on 30

55 Horrocks, "The Carnegie Corporation of New York," 833-34, provides a checklist of the Library Group's meetings and attendance at them.

56 PLNSW Annual Report, 1940: 4, 6.

57 FLM Executive meeting, 7 March 1940.

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June 1940. Thereafter he could spend half his time supervising the completion of the Library building, and the remainder performing the duties of Chairman of the Board. The Trustees agreed to this in principle.58

Through March and April Ifould continued to lobby Drummond to proclaim the Library Act and to make appointments to the Library Board. Privately he believed that the financial provisions of the Act were "not likely to be proclaimed until after the end of the war, if then."59 Even if the financial provisions were not proclaimed, Ifould told Drummond, there was much useful preparatory work for the Board to do. Ifould therefore recommended that appointments be made to the Library Board without delay. Metcalfe, Ifould suggested, should be appointed to the Board, but would become an ex-officio member if he succeeded Ifould as Principal Librarian. Ifould himself would retire as Principal Librarian, and on 1 July 1940 would be nominated to the position on the Board which Metcalfe had occupied. He also sounded out the powerful figure of Wallace Wurth, Chairman of the Public Service Board, and had his support.60

On 3 May Ifould formally accepted Drummond's invitation to chair the Library Board. On 20 May he informed his Trustees that he would resign as Principal Librarian on 30 June, but would remain in charge of the building project until its completion.61 He recommended that they should resolve the question of

58 Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 1 December 1939; Ifould to Trustees, 18 December 1939, TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers; Trustees' Minute Books, 18 December 1939.

59 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 4 April 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

60 Ifould to Drummond, 7 March 1940; and Wallace C. Wurth to Athol Richardson, Colonial Treasurer, 20 March 1940, TL copies, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

61 Ifould to Drummond, 3 May 1940; Ifould to Cunningham, 16 May 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61; Trustees' Minute Books, 20 May 1940.

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his successor as soon as possible, and suggested that Metcalfe was "by far the most suitable librarian in Australia for the position."62

Drummond asked Ifould for his comments on the other possible members of the Board. The Australian Institute of Librarians had submitted a panel of three names: Steel, of Fisher Library at the University of Sydney, Quinn, the Parliamentary Librarian, and Bertie of the Sydney Municipal Library. Ifould told him that Quinn was "manifestly unsuitable:" he had shown little interest either in the Free Library Movement or in the Australian Institute of Librarians. Bertie's health "would not allow him to stand any strain," and besides this, it would be unsatisfactory for Bertie to serve on the same committee as his Town Clerk, Roy Hendy. Steel, however, was active in the Institute and was working hard in a voluntary capacity, organising library services for the armed forces.63

Drummond seldom ignored Ifould's advice, and the members who were appointed on 24 May were no surprise to the Principal Librarian. Ifould became Chairman for a four year term, commencing on 1 June 1940, at a salary of five hundred pounds, except when still occupying the position of Principal Librarian. Remington was appointed Deputy Chairman, also for a period of four years, at a salary of £350 per annum - which he was willing to forego. Metcalfe was appointed a non-official member of the Board, on the understanding that if he succeeded

Ifould as Principal Librarian, he would then become an ex-officio member of the Board, as Ifould had recommended. In addition there were J. G. McKenzie (Undersecretary and Director of Education), E. H. Swift (Undersecretary of the Treasury), E. S. Shaw (representing the Local Government Association), T. D. Mutch (representing the Trustees of the Public Library of New South Wales), E.

62 Ifould to Drummond, 3 May 1940.

63 Ifould to Drummond, 1 May 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61. Drummond agreed with Ifould (Drummond, to Ifould, 3 May 1940, TLS, PLNSW Confidential Papers).

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V. Steel (representing the Australian Institute of Librarians), Roy Hendy, Town Clerk of Sydney, and A. R. Bluett, Secretary of the Local Government

Association.64

At a special meeting on 10 June, on the motion of Boote, seconded by Remington, the Library's Trustees resolved to nominate Metcalfe to the position of Principal Librarian, and to retain Ifould's services on the building project. This would ease Metcalfe's workload if he became Principal Librarian. Ifould's good relations with Parkes, the Government Architect, and his rapport with senior design staff, as well as the Cabinet decision some years before to make Ifould responsible for planning and design decisions, gave him a stature and a confidence with the building project which Metcalfe could never equal.65

Bad news from the Front

By mid-1940 the situation of the Allies was becoming grimmer with every passing day. The Dunkirk evacuation, the German occupation of Paris, Italy's entry into the war and the French capitulation all occurred within the black month of June 1940. In Germany troops were issued with English phrase books. The first Australian troops arrived in England. Back home, Don Bradman joined the Royal Australian Air Force.

There was sabre-rattling also in Japan. At the Library, the Japanese Consul-General was asking Ifould for the names and addresses of publishers of

64 Drummond to Ifould, 7 June 1940, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)"; Remington to Drummond, 7, 20 June 1940, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd);" Notice published in the New South Wales Government Gazette, 24 May 1940; Drummond to Metcalfe, 7 June 1940; Hendy to Drummond, 10 June 1940; Steel to Drummond, 10 June 1940, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

65 Trustees' Minute Books, 10 June 1940; Ifould to Trustees, 18 December 1939. Henry Ernest Boote (1865-1949) was Editor of the Australian Worker, 1902-43, a Labor propagandist, and a Trustee 1926-42.

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maps of the Pacific region.66 Communist magazines, some of which had been received on international exchange for years, were placed on restricted issue in the reading room in April: Ifould told staff to allow readers one issue of Communist Review, Communist and Soviets Today at a time: "I don't want these magazines left about on the tables." The following month Ifould withdrew the Communist altogether. In June the Communist Party of Australia itself and all Fascist organisations were banned under the National Security Act.67 At the request of the military authorities Ifould placed in special reserve "all books and material of a pro Fascist, pro Nazi or pro totalitarian nature which might be used for propaganda purposes." In addition he instructed staff to be "extremely cautious about showing illustrations of military objectives, plans, maps, etc. which might be used by fifth columnists."68

Any hopes that the Library Board would soon set about its task of encouraging and facilitating the foundation of a free library system were dashed. Drummond was instructed to curtail activities within his Department, and the

Library School did not reopen in 1940.69 Drummond also wanted to "indefinitely postpone" the operations of the Library Board or to "suspend" the Library Act.70 Amending legislation was considered, but was unnecessary: one position on the Board had not been filled, so that it was not fully constituted, and could not legally act. No further members were appointed, and the Board was never called

66 Ifould to Major Scott, Victoria Barracks, 16 February 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL60.

67 Ifould, General Order, 26 April 1940, TD, SLNSW archives NPL60; Ifould, General Order, 28 May 1940, TD, SLNSW archives NPL61.

68 Ifould to Leeson, 28 June 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61.

69 PLNSW Annual Report, 1940: 5; Ifould to Cunningham, 15 July 1940.

70 Drummond to Ifould, 18 June 1940, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

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together.71 Ifould wrote to those members who had been appointed, signing himself "Principal Librarian and Secretary, and Chairman of the partly constituted

Library Board."72

"On the news of the French debacle," Ifould told Cunningham, "it was recognised that we were in for a long war." On 24 June 1940 he withdrew his resignation as Principal Librarian.73

71 Ifould to A. R. Bluett, Secretary, Local Government Association, 8 July 1940, TLS, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd);" Ifould to Cunningham, 15 July 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61. The Crown Solicitor advised Ifould that the Board probably could not act until fully constituted, and even if it could, it would be unwise to do so. (Ifould to Acting Undersecretary, Department of Education, 19 June 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)").

72 Ifould to Roy Hendy, Town Clerk, Sydney, 5 July 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61.

73 Ifould to Cunningham, 15 July 1940; Trustees' Minute Books, 24 June 1940.

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CHAPTER SIXTEEN

IFOULD SOLDIERS ON

The building continues

Work on the Library building had been proceeding swiftly, despite the War. Ifould thought it was unlikely that building work would be stopped, although its cost was high - estimated at £230,000 in 1940 - and it suffered from labour and supply problems. The Botticino marble which was to have been imported from Italy for the Vestibule, for example, was unobtainable: the Italian Consul-General told Ifould that the railways in the region had been commandeered by the military. Local substitutes were found, and in due course emphasis was placed on the range of Australian materials which were used in the construction of the building, as well as on the work of Australian designers and artisans responsible for its decoration.1

Ifould's involvement with the decorative elements of the building was very heavy. Panels for the bronze doors were submitted to him at all stages of design and production, and all stone carving throughout the building had to meet his approval. He was also exploring the decoration of the tympanum, and had in mind a representation in terracotta of the contact of the first white settlers with the Aborigines, inspired by Phillip's meeting with them at Manly. Ifould also involved himself in furniture details to an unusual degree: he didn't want any struts between the legs of the chairs for the new reading room, for example. People would rest their feet on them and break the dowelling, as had happened with the cedar

1 Metcalfe to Munn, 5 September 1939; Ifould to H. L. White, 29 August 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61; Ifould to Cobden Parkes, 11 October 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59; Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 1 December 1939.

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balloon-back chairs in the old reading room. The chair manufacturers found him so demanding that fifty years later they could clearly recall the contract, and the fact that they lost money on it.2

Ifould had more than a client's customary interest in decorative details, and his staff shared his enthusiasm. Staff scoured the literature for illustrations of watermarks, bindings, symbols, cherubs blowing the winds and pictures of ships for the proposed Tasman Map mosaic for the Vestibule. Metcalfe suggested the Seven Ages of Man for the panels of a stained glass window in the Shakespeare Room. Ifould himself was always on the alert for ideas and for craftspeople: the Bronze Doors, for which Sir William Dixson had donated funds, were a case in point. At a Society of Artists exhibition Ifould saw some of the work of Arthur Fleischmann, a Czech sculptor who had been working in Sydney for some years, and decided to try him out on the bas-relief he had in mind for the entrance doors of the new Library.3

The doors proved controversial for a number of reasons. First, the depiction of Aborigines on two sets of doors provoked criticism. As Geoffrey Dutton has remarked, "It was quite revolutionary to think of putting naked savages, as the Aborigines were still likely to be called in 1939, in bronze on the doors of the new State Library of New South Wales."4 Ifould was certainly aware that he was breaking new ground: he wrote that the bronze doors represented "the first time our aborigines have been treated in a sculptural manner." He wanted the

2 Ifould to Trustees, 20 May 1940, TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers; Ifould to Cobden Parkes, 10 May 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "National Library - Tympanum"; K. B. Raymond, Sydney, to the author, July 1989.

3 Ifould to S. E. Coleman, 17 May 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL58; Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9918; Ifould to Arthur Fleischmann, 2 August 1939, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL59.

4 Geoffrey Dutton, The Innovators: The Sydney Alternatives in the Rise of Modern Art, Literature and Ideas (South Melbourne: Macmillan, 1986), 74.

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finished product to be anthropologically correct as well as artistic, consulting experts in the field and obtaining photographs from academic and popular sources.5

The building absorbed at least a third of Ifould's working day. "Although this building is being erected under the direction of the Government Architect," Ifould wrote, "the work of his various draftsmen depends upon constant consultation with me and decisions by me in regard to all kinds of matters relating to both design and planning." It was a complex project, partly because of the elaborate air-conditioning system - fifteen years later its manufacturer was still describing it as the largest installation of its kind in the southern hemisphere - and because of the difficult "knitting up of the new building with the old."6

Ifould was also seeking benefactors for some of the decorative elements of the building, encouraging them to follow Sir William Dixson's lead. In due course Ifould persuaded printing unions to join their employers in paying for stained glass windows for the Vestibule. He told them the windows would commemorate the five hundredth anniversary of the invention of printing from movable type in Europe, although the eventual designs were "inspired by the skill of the illuminators of mediaeval manuscripts." The donors do not seem to have minded the incongruity.7 The Sun provided funds for the Sydney Gazette Window in the

Reading Room. The Sydney Morning Herald donated the Caxton Window. Dixson's gift of four thousand pounds went a long way: not only did it pay for the Bronze Doors, but also three windows commemorating Geoffrey Chaucer, a medallion in the reading room depicting David Scott Mitchell, the Seven Ages of

5 Ifould to Dr. W. E. H. Stanner, 22 May 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61.

6 Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 1 December 1939.

7 Public Library of New South Wales (Sydney: PLNSW, 1943), 18.

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Man windows and a bronze electrolier in the Shakespeare Room, and two windows in the Board Room.8

Another major benefaction

In February 1941 Ifould received a visit from Misses Margaret and Elizabeth MacPherson, with whom he had been in confidential contact for several years. They now asked him to inform the Trustees that they proposed to bequeath their entire estate to the Library. The eventual bequest was to be applied to a collection on art and literature in memory of their grandfather. They also insisted that Ifould inform the Trustees that they had chosen the Library as the beneficiary because of their confidence in Ifould "and the inspiration they had received from some address which I had delivered some years ago." As Ifould noted, they were "healthy Scottish women" and it might be some time before the benefit might accrue. In the meantime a suitable bookplate was designed, and the arms of the MacPherson Clan were included, together with those of Mitchell and Dixson, in a

Board Room window.9

On active service

Library staff were as hard at work as Ifould, responding to increased demands during the day, and acting as air raid wardens at night. Others were assisting the civil authorities in a voluntary capacity. With her knowledge of foreign languages Phyllis Mander Jones had become a part-time assistant to the Censor. Several staff members were serving in the forces. Gordon Richardson, a library assistant, had enlisted in the Australian Imperial Force (AIF), and received

8 Trustees' Minute Books, 21 April, 19 May, 20 October 1941, 20 July 1942; Public Library of New South Wales (Sydney: PLNSW, 1943), 31.

9 Ifould to Trustees, 17 February 1941, TD, Trustees' Minute Books, 17 February 1941, also in SLNSW archives NPL63. The funds, which amounted to $113,000.00, became available to the Library in 1970. Income from the bequest is used to purchase works of pure literature and fine arts for the Donald MacPherson Collection.

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a commission as a Lieutenant. Robbie Furness, a young attendant, joined the Royal Australian Navy in October 1940, and was later reported missing in action, believed dead, in the Mediterranean.10

Ifould's three sons too were keen to serve. Lister, the eldest, received a commission in the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF), passing first in his class - "I think his father is very pleased, although he doesn't say much," Metcalfe wrote to

Joyce Jopling, an ex-colleague then working at the Detroit Public Library. Elton, the second son, was in preliminary training, also for the RAAF. Frank, the youngest son, the most athletic and apparently the healthiest, was turned down by the RAAF because of a heart condition, and joined the Navy.11 "So for their mother times are anxious," Ifould told Ralph Munn, with characteristic composure.12

Continuing male preference

To help make up male staff numbers at the Library, three cadetships for young men were offered in 1941, much to the dismay of the National Council of Women.13 "I am sure you would have been disappointed if there hadn't been some repercussion from this decision to confine the library cadetships to men," Ifould told Wallace Wurth, Chairman of the Public Service Board, and consistent

10 Ifould to K. E. Grainger, Public Service Board, 9 June 1941, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers; Ifould to District Censor, Sydney, 27 May 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 8, file "Jones, Miss P. Mander"; Ifould to Acting Undersecretary, Department of Education, 18 July 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61; Robert R. Furness to Ifould, 30 September 1940, TLS, SLNSW archives NPL62; Ifould to Trustees, 23 June 1941, TD, SLNSW archives NPL64. Phyllis Mander Jones (1896-1984) was appointed to the Library in 1925, and was Mitchell Librarian 1946-57.

11 Metcalfe to Joyce Jopling, Detroit, 16 April 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL63.

12 Ifould to Munn, 6 August 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 8, file "State War Effort Co-ordination Committee."

13 Ifould to B. Cassim, 7 March 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL63; Trustees' Minute Books, 17 March 1941.

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opponent of women in senior public service positions.14 Twenty years later Wurth, still Chairman, would tell Gordon Richardson, then Principal Librarian, that there would never be a woman head of the Public Library during Wurth's lifetime: he died not long afterwards, his prophesy fulfilled.15

Books for the troops

Within a few weeks of the declaration of war the New South Wales

Branch of the Australian Institute of Librarians had launched an appeal for books and magazines for the troops. The Public Library became the main sorting centre for the resulting mass of donations, and Ifould allocated staff to supervise operations. By March 1941 the clearing house, staffed mainly by volunteers working in their own time, had sorted and despatched about 190,000 items of recreational reading to New South Wales and overseas camps, Royal Australian Navy ships and troop transports. More items were processed at the Public Library than in all the other States combined.16

There was early recognition that more could and should be done to provide good recreational and educational reading for the troops and militia. Ifould and his Trustees agreed with the Australian Institute of Librarians that a library scheme as part of a well-organised educational system would assist the postwar rehabilitation of servicemen and women, and Ifould used this argument when putting the case to the military authorities. There was an opportunity for

14 Ifould to W. C. Wurth, 11 March 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL63.

15 G. D. Richardson, Inverness, Scotland, to the author, 18 May 1989; Jones, "`Please Destroy All My Letters,'" 104-5.

16 Cleary, "Books for the Troops: The Role of Libraries and Librarians in World War II," in Australian Library History, 29, 31; PLNSW Annual Report, 1940: 5; 1941: 2; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 6 March 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 8, file "Camp Libraries"; Ifould to W. S. Howard, Secretary, State War Effort Co-ordination Committee, Premier's Department, 15 July 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL64. By the end of the War over 420,000 books and 590,000 magazines had been distributed to troops in Australia, the Middle East and New Guinea.

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defence force personnel who had been called up for home service to continue their education in camp. This could be achieved by a series of "foundation libraries" at least in the major camps, backed up by the Country Reference Section.17

Military reaction to the ambitious proposals reflected both a resistance to civilian librarians having any form of authority within camps, and opposition to anything which would divert the minds of troops from their immediate task. As

General Sir Thomas Blamey, then commanding Australian troops in the Middle East expressed it: "The whole of the time of the men recruited for the A.I.F. must be devoted to training for war. This training will be intensive and will not permit of entering on any scheme as suggested."18

Negotiations on army library services were protracted, and seemed to be getting nowhere until the appointment of Percy Spender as Minister for the Army in October 1940. Ifould helped to nudge the proposal along by writing to Spender, whom he knew personally, asking if he would see Binns for an overview of the proposals. Spender was supportive, and in December Prime Minister Menzies asked the State Premiers if their library authorities could prepare reports on the organisation of recreational and educational reading facilities for the troops.19

Ifould's report, which was used as a model for other states, was compiled after McGreal had visited the military camps closest to Sydney. He recommended a library and a librarian at all main camps, with a standard collection of

17 PLNSW Annual Report, 1940: 5, 6; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 6 March 1941.

18 Blamey's comment was reported at a meeting between military authorities and Drummond, Ifould and Remington on 20 August 1940. (SLNSW archives "Old Files" box 8, file "Camp Library Service (Educational)").

19 R. G. Menzies to Alexander Mair, 18 December 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives "Old Files" box 8, file "Camp Library Service (Educational)." Sir Percy Claude Spender (1897-1985), jurist, politician and diplomat, MHR 1937-51, Commonwealth Treasurer 1940, Minister for the Army, 1940-41. He was knighted in 1952.

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recommended books, and an emphasis on non-fiction. Librarians would be trained at the Public Library. Despite the earlier reservations of the military authorities, the report was accepted by the Army and the RAAF.20

Ifould moved quickly to obtain some of the personnel he would need to put the plan into effect. He asked for three men who had attended the Library School in 1939 and who had subsequently enlisted, to be reserved for the Camp

Library Service, as it had become known, and not sent overseas. He tracked down two of them, Gunners Ford and Atkinson, "kicking their heels at Wagga doing nothing," and used his influence with the military to have them returned to

Sydney.21

The camp library scheme was very ambitious, and the numbers involved were enormous: 280,000 volumes would need to be distributed to 115 major Army camps and RAAF bases. The Public Library of New South Wales, however, had a good track record with bulk processing, and Ifould was pleased to report that:

It was felt by the conference of State Librarians with Army and Air Force officers that the Public Library of New South Wales was the only one in Australia capable of organising and carrying out this very extensive library plan.22

Commonwealth funds were provided for the scheme and for three thousand additional works purchased for the Country Reference Section to help students in camps in New South Wales and patients in the Australian General Hospital in the Sydney suburb of Concord. Ifould had high hopes that these libraries would have a lasting effect, not just in enabling troops to continue their

20 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 6 March 1941; Ifould to W. S. Howard, 15 July 1941.

21 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 6 March 1941. Ford, later promoted to Lieutenant, became librarian of the public library in Goulburn, but "fell foul of the Council, and resigned." (Ron McGreal, "Ron McGreal Remembers," Australian Library Journal 30 (February 1981): 19).

22 Ifould to W. S. Howard, 15 July 1941.

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studies, but in encouraging the reading and study habit, and in forming the nucleus of future public libraries.23 As he later reported: It is expected that at the end of the war at least eleven of these camp libraries will be handed over to the State and may be used as good standard reference libraries for the larger communities in the State.24

Binns and Ifould were responsible for coordinating the selection of titles for the camp libraries. Compiling the lists was not a speedy process: Ifould thought that priority should be given to general interest materials: "We don't want the soldiers to get the idea that the camp library service is purely a highbrow stunt."25 There were other delicate issues to address, requiring not only knowledge of the tone and content of suggested titles, but also some idea of what would appeal to or be helpful to troops from a variety of backgrounds and with a range of academic attainments. Ifould thought Pride and Prejudice should be excluded: "any soldier reading Pride and Prejudice should be home with his mother," he told

Binns. Ifould suggested Seaforth Mackenzie's The Young Desire It, but Binns differed: "Although a clever book it has homosexual suggestions which make it entirely unsuitable."26 Their work would not come to early fruition: it would be

1944 before the "Standard Reference Libraries" were distributed.27 Early hopes that these libraries would after the war form the nucleus of public libraries were not fulfilled: as McGreal, whose reputation was cemented by his work with the armed forces libraries during the War, commented: "All the efforts we made to try

23 Ibid.; Camp Library Service to Major A. R. Thorne, No. 103, Australian General Hospital, Concord, 25 July 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL64; Trustees' Minute Books, 23 June 1941.

24 Ifould to W. S. Howard, 15 July 1941.

25 Ifould, Memorandum, 15 April 1941, TD, SLNSW archives "Old Files" box 8, file "Camp Library Service (Educational)."

26 Binns to Ifould, 21 July 1941, TLS, SLNSW archives "Old Files" box 8, file "Camp Library Service (Educational)."

27 Cleary, "Books for the Troops: The Role of Libraries and Librarians in World War II," in Australian Library History, 36.

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and salvage some of the reference libraries, so that they could be used to help start public library services, failed completely."28

Unwelcome publicity

In late 1940 Ifould received some unexpected and unwelcome coverage in the press. It began with letters to Truth and the Daily Telegraph objecting to the employment of foreigners on the Library building. This was a reference to Arthur Fleischmann, who was then working on bas reliefs of explorers for the Library's bronze entrance doors. A controversy flared, fuelled by a range of motives, and rampant xenophobia.29

A "wretched article" then appeared in the Daily Telegraph. Headed provocatively "£4000 for 3 doors at Library," the article focused on the part Ifould was playing in the selection of artists and subjects for the bronze doors, and on his close supervision of the artists.30 Ifould was "horrified" by the tone of the article, which suggested he was "something of a Pooh-bah dictator in regard to the design of the building."31 In fact this was precisely how he had been acting with the doors, so firm were his ideas about the effect he wanted the doors to create. As Margel Hinder, one of the sculptors whom Ifould did not ask to submit samples, remembered:

28 McGreal, "Ron McGreal Remembers," 18.

29 Almost identical letters from W. G. Buckle appeared in the Daily Telegraph on 25 September and in Truth on 29 September 1940. Fleischmann was born in Bratislava, Hungary. The city was incorporated in Czechoslovakia when that republic was founded in 1918, and Ifould referred to him for the sake of simplicity as a Czech.

30 Daily Telegraph, 4 October 1940.

31 Ifould to Cobden Parkes, 11 October 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives PL/N6, file "Bronze Doors."

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He gave the artist photographs of Aboriginals and asked him to sculp [sic] them in low relief like Ghiberti's Paradise Doors. When the man brought them in they were much too high relief so Mr Ifould held them aloft and dropped them flat on their faces to flatten them out! - we thought he was being terribly insulting to everybody but anyway the poor sculptor finally did the things, I gather, to his liking.32

The article in the Daily Telegraph was by Peter Bellew, the newspaper's Art Editor, who had been running a spirited campaign to persuade Ifould and other

Trustees of the Art Gallery to rehang a major exhibition of contemporary art. "We prefer to hang its Art Editor," observed Ifould.33

Throughout October 1940 the Daily Telegraph ran letters on the doors, regretting the depiction of Aborigines, condemning the employment of non-

Australians and the selection process for sculptors, or criticising the expenditure.34

"Why not spend the £4000 in home defence?" one correspondent asked.35 Ifould still had friends at the Sydney Morning Herald and the Sun, which ran favourable stories on the Library's decorations, or asked Ifould to set the record straight at least on the misconception that Fleischmann was an "enemy alien."36

Ifould stuck to his guns, and criticism subsided, although there were complaints about the doors from time to time: a descendant of Blaxland thought his ancestor had been unjustly omitted from the doors depicting white explorers of

32 Margel Hinder, "A Personal View," in Australian Women Artists: One Hundred Years 1840-1940 (Melbourne: Ewing and George Paton Galleries, Melbourne University Union, 1976), 19-20. Lorenzo Ghiberti (c.1378-1455) sculpted the eastern doors for the baptistery at Florence, depicting scenes from the Old Testament. These have a sense of perspective and a pictorial quality which led Michelangelo to declare that they were fit for the entrance to Paradise.

33 Ifould to Cobden Parkes, 11 October 1940.

34 Daily Telegraph, 8, 9, 10, 11, 17, 25 October 1940.

35 Daily Telegraph, 17 October 1940.

36 "New Public Library: Embellishments in Stone and Bronze," Sydney Morning Herald, 13 September 1940; "New Public Library: Striking Features of Building," Sydney Morning Herald, 14 October 1940; "Intern them all," a letter to the Editor, with a response from Ifould, Sun, 23 November 1940.

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Australia; Bee Miles, a celebrated Sydney eccentric who often gave Shakespeare "recitations" at the portico of the new building, questioned the accuracy of some of the captions.37 At the Australian Club a fellow member said "fancy importing copper in war time for a library," to which Ifould retorted: "If there were more libraries there might have been less wars."38

The unwelcome newspaper coverage in 1940 had no effect on the bronze doors, but it sounded the death knell of the terracotta decorations for the tympanum which Ifould had hoped Fleischmann would sculpt. Ifould rightly perceived that the Government would "fear public reaction to the employment of a foreign sculptor for this probably most ambitious sculptural feature which has been applied to any Australian building." When Ifould asked "I feel that we here have a wonderful chance, possibly to lead the world. Why are we afraid to take it?" it was a rhetorical question. It would take a Premier or a Minister of singular courage first to authorise the expenditure and then to employ a non-Australian on such a prominent work in the middle of a war. In a ministry as precarious as Mair's the proposal was doomed. The decoration of the tympanum was abandoned: only a photograph of the clay model has survived to show what might have been.39

Construction of the building was otherwise proceeding well, and thought had to be given to the customary commemorative plaques. Ifould proposed a series of plaques recording the dates and names associated with each wing of the building. With the bronze doors controversy still fresh in his memory, he wished his own name to be omitted: "I have had far more publicity than I want in

37 Trustees' Minute Books, 15 December 1941.

38 Arnot, Interview by author, 22 July 1989.

39 Ifould to Cobden Parkes, 9 October 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 8, file "Building."

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connection with the building, much as I have tried to avoid it."40 Drummond was appalled by this suggestion, and asked Martin, Minister for Works and Local Government, to ensure that Ifould's name would be "permanently recorded on the tablets to be placed in the corridor" because of his part in the design. "He is an Architect fully qualified, as well as a recognised authority on art," he told Martin generously but inaccurately.41

Renewed optimism

"When the Nazis are beaten, as they assuredly will be, I think libraries will develop here at a faster pace than ever," Ifould told Ralph Munn in August 1940.42

In the meantime he was "keeping the torch burning."43 He felt that the upheaval caused by the war and its aftermath would "make the establishment of first-rate local centres of information all the more urgent."44 He had a clear recollection of the unsettling social and economic effects of the earlier conflict, for which he saw the beneficial effects of reading as a partial antidote. Recent commentators on his class and time could readily identify this attitude as a classic view of books and education as agents of social control. Ifould would have called it common sense.45

Despite the failure of the Government to proclaim the financial clauses of the Library Act, some local authorities had not lost sight of the free public library issue. Tamworth and Inverell proposed to take over school of arts buildings for

40 Ifould to Drummond, 1 April 1941, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers.

41 Drummond to L. O. Martin, Minister for Public Works and Local Government, 28 March 1941.

42 Ifould to Munn, 1 August 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61.

43 Ifould to E. R. Pitt, 6 September 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL62.

44 Ifould to C. Crowley, Town Clerk, Broken Hill, 24 July 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL61.

45 Lyons and Taksa, Australian Readers Remember, 144-45; Morrison, "Culture, Education, and Municipalisation," 56.

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public libraries without waiting for Government assistance, and came to Ifould, in his capacity as Chairman of the Library Board, for advice on building up a reference collection.46 Kiama wanted to do the same. Ifould gave cautious encouragement, and revealed that he was still hopeful of making progress with the regional library scheme which he and Remington had promoted to the Carnegie Corporation:

I am anxious that a first-rate reference and circulating library should be established at Wollongong, not only for that centre itself and the rapidly growing industrial centre of Port Kembla, but to be able to contract with surrounding municipalities for the provision of a branch library.47

In late 1940, Ifould was still optimistic that the Government would fully implement the Library Act if the war went well for the Allies during the following six months.48 He and Remington took the line that the Government had no right to "neglect important social and educational reforms on the excuse that the Empire is at war." Drummond agreed with them, but the Mair Government was lethargic: its days might in any case be numbered. "Unless our Government bestirs itself very considerably during the next six months," Ifould told Cunningham in October,

"it will be tipped out on its neck."49

Hoping to fan the embers, Ifould put a series of proposals for action to Drummond at a meeting in November. He recommended that the Library Board be constituted fully in January 1941, that the Library School be reopened, and that

46 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 3 July 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)"; Ifould to Cunningham, 8 October 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL62.

47 Ifould to Town Clerk, Kiama, 18 November 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

48 Ifould to E. R. Pitt, 6 September 1940.

49 Ifould to Cunningham, 8 October 1940.

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the financial provisions of the Act be proclaimed in July.50 One of his recommendations bore fruit: in March 1941 the Library School, "the only one of its kind in the southern hemisphere," reopened.51 Demand for places was high despite the War: there were sixty applications, including a number from other States, for the twenty places. Carnegie funds were used to assist some students attending the School.52

Ifould recognised that it was unlikely that Newcastle would proceed with a public library in wartime, and suggested instead strengthening the Newcastle Technical College library, and similar action in Wollongong and Broken Hill, to provide scientific and technical information resources for these important industrial centres.53 Drummond was receptive, and Ifould hinted that action was imminent. He told William Davies, Labor member for Illawarra and a former Minister for Education in the Lang Government, of the words: . . . the Highland seer addressed to one of my ancestors, a Cameron of Lochiel, when he forecast the destruction of the Highland Army, especially the Cameron Clan, at the Battle of Culloden. - "Tis the sunset of life gives me mystical lore and coming events cast their shadows before."54

His enigmatic utterance could have been as much a reference to a Labor victory in the forthcoming election and to the hope that it would implement the Library Act, as to action on the part of the lame-duck Mair Government. In either event, the Cullodens which would befall the Allies barely a year later would cast a

50 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 8 November 1940, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL62.

51 Ifould, "A School for Librarians," 23 January 1941, TN, SLNSW archives NPL63.

52 Ifould to Trustees, 17 February 1941; PLNSW Annual Report, 1941: 2-3.

53 PLNSW Annual Report, 1941: 2-3.

54 Ifould to W. Davies, MLA, 26 March 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL63.

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shadow more profound than Ifould, even in his darkest moments, could have imagined.

Labor to power

The election of 10 May 1941 brought the McKell Labor Government into power in New South Wales, ending Drummond's nine years as Minister for

Education, and bringing a measure of uncertainty to the library scene.55 Ifould's relations with Drummond had been cordial and productive. There was a similarity of background and interests, and a high degree of mutual respect and trust. Drummond had not only been an interested Minister, sympathetic to the library cause, but also had the virtue of accessibility. Ifould had written to Drummond a few years before:

I have served under ten Ministers of Education in South Australia and New South Wales. Most of them have called their senior officers together when they assumed office and told them they wanted their cooperation and would be glad to see them at any time, and then proceeded to appoint a bull dog whose duty if was to keep them out. You have never done this either in theory or practice.56

Ifould does not seem to have had much difficulty getting past the bulldogs to see the new Minister for Education, Clive Evatt, the brother of H. V. Evatt, the President of Ifould's Board of Trustees. Clive Evatt was relatively new to the political scene - he had been in the Parliament for barely two years - and as

Minister for Education, he would find it hard to fill Drummond's shoes. In July 1941, after meeting Ifould, Clive Evatt declared his support for the immediate proclamation of the financial clauses of the Library Act and his intention to

55 William John McKell (1891-1985) was Premier of New South Wales, 1941-47, and Governor-General of Australia, 1947-53. He was knighted in 1951.

56 Ifould to Drummond, 18 December 1935.

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recommend this to Cabinet.57 Despite this promising start, Ifould found that he would have to overcome some of Clive Evatt's prejudices about the library scheme, including his belief that local government bodies were "the worst possible controllers" of such institutions as libraries. "I haven't had time to argue with him on this particular point or on many of his other obiter dicta," Ifould reported to

Remington, "I'll sool you on to him some day."58

Evatt in Newcastle

Clive Evatt visited Newcastle twice in September 1941, on both occasions promising to improve library services for that city. Both he and Ifould knew by now that it was unrealistic to expect early proclamation of the financial provisions of the Library Act. As a short term measure, and to help respond to the need for scientific and technical information in Newcastle, Ifould renewed his suggestion of strengthening the library of the Newcastle Technical College and making it available to the wider community. Evatt adopted this suggestion with alacrity, as a first step towards a free public library, and announced it on 21 September 1941.59

Ifould warned his contacts in Newcastle that they would need to maintain pressure on Evatt to fulfil his promise, and enlist the support of their local members of Parliament to influence McKell, the Premier. Ifould was not convinced that Evatt had sufficient clout in Cabinet: "I think the Premier will examine very minutely any scheme he puts up." For his part, Ifould did not expect to get very far with Clive Evatt: "At the present moment Mr. Evatt is not too

57 C. R. Evatt to the Premier and Minister for Education, Tasmania, 23 July 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL64. Clive Raleigh Evatt (1900-1984), barrister and Labor politician, was a Cabinet Minister, 1941-54, when he returned to the Bar.

58 Ifould to Remington, 25 July 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL64.

59 Ifould to C. E. Sligo, 2 October 1941, TL copy, PLNSW Confidential Papers; "Minister Intent on Free Library for Newcastle," Newcastle Morning Herald 22 September 1941.

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pleased with me and I am not too sure that this will alter as there are many causes for strong disagreement."60

Relations deteriorated rapidly when Evatt took exception to a newspaper report in which Ifould was quoted extensively. The report began with an outline of proposals for camp library services and expressed the need for libraries to support the education of members of the armed forces after demobilization. "In Australia we have failed to establish even reasonably good libraries . . . outside the State libraries in the capital cities," Ifould was reported to have said. The report concluded: "Mr Ifould said that, apart from the education of soldiers, more libraries and teacher librarians were needed to enable youths to continue their education after the school period."61 This canvassing of policy, and the implicit criticism of government inaction, was too much for Evatt. He instructed officers in his Department not to make statements to the press without first submitting them to him.62 Ifould was indignant, confiding to the Editor of the Newcastle Morning Herald:

No Minister in my twenty-nine years' service in this State has ever trammelled me before in this regard and I have expressed to the Minister my strongest possible objection.63

Ifould's long and close association with Drummond too may have been a stumbling-block. Ifould thought Evatt had been hasty and ill-prepared in his negotiations with Newcastle. He had "inadequate knowledge" of the history of library proposals in Newcastle, and had made his announcement without obtaining

60 Ifould to C. E. Sligo, 2 October 1941.

61 The article in question was "Library plan for the Army," Sun [Sydney], 11 August 1941. It was in an early edition and has not been sighted in that newspaper. The article was carried by the Newcastle Sun, 12 August 1941, under the headline "Libraries to Aid Education of A. I. F. Men."

62 Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 19 August 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL64.

63 Ifould to C. E. Sligo, 2 October 1941.

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the Premier's approval. Ifould's warning that this was unwise would not have endeared him to Evatt.64

Ifould's position was also being undermined by one of his Trustees, Tom Mutch. During the War Dr. Evatt's Ministerial duties often prevented him from attending meetings of the Trustees, and Mutch usually chaired the monthly meetings in his absence. He revelled in the authority of the chair, and in his seniority as a Trustee. Without consulting his fellow Trustees or Ifould, Mutch lobbied the Minister on many issues affecting the Mitchell Library including, it later emerged, the proposed creation of the position of State Archivist, for which Mutch thought himself well qualified. Ifould was irritated by Mutch's behaviour, and asked Dr. Evatt to request all the Trustees to observe correct form, and discuss issues at Board meetings before approaching the Minister. He also hoped Dr. Evatt would speak to his brother, and explain the Trustees, rather than Mutch's position.65

Further thoughts of retirement

In August 1941 Ifould celebrated his 64th birthday. The building would be ready for an official opening within six months, and he intended to retire after the transfer from the old building.66 "I won't be able to take a holiday," he told Munn, "because the Defence authorities are waiting for my retirement to give me a job that will involve a great deal of travelling." After a meeting of the Library Group in Melbourne in December 1941, Ifould intended to take a badly-needed break at

64 Ibid.

65 Metcalfe, File note, 11 March 1942, TD, PLNSW Confidential Papers; Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 3 December 1941. Mutch had been appointed to the Board of Trustees in May 1916. By 1942 only Professor Watt, appointed in June 1915, had served longer than Mutch.

66 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 11 August 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL64; Ifould to W. W. Bishop, Librarian, University of Michigan, 21 August 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL64.

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the Creel in the Snowy Mountains. He would return to work in mid-January, and six weeks later would shed his Library responsibilities and start work for the

Commonwealth in a position of which at this stage he spoke only vaguely.67

Pearl Harbor

On 7 December 1941 Pearl Harbor was attacked. The United States,

Britain and Australia were now at war with Japan. The speed of Japanese advances in the Pacific astonished the world; Wake and Guam fell on 8 December. Two days later Malaya and the Philippines were invaded; the warships Prince of Wales and Repulse were lost. In Australia planning and action were proceeding with increased urgency, in the knowledge, as Prime Minister Curtin expressed it, that "Australia can go and Britain can still hold on."

Fishing holidays and retirement were forgotten. The Library Group meeting was cancelled.68 "If raids are made on Sydney," Ifould told his staff, "most of us will be in the front line, and our job is to help prevent the destruction of our city."69 Volunteer watchers on the roofs of the Library's buildings scanned the horizon anxiously from precarious perches. They were certainly at real personal risk, as Harold Fallding discovered when he fell through a skylight above the Dixson Galleries. Ifould and his staff were well informed about the damage which bombs and water could cause, and what their responses should be. They had seen reports of the bombing of the Birmingham Public Library. They were shown how to put out incendiary devices, shielding their faces with blankets, and using

67 Ifould to Munn, 6 August 1941.

68 Ifould to Cunningham, 16 December 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL65.

69 Ifould, undated memorandum, TD, SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "National Emergency Services."

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asbestos mats, sand, rakes, shovels, chemical extinguishers and as a last resort fire hoses. They were also instructed in first aid.70

Morale was difficult to maintain during this period. There were squabbles about rosters and instructions, complaints about lack of equipment and training. The watchers on the roofs had time to ruminate upon such grievances, although during their days they would hardly have a chance: the Library was busier than ever, the work just as demanding, and, to make matters worse, the Library was short-staffed. More male staff had been called up for compulsory military training, for periods ranging from seventy days to three years. By January 1942 Ifould had "lost" eleven male staff in this way, and was pleading to be allowed to retain Kit Bernie, the only fit young male officer left, whose services he would need during the move from the old building.71

Despite the hardships, Ifould maintained a firmness of purpose, total dedication to the war effort, to King and to country, and an expectation that the Library's high standards would be maintained, down to the smallest detail. Carelessness was inexcusable, and when he discovered that stamps on letters from the Library were being sent out with the King's head upside down he issued a stern memorandum. "Surely our officers recognise that the King's head must never be placed upside down, and especially on correspondence from a public institution of this kind."72

70 Ifould, memorandum, 17 December 1941, TD, PLNSW archives, old files box 12, "National Library Building, memoranda, correspondence, etc"; SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "National Emergency Services"; Ifould to M. Barrington, 23 September 1941, TN copy, SLNSW archives NPL65.

71 Ifould to K. E. Grainger, Public Service Board, 25 September 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL65; Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 22 January 1942, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL66.

72 Ifould to Zoe Bertles, 8 September 1941, TN copy, SLNSW archives NPL65.

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Evacuation

In a well-researched and thorough operation, learning from reports of the British Museum's experiences with evacuation, consignments of Library materials, mainly manuscripts, were sent for safe keeping to a store-room at Armidale Teachers' College, escorted by Metcalfe and the Library carpenter. A watchman was appointed at the College, and his bed was set up outside the store-room door.

Bank strongrooms in Sydney were at a premium: the H. L. White Postage Stamp Collection was despatched to a new bank vault at Barmedman, near

Cootamundra.73

Remote storage was not an option, however, for the Library's scientific and technical journals: they had to remain accessible to the Research Department. "These simply are not replaceable," Ifould told Green, "and it would be a disaster to Australia if they were destroyed." He realised how vulnerable they were in the old Bent Street building, but was powerless until the completion of the new building, which itself required some fortification.74 An air raid shelter was opened in Shakespeare Place just outside the new wing of the building, and another was improvised in the Mitchell Library basement.75

During these anxious times, there could still be humorous moments. Ifould had always disliked Simonetti's statue of Arthur Phillip in the Royal Botanic

Gardens, and as was usual for him, did not hesitate to make his feelings known. "I cannot help expressing the hope," he told a colleague, "that, should this city be bombed, only one bomb is used and that it falls on this very inartistic and

73 Ifould to T. H. Bosward, National Emergency Services, 4 September 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL65; Metcalfe to C. B. Newling, Teachers College, Armidale, 15 December 1941; Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 3 December 1941; Trustees' Minute Books, 16 February 1942; SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "National Emergency Services."

74 Ifould to Green, 3 December 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL65.

75 SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "National Emergency Services."

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unsatisfactory monument. There would be some retribution for the one-eyed sculptor who conceived it."76

Retirement at last

Ifould's hope that the building would be completed by the end of 1941 was not realised: there were delays in the supply of electrical equipment, and the plan to use the quiet Christmas and New Year break to move from the Bent Street building was foiled.77 At their meeting in January 1942 the Trustees resolved "in view of the international situation and the position of the new library building" to ask the Minister to retain Ifould's services for a six months beyond his proposed retirement date of 2 February.78

Failing this, there was no question whom the Trustees favoured to succeed Ifould: they had already nominated Metcalfe on the occasion of Ifould's earlier announcement of his resignation. Ifould believed that Clive Evatt had approved the nomination, but had not yet forwarded it for Executive Council approval. At this meeting, there was a reaffirmation of Metcalfe's nomination, and a polite request for Clive Evatt to act speedily.79

Negotiations between the Trustees, the Minister and the Public Service Board to delay Ifould's retirement were still going on when a hastily-convened farewell was held at the Library on Monday 2 February 1942. Staff paid their respects to the man who had led the Library for the previous twenty-nine years, six months and one day. "The Churchill of our library empire is leaving us," Metcalfe

76 Ifould to Undersecretary, Department of Agriculture, 11 November 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL65.

77 Ifould, "Recreation Leave," 12 September 1941, TN, SLNSW archives NPL65.

78 Trustees' Minute Books, 19 January 1942.

79 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 February 1942.

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told them, in a warm and respectful speech: "Unfortunately for us he cannot demand a vote of confidence, and carry on, carrying us on his broad shoulders as he has done for so long so magnificently." Churchill had the previous week won a massive vote of confidence in the House of Commons. Metcalfe continued:

To him the office of Principal Librarian brought little, to the office he brought much, not only to the office of Principal Librarian in N.S.W., but the whole profession of librarianship throughout Australia has been lifted up in public estimation because of what he is.80

A tribute was also paid by Nita Kibble, then the longest-serving member of the Library staff, who had served under Anderson, Bladen and Ifould. "Mr. Ifould woke us up very effectively," she told her colleagues, echoing words which Hugh Wright had used of Anderson forty years before:

I am not sure that he was a very popular head for some time to come. I don't think that there was much that he didn't alter. He certainly enjoyed altering things. Mr. Ifould has never lacked courage - he's always ready to grasp his nettle. To be honest I think he likes a scrap.81

In an envoi, Metcalfe looked forward to Ifould's return "as Chairman of the Library Board, to take the leading part in post war library development." He then presented Ifould with a fountain pen, a reminder of his Library colleagues

"wherever you sign your name in those big and unmistakable letters."82 It was only an interim token of the staff's esteem. A collection was under way for a more public and permanent recognition of "The Chief": a bronze head.

80 Speeches at Ifould's farewell, 2 February 1942, TD, SLNSW archives old files box 8, folder "Ifould - speeches at farewell."

81 Ibid. Examined by a Parliamentary Select Committee, Hugh Wright had said of Anderson: "Mr. Anderson made the dunderheads wake up and gave them to understand that if they did not work they would have to find other positions." (New South Wales Report from the Select Committee on Working of the Free Public Library, (Sydney: Government Printer, 1900), Minutes of Evidence, 89).

82 Speeches at Ifould's farewell, 2 February 1942.

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In 1940 Ifould had sat for Fleischmann, and the staff decided to purchase the head for presentation to Ifould, not for his home, but for permanent display in the vestibule of the building of which he was so proud. They contributed on a fixed rate, according to their salary. Some ex-staff sent in their offerings, and the target of fifty guineas was easily reached.83 For the plinth Metcalfe suggested a motto from Horace which he believed would please Ifould: "Non omnis moriar" ("I shall not altogether die").84 Ifould was much taken by the motto, as Metcalfe had surmised, recalling it in a letter to A. B. Piddington shortly afterwards: "Your claim that `the English-speaking people will never be subdued; they will never be extinguished,' recalls Horace's claim `non omnis moriar.'"85 Until the Vestibule was completed, the head was placed "in cold storage, as it were" in Ifould's own office, where he spent some time "polishing his own nose to bring out the highlight."86

Amid the cares of war, which in the previous month had included the fall of Rabaul, landings on Borneo, the loss of Benghazi, the siege of Singapore and even closer to home the shooting down of a Qantas flying boat off Darwin, the Library staff paused to pay their respects to "The Chief" before hurrying back to

83 Metcalfe, Staff Memorandum, 26 November 1940, TD, SLNSW archives NPL62; "W. H. Ifould Gift Account," [c. 1940-41], SLNSW archives NPL233; Metcalfe, Memorandum, 4 December 1940, TD, SLNSW archives old files box 8, file "Mr Ifould - Bronze Head."

84 Metcalfe, Memorandum, 4 December 1940. The words are from Horace's Odes III, xxx, 6. Metcalfe misquoted it as "Omnis non moriar." The Tasmanian serpentine plinth, which is adjacent to a small commemorative plaque in the Vestibule of what is now styled the Mitchell Wing, is inscribed with the words in the correct order.

85 Ifould to A. B. Piddington, 30 June 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL64.

86 Metcalfe to Joyce Jopling, Detroit, 16 April 1941.1 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 February 1942; Metcalfe to Ifould, 18 February 1942, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL66.

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duty in the reading rooms, watching on the roof, or checking blinds and curtains for the first State-wide trial blackout that very night.

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CHAPTER SEVENTEEN

A NEW CAREER AND ACTIVE RETIREMENT

A new career

A day after his staff farewelled him, Ifould was back on duty. The Trustees' last-minute negotiations had won a temporary stay of execution, and Ifould's retirement was postponed for a month. So it was not until 2 March 1942 that he began work for the Commonwealth as Deputy Director of the Department of War Organization of Industry (WOI), but was also to spend some of his time supervising the final stages of the Library building project.1 Almost immediately he was at work seven days a week. Even Metcalfe, who had worked with him for twenty years, was unprepared for the intensity of his immersion in his new responsibilities. "I am amazed myself at what he is doing," Metcalfe told

Cunningham, "and only hope that he can stand up to it."2

So completely did Ifould throw himself into WOI work that other Library matters took second place. He was still technically a member of the Library

Group, which continued to meet from time to time until 1948, but attended no more of its meetings.3 He was also supposed to supervise the completion of the Library building, but as Metcalfe recorded: "We find the utmost difficulty in getting together on all sorts of matters, even the most urgent ones in connection

1 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 February 1942; Metcalfe to Ifould, 18 February 1942, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL66.

2 Metcalfe to Cunningham, 23 April 1942, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL66.

3 Horrocks, "The Carnegie Corporation of New York," 833-34.

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with the completion of our building." He was also Chairman of the still only partly-constituted Library Board, but was, as Metcalfe put it, "getting out of touch with library matters far more rapidly than would have been the case, because of the work he has taken on."4

As Deputy Director of the Department of WOI, Ifould headed the largest State branch of this newly-established department, which had it headquarters in

Melbourne. Created in June 1941, WOI had been given the task of encouraging and directing all available resources to the war effort. As with other key war-time instrumentalities, the speed at which WOI became operational accelerated rapidly after Pearl Harbor, the fall of Singapore and the bombing of Darwin.5 There was some criticism of Ifould's appointment, notably from Eric Spooner, who had transferred to federal politics in 1940 and had briefly held the WOI portfolio. As Ifould reported later, Spooner wondered why someone with no background in business and industry, had been selected for one of the most influential positions in the State:

Eric said "I know Mr Ifould personally and whilst I believe he's a good judge of fiction, he knows absolutely nothing about industry. He's only a librarian." Eric was entirely wrong about one qualification because I've never had more than the slightest knowledge of fiction.6

The Department's aims were to reduce non-essential production, so that labour and plant could be devoted to the war effort to the maximum extent. It sought to rationalise manufacturing and distribution, but had to ensure that such measures did not favour particular firms or groups of workers. The selection of public service administrators, like Ifould, and academics, was seen as posing less

4 Metcalfe to Cunningham, 23 April 1942.

5 Paul Hasluck, The Government and the People 1939-1941, Australia in the War of 1939-1945, series 4 (Civil) vol. 1 (Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1952): 436-37.

6 Ifould to H. L White, [1967?], MS draft of letter, Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878.

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risk of a conflict of interests than appointing people from the various industries which would be affected.7

At WOI Ifould was among old friends: G. C. Remington was Assistant Director; Giles Chippindall, who had played golf with Ifould at Elanora, was

Director-General.8 But it was Ifould's reputation for toughness, impartiality and incorruptibility, as much as his connections with influential people, which would have led to his selection for this crucial position. Sir Harold White recalled being on the receiving end of Ifould's impartiality at this time. He had approached Ifould with what White regarded as a legitimate claim on the Department. Ifould heard him out, and then told him that he did not have a case. White went away empty-handed but with the abiding belief that this was no isolated incident, and that Ifould "refused to break the rules which he would have applied to any other citizen. He was a man of principle."9

Metcalfe succeeds Ifould

On Ifould's retirement, the Trustees had reaffirmed their nomination of

Metcalfe as Principal Librarian.10 Had Drummond still been Minister, Metcalfe's appointment would have been little more than a formality, but the new Minister, Clive Evatt was, in Metcalfe's words "a bit of a problem." Metcalfe believed Evatt

"wanted to hand out this Principal Librarianship to all sorts of people," and must

7 S. J. Butlin and C. B. Schedvin, War Economy 1942-1945, Australia in the War of 1939-1945, series 4 (Civil) vol. 4 (Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1977), 157-58.

8 Giles Tatlock Chippindall (born 1893) was a public servant in the Postmaster-General's Department, and returned to it as chief executive after the War. He was knighted in 1955.

9 Sir Harold White, interview by author, 11 July 1990, Canberra.10 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 February 1942.

10 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 February 1942.

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have had misgivings when ushered into the Minister's presence on 11 March

1942.11

One of the matters which Evatt raised at this meeting was the possibility of Ifould joining the Board of Trustees of the Library. Ifould had earlier expressed the view that a retiring head of an institution should be "cut right off from any connection with the institution under a new control," but he believed that his presence might in this case be beneficial. Metcalfe might not have "an easy spin" as Principal Librarian, Ifould told H. V. Evatt, President of the Trustees. He might be "sniped at on the Board, and I don't need to mention various influences on the staff." Ifould was referring to Mutch and Leeson.12 Clive Evatt may have discussed this with his brother, for he asked Metcalfe if it would be difficult for him if his old chief were on the Board. Metcalfe's response was diplomatic:

I said that this might be true generally, but that in the particular case I was quite satisfied that my relations with Mr. Ifould as a Trustee would not be embarrassing to me and I felt that he would be a very valuable addition to the Board, especially during a period in which Dr. Evatt as President must necessarily be absent from most meetings and from Sydney.13

Metcalfe may well have wondered how Ifould would have acted on the Board of Trustees, so used was he to running the show. He may have followed the pattern of his fellow Trustees at the Art Gallery, who, before the appointment of the assertive Hal Missingham in 1945, were reputed to have treated their Director like some junior retainer, asking him to leave their meetings "when delicate matters of policy or personal matters were to be discussed." If this were the case, it

11 Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9911; Trustees' Minute Books, 16 March 1942; Metcalfe, File note, 11 March 1942, PLNSW Confidential papers.

12 Ifould to H. V. Evatt, 3 December 1941.

13 Metcalfe, File note, 11 March 1942.

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is paradoxical that on the Art Gallery Board Ifould behaved in ways which he would never have tolerated as Principal Librarian of the Public Library.14

Evatt told Metcalfe that he was accepting the Trustees' nomination, and in due course the appointment was confirmed. If there was sniping on the Board, Metcalfe was by now more than a match for it. Mutch continued as an active member of the Board of Trustees, and devoted considerable time to family history research and the compilation of indexes to genealogical records. Ida Leeson later volunteered for war work, served as a research officer in the Directorate of Research and Civil Affairs and attained military rank. She did not return to the

Library.15

The building is completed

By June 1942 parts of the new building were ready for occupation, the reading room in the Bent Street building closed, and the process of moving collections, meticulously planned by Otho Pentelow, began. On 22 June the new Reading Room opened to the public. Public reaction to the building was generally favourable. Metcalfe and some of the staff who worked in it, however, were conscious of its shortcomings. The increase in the number of seats in the reading room, from one hundred to almost five hundred, placed increased demands on service from the book stack, and the scale of "the put" (reshelving books, most of which were in stack) became a matter for concern. Mechanical assistance was

14 Missingham, They Kill You in the End, 25.

15 Trustees' Minute Books, 16 March 1942, 19 March 1945; Berzins, "Ida Leeson," in Australian Library History, 100-104; Berzins, "Leeson," in Australian Dictionary of Biography, 10: 58-59; J. J. M. Thompson, Alfred Conlon, 1908-1961: A Memorial by Some of His Friends (Sydney: Benevolent Society of New South Wales, 1963); Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9914.

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provided only by a book hoist and a passenger lift, and even these did not serve a section of one of the galleries in the reading room.16

Within a few years the building would have to house staff and services which had not been anticipated during the design stage: a documentary film staff, a lecture room, the Library School, the Library Board administration and its central book purchasing and processing service, and a schools library service. By 1946 the

Library was obliged to reoccupy part of the old Bent Street building, freed by a contraction of the army and air force library service, in order to provide adequate space for adult education services.17 Metcalfe later described the new building as "shockingly planned." By the early 1970s it was almost "as congested as the old library used to be."18

Metcalfe's inheritance

Nonetheless Metcalfe felt that the Library which he had inherited was in reasonably good order. Ifould had once told him that when he came to the old Library building in 1912, "it stank." "The new one I took over did not stink in fact or reputation," Metcalfe later reflected.19 There were a number of areas of concern, however. Metcalfe believed that, apart from the major expenditure on the new building, the Library had been "comparatively neglected." Additional funds were needed for books and periodicals - when the book vote was eventually increased by five hundred pounds in 1944, it was the first increase since 1899, despite the steady rise of book prices and the extension of the Library's services. More staff were needed in the Mitchell: "The staff has never been sufficient for the

16 PLNSW Annual Report, 1942: 3; Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9904.

17 Metcalfe, "Library Development in New South Wales, 1943-46," 64.

18 Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9903.

19 Metcalfe, "Remarks to Trustees of the Public Library of NSW on Retirement."

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original work of the Mitchell," Metcalfe believed. Binding was still seriously in arrears. Gaps in back files of newspapers needed to be filled, and a field officer was required to trace surviving newspaper files in country towns.20

Problems with the Mitchell

The administration of the Mitchell was an issue which had lain dormant for some time, but it emerged after Ifould's retirement. There was what was described as "long-standing dissatisfaction with the services of the Mitchell Library expressed by readers, students and Trustees." During 1943 the Trustees began an inquiry into the Mitchell's management and concluded that "some serious weaknesses lay in the administration of the library."21

A number of recommendations to improve the Mitchell were adopted. The collection should be surveyed and lists of desiderata compiled. Metcalfe should report on the cataloguing and indexing generally. Researchers should be encouraged and given more assistance to use the Mitchell. A select number of books should be placed on open access in the Mitchell reading room. Printed guides and bibliographies should be prepared. A Mitchell Library journal should be considered when conditions were more favourable. Opening hours should be extended. New books should be displayed. Routine processing of General Reference Library and Mitchell materials should be carried out by the same staff.

In addition the Trustees resolved that, at an opportune time, the Government should be asked to recognise the Mitchell Library as the official repository of State archives.22

20 PLNSW, "Memorandum on Functions and Development," [1944], TD, Trustees' Minute Books, 20 November 1944.

21 Metcalfe to Trustees, PLNSW, [1945?], TD, SLNSW archives PL/N6, file "Mitchell Librarianship."

22 Trustees' Minute Books, Mitchell Library, Special Committee, Proposals as Adopted, 16 August 1943.

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There was nothing revolutionary about these proposals: funds permitting, they could have been implemented years before. They were more than a response to the new building, which finally brought both collections and their technical services under the same roof. In endorsing these recommendations, the Trustees' were reflecting on the stewardship of both Ifould and Leeson. Ifould had not been happy with the way the Mitchell was administered by Hugh Wright almost from the moment he arrived, but apart from the occasional exasperated memorandum, and monitoring of the Mitchell correspondence, he had left Wright largely to his own devices. After Wright's retirement in 1932 and the compromise appointment of Leeson as Mitchell Librarian, Ifould had continued in this vein. Leeson was the only woman on the staff who stood up to Ifould, and she enjoyed a fair measure of autonomy. Ifould involved himself in major decisions about acquisitions, such as the Angus and Robertson Papers, but had little to do with the organization or the day to day running of the Mitchell. It was with this that the Trustees now found fault, and which Metcalfe would have to try to rectify.23

The official opening

Late delivery of furniture and fittings, and the need to avoid large public gatherings, delayed the official opening of the completed building. It was not until 24 November 1943, eighteen months after it first opened to the public, that the building was officially opened. The bronze head of Ifould, the gift from the staff,

23 Metcalfe later said of Ida Leeson: "She was the only woman who really did not allow herself to be dominated by the Principal Librarian . . . She stood up to him and she would stand up to anybody." (Metcalfe, Interview by Hazel de Berg, 9909-10). By 1944 Metcalfe had implemented some of the Trustees' wishes. He had set three officers to work recataloguing government publications, bringing the catalogue up to date and identifying desiderata. Two others were streamlining the cataloguing of printed books. When the manuscripts returned from safe-keeping at Armidale, work would begin on a guide or calendar. (Trustees' Minute Books, 21 February 1944).

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and a commemorative plaque from the Trustees was unveiled at a more modest ceremony a week earlier.24

The opening was an afternoon function - the skylight above the new reading room was difficult to black out, and would have made it an easy night-time target for a dive-bomber. Binns from Canberra, G. H. Pitt from Adelaide, and Collier from Hobart managed to get to Sydney for the opening. Purnell, Principal

Librarian of the Public Library of South Australia, was too ill to attend. E. R. Pitt of the Public Library of Victoria was on holiday and sent an apology. Dr. Watson, whose Library it might so nearly have been, was in attendance.25

G. C. Remington was ensnared by government business in Melbourne, but sent a telegram which read, prophetically: "Hope the day usehere [sic] in a new era for libraries." He probably knew that a few days before, Metcalfe had written to the Premier urging him to use the opening as an opportunity to announce the full implementation of the Library Act.26

Seated on the dais with the Governor, Lord Wakehurst, and Lady Wakehurst, were the Premier, William McKell, the Minister for Education, Clive Evatt, the Trustees, Sir William Dixson and Ifould. The speeches were numerous, but brief. After the Governor's address, McKell provided the high point of the afternoon: he announced that the Library Act would be fully proclaimed from 1

24 Metcalfe to H. V. Evatt, 18 November 1943, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "Official opening."

25 SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "Official opening."

26 Metcalfe to McKell, 15 November 1943, TL copy, SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "Official opening." One of Metcalfe's first actions on becoming Principal Librarian had been to rework a submission asking for the full Library Board to be constituted and for the Library Act as a whole to be proclaimed. (Metcalfe to Undersecretary, Department of Education, 3 March 1942, TL copy, SLNSW archives box labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee File" and "Shires Abercrombie- Bland").

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January 1944.27 Metcalfe's suggestion had fallen on fertile ground: he had argued that full operation of the Act would deflect criticism, particularly in country areas, that Sydney had been favoured at their expense, and it was a powerful incentive. To that extent, the opening of the building was, as Metcalfe later cryptically expressed it "used to force [the] Premier's hand."28

Out of respect for his association with library developments, Drummond was then given the courtesy of addressing the guests. He spoke of the three people with whom the building would be "forever associated": Mitchell, Dixson and Ifould. It was Ifould "whose constructive and unrelenting insistence upon an alteration of the original plan of the building has given to this State a magnificent piece of architecture of which it may truly be said - it is poetry in stone."29 Ifould's contribution to the building "for which and on which he worked during his whole period of office," had also been prominently acknowledged in the descriptive booklet published to coincide with the opening.30 Heartened by McKell's announcement, Drummond ended his address by hoping, like Remington, that the new building would signal a "new era," and that

This Library might become the parent Library of at least half a dozen Provincial Libraries situated strategically in a number of the great provincial areas of New South Wales; themselves the centre of a series of other and smaller satellite Libraries ranging from moderately large Libraries in country towns down to the smallest Bush Library or Travelling Library Service.31

27 SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "Official opening"; Remington and Metcalfe, The Free Library Movement, 1935-1945, 6.

28 Metcalfe, "Remarks to Trustees of the Public Library of NSW on retirement." Snibson reports Metcalfe's comment, adding, "tantalisingly, he gave no details." (Snibson, "The Free Library Movement Campaign for Public Library Legislation in New South Wales," 126).

29 SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "Official opening."

30 Public Library of New South Wales (Sydney: PLNSW, 1943, 8.

31 SLNSW archives old files box 12, file "Official opening."

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The financial provisions of the Library Act were thus finally proclaimed on 15 December 1943, and would take effect from 1 January 1944.32 The impact of the Act and the improved fortunes of war would be startling. Within eighteen months thirty-two councils had adopted the Library Act, seven were already providing library services and sixteen were planning to begin operating during 1945. The financial arrangements which the Libraries Advisory Committee had proposed were working smoothly. Newcastle had adopted the Act and would commence operations in 1946, but without Carnegie support. The dream of total coverage of the State by free public libraries was becoming reality.33

A tragic year

Ifould must have felt elated at the official opening, both because of the warm acknowledgement of his part in the building's completion and because of the imminent implementation of the Library Act. For public libraries 1944 held great promise. For the Ifould family it would be a year of tragedy.

The Ifoulds' three sons had performed distinguished service in the armed forces. The eldest, Lister, was now a squadron leader in the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF). He had flown Lancaster bombers with the Royal Air Force, and was now flying a Mosquito fighter-bomber as a pathfinder. He had won a Distinguished Flying Cross and bar, and a Distinguished Service Order. The

32 The financial provisions were contained in Sections 13 and 14 of the Act. (New South Wales Government Gazette, 31 December 1943, 2271).

33 Remington and Metcalfe, The Free Library Movement, 1935-1945, 7-8; Metcalfe, "Library Development in New South Wales, 1943-46, 61, 68. 699,879 people, or 24.73% of the population of New South Wales, were being served by a free public library by 1946, at a cost of about two shillings a head, the amount recommended by the Libraries Advisory Committee. The extent of local government financial support amounted to 68% of total expenditure, with a Government subsidy of 32%. The Libraries Advisory Committee had recommended a council contribution of 64.48% and Government subsidy of 35.52%. (Libraries Advisory Committee, Public Library Services, 33). It would be almost half a century before the dream of total coverage of the State was fully realised. Junee was the final local authority to adopt the Library Act and to establish its own library service in 1992.

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middle son, Elton, was a Flight Lieutenant in the RAAF and had won an American award, the Silver Star. The youngest, Frank, was in naval service.34

In June 1944 Frank was killed in action in the Indian Ocean. Three months later Elton died in the crash of an Australian-built Mosquito which he was test-flying. The devastation which Ifould felt was deep, but private: he had never been a person to show emotion publicly. With an onerous job to do at the

Department of War Organization of Industry, and a war still to be won, this was no time to display a lack of resolution. Ifould's feelings were left unspoken.35

The workload at the Department of War Organization of Industry was still demanding. It was not until March 1945 that Ifould managed to take his first holiday since the beginning of the War. He spent Easter at the Creel, far from the cares of war. In the Snowy Mountains streams he honed his renowned casting skills and tried out "Ifould's special," a large ginger-coloured fly of his own creation. He had some success: seven trout over two pounds were added to the roll of honour: his first appearance in the record book in eight years. Two months later he finally retired.36

It would prove to be a very active retirement: he immediately started work on the four thousand trees in his orangery at Waikerie once again, making up for the neglect his property had suffered during the War. The golf course at Elanora had also become run down, and Ifould became heavily involved in its restoration. His garden, orangery, golf, bowls, bridge and membership of the Board of Trustees

34 "Trifould Musketeers," Smith's Weekly, 24 June 1944.

35 Mary Ifould, Interview by author, 18 May 1989, Bayview, N.S.W.; Parnell and Boughton, Flypast, 187; Jean Fleming Arnot, Interview by author, 22 July 1989, Double Bay, N.S.W.

36 Fysh, Round the Bend in the Stream, 171, and illustration between pp. 126 and 127; A. A. Fitzgerald, Directorate of WOI, Melbourne, to G. Reichenbach, Directorate of WOI, Sydney, 5 May 1945, TLS, Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878.

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of the Art Gallery of New South Wales would keep him very busy for the next quarter century. He virtually vanished from the library world.37

37 H. C. Coombs, Director-General, Ministry of Post-War Reconstruction, Melbourne, to Ifould, Burnside, S.A., 30 May 1945, TLS, Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878; Ifould to G. W. Beverley, 10 October 1941, TL copy, SLNSW archives NPL65; Thomas Sidney McKay, "Memoirs and Some Random Thoughts," 2:11.

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CHAPTER EIGHTEEN

FINAL GLIMPSES

After his retirement, Ifould made none of those contributions which we have come to expect from retired professionals. He attended no library conferences. He contributed nothing further to the library literature. He wrote no letters to the Australian Library Journal, which began publication under Metcalfe's editorship in 1951. He reviewed no publications dealing with events with which he had been involved, although he did respond to a request to read and comment privately on a draft of Cunningham's account of the role of the Australian Council for Educational Research in the development of library services in Australia, and carefully preserved and annotated his own copy of the final publication which appeared in 1961. He was interested in the historical accounts of the public library movement, but did not become embroiled in disputes about them, and he did not join in the robust debate which ensued.1

He compiled no memoirs; if he kept a diary, none has survived. He did not take up Sir Harold White's suggestion that he be interviewed by Hazel de

Berg. He was nominated for no further honours after the O.B.E. he had received

1 Cunningham also asked White, Metcalfe and Binns for comments. E. R. Pitt had died in 1957. See Cunningham, The Australian Council for Educational Research, 2. As noted above, Ifould's copy of this work is in the Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878.

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in 1928.2 He was not completely forgotten by the library profession, however. After the incorporation of the Library Association of Australia (the successor to the Australian Institute of Librarians) by Royal Charter in 1963, Ifould was elected Associate on 17 August and, as one of fifty extant librarians who had "made a distinguished contribution to Librarianship," was elected Fellow on 23 August.3

Ifould retained a very visible link with the Art Gallery of New South

Wales, of which he remained a Trustee, and where he was firmly aligned with the traditionalists on the Board.4 Paradoxically Ifould thought William Dobell, "the best portrait painter since Lambert . . . I say this even though I am strongly opposed to the exaggerated caricature method he adopts."5 Ifould had been absent from the Board meeting in 1943 at which Dobell's controversial portrait of Joshua Smith was selected as winner of the Archibald Prize. His vote would have made no difference, as the margin in favour of Dobell was seven to three. Ifould subsequently suggested that Dobell be appointed a Trustee of the Gallery.6

2 Metcalfe, by contrast, was nominated, albeit unsuccessfully, for a knighthood in 1970. (H. Bryan, R. McGreal, Wilma Radford and G. D. Richardson to R. W. Askin, Premier of New South Wales, 16 October 1970, TL copy; R. W. Askin to H. Bryan, 27 October 1970, TLS, Metcalfe, Personal file, SLNSW records, box N45). Like other prominent public figures, Ifould received a Silver Jubilee Medal in 1935 and a Coronation Medal in 1937 as a matter of course. (Mary Ifould, Interview by author, 19 May 1989, Bayview, N.S.W.). Hazel de Berg (died 1984) created over 1,200 oral history recordings for the National Library of Australia over a twenty-seven year period.

3 Library Association of Australia, Associateship certificate of W. H. Ifould, dated 28 November 1964, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878x; Fellowship certificate of W. H. Ifould, dated 28 November 1964, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878x; Australian Library Journal 13 (June 1964): 100.

4 White, Inventing Australia, 146; Missingham, They Kill You in the End, 27.

5 Ifould to W. J. McKell, 17 March 1944, TL copy, Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878.

6 Ibid. In a celebrated court case, the Dobell win was contested in 1944 on the grounds that the painting was a caricature, rather than a portrait. The plaintiffs were unsuccessful For a recent account of this controversy, see Janet Hawley, "A Portrait in Pain," Good Weekend (supplement to the Sydney Morning Herald), 18 August 1990, 19-29.

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Ifould served as Vice-President from 1939 to 1958, surviving the change of legislation in 1958, when six long-serving members of the Board lost their positions. He was President from 1958 to 1960, when he retired.7 He had served the Gallery continuously from 1921 to 1960. Missingham "never felt that Ifould really knew or felt much about art. But he was quite sure he did and never backward in stating his opinion." Infuriating though that may have been, and despite his pedantic correction of the Director's grammar, and his habit of reading aloud every word of agendas and minutes to the Board, as if they were illiterate,

Missingham judged him "a good President and well respected."8

We have only brief glimpses of Ifould in later life. In the early 1960s he sold his orangery at Waikerie to the Council to become a residential subdivision. A recreation reserve was created within it, and ten walnut trees he had planted were left in place. The reserve was officially named Ifould Park.9 A few years later, at the age of eighty-eight, he started work on a new orangery at Waikerie to help

"keep his brains brushed."10

He paid the price of longevity, outliving his wife Maria, who died in 1955, and many of his family, friends and former colleagues.11 But in later life he was no gloomy relict. In his eighties he was still good company, and enjoyed life, although he regretted his failing memory. He missed his "old colleagues and pals, though

7 Missingham, They Kill You in the End, 40.

8 Ibid., 33-34; Hal Missingham, Darlington, W.A., to the author, 28 May 1989.

9 T. L. Burgemeister, District Clerk, District Council of Waikerie, to the author, 17 July 1989.

10 Ifould to G. D. Richardson, 11 November 1965, Mitchell Library file 1498/1965.

11 Mary Ifould, Interview by author, 19 May 1989. Maria Ifould died visiting relatives in Adelaide on 9 September 1955 (Sydney Morning Herald, 15 September 1955). Arnot states incorrectly that Maria Ifould died in 1969. (Arnot, "Ifould, William Herbert," in Australian Dictionary of Biography).

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I'm fortunate in having many close ones in my golf and bowling clubs. Luckily I'm fit and still play both games regularly."12 He was still called upon to give the occasional address, but not in a library context. At a function at Elanora Golf Club in 1965 he made a lively speech, rounding it off by presenting the President's wife with a kiss and not just any camellia, but one which he had bred and named after her.13

On a visit to Canberra when he was about ninety, Ifould had lunch with Harold White and his wife, Elizabeth, at the Hotel Canberra. Afterwards they visited the construction site of the new National Library of Australia building. Elizabeth White was horrified to see Ifould bounding across the scaffolding, with her husband, thirty years Ifould's junior, vainly trying to keep up with him.14

In 1967 Ifould received over a hundred telegrams and letters of congratulation on his ninetieth birthday from friends and former colleagues, and responded to them all.15 The Trustees of the Public Library, where Remington was now President, and Richardson its Principal Librarian, presented him with an address under seal, praising his achievements, and ending:

The Public Library of New South Wales and the great building that houses it, stand today in very large measure as a monument to the enduring worth of your service.16

12 Ifould to A. H. Spencer, January 21, 1965, AL copy, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878.

13 Madge Playfair to Ifould, [July 1965], ALS; John Playfair to Ifould, 8 July 1965, ALS, Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878; "Jim MacDougall's Town Talk," Daily Mirror, 9 April 1969.

14 Sir Harold White, Interview by author, 11 July 1990.

15 Ifould to White, [1967?].

16 PLNSW, Trustees, Address under seal to W. H. Ifould on the occasion of his 90th birthday, 1967, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878; PLNSW Annual Report, 1968: 7.

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On his birthday he was invited to afternoon tea at the Library. Those gathered in the Board Room thought that he was late, but at the last minute they heard him running up the back stair.17 His mind, they discovered, was just as agile, and his spirit of inquiry was undiminished. On his way into the Library, he had noticed a pamphlet about the Library's bindery, which contained a brief reference to his experiments with sumac tanning, and asked for a copy. The staff at the

Front Desk said they would send one to him and asked him to write his name and address on an envelope. They had not recognised the little man whose bronze head, and motto, "Non omnis moriar," they had daily passed in the Library's Vestibule.

Towards the end of his life, Ifould began to set his affairs in order, and made a new will, which exhorted his granddaughters to invest their inheritance and retain independent means. He also made a list of the furniture, porcelain and paintings in his home which he wished his son Lister to retain: art works which had appealed to Ifould's traditionalist taste, by Percy Lindsay, Arthur Streeton, William Ashton, George Lambert, Hans Heysen, and a little surfing picture by Elioth Gruner which the artist told Ifould was the first picture he had ever sold. Among the furniture items were his father's cedar chair, and Ifould's own office chair, which Walker, Anderson and Bladen had occupied before him.18

He died on 6 April 1969, aged ninety-one, at the Sanitarium, now the Sydney Adventist Hospital, in the Sydney suburb of Wahroonga. A private ceremony was held at the Northern Suburbs Crematorium at Chatswood on the following day. He was survived by his son Lister, and seven grandchildren, to whom the bulk of his estate was bequeathed. "Ahwao," his home at Warrawee was

17 Jo McIntyre, Director, Information Services, State Library of New South Wales, Interview by the author, 13 July 1993, Sydney.

18 Ifould, "List of furniture, pictures etc. I desire Lister to take," [196?], AN, Ifould Family Papers.

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sold, and new owners would enjoy the garden which he had established over the previous half century. The paintings, furniture and ceramics which he had treasured passed to his family. His modest collection of books was sold. What remained of his papers, photographs and memorabilia were preserved by his family.19 Before long they received a request to consider depositing Ifould's papers in the Public Library. "Sooner or later," Gordon Richardson told them, "he will be the subject of serious biographical study."20

19 Mary Ifould, Bayview, N.S.W., to Jean Arnot, 27 May 197?;; Mary Ifould, Interview by author, 19 May 1989, Bayview, N.S.W. The Sydney Morning Herald incorrectly gave his age as 92 (Sydney Morning Herald, 8 April 1969, 3); Alison Trevor, Interview by author, 19 October 1989, Roseville, N.S.W.; Jean Fleming Arnot, Interview by author, 22 July 1989, Double Bay, N.S.W.

20 G. D. Richardson to Mrs. P. E. Ifould, 8 April 1969, TLS, Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. This is evidently a misprint

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CHAPTER NINETEEN

CONCLUSIONS

When Ifould was appointed as Principal Librarian of the Public Library of

New South Wales in 1912, in the controversial circumstances described earlier, he came to a thoroughly troubled institution. Its reputation had declined. Many of the staff were unsatisfactory. Work methods were inefficient and training had been imperfect. Collection development had been neglected. The building was appallingly overcrowded and inadequate, and plans to replace it had been abandoned. The Trustees were at loggerheads with the Minister, the Department of Public Instruction and the Public Service Board. Ifould's predecessor was in disgrace, and the profession of librarian at least in New South Wales was at a very low ebb. Community and government awareness of public libraries was extremely limited: there were only two free public lending libraries in New South Wales, in Sydney and Broken Hill.

The situation when Ifould handed over to Metcalfe thirty years later was radically different, in image and in reality. The Public Library building was almost complete. Its collections and services had been considerably extended. The staff were more numerous and better trained. Ifould's successor had been well groomed. The Library and the office of Principal Librarian were creditable. In the wider sphere, the profession was coming of age with the formation of a professional association, and legislation was in place to enable the establishment of a system of public libraries throughout the State. The transformation of the library scene in New South Wales was under way.

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Personal and institutional credibility

Ifould had laid the groundwork for this transformation by establishing his own credibility and authority from the time of his appointment. He brought to the task not only professional skills learned at two other State libraries and almost twenty years experience, but also outstanding personal qualities. He was self- confident, energetic, single-minded, shrewd and practical. If he saw a problem, he was quick to identify it and to suggest a remedy. The ideal of service was in itself a strong motivation, and librarianship, a useful service profession, was a worthy career in its own right. He would not be lured from the Library by offers of better- paid positions, though he was in the fortunate position of having private means to supplement his salary.

Ifould's fostering of relations with influential individuals, like Dixson, politicians and senior bureaucrats, and with commercial and industrial organisations or professional and scientific associations, was of great benefit to his institution. His links with the press were helpful for the Library throughout his period in office, assisting in putting the case for the Library building, reporting the Munn-Pitt Report, and publicising the Free Library Movement. Positions which Ifould held outside the Library, and awards which he gained, also helped to raise his stature, and that of the institution.

Ifould brought about significant improvements in his Library's staff, collections, organisation, services, and in due course physical conditions, to establish a high and positive profile. This provided an institutional credibility which matched his own.

Staffing

Ifould quickly established his preferred pattern of staffing at the Public

Library, selecting applicants with the best qualifications, discouraging people who just wanted to use library as stepping stone, promoting on merit, and stiffening

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internal examinations. He was able to recognise talent, even when, as with Metcalfe, it was initially camouflaged, or, as with Leeson, there was an accompanying conflict of personalities.

He continued the practice of appointing women which Anderson had initiated, but not because he espoused equality of opportunity. He did so because he was unable to obtain men of sufficient calibre, and also because female labour was cheaper. He nominated outstanding women to senior positions, and improved their staff structure and prospects, but was determined, like his contemporaries in the bureaucracy, to prevent a woman becoming Principal Librarian. He therefore spent the last twenty years of his period in office looking for, grooming and endeavouring to provide a smooth transition for a suitable male successor. His part in the career of John Metcalfe is worthy of special note. Without Ifould's encouragement and assistance, the talents of Metcalfe may well have been lost to the Library and to the profession of librarianship.

Collection development

The very active part which Ifould took in collection development and the extent of his personal involvement have emerged for the first time during the course of this study. The lengths to which he went to maintain the position of the Mitchell Library as a preeminent collection of Australiana have also been revealed. The consequential negative impact on inter-library relations is commented upon below.

Although he sought to maintain the status of the Mitchell Library in every way he could, Ifould was never able to resolve satisfactorily its position as more than a de facto repository of official archives. The pressing space problem of the institution was some excuse. Just after his retirement, with space available in the new building, the Trustees resolved that the Mitchell Library should be recognised as the official repository of State archives. Ten years later an archives department

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was created in the Mitchell, and within a further ten years legislation creating an independent Archives Authority had been enacted. This was something which Ifould had been unable to achieve.

Library Finances

As a financial manager, Ifould nursed the Public Library through periods of extreme stringency, most notably through the Depression. He kept costs to a minimum by efficient use of resources, by driving a hard bargain with suppliers, by successfully managing a varied portfolio of investments, and by obtaining value for money from staff. In some respects he may have succeeded too well: when he left office the Statutory Endowment for the purchase of books was the same as it had been the day he arrived, although services and demand had expanded, and the volume and cost of published material had increased enormously.

Library Organization

Under Ifould the Library's operations became more streamlined. Reinforcing the improvements which Anderson had made and codified, Ifould enhanced technical services practice: a unified dictionary catalogue and a card shelflist were introduced, Dewey was applied more specifically, and binding methods and materials were improved, in the interests of economy as well as preservation. He was open to new techniques and methods, and treated suggestions from staff very seriously. Good organisers like Zoe Bertles and Nita Kibble were given key roles, and a reasonably free hand to run their sections. This strategy was successful with the Country Circulation Department and the Research Department, but the same could not be said of the Mitchell.

A divided service

Under Ifould, the separateness of the Mitchell Library persisted. Apart from the occasional exasperated memorandum - symptoms perhaps of more

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frequent verbal harangues - Ifould left Hugh Wright very much to his own devices. When Leeson became Mitchell Librarian the demarcation between the Mitchell and the rest of the Library became even more pronounced. Though Deputy Principal Librarian, Metcalfe was specifically instructed not to interfere in the running of the Mitchell. Divergence persisted, with different cataloguing rules, classifications, binding procedures, opening hours, distinct identities, and the stubborn (though logical, in view of the separate buildings) public view that the Public Library and the Mitchell Library were in fact separate institutions. The ill- effects of divergent methods and attitudes were felt by a generation of staff and users.

Services to readers

The ways in which Ifould introduced more active and direct services to users, through the Country Reference Section and the Research Department, have been described. These innovative services satisfied some of the information needs of two key constituencies: country dwellers, and the business and industry sector. The Library benefited from the success of such services, and the extension of library box services to country schools, through the solid support of country members of parliament, the lobbying of industrial and commercial groups in support of the Library's services, and the praise of such services in the Munn-Pitt Report. Their success was an eloquent demonstration of the State-wide nature of the Library's services.

The Public Library building

We have seen how lobbying for completion of the Library building was a preoccupation of Ifould and his Trustees for many years. He was assisted by prodding in the Munn-Pitt Report, pressure from the Free Library Movement, the report of the Libraries Advisory Committee, Drummond's sympathies, and support in the press, but credit for applying pressure at every opportunity must go to Ifould.

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Ifould's part in the design, at times in the face of the Government Architect's opposition, has rightly been seen as a major achievement, and went far beyond normal client responsibilities. It was largely due to him that the Library building which was completed, thirty years after the Mitchell Wing, was vastly different in design and style, and did not have some of the stylistic and layout shortcomings of the original design. Despite the attention to detail which was lavished on the building, however, its design reflected an assumption that work practices and patterns of use would remain much as they had in the previous twenty years. Ifould may well have paid too much attention to the details of the building and its decoration, and too little to the ways in which the Library would change during the building's lifetime.

The wider library world

Once his own position was assured, and his own institution had regained respect, Ifould was in a unique position to exercise a leadership role and to influence the development of libraries and librarianship in New South Wales and beyond. From his earliest days in office Ifould exhibited a readiness to cooperate with other librarians and institutions when this did not conflict with the best interests of his own institution, or of his State. Relations with federal or interstate libraries, like relations between other State and Federal bodies, were thus generally polite but restrained, but they became increasingly guarded as time wore on. With hindsight we can see that it was inevitable that in time the Commonwealth National Library and the other State libraries would compete with the Mitchell for Australiana. After the Commonwealth purchase of the Cook Endeavour journal in 1923, the writing should have been on the wall, but Ifould persisted in the belief that the Mitchell could outbid or outfox its Australian rivals, and had a right of primogeniture to collect everything it wanted. In pursuing his objects Ifould's behaviour ranged from heedlessness to deceit. He was heedless of the Commonwealth National Library when he sold duplicates to a dealer. He

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deliberately attempted to mislead Binns over the Mathews Collection. He lied to dealers, reporters and to Rosenbach during his quest for Cook's Endeavour journal. He colluded with Dixson over the Dalrymple papers to preempt the Commonwealth. He played the "greedy" Commonwealth against the States within the Library Group. With a Principal Librarian less single-minded and forceful than Ifould, institutional rivalry might not have been so bitter, but this may have been at the expense of a poorer Mitchell collection. No-one would have denied that when Ifould retired from the Library, the Mitchell Library was still the country's pre-eminent collection of Australiana.

This study shows that by the end of his career Ifould was beginning to realise that there were benefits in cooperating at least in collecting scientific and technological works and creating union catalogues of monographs. He was even moving towards a more conciliatory position on Australiana, but only to the extent of advocating a cooperative microfilming project at the Public Record Office. Even this was vigorously opposed by some of his own Trustees, and by the Mitchell Librarian.

Public library services

In 1912 there were only two free lending libraries available to the public in New South Wales: the Municipal Library in Sydney and the public library at

Broken Hill. There were however many hundreds of schools of arts and mechanics institutes, as well as commercial lending libraries. Government subsidies were being distributed to schools of arts and kindred institutions at a rate of ten thousand pounds per year - five times the statutory endowment of the Public Library. The inadequacies of the schools of arts were known to all, and were reported upon in the very year of Ifould's arrival.

Yet not once during the following twenty years, during which subsidies continued to be paid to these ailing institutions, did Ifould or his Trustees raise

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their voices in protest. The Trustees were not empowered by their Act to venture into the free public library arena, but they were lending boxes to inadequate institutes. Ifould was not one to shelter behind an Act if he saw injustice or inefficiency at work, but this case was an exception. There were suggestions which could have been made: the expenditure of subsidy on books only, centralised purchasing, inspection and assistance, as the Institutes Association was providing in South Australia; or provision of a subsidy on the condition of limited public access. It was the rigour of economic depression which ended the subsidy, not any action on Ifould's part.

Whether from a conviction that schools of arts in New South Wales should be left to peter out by themselves, from wariness of the political influence of their committees, or from a preoccupation with improving and extending the services of his own Library, Ifould left the schools of arts well alone, although he was privately scathing and joined the chorus of condemnation at the time of the Munn-Pitt Report.

Between 1912 and the early 1930s, despite his overseas travels and his wide reading, Ifould did not express a clear view of the ways in which public libraries might develop in New South Wales. He had a vision of the "reading habit" being inculcated in children, facilitated by Public Library boxes sent to schools, and the development of school libraries. He believed the reading habit would translate, when these book-lovers grew up, into populations which would demand books and libraries. Quite how this would occur, and how the seeds, once subtly sown, could be nurtured and cultivated, Ifould did not elaborate upon. There was in New South Wales no county structure upon which to base a county library scheme, as in some parts of the United States and the United Kingdom.

Local government had generally failed to establish libraries under the Local

Government Act. Because of the educational role of libraries, and the State responsibility for education, however, it was reasonable for him to assume that

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initiatives would have to come through the Department of Education, rather than local government.

It was in the early 1930s that ways of establishing local public library services began to crystallize in Ifould's mind. He was encouraged by a series of developments which received his blessing, his support or his active participation: the Munn-Pitt survey, the Free Library Movement, the Australian Institute of

Librarians, and the Libraries Advisory Committee.

Ifould and the Munn-Pitt Report

By the time of Munn's arrival in Australia, Ifould had a vision of possible public library developments focussed upon services which could be provided by his own institution. Just as he had the utmost confidence in himself, so he had confidence in his own institution and in the effectiveness of the Department of which his Library was part: the powerful and highly centralised Department of Education. He therefore conceived of a State-wide scheme, paralleling the educational system, with a series of State library branches and regional libraries, with control firmly in his own hands, and considerable State support. Munn's lack of enthusiasm and Drummond's misgivings did not daunt him, and he was ebullient and persuasive.

The vital ingredient of local involvement and support was missing, but neither Ifould, nor at that time Metcalfe, could see clearly the necessity of grass roots action. Ifould also paid insufficient attention to the financial implications of his regional library scheme, and its rejection by Stevens in 1935 was inevitable. Had Stevens accepted it, there were still serious doubts about local government reaction. As reception of the Library Bill later showed, any such scheme would provoke suspicion and resentment, unless there had been extensive consultation with interested parties. Fortunately some of this softening up could be done by the Free Library Movement.

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The Free Library Movement

The closeness of Ifould's relations with the Free Library Movement has been demonstrated in earlier chapters. From its initial meeting, when the Movement resolved to follow the principles which he had enunciated, he gave it moral and material support. He guaranteed a bank loan for the Movement, asked the Library Group for financial support for it, sanctioned Metcalfe's assistance to the Movement, and collaborated very closely with Remington - more closely than has hitherto been realised - but by shrewd political design, remained on the fringes of the Movement's activities.

The Libraries Advisory Committee

Ifould's chairmanship of the Libraries Advisory Committee was what he regarded as one of his most successful tasks. It is unclear whether the idea for such a committee came from Ifould, from Drummond or his office, or from the Free Library Movement, although it had been foreshadowed when Stevens rejected the regional libraries scheme in 1935. The resulting Report, disappointingly, dealt only with the public libraries aspect of its terms of reference, but did propose a workable scheme. As a permissive scheme, it did not go far enough for Ifould, who favoured a greater degree of compulsion. He was therefore keen to retain clauses of the draft bill relating to a poll of electors. He also favoured equity of access, which was facilitated by the sliding scale of subsidy which benefited poorer shires and municipalities.

It could be argued that, in preparing its Report, the Committee should have tried to hammer out its differences with the Local Government Association and the Shires Association. This might have averted some of the squabbling which ensued, particularly over the poll of electors and the extent of local government expenditure. These issues were eventually resolved in discussions between the

Free Library Movement and the Local Government Association. Had this

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happened earlier, the Associations might have been pacified, and might not then have added fuel to the unproductive rivalry which developed between Drummond and Spooner over responsibility for the legislation.

It could equally be argued that if the Committee had attempted to tackle the contentious issues of polls of electors and local government contributions head on with the local government Associations, agreement might never have been reached, or the final report might have been so watered-down in the search for consensus that it would have satisfied no-one. To the Committee the final recommendations were equitable and practicable. To Drummond the recommendations were politically palatable. In the event they proved acceptable to Cabinet, to both sides of Parliament, to those interested in furthering library development, and to most contemporary observers. In the light of subsequent events, the Report can be seen as a work of political nous and pragmatism.

An indiscretion

Impatience or overconfidence may have led to the failure of the regional libraries scheme in 1935. The same qualities emerged in Ifould's dealings with the city of Newcastle. It was an error of judgement to raise hopes of Carnegie support, as Ifould himself admitted. It was unwise to talk or write with such apparent confidence about Keppel's "promise" before there had been any firm commitment.

There was a degree of insensitivity or naivety too in promoting the beneficence of the Carnegie Corporation to a community of steel-workers and miners. Residents of the "Pittsburgh of Australia" or miners in the Hunter Valley who were at all familiar with the history of the industrial labour movement may well have had reservations about accepting Carnegie money even for an institution as beneficial as a library.

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The Library Act

In the dying days of 1939, Ifould's frantic lobbying to ensure that the Library Bill was introduced into Parliament, and his threat to resign and expose the Government's lack of resolution, were not generally known then and have not been noted by later commentators, although Remington's activities at this time have been reported. Similarly it was not widely known that the suggestion of a compromise, in not proclaiming the financial provisions of the Library Act, came from Ifould. These events illustrate the strength of Ifould's resolve and commitment to public library services generally, and the lengths to which he was prepared to go, not for his own glory, but to achieve his goal.

The Library Group

Ifould was not always as frank as he might have been with the Library

Group. He privately acknowledged that he was able exploit the traditional rivalries between States and Commonwealth in the forum of the Library Group, to the advantage of his own State. In communications with Cunningham, however, he professed not to favour his own State to the disadvantage of the others. Certainly he misled his fellow members by not revealing his close contacts with Remington, and by tacitly approving Remington's direct contacts with the Carnegie Corporation.

Professional associations

After the 1928 library conference, Ifould failed to act with any conviction to form a branch in New South Wales, and there was thus no official delegate to the 1933 conference. Lukewarm about an association with significant numbers of institutes represented, he found himself in concert with women on his staff, who, like Leeson, sensed the hostility of the institute "librarians" towards educated women librarians and proponents of free library services. Had the Australian Library Association survived, it would have had a bitter legacy, such was the gulf

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between the professionals and the others, particularly in New South Wales. No association may well have been preferable to a deeply divided one.

Ifould's part in the downfall of the Australian Library Association was significant, as was his role in the formation of the Australian Institute of Librarians. He encouraged Metcalfe to devote time to the Institute, helped formulate its constitution, assisted it financially, sought recognition for it from the

Public Service Board, and encouraged staff to join it. He had been obstructive, or at best half-hearted with the Australian Library Association. With the Australian Institute of Librarians he could scarcely have been more supportive, and his election as President was an acknowledgement of this support and of his stature in the profession.

The Ifould paradox

The fundamental paradoxes and contrasts in Ifould's character, only hinted at in Metcalfe's obituary, have emerged very clearly in this study. Ifould was always open to new ideas, keen to improve methods, willing to take on new challenges, eager to extend his own knowledge, and prepared to consider innovations which his staff proposed. Paradoxically, he often sought the familiar and the comfortable, devising schemes which were practicable, seeking people who were tried and tested, holding fast to tradition in government, literature, art and architecture. He enjoyed public speaking, but disliked being the object of publicity. He had a deep distrust of politicians, but survived and prospered in the political jungle. He drew private satisfaction from his achievements, but did not feel the need to give his own account of them, and did not comment when others did. He recognised the importance of the documentary record, but discarded most of his own. He dedicated thirty years of his life to the Public Library of New South Wales, yet was able to sever the connection without apparent difficulty, and could move on to new challenges, secure and fulfilled. His long silence was one of

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contentment and sheer busyness with other affairs. Besides, the Library, and Metcalfe, whom he had groomed, were managing perfectly well by themselves.

Suggestions for further research

This study has focussed primarily upon Ifould's middle years, and upon his professional activities, but such was the breadth of his interests and his longevity, that fuller biographical treatment of him is merited. The present work also provides a background against which a study of John Metcalfe could be developed. Twenty key years of Metcalfe's career were spent under Ifould's wing, and without Ifould's sense of purpose and direction, Metcalfe may well have exercised his talents in other directions than librarianship.

We still await a substantial comparative study of twentieth century library development in the various States, and an assessment of the significance of those of Ifould's contemporaries who have not yet come in for critical attention. Some individuals, including E. R. Pitt, Purnell, Binns and Battye, would appear from the present study to have played roles in their own States or nationally, which would deserve the degree of attention which Ifould has now received.

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APPENDIX 1

GOVERNMENT SUBSIDY TO SCHOOLS OF ARTS AND KINDRED INSTITUTIONS 1909-31

Year Subsidy Year Subsidy 1909 £9,798 1919 not recorded 1910 £9,281 1920 £7,229 1911 £9,850 1921-24 not recorded 1912 £10,357 1925 £9,220 1913 £9,333 1926 not recorded 1914 £9,735 1927 £5,783 1915 £6,139 1928 £6,387 1916 £7,199 1929 £6,498 1917 £4,843 1930 £6,500 1918 £3,629 1931 £1,293

No subsidies were paid from 1932.

Source: Department of Education, "Public Expenditure on Institutes," TD, [Undated, but from context c. 1938], SLNSW archives old files box 5, file "School Libraries Committee."

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APPENDIX 2

COUNTRY COLLECTIONS AND LOANS 1912-42

Year CCD vols CRS vols CRS loans 1912 12,151 751 128 1913 11,962 2,000 1,137 1914 11,702 2,502 1,437 1915 8,735 3,245 1,848 1916 12,214 4,180 2,704 1917 8,690 4,797 6,984 1918 10,900 5,574 11,912 1919 16,313 7,222 15,692 1920/21 20,287 8,153 26,834 1922 21,151 8,812 24,579 1923 24,086 9,573 29,247 1924 28,973 10,712 29,657 1925 33,252 10,890 not reported 1926 37,689 11,907 not reported 1927 39,050 12,981 not reported 1928 43,987 13,657 not reported 1929 43,184 14,471 not reported 1930 49,063 15,250 34,772 1931 50,791 16,007 35,308 1932 52,514 16,571 not reported 1933 52,506 17,460 48,014 1934 55,474 18,008 50,195 1935 56,229 18,897 not recorded 1936 55,649 19,980 54,620 1937 55,953 21,053 56,644

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Year CCD vols CRS vols CRS loans 1938 58,136 22,412 60,115 1939 59,066 23,744 61,619 1940 60,531 24,896 59,720 1941 63,511 26,377 58,604 1942 69,766 27,537 53,697

Source: PLNSW Annual Report for the respective year.

Notes: Country Circulation Department (CCD) materials were issued in boxes, containing between thirty and forty volumes. The numbers of boxes circulated are not reported consistently. The boxes underwent regular weeding of worn out or outdated works.

Country Reference Section (CRS) items were lent, a few volumes at a time, to individual registered country borrowers. The service shows very rapid growth, from a very low base, in resources and use. "Although these figures are comparatively small," Ifould wrote, "it must be remembered that each volume was sent in response to a special request for information on its subject, and reached the borrower who needed it for study, and not for mere interesting reading. One thousand volumes circulated in this way are far more valuable to the community than many thousands circulated to institutions in boxes." (PLNSW Annual Report, 1913: 2).

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APPENDIX 3

PUBLIC LIBRARY OF NEW SOUTH WALES COLLECTIONS 1912-42

Year Reference Library Mitchell Library 1912 162,673 74,808 1913 167,405 77,375 1914 174,383 81,678 1915 178,898 85,240 1916 184,351 88,081 1917 188,256 96,202 1918 193,089 98,187 1919 197,330 100,438 1920/21 203,950 103,822 1922 207,404 107,021 1923 212,015 109,723 1924 216,810 112,050 1925 221,687 114,115 1926 224,706 116,601 1927 229,480 118,810 1928 234,476 120,548 1929 239,588 122,549 1930 244,579 124,344 1931 247,192 126,183 1932 250,700 128,340 1933 254,556 130,351 1934 257,621 133,542 1935 261,038 135,952

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Year Reference Library Mitchell Library 1936 264,274  170,000 1937 267,020 140,654 1938 271,770 144,087 1939 278,052 136,192 1940 284,587 138,308 1941 288,423 140,010 1942 272,540 138,133

Source: PLNSW Annual Report for the respective year.

Notes: The growth of the General Reference Library during this period is steady; the Mitchell Library's rate of increase is much higher, reflecting the growth in local publishing and the intensive acquisitions programmes and donations.

Collection sizes were revised in 1942, after the move from the Bent Street building and the consequential rearrangement of collections in the Mitchell and Dixson Wings.

 This is evidently a misprint

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APPENDIX 4

VISITS TO THE LIBRARY 1912-42

Year Total visits Year Total visits 1912 183,684 1928 247,282 1913 196,477 1929 245,298 1914 197,859 1930 270,016 1915 183,534 1931 296,807 1916 170,195 1932 290,538 1917 169,016 1933 310,274 1918 177,578 1934 297,723 1919 147,631 1935 281,954 1920  97,612 1936 278,965 1921 226,637 1937 266,621 1922 225,745 1938 265,718 1923 232,716 1939 258,773 1924 223,234 1940 251,461 1925 230,169 1941 233,426 1926 225,150 1942 157,863 1927 235,378

Source: PLNSW Annual Report for the respective calendar or financial years.

 Report covers 1 January 1920 - 30 June 1920.

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SOURCES CONSULTED

This list is arranged as follows: (i) Major archival and manuscript collections consulted;

(ii) Specific archival and manuscript items consulted (not including references to individual letters in SLNSW archives); (iii) Dissertations; (iv) Personal communications: interviews and correspondence with the author; (v) Publications by William Herbert Ifould; (vi) Publications by others, including monographs, journal articles and conference papers; (vii) Newspaper articles.

(i) Major archival and manuscript collections consulted

De Berg Collection Interviews by Hazel de Berg of Kenneth Binns, Hedley Brideson, John Feely, John Metcalfe, Andrew Osborn, Gordon Richardson, Walter Stone, Leo Walters, Beatrice Wines. Audiotapes and transcripts in the National Library of Australia. Page references are to transcripts. Ifould Family Papers Documents, photographs and some relics, in the possession of Mary Ifould, Bayview, N.S.W., dealing with W. H. Ifould's ancestors and family. Ifould Papers. A small collection of papers, some printed matter and newspaper cuttings, donated to the SLNSW after Ifould's death by his son, Lister, following a request from Gordon Richardson, Principal Librarian. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878 and MLMSS 1878x.

A related collection of bookplates and photographs was presented by Lister Ifould in 1977 (see ML file 590/69; Picture Accession 1773). This collection includes 70 Australian and overseas bookplates, photographs of W. H. Ifould (now filed at P1/Ifould, William Herbert), the PLNSW building (Small Picture File - Sydney - Libraries - Library of NSW), New York (Small Picture File - New York?), and notes on Arthur Fleischmann (Pxn 516).

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New South Wales. Department of Education. Subject Files. Public Library. 1910-13. AONSW 20/13002. 1914-15, 1939. AONSW 20/13011. 1916-17. AONSW 20/13003. 1918-21. AONSW 20/13004. 1922-25. AONSW 20/13005. 1926-29. AONSW 20/13006. 1930-33. AONSW 20/13007. 1934-35. AONSW 20/13008. 1936. AONSW 20/13009. 1937-38. AONSW 20/13010. New South Wales. Public Service Board. Employee History Cards, Public Library of New South Wales. AONSW 8/2682, 8/2696. PLNSW Confidential Papers. A bundle of papers, mainly copies of correspondence, dealing with personnel and other sensitive matters, dating from c. 1919 to c. 1960. In 1993 these were housed with Trustees' Minute Books in the Jean Garling Room (formerly the Council Room), State Library of New South Wales. PLNSW Trustees' Draft Minute book. 1909-14. SLNSW archives NPL209. PLNSW Trustees' Minute books. 1869-1945. SLNSW archives. SLNSW archives, boxes: "Free Library Movement." Unnumbered boxes, labelled "Free Library Movement." Housed with other sequences of SLNSW archives. SLNSW archives, boxes: "Libraries Advisory Committee." Unnumbered boxes, labelled: "Libraries Advisory Committee," "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report," "Library [sic] Advisory Committee file." SLNSW archives, boxes: "Old Files." A series of boxes containing bundles of papers on specific subjects covering a range of years. Relevant boxes are: Box 5 School Libraries Committee; Box 6 Addresses delivered by the Principal Librarian; Adult Education Committee;

Box 7 Examinations - Reg 329a - Higher - Syllabus; Research Department Appreciations; Social Research; Box 8 Building; Camp Education Service; Camp libraries; Camp Library Service (Educational); Commonwealth Literary Fund; Free Library Movement and Mr. Remington; Ifould - speeches at farewell Jones, Miss P. Mander; Libraries Advisory Committee - correspondence; Mr. Ifould - Bronze Head; State War Effort Co-ordination Committee; Box 11 Mathews, Gregory; Mathews Ornithological Collection; Box 12 National Emergency Services; National Library Building; National Library - Tympanum; Norfolk Island Manuscripts; Official Opening; Old Building - extension.

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SLNSW archives, boxes: PL/N series. A further series of boxes containing bundles of papers on specific subjects covering a range of years. Relevant boxes are: PL/N6 Bronze Doors; Mitchell Librarianship; Mortgages; PL/N7 Salaries PL/N8 Library Group SLNSW archives, numbered volumes and boxes: NPL18 out-letters 1911-12 NPL19 out-letters 1912-13 NPL20 out-letters 1913-14 NPL21 out-letters January-November 1915 NPL22 out-letters 1916 NPL23 out-letters January-June 1917 NPL24 out-letters February, April-December 1918 NPL25 out-letters January-June 1919 NPL26 out-letters July-December 1919 NPL27 out-letters January-June 1920 NPL28 out-letters July-December 1920 NPL29 out-letters January-June 1921 NPL30 out-letters July-December 1921 NPL31 out-letters January-December 1922 [incomplete] NPL32 out-letters January-December 1923 [incomplete] NPL33 out-letters, January-June, October-December 1924 [incomplete] NPL34 out-letters, January-March, August-December 1925 NPL35 out-letters, January-June 1926 NPL36 out-letters, July-December 1926 NPL37 out-letters, January-June 1927 NPL38 out-letters, July-December 1927 NPL39 out-letters, January-June 1928 NPL40 out-letters, July-December 1928 NPL41 out-letters, January-June 1929 NPL42 out-letters, July-December 1929 NPL43 out-letters, January-June 1930 NPL44 out-letters, July-December 1930 [incomplete] NPL45 out-letters, January, June to November 1931 [incomplete] NPL46 out-letters, June-October 1932 NPL47 out-letters February-June 1933 NPL48 out-letters July-December 1933 NPL49 out-letters, January-June 1934 NPL50 out-letters, July-December 1934 NPL51 out-letters, February-June 1935 NPL52 out-letters, July, September-December 1935 NPL53 out-letters, January, March-December 1936 NPL54 out-letters, January-April 1937 [incomplete] NPL55 out-letters, July-December 1937 [incomplete] NPL56 out-letters, January-June 1938 [incomplete] NPL57 out-letters, July-August, October-December 1938 [incomplete] NPL58 out-letters, January-June 1939 NPL59 out-letters, July-December 1939 NPL60 out-letters, January-April 1940 NPL61 out-letters, May-August 1940 NPL62 out-letters, September-December 1940 NPL63 out-letters, January-April 1941 NPL64 out-letters, May-August 1941 NPL65 out-letters, September-December 1941 NPL66 out-letters, January-April 1942

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SLNSW archives, numbered volumes and boxes (continued): NPL74 Letters and Memoranda 1903-12 NPL88 in-letters 1911-12 NPL89 in-letters 1913-18 NPL90 in-letters 1919-1922 NPL91 in-letters 1923 NPL92 in-letters 1924-25 [with some earlier and later in and out-letters] NPL93 in-letters 1926-27 NPL94 in-letters 1928-29 NPL115 Employment Register 1915-27 NPL133 Papers concerning the establishment of an Archives Department and a Historical Museum, 1911-20 NPL134 Papers relating to the purchase of the Bolckow Cook Collection, 1923 NPL135 Subject file on the publication of the Historical Records of Australia, 1907-12 NPL136 National Library building file, 1904-27 NPL137 National Library building file, 1933-40 NPL174-199 Research Department. Record of jobs attempted, 1919-59 NPL209 Trustees Draft Minute Book, 1909-14 NPL226 Minutes of Special Committee appointed to deal with Bolckow Cook business, 1923 NPL233 W. H. Ifould Gift Account, 1940-41 NPL241 Correspondence - Special Files A-M NPL242 Correspondence - Special Files N-Z NPL244 W. H. Ifould. Notes for addresses and lectures, 1922-39: art, books and reading, fishing NPL245 W. H. Ifould. Notes for addresses and lectures, 1922-39: libraries, literature, Rotary, miscellaneous notes NPL248 Instructions in case of emergency 1939-41 [bundle incorrectly labelled 1929-31] NPL250 Papers concerning Teachers' College Library and other libraries. NPL277 Papers concerning State Trophy Committee, 1919-22.

(ii) Specific archival and manuscript items consulted (not including references to individual letters in SLNSW archives)

Adult Education Advisory Committee. Minutes of meeting. April 14 1943. TD. SLNSW archives old files box 6, file "Adult Education Committee." Agreement between Ifould and Trustees regarding salary and period of service, 25 July 1919. TD. PLNSW Confidential Papers. Anderson, Henry Charles Lennox. "David Scott Mitchell: Some Reminiscences." n.d. AMs. Mitchell Library, A1830. ______. "Requirements for a Public Library for New South Wales," c. 1901. TD. SLNSW archives NPL136.

Angus and Robertson Papers. File relating to the purchase of the Angus and Robertson papers, 1933. Mitchell Library. MLMSS Aa 89 [not catalogued], filed with ML file 1549/70.

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Bertles, Zoe. Detailed notes on the Country Reference Service by Miss Bertles and answers to queries from Munn and Pitt. Holograph, with pencil annotations by W. H. Ifould. State Library of Victoria, La Trobe Library MS 9596, box 2, (MSB 58), Carnegie Survey. Binns, Kenneth. Interview by Hazel de Berg, 31 March 1967. NLA, DeB 837. ______. "Report on Library Matters since the Publication of the Munn-Pitt Report." [1935 or 1936]. TD. Carnegie Corporation of New York Archives: Australian Library Program. Copy in the possession of the author. Bronze Doors Committee. Minutes. 27 November 1934. TD. SLNSW archives PL/N6, file "Bronze Doors."

Button, Reg, Gawler, S.A., to Mrs Powell, 15 February 1981. ALS. Copy in possession of Mrs M. Ifould, Bayview. Carnegie Survey. [Questionnaire responses and correspondence between Australian libraries and E. R. Pitt]. State Library of Victoria, La Trobe Library, MS 9596, Box 2 (MSB 58), folder headed "Public Library NSW". Clucas, R. J. M., Adelaide, to H. M. Green, Sydney, 17 July 1928. TL copy. University of Adelaide Archives. Photocopy and partial transcript by Jean P. Whyte in the author's possession. ______, to H. M. Green, Sydney, 19 April 1928. TL copy. University of Adelaide Archives. Photocopy and partial transcript by Jean P. Whyte in the author's possession. Coffman, Lotus Delta. "Report of Dr. Lotus D. Coffman on Australia." 1932. TD. Carnegie Corporation of New York Archives. Copy in the possession of the author. Department of Education. Papers relating to the retirement of Clara Rodd. Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1937-38, AONSW 20/13010. ______. "Public Expenditure on Institutes." [Undated, but from context c. 1938]. TD. SLNSW archives old files box 5, file "School Libraries Committee." ______. "Schools of Arts and Kindred Institutions." 19 October 1939. TD. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)." ______. Transcript of notes of evidence, Departmental Board, Department of Public Instruction, Public Library of New South Wales. [1911]. TD. SLNSW archives NPL88. "Deputation to Minister, 24 November 1910," [record of proceedings]. TD. SLNSW archives NPL136. Drummond, D. H. "Library development scheme." September 1935. TD. Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1934-35, AONSW 20/13008.

______. "School Libraries." November 1937. TD. (Minute issued by Minister for Education, November 1937). SLNSW archives old files box 5, file "School Libraries Committee."

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______. "Statement for Submission to Cabinet: Free Libraries, 29 November 1938." TD. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)." Employment Register, PLNSW. 1915-27. SLNSW archives NPL115. "Evidence given at Miss Leeson's appeal: Transcript of extracts from Mr. Griffits' [sic] notes as he read them to Miss Rodd in Mr. Ifould's office on 21st August 1933." August 1933. TD. PLNSW Confidential Papers. "Exhibition of Technical and Commercial Literature 1919." [File] SLNSW archives NPL241. Free Library Movement. "Inaugural meeting of Delegates from public and quasi- public bodies, convened by the Middle Harbour Progress Association and held in the School of Arts, Victoria Avenue, Chatswood." 1935. TD. SLNSW archives, unnumbered box, labelled "Free Library Movement." ______. Minutes of Meetings of the Executive. TD. SLNSW archives box "Free Library Movement." Garland, H. K., Dora Creek, N.S.W., to Alison Crook, State Librarian, 19 May 1993. TLS. Copy in the possession of the author. Ifould, Edward Lister, to Wilma Radford, 23 October 1974. ALS. In the possession of the author. Ifould, Mary, Bayview, N.S.W., to Jean Arnot, 27 May 197?. ALS. In possession of Jean Arnot, Double Bay. Ifould, William Herbert. Address to the Free Library Movement, December 1935. TD. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "Free Library Movement." ______. Birth certificate. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. ______. Certificate of appointment as Officer of the Civil Division of the Order of the British Empire. 4 June 1928. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878x. ______. Form letter regarding a meeting of senior public servants. 20 July 1933. TL copy. SLNSW archives NPL48.

______. "Hamlet". Undated, incomplete AN. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. ______. "How to Appreciate Poetry." TD, broadcast from Radio 2BL Sydney, 13 October 1933. (Also delivered at Quota Club luncheon, 28 October 1935). Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. ______. "I am dreaming little lady..." Poem, in W. H. Ifould's hand, on catalogue card. Ifould Family Papers. ______. "Just a Chat about Reading." [1930?]. TD. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878.

416

______. "Literature and Art." October 1931. TD. SLNSW archives NPL45. (Published as "Records of Our History in Picture and Manuscript." In Sydney Bridge Celebration, edited by Sydney Ure Smith and Leon Gellert, 76. Sydney: Art in Australia, 1932). ______. Marriage certificate, 5 March 1907. Ifould Family Papers. ______. "Memorandum concerning library development during the administration of the present government." 3 April 1941. TD. SLNSW archives NPL63. ______. Memorandum of meeting with Drummond. 25 June 1935. TD. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement."

______. Memorandum to staff, including extract from Tangye's Notes of my Fourth Voyage to the Australian Colonies. 29 July 1932. Duplicated typescript. Copy in possession of Jean Arnot, Double Bay. ______. "National Library Building: Report of Principal Librarian on the original plans." 4 April 1914. TD. SLNSW archives NPL137. ______. "Notes for debate against Earl of Oxford claim to authorship of Shakespeare's plays and poems advanced by Prof. Radcliffe Brown." 1930. TD. Mitchell Library. ______. Notes for deputation to Minister. 6 October 1915 (and notes on deputation of 28 October 1915). TD. SLNSW archives NPL136.

______. "Notes on an interview with the Minister 23.10.35, to discuss his notes on country libraries." TD. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," file "Free Library Movement." ______. "Notes on the PLNSW." [1917 ?]. TD. SLNSW archives NPL23. ______. "Notes on Vaucluse House." 1913. TD. Mitchell Library, Q991.1/I. ______. "Proposed Establishment of an Archives Department." 7 May 1914. TD. SLNSW archives NPL241, file "Archives". ______. "Public Speaking." Address to the Commercial Travellers' Association Literary and Debating Society. May 13 1932. TD. SLNSW archives NPL244. (Published in Australian Traveller 28 (June 1932): 17-18).

______. Radio interview with Ken Sullivan. [1936?] TD, with ms amendments. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library MLMSS 1878. ______. Reference for John Metcalfe for the position of Librarian, University of Melbourne. 13 October 1925. TD. SLNSW archives NPL34. ______. "Report on Library Activities in N.S.W. 1937-1938." 1938. TD. SLNSW archives NPL56. ______. Report on the Library of the Department of Agriculture. [1930s?] TD. SLNSW archives NPL250.

______. "The Rotarian as Citizen." Undated TD. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878.______. "Rotary and the Education of Public Opinion." Undated. TD. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. (Published in Pinion 8 (September 1937): 25-36).

417

______. "Rotary and World Peace." Undated. TD. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. Copy also in SLNSW archives NPL245. ______. "Some Travel Observations." Undated, but from context 1936. TD. Notes for lectures and addresses, 1922-39. TNn and ANn. SLNSW archives NPL244. ______. "Tradition Speech". Undated AN. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. ______. "What the State Offers the Citizen: The Public Library." [1932?] Duplicated typescript. SLNSW, General Reference Library.

"Instructions in case of emergency, 1939-1941." [incorrectly labelled 1929-1931]. SLNSW archives, box NPL248. Jones, David J. Calculation of W. H. Ifould's height. AN. In the possession of the author. Kelly, W. Stan. Notes on G. C. Henderson. Undated, with accompanying note to W. H. Ifould dated Tarlee, South Australia, 22 Dec [1962]. TD. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. Kibble, N. B. "Notes on the Work of the Research Department of the Public Library." (Read at a meeting of the Society of Chemical Industry, 19 June 1929). TD. SLNSW archives NPL94.

______. "Report on the Public Library of Victoria: its methods of work, etc." 18 May 1917. TD. SLNSW archives NPL250. ______. Christmas card to W. H. Ifould, 1943. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. Libraries Advisory Committee. Correspondence. 1937-39. SLNSW archives old files box 8, file "Libraries Advisory Committee - correspondence." ______. Draft report. [May 1938]. TD. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)." ______. Files relating to shires. 1937-38. SLNSW archives box labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee File" and "Shires Abercrombie-Bland."

______. Final draft report. [1938]. TD. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)." ______. First draft report. [1938]. TD. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)." ______. "LAC Questionnaire" file. [1937]. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)," folder "LAC." ______. Preliminary report. 4 February 1938. TD. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

______. "LAC Appointment" file. [1937]. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)."

418

Library Association of Australasia. Minutes of meetings, 5 April 1898 to 24 February 1902. State Library of Victoria, La Trobe Library, MS 6256. Library Association of Australia. Associateship certificate of W. H. Ifould, dated 28 November 1964. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878x. ______. Fellowship certificate of W. H. Ifould. 28 November 1964. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878x. "Library Bill 1939 with notes for the Minister during the passing of the Bill, dated October 1939." Interleaved letterpress and TNn. SLNSW archives box labelled "Libraries Advisory Committee File" and "Shires Abercrombie-Bland."

"Library Development in New South Wales." 1935. TD. AONSW 20/13008. Library Group. Minutes of meeting, 13 June 1940. TD. SLNSW archives PL/N8, file "Library Group." ______. Minutes of Melbourne meeting, 11-12 December 1939. TD. SLNSW archives PL/N8, file "Library Group." McKay, Thomas Sidney. "Memoirs and Some Random Thoughts." 1988. TD. In possession of Mr. T. S. McKay, Exeter, New South Wales. [Manuscript file note]. "12/57446 [WHI appointment file] to Chief Clerk 20/10/32." AN. 20 October 1932. Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1910-13, AONSW 20/13002. (File 12/57446 is not in the box for 1932 (AONSW 20/13007), and has not been traced in the AONSW). Merrick, Ailsa. Reminiscences. AMs. [1990]. SLNSW, Mitchell Library file 92/90. Metcalfe, John Wallace. Confidential memorandum to Trustees. [1944]. TD. Bound in Trustees' Minute Books, 18 December 1944. ______. Interview by Hazel de Berg, 29 April 1974. Audiorecording and transcript. National Library of Australia, DeB 764-766. ______. Personal file. SLNSW archives, box N45. (This is the PLNSW personnel file for John Metcalfe).

______. "Public Library of New South Wales." [Notes for a speech on resigning from the PLNSW]. 27 January 1959. TD. SLNSW. Mitchell Library. Remington Papers, box 40A (Uncat Mss 808). (Published in John Wallace Metcalfe, The Development of a Library Profession in Australia: The International Travel Diaries and Other Papers of John Wallace Metcalfe. Edited by W. Boyd Rayward. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, forthcoming). ______. "A Scheme for Library Service in New South Wales." [1934]. TD. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report."

Miller, Edmund Morris. "Some Public Library Memories, 1900-1913." 1951. TD. State Library of Victoria, La Trobe Library Ms 5621, box 42/9. (Published, edited and with an introduction by Derek Drinkwater, La Trobe Library Journal 9 (April 1985): 49-88).

419

Mills, Fred. "William H. Ifould: His Birth and Life," by "The Twinkler" [i.e. Fred Mills]. TD. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. Minutes of a discussion between Drummond and Remington, 18 February 1937. TD. SLNSW archives, box "Libraries Advisory Committee (contd)", file "Free Library Movement." Mowle, W. M., G. McRae, and W. H. Ifould. Report to Secretary, Premier's Department, on Richmond Terrace. 13 December 1920. TD. SLNSW archives NPL90. Munn, Ralph. "Australia." [1936?] TD. Carnegie Corporation of New York archives. (Unsigned, undated report by Munn, prepared for Keppel, containing notes on people in the library field whom Keppel would meet on his visit to Australia). ______. New Zealand. [Undated]. TD. Carnegie Corporation of New York archives. Munn-Pitt Report. Correspondence on publication of report. 1934-1935. SLNSW archives "Libraries Advisory Committee (a) Munn-Pitt Report (b) Drummond Report." National Library Revised Plans, [report of the Advisory Committee]. 19 December 1933. TD. SLNSW archives NPL137. "Notes of an Interview" between the Trustees and Drummond. 9 November 1932. TLS. Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1936, AONSW 20/13009. Osborn, Andrew Delbridge. Interview by Hazel de Berg, 14 May 1962. Audiorecording and transcript. National Library of Australia DeB 44. Osborn, R. A., Secretary, Australian Club, to E. J. Merewether, 19 July 1989. TLS. (Enclosing extract from Candidates Book, Australian Club, dated 22 August 1938). Original in the possession of the author. Pitt, George Henry. "Notes for a farewell lecture on the history of the Public Library of S.A." [1955?] TNn, MSS on cards. State Library of South Australia, PRG 171, box 3. Partial transcript by Jean Whyte in the possession of the author.

Premier's Department. Index to Cabinet Decisions, 1931-47. AONSW 9/3026. "Proposed alterations to the financial provisions of the Library Bill, 1939." n.d. TD. PLNSW Confidential Papers. Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery of South Australia. Minute of the Library Committee approved and adopted by the Board of Governors at a meeting held on Friday 19 July 1912. Ifould Papers. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878x.

420

Public Service Board. Papers relating to the appointment of J. W. Metcalfe as Library Assistant, 1923/24. AONSW 5/8310.3. Remington, Geoffrey Cochrane. "Organising Australian Social Research." (Notes for an address). 23 September 1941. TD. SLNSW archives old files box 7, file "Social Research." Report of a conference [between the] Local Government Association and Minister for Education, 7 July 1939. TD. PLNSW Confidential Papers. "Report on the development of library activities since the year 1912." [c. 1919]. TD, unsigned, possibly by Nita Kibble. SLNSW, General Reference Library, NQ027.5944/3.

Research Department. Appreciations file. [c. 1941-43]. SLNSW archives old files box 7, file "Research Department Appreciations." ______. Record of researches. 1919-59. MS. SLNSW archives vols. NPL174- 199. Russell, J. E. "Australia notes." 1928. TD. Carnegie Corporation of New York Archives. Copy in the possession of the author. "A scheme of examination for admission to and promotion in the Public Library." [July 1916]. TD. SLNSW archives NPL90. "Schools of Arts and Kindred Institutions: Report of the Committee Appointed to Enquire into the Granting of Subsidies." TD. 1912. AONSW 4/2851. "Special Cases in Which Cabinet Approval is Sought." Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1910-13, AONSW 20/13002. Speeches at Ifould's farewell, 2 February 1942. TD. SLNSW archives old files box 8, folder "Ifould - speeches at farewell." Spencer, A. H. Correspondence with George Robertson, W. H. Ifould and Ida Leeson relating to the Angus and Robertson papers, 1933. State Library of Victoria, La Trobe MS 12361, box 3164/3, Series 1 Hill of Content. State Trophy Committee File. 1919-22. SLNSW archives NPL277.

"Statement of Duties, John Wallace Metcalfe." [1933]. Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1930-33, AONSW 20/13007. "Temporary War Museum." Plan, prepared by the Government Architect's Branch. 3 January 1920. SLNSW archives NPL136. Thomas, G. Ross. Memorandum regarding the Mitchell Librarianship. 3 November 1932. TD. Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, AONSW 20/13009. Transcript of deputation to A. G. F. James, Minister for Education. TD. 6 August 1918. Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1918-21, AONSW 20/13004.

Transcript of Public Service Board Inquiry, V. B. Cronin. TD. 18 March 1931. Department of Education, Subject Files, Public Library, 1930-33, AONSW 20/13007.

421

Trustees, Public Library of New South Wales. "Report of Sub-Committee anent Position of Principal Librarian, 24 July 1918." TD. PLNSW Confidential Papers. ______. Address under seal to W. H. Ifould on the occasion of his 90th birthday. 1967. Mitchell Library, MLMSS 1878. ______. Minutes of meetings of Committee considering the employment contract for W. H. Ifould. 6, 13 February 1919. TD. PLNSW Confidential Papers. Walters, Leonard Francis. Interview by Hazel de Berg, 20 August 1981. Audiorecording and transcript. National Library of Australia, DeB 810. Wesley Smith, H. E., Academic Registrar, University of Adelaide, to Wilma Radford, Roseville, N.S.W., 18 September 1974, 22 January 1975. TLS. In the author's possession. "W. H. Ifould Gift Account." [c. 1940-41]. SLNSW archives vol NPL233. Wright, Hugh. "Reports on Libraries in Europe and the United States." 1914-15. AMs. Mitchell Library MLMSS 2. ______. "Twenty Years Recollections of the National Rose Society of New South Wales." n.d. AM. Mitchell Library, B1655-2.

(iii) Dissertations

Bullard, C. G. "Professionalization: A Study of Librarianship." B.A. (Hons.) diss., University of New South Wales, 1970. Cass, Francis Michael Bernard. "Librarianship in New South Wales: Social History of a `Professional' Occupation." B.A. (Hons.) diss., University of New South Wales, 1970. Cleary, Jim. "Books for the Troops: The Role of Libraries and Librarians in World War II." M.Lib. diss., Monash University, 1986.

Daley, John Edward Clarence. "Decline of the School of Arts Movement in New South Wales, 1900-1940." Diploma in Librarianship general assignment, University of New South Wales, July 1980. Doust, Russell Fletcher. "The Administration of Official Archives in New South Wales 1870-1960." M.Lib. diss., University of New South Wales, 1969. Horrocks, Norman. "The Carnegie Corporation of New York and its Impact on Library Development in Australia." Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1971. Keane, M. V. "The Development of Education for Librarianship in Australia between 1896 and 1976, with Special Emphasis upon the Role of the Library Association of Australia." M.Lib. diss., Monash University, 1979.

422

Nelson, Jack R. "H. C. L. Anderson, Principal Librarian of the Public Library of New South Wales, 1893-1906: His Achievements and Significance." Ph.D. diss., University of New South Wales, 1991. Orlovich, Peter. "Library Legislation in New South Wales, 1867-1937." M.Lib. diss., University of New South Wales, 1971. Snibson, Rodney P. "The Free Library Movement in New South Wales, 1935-1944." M.A. diss., Monash University, 1987. Talbot, Michael R. "The Library Association of Australasia 1896-1902." Ph.D. diss., Monash University, 1985.

(iv) Personal communications: interviews and correspondence with the author

Arnot, Jean Fleming. Interview by author, 22 July 1989, Double Bay, N.S.W. Burgemeister, T. L., District Clerk, District Council of Waikerie, to the author, 17 July 1989. Button, R. E., Gawler, S.A., to the author, 4 June 1989. Cooke, Alex P., Budgewoi, to the author, 30 May 1989.

Coombs, H. C., Visiting Fellow, Australian National University, to the author, 28 August 1989. Cox, Michael, Chief Librarian, Rex Coats Memorial Library, Waikerie, S.A., to the author, 17 July 1989. Crook, Alison, State Librarian, State Library of New South Wales, to the author, 25 June 1991. Dobbie, May. Interview by author, 28 January 1991, Lane Cove, N.S.W. Doust, Russell Fletcher, State Librarian, State Library of New South Wales. Interview by author, 6 March 1987, Sydney.

Dunn, F. M., Royal Australian Historical Society, to the author, 17 May 1989. Fleischmann, Arthur, St. John's Wood, London, to the author, 10 May 1989. Harris, W. B., Mitchell Park, S.A., to the author, 2 June 1989. Haynes, Patricia, Records Manager, Carnegie Corporation of New York, to the author, 11 April 1990. Holman, George C., Brighton, Vic., to the author, 29 April 1989.

Horrocks, Norman, Metuchen, N.J., to the author, 11 May, 5 June, 2 August 1989.

Horton, Warren Michael, Director-General, National Library of Australia, Canberra, to the author, 22 July 1991.

423

Ifould, Mary. Interview by author, 18 May 1989, Bayview, N.S.W. Ifould, Polly, South Yarra, Vic., to the author, 10 May 1989. Lodewycks, Karel Axel, Box Hill South, Vic., to the author, 14 May 1989. McIntyre, Jo, Director, Information Services, State Library of New South Wales. Interview by author, 13 July 1993, Sydney. McKay, Thomas Sidney. Interviews by author, 27 July 1989 and 15 February 1990, Sydney. McKay, Thomas Sidney, Exeter, N.S.W., to the author, 15 July 1989; 2 July 1991.

Missingham, Hal, Darlington, W.A., to the author, 28 May 1989. Olding, Raymond Knox, Stirling, S.A., to the author, 1 August 1989. Osborn, Andrew Delbridge. Interview by author, 19 October 1989, Roseville, N.S.W. Penfold, Dulcie, Turner, A.C.T., to the author, 13 May, 6 June 1989. Powell, J. Enoch, London, to the author, 14 June 1989. Raymond, K. B., Sydney, to the author, July 1989.

Richardson, Gordon Dalyell, Inverness, Scotland, to the author, 22 March, 18 May 1989, 23 April 1991. Shinkfield, A. J., Headmaster, St. Peter's College, St. Peters, S.A., to the author, 21 August 1989. Thornton, R., Corporation of the City of Adelaide, to the author, 2 June 1989. Trevor, Alison. Interview by author, 19 October 1989, Roseville, N.S.W. White, Sir Harold Leslie. Interview by author, 11 July 1990, Canberra. Whitlam, Edward Gough. Telephone conversations with the author, 23 and 24 July 1989, Sydney.

Whyte, Jean Primrose, Mount Waverley, Vic., to the author, 25 May, 19 July 1990. Woodward, Helen C. Interview by author, 19 August 1993, Sydney.

(v) Publications by William Herbert Ifould

Ifould, William Herbert. "Angling in New South Wales." Home 13 (September 1932), 35, 64.

______. [Articles on gardening]. Sunday News (Sydney) and Evening News (Sydney). May 1918 - June 1921.

424

______. "Australia Requires a Better Library Service." In Proceedings of the Australian Library Conference held at the University of Melbourne, August 1928, 8-14. Melbourne: Government Printer, 1928. ______. "Bibliography of Architecture." Architect 17 (October 1928): 206-10. ______. Cataloguing Rules from the Principal Librarian's Lectures. Sydney: 192?. [Duplicated typescript. Copy in General Reference Library, State Library of New South Wales]. ______. "The Country Circulation Department of the Public Library of New South Wales." In Proceedings and Papers of Fourth Conference of Representatives held at Dunedin, 13th and 14th January 1926, by the Libraries Association of New Zealand, 13-17. Dunedin: Evening Star, Printers, 1926. ______. "The Country Reference Section of the Public Library of New South Wales." Library Journal 43 (July 1918): 476-81. ______. "Culture: Influence of Environment." In Culture in Wartime: Being Proceedings of Conference Held on September 1 1940, in the Rooms of the Fellowship of Australian Writers, 38 Clarence Street Sydney and Organised by Central Cultural Council, 30-36. Sydney: Central Cultural Council, 1941. ______. "Foreword." In Lionel Lindsay: Catalogue of Exhibition prior to his Departure for Europe. Adelaide: Preece, 1925. ______. "The Free Public Library." In Lismore District Education Week, Tweed Heads, 1924: Record of Proceedings, edited by B. J. Reilly, 77-82. Lismore: Northern Star, Printer, 1924. ______. "Has Henry Lawson's Verse Any Permanent Value?" Desiderata no. 2 (November 1929): 4-9. ______. Letter from W. H. Ifould to the Institutes Committee of the Public Library of South Australia, Reporting on a Suggestion that an Officer Should Visit Certain Institutes with a Collection of Books with the Object of Interesting Country People in the Circulation Section. Adelaide: n.p., 1906. ______. "Letter to the Editor." Library Record of Australasia 1 (July 1901): 49. (On the use of the Dewey Decimal Classification in small libraries).

______. "Letter to the Editor." Library Record of Australasia 2 (June 1902): 65- 66. (On lady cataloguers). ______. Library Association of Australasia, Adelaide Meeting, October 1900: Loan Exhibition Catalogue. Adelaide: Government Printer, 1900. ______. "Library Classification." In Proceedings of the Sydney Meeting, October 1898, by the Library Association of Australasia, 19-23. Sydney: Hennessey, Campbell & Co., 1898. ______. "Library Classification." In Transactions and Proceedings at the Third General Meeting held at Melbourne, April 1902, by the Library Association of Australasia, 23-31. Melbourne: McCarron Bird & Co, 1902. (Also a reply by A. W. Brazier in an Editor's note, 31-32).

425

______. "Library Development in New South Wales." In Proceedings: Second Annual Meeting and Conference held at Melbourne, June 10th-12th, 1939, by the Australian Institute of Librarians, 61-70. Adelaide: Australian Institute of Librarians, 1940. ______. "Moulding Public Opinion." In Educating a Democracy, edited by W. G. K. Duncan, 116-43. Sydney: Angus and Robertson in conjunction with the Australian Institute of Political Science, 1936. (The papers in this collection were presented at an Australian Institute of Political Science Summer School in 1936. A selection of papers and discussion was broadcast over Radio 2GB during 1936). ______. "Presidential Address: The Future of the Institute." In Proceedings: First Annual Meeting and Conference held at Sydney, June 11th to 13th, 1938, by the Australian Institute of Librarians, 11-24. Melbourne: Brown, Prior and Anderson, 1939. ______. "The Public Library: A Suggestion to Increase its Usefulness." South Australian Institutes Journal 6 (24 April 1906): 177-79. ______. "Public Speaking." Australian Traveller 28 (June 1932): 17-18. ______. "Records of Our History in Picture and Manuscript." In Sydney Bridge Celebration, edited by Sydney Ure Smith and Leon Gellert, 76. Sydney: Art in Australia, 1932. ______. Report of the Librarian, July 23, 1912. Adelaide: n.p., 1912.

______. "Rotary and the Education of Public Opinion." Pinion 8 (September 1937): 25-36. ______. "The Sixth Object of Rotary." Pinion 3 (March 1926): 2-5. ______. "Solutions of the Housing Problem." In The Housing Problem in Australia: Papers read at the Winter Forum of the Australian Institute of Political Science, held in Wollongong, June 20-22 1947, 28-52. Sydney: Angus and Robertson in conjunction with the Australian Institute of Political Science, 1947. ______. Sweet Pea Culture. Sydney: Anderson, 1923. ______. Sweet Pea Culture. New ed. Sydney: Anderson, 1924.

______. "Sydney Public Library: The University of the Workers." Australian Worker, 22 August 1918, 17.______. "The Technologist and Bibliographical Research." In Proceedings: Second Annual Meeting and Conference held at Melbourne, 1939, by the Australian Institute of Librarians, 92-98. Adelaide: Australian Institute of Librarians, 1940. (Edited version of Ifould, "Co-operation in bibliographical research in industry." 19 July 1939. TD. Address delivered at a combined meeting of the Australian Chemical Institute and the Australian Institute of Librarians New South Wales Branch. SLNSW archives old files box 6 - Addresses delivered by the Principal Librarian). ______. "The Treatment of Pamphlets." Library Record of Australasia 1 (October 1901): 139-40.

Ifould, William Herbert, and E. Mortimer Richards. International Rotary Convention, St Louis, USA . . . 1923 [reports to] Sydney, Australia, Rotary Club. Sydney: n.p., 1923.

426

(vi) Publications by others, including monographs, journal articles and conference papers

Adams, John. "More than `Librarie Keepers.'" In Books, Libraries and Readers in Colonial Australia: Papers from the Forum on Australian Colonial Library History held at Monash University 1-2 June 1984, edited by Elizabeth Morrison and Michael Talbot, 93-101. Clayton, Vic.: Graduate School of Librarianship, Monash University, 1985.

Adelaide Public Library: A Cumbrous Board. Adelaide: n.p., 1912. (Reprinted from the Advertiser (Adelaide), 29 July 1912). Aitkin, Don. "`Countrymindedness' - The Spread and Idea." In Australian Cultural History, edited by S. L. Goldberg and F. B. Smith, 50-57. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Alexander, Fred. Campus at Crawley: A Narrative and Critical Appreciation of the First Fifty Years of the University of Western Australia. Melbourne: Cheshire for the University of Western Australia Press, 1963. Amos, Keith. The New Guard Movement 1931-1935. Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press, 1976.

Anchen, J. O. Frank Tate and his Work for Education. Melbourne: Australian Council for Educational Research, 1956. Anderson, Henry Charles Lennox. "Cataloguing." In Account of the Proceedings: First Australasian Library Conference held at Melbourne on the 21st, 22nd, 23rd and 24th April 1896, 15-17. Melbourne: Government Printer, [1896]. ______. Report on the Formation and Initiatory Work of the Intelligence Department, July 1905-August 1907. Intelligence Department Bulletin, no. 21. Sydney: Government Printer, 1907. ______. "Women as Library Assistants." Library Record of Australasia 1 (October 1901): 98-99.

Angel, J. R. The Australian Club 1838-1988. Sydney: John Ferguson in association with the Australian Club, 1988. Arnot, Jean Fleming. "Ifould, William Herbert." In ALIAS: Australia's Library, Information and Archives Services, edited by Harrison Bryan, vol. 2: 36. Sydney: ALIA Press, 1989. ______. "Ifould, William Herbert." In Australian Dictionary of Biography, vol. 9. ______. "Kibble, Nita Bernice." In Australian Dictionary of Biography, vol. 9.

______. "Miss Nita Bernice Kibble." Australian Library Journal 11 (April 1962): 90. ______. "William Herbert Ifould, O.B.E., F.L.A., F.L.A.A., 1877-1969." Library Staff News (Public Library of New South Wales). April 1969, 24-25.

427

Australian Club. List of Members of the Australian Club Sydney. Sydney: Australian Club, 1947. Balnaves, John. Australian Libraries. Melbourne: F. W. Cheshire, 1966. (Also published: Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1966). Barker, A. W. Dear Robertson: Letters to an Australian Publisher. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1982. Barry, Hugh. Elanora: A History of the Elanora Country Club. Narrabeen, N.S.W.: Elanora Country Club, 1977. Beddie, Merle Kirkpatrick, ed. Bibliography of Captain James Cook, R.N., F.R.S., Circumnavigator. Sydney: Library of New South Wales, 1970. Bell, F. L. S. Report of Mr. F. L. S. Bell, M.A. of the Sydney Municipal Library, on his Return from a Tour in the United States of America. Sydney: Sydney Municipal Library, 1937. Bertie, Charles H. "The Organization of a Lending Library." In Proceedings of the Australian Library Conference held at the University of Melbourne, August 1928, 15-22. Melbourne: Government Printer, 1928. ______. A Short History of the Sydney Municipal Library, 1877-1927. Sydney: Sydney Municipal Library, 1927. Berzins, Baiba. "Ida Leeson." In Australian Library History: Papers from the Second Forum, on Australian Library History, Canberra, 19-20 July 1985, edited by Peter Biskup and Maxine K. Rochester, 100-104. Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1985. ______. "Leeson, Ida Emily." In Australian Dictionary of Biography, vol. 10. Binns, Kenneth. "The Commonwealth National Library." In Across the Years: The Lure of Early Australian Books, edited by Charles Barrett, 9-26. Melbourne: Seward, 1948. Biographical Index of South Australians 1836-1885. Edited by Jill Statton. Marden, S.A.: South Australian Genealogy and Heraldry Society, 1986. Birman, Wendy. "James Sykes Battye." In Western Perspectives: Library and Information Services in Western Australia, edited by Robert C. Sharman and Laurel A. Clyde, 17-20. Perth: Australian Library and Information Association, West Australian Branch, 1990. Biskup, Peter. "Captain Cook's Endeavour Journal and Australian Libraries: A Study in Institutional One-upmanship." Australian Academic and Research Libraries 18 (September 1987): 137-49. ______. "Edward Augustus Petherick and the National Library of Australia, 1909-1917." In Australian Library History: Papers from the Second Forum on Australian Library History, Canberra, 19-20 July 1985, edited by Peter Biskup and Maxine K. Rochester, 75-99. Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1985.

______. Library Models and Library Myths. Sydney: University of New South Wales, 1984.

428

______. "The Strange Case of the Manuscripts of Major-General Lachlan Macquarie, Governor of New South Wales." Aplis: Australasian Public Libraries and Information Services 1 (August 1988): 91-102. Biskup, Peter, and Doreen Goodman. Australian Libraries. 3d ed. London: Bingley, 1982. Bladen, Frank Murcott. Public Library of New South Wales: Historical Notes Commemorative of the Building of the Mitchell Wing. Sydney: Government Printer, 1906. ______. Public Library of New South Wales: Historical Notes. 2d ed. Sydney: Government Printer, 1911.

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Taylor, Alfred. "The Librarian and His Work." In Account of the Proceedings: First Australasian Library Conference held at Melbourne on the 21st, 22nd, 23rd and 24th April 1896, 33-35. Melbourne: Government Printer, [1896?]. Taylor, Fairlie. Time Recalled. Sydney: Alpha Books, 1978. Taylor, Florence M. "Australian Architecture: The Mitchell Library and its Prototypes." Building (Sydney) 12 March 1920, 67-85. Thompson, J. J. M. Alfred Conlon, 1908-1961: A Memorial by Some of His Friends. Sydney: Benevolent Society of New South Wales, 1963. Thompson, John. "E. Morris Miller and the Writing of `Libraries and Education.'" Australian Library Journal 29 (August 1980): 138-44. Tyrrell, James R. Old Books, Old Friends, Old Sydney. Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1952. Vincent, Ida. "The Campaign for Public Libraries in New South Wales, 1929- 1950." Libri 31 (1981): 271-93. ______. "Libraries in 1938." Australia 1938: A Bicentennial History Bulletin 3 (December 1980): 3-10. ______. "Public Libraries in New South Wales, 1935-1960: A Study in the Origins, Transformation and Multiplication of Organizational Roles." Library Quarterly 51 (October 1981): 363-79.

______. "Why Bother with Library History?" In Australian Library History: Papers from the Second Forum, on Australian Library History, Canberra, 19-20 July 1985, edited by Peter Biskup and Maxine K. Rochester, 1-15. Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1985. Watson, James Frederick. Papers Relating to the Editing of the Historical Records of Australia. Sydney: Penfold, 1926. White, Patrick. Patrick White Speaks. Sydney: Primavera Press, 1989. White, Richard. Inventing Australia: Images and Identity, 1688-1980. Sydney: George Allen and Unwin, 1981.

Whitehead, Derek. "AM and PM: The Munn-Pitt Report in Context." Australian Library Journal 30 (February 1981): 4-10. Whitlam, Edward Gough. "The Munn-Pitt Report - 50 Years On." Australian Library Journal 35 (February 1986): 40-45. Whyte, Jean Primrose. "Direct Service to Readers." In Design for Diversity: Library Services for Higher Education and Research in Australia, edited by Harrison Bryan and Gordon Greenwood, 271-312. St. Lucia, Qld.: University of Queensland Press, 1977.

______. "From ALA to LAA - the Australian Institute of Librarians." In Australian Library History: Papers from the Second Forum, on Australian Library History, Canberra, 19-20 July 1985, edited by Peter Biskup and Maxine K. Rochester, 122-33. Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1985.

442

______. "Harrison Bryan and the Making of Australian Library History." In An Enthusiasm for Libraries: Essays in Honour of Harrison Bryan, edited by Jean P. Whyte and N. A. Radford, 35-56. Melbourne: Ancora Press, 1988. ______. "John Metcalfe and the Library Association of Australia." Australian Library Journal 20 (May 1971): 5-13. ______. "To Unite Persons Engaged in Library Work: The Australian Institute of Librarians." Australian Library Journal 36 (November 1987): 193-207.

(vii) Newspaper articles

Advertiser (Adelaide). 6 April 1912. Advertiser (Adelaide). 29 July 1912. "Adelaide Public Library: `A Cumbrous Board,' Ex-Librarian's Comments." (Reprinted as Adelaide Public Library: A Cumbrous Board. Adelaide: n.p., 1912). Australian Women's Weekly, 23 February 1935. "Women passed over in the Service." Bingara Telegraph. 15 October 1913. "The National Library: A Neglected Building."

Daily Guardian (Sydney). 22 October 1929. "The Dixson Pictures." Daily Mirror (Sydney). 23 March 1944. "Art Treasures Return Home." Daily Mirror (Sydney). 6 September 1948. "Steps." (Letter to the Editor). Daily Mirror (Sydney). 9 April 1969. "Jim MacDougall's Town Talk." Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 19 April 1912. "The Principal Librarian." (Letter to the Editor). Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 22 May 1912. "The Principal Librarian." (Letter to the Editor, by Dr. J. F. Watson).

Daily Telegraph Sydney). 21 June 1912. "Chief Librarian: Mr. Ifould's Career." Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 25 June 1912. Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 1 April 1913. "Our National Library: Not Up-to-date: Defects and their Causes," Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 23 October 1925. "Flinders Statue: Unveiled by Governor."

Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 10 November 1925. "In Melbourne: A Great Public Library."

Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 21 October 1927. "'Fort' Without Guns: Queer Macquarie Street Building is Puzzle: Blot on City's Beauty."

443

Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 22 October 1929. "New Dixson Wing of Mitchell Library." Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 27 June 1935; 20 October 1937. Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 25 September; 8, 9, 10, 11, 17, 25 October 1940. Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 4 October 1940. "»4000 for 3 Doors at Library." Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 13 November 1940. "Overseas Ideas to Improve our Art." Daily Telegraph (Sydney). 23 June 1960. "He's not the retiring sort: at 83, Bill pads up for a second innings." Evening News (Sydney). 23 May 1912. "`Breach of Etiquette:' Appointing Principal Librarian: Mr. Carmichael and the Trustees." Evening Star (Boulder, W.A.). 30 October 1909. Industrial Australian and Mining Standard. 15 January 1939. Inverell Times. 17 February 1939. Newcastle Sun, 5 October 1937, 12 August 1941. Newcastle Morning Herald, 22 September 1941.

Observer (Adelaide). 16 June 1906. Pix. 7 December 1940. "Refugees." Register (Adelaide). 30 May 1906. "The Late Mr. E. L. Ifould." Register (Adelaide). 17 August 1912. "Adelaide Public Library: `A Cumbrous Board:' Ex-Librarian's Comments." Register (Adelaide). 17 August 1912. "The Public Library: An Officer's Criticism." Revolutionary Socialist. December 1928."Capitalist Government and Culture."

Smith's Weekly. 7 September 1940. "Tasman's Map etcetera." Smith's Weekly. 24 June 1944. "Trifould Musketeers." Smith's Weekly. 12 May 1945. "Ifould retires." Sun (Sydney). 19 March 1925. "Pegged Out: Shakespeare's Statue." Sun (Sydney). 26 November 1935; 7 April, 7, 19 October, 18 November 1937. Sun (Sydney). 4 November 1940. "Value of Books to Pupils."

Sun (Sydney). 23 November 1940. "Intern them all". [letter to the Editor, with reply by Ifould]. Sun (Sydney). 13 October 1941. "Newspaper Scene in `Sun' Gift."

444

Sun (Sydney). 7 May 1945. "Ifould resigns from W.O.I." Sunday Times (Sydney). 17 June 1928. "Civil Civil Servant." Sydney Morning Herald. 21 June 1912. "The New Librarian: An Active Career." Sydney Morning Herald. 21 June 1912. (Letter to the Editor by Dr. J. F. Watson). Sydney Morning Herald. 22 June 1912. "Public Librarian: Civil Service Claims." Sydney Morning Herald. 24 June 1912. "Appointment of the Principal Librarian." Sydney Morning Herald. 1, 8 August 1912

Sydney Morning Herald. 27 June 1922. "New Statue for Sydney." Sydney Morning Herald. 4 June 1928. [King's Birthday Honours]. Sydney Morning Herald. 22 October 1929. "Dixson Gallery Opened by Governor." Sydney Morning Herald. 23 October 1929. "Henry Lawson: `Poetry will not live:' Mr. Ifould's Views." Sydney Morning Herald. 29 July 1931. Sydney Morning Herald. 7 December 1932. "Appointments for women." (Letter to the Editor by Mildred Muscio).

Sydney Morning Herald. 31 August 1933. "A Cold Library." (Letter to the Editor). Sydney Morning Herald. 27 June, 26 November 1935; 7, 20 October 1937. Sydney Morning Herald. 7 April 1939. "Free Libraries: "Burden on Councils", Bill Criticised." Sydney Morning Herald. 13 September 1940. "New Public Library: Embellishments in Stone and Bronze." Sydney Morning Herald. 14 October 1940. "New Public Library: Striking Features of Building."

Sydney Morning Herald. 4 February 1942. Sydney Morning Herald. 8 April 1969. "W. H. Ifould, Former Librarian, dies at 92." Truth (Sydney). 29 September 1940. "Foreign Sculptors." [Letter to the Editor].