F-14A+/B Black Sea campaign

The fall of 1989 was a very turbulent time for the . Much of the Warsaw Pact was actively undergoing major changes of government or outright revolution. Romania had completely overthrown their government while Hungary and Czechoslovakia were undergoing major reforms as part of a transformation towards democracy. The Berlin wall had fallen and East and West Germany were heading towards reunification. It was also the USSR’s worst year for grain production since the mid-1960s. Poor rainfall and high temperatures over the summer led to a 5-10% decline in total production. The USSR has depended on US exports to shore up deficits in grain production since the 1960s, but current US export rates cannot fill the gap this year due to the size of the shortage. This has real political consequences for Gorbachev and his policies of reform for the coming year.

Mikhail Gorbachev continued his policies of “” and “Glasnost” within the Soviet Union, creating a more progressive and open means of governance. The intention is also to reinvigorate the economy and improve quality of life for the typical USSR citizen. However, this decentralization of power creates political enemies within the central components of the Soviet Union (Politburo and Central Committee) as the Communist party loses power. His approval among the populace and CPD deputies waned considerably by early 1990 as the effects of the grain shortage began to manifest. Gorbachev’s policy of change was already drawing significant criticisms from both sides as the rate of change for those needing help seemed far too slow while others felt that his new policies were destabilizing the government. Finding a middle ground between these two perspectives was proving difficult.

As part of the planned transformation of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev planned to transition from General Secretary of the CPSU to the President of the USSR with an elected Vice-President as well. Gorbachev taps several different Soviet Politicians for rd the VP post, but his 3 ​ choice is the only to accept. The other candidates refuse ​ ( and ), fearing their own political ​ decline if Gorbachev’s popularity continued to decline. Gennady Yanayev tentatively accepts the position with a planned election in early 1990.

th On March 15 ,​ 1990 the first election is held with only Gorbachev on the ballot ​ and votes to be cast by Deputies of the Congress of People’s Duties (2250 members). There are other candidates are nominated on the day of the election by CPD deputies or members of the Politburo, including Vadim Bakatin and Nikolai ​ ​ ​ Ryzhkov. A large number of deputies are also ready to place their support behind the VP candidate, Gennady Yanayev, who advocates for continued strong centralized ​ Soviet power to address the grain shortage and better facilitate industrial improvements. This represents a reversal of Gorbachev’s policy of decentralization and openness within the government as a means of driving improvements.

On the day of the election, many deputies request a delay in the election for a more open debate of the issues and potential candidates. Despite their numbers, these candidates are overruled and the vote proceeds as planned. Many deputies abstain from voting while others cast votes for candidates who are not officially on the ballet. Gorbachev receives 40% of the vote and is severely weakened as head of state. The current state appears chaotic with many high-ranking officials pulling their support and even long-term allies are hesitating, concerned about their political future.

The CPD vote and failure were highly publicized within the USSR, facilitated by Gorbachev’s own “glasnost” policy and his political opponents. The broad perception is that of a Soviet central government fragmented and without real leadership. With strong nationalistic currents building in many Eastern Bloc and Soviet nations, there is broad support for referendums in several countries pushing for independence from the Soviet Union. Especially with the current grain shortage and general economic stagnation, many governments are hopeful that they can negotiate assistance packages and grain imports from European countries and the US, all of which stand to gain much security from a weakening or disintegration of the Soviet Union. Many Soviet Bloc or Eastern Bloc nations were already drafting these referendums and had broad political support to move forward, the process became accelerated as local governments sought solutions to their economic woes.

Internal debate within the central organs of the Communist party, including the Central Committee and Politburo, sought to create a new coalition of support for a central leader to restore stability to the central government. Most high-ranking Soviet officials felt that Gorbachev’s image was too tarnished and his position too weak to continue as leader of the Soviet Union. However, with so many current senior officials appointed by Gorbachev himself, creating broad support for another leader was a difficult and time-consuming process. After a month of internal negotiations and coalition building, the Central Committee planned to appoint Gennady Yanayev as the new Soviet President with Nikolai Ryzhkov as ​ ​ Vice-President. The appointment would avoid the chaos of the last election with the new leaders planning future elections by the people once the internal structure of the government was better established. The new President and Vice-President st would begin their term on May 1 ,​ 1990. ​

While the central Soviet government struggled to organize and re-establish strong leadership, several Soviet states were moving forward with their Declarations of State Sovereignty. These states included Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia, Lithuania, Belarus, Azerbaijan, Moldova, and Latvia. President Yanayev took office st on May 1 ,​ 1990 with the immediate priority of halting the succession of Soviet ​ states. The succeeding Soviet states had very broad public support for their independence and citizens were hopeful that European countries and the US would support their needs for grain and trade.

The leadership change in the Soviet Union was a major setback for NATO and the US. While was moving the Soviet Union towards much more progressive national policies and less aggressive stance towards NATO, they feared that Yanayev would reverse these policies and attempt to maintain the . The ongoing START treaty negotiations were cancelled and several modern Soviet units were redistributed from the center of the Soviet Union (Odessa and Transcaucasus military districts) to Western Europe and borders with the recently fallen Iron curtain. The Bush administration reopened negotiations with the President Yanayev who took are resounding “pro-Soviet” hardline stance during their initial conversations. Any move that reduced Soviet military power or influence was a non-starter and negotiations quickly stalled.

This change had the largest effect on the ongoing negotiations concerning the German reunification. Germany was steadily progressing towards a unified state, starting with the resounding defeat of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany in free elections in East Germany. There was also considerable economic pressure as the East German economy was collapsing in late-1989 with the East German Mark holding almost no value outside of East Germany. This led to intense discussions on an emergency economic merger, called the “Vertrag über die Schaffung einer ​ Währungs”, allowing for East Germany to adopt the Deutsche Mark and transfer their financial sovereignty to West Germany. This economic merger went into effect st on July 1 ,​ 1990 with negotiations of the complete reunification. As the economic ​ merger was progressing, another rounds of negotiations were underway to allow complete reunification, which required the four original members of the Potsdam agreement (US, Soviet Union, UK, and France) to relinquish their claim to German territory. Mikhail Gorbachev had relented and allowed East Germany to move towards reunification, but Yanayev seemed to have different ideas. The Soviet Union refused to relinquish its stake in German territory, derailing the reunification process. The East Germans were adamant about moving forward and widespread protests broke out in East Germany against their Soviet occupiers.

These events led to a forceful debate and response on the floor of the UN, with very broad support across European nations and eastern European countries recently released from the bounds of the Warsaw Pact and Iron curtain. However, no UN resolution could be passed as all proposals were swiftly vetoed in the UN Security Council by the Soviet Union and China.

With negotiations stalled, NATO considered their options and responses. Direct intervention in Germany was very risky with a large number of expected civilian casualties. The preferred approach was to apply strategic counter-pressure to the Soviet Union. Turkey, a member of NATO since 1952, accepted a plan to declare the Soviet Union a potential threat under the Montreux Agreement and block passage of all Soviet ships, including the strategically important Black Sea fleet, through the Bosoporus. Preventing these ships from passing into or out of the Mediterranean from the Black Sea. This would effectively seal this important military resource within the Black Sea, as well as limiting commerce and trade with the Soviet Black Sea states. To add to the closure and enforce the blockade, the US Navy would pass through the Bosporus and into the Black Sea to exercise their newfound freedom of Navigation in the Black Sea, which would now be permitted under the Montreux Agreement. Turkey offered to reclassify the Soviet Union once the reunification in Germany is allowed to continue and Soviet forces withdraw from German soil.

Turkey/NATO also went a step further allowing Black Sea states that succeed from the Soviet Union to retain their freedom of navigation through the Turkish straits. This further incentivized Georgia and Ukraine to continue their move towards independence, as there were clear economic benefits to retaining passage out of the Black Sea for exports.

As expected, this move generated a serious outcry from the Soviet government, claiming that NATO was violating its international sovereignty and harming its citizens already affected by a food shortage. The Black Sea region was generally far from NATO assets (excluding Turkey) and had fewer defenses, as it was deep inside the disintegrating Warsaw Pact and Iron Curtain. The northern Caucasus region remained one of ’s most important crude oil producing regions with nearly a quarter of Soviet oil coming from the region. This oil production was essential for revenue, supporting agricultural production (also a major industry of the Black Sea region), and military/government fuel requirements. The Soviet Union regarded this region as vulnerable given their currently deployed military resources.

However, the response of other nations to Soviet concerns was lukewarm at best. China spoke publicly at the UN in support of the Soviet Union, questioning the declaration of the USSR as a “threatening nation”, and also offered some degree of food support. China stopped short of forming a coalition or offering military support. Given the recent Soviet actions in Germany, there was little support for the Soviet’s disposition in Europe or the rest of Asia. Furthermore, the justification for retaining German territory seemed more about demonstrating Soviet strength than a definable military or political benefit. While East Germany formed the western Soviet frontier, the Poland leaving the Warsaw Pact and several Baltic states, including Lithuania and Latvia, pushing for independence. East Germany would be an isolated military island for the Soviets that would prove difficult to resupply and maintain. For these reasons, Bush administration officials expected the Soviet Union to relent once political pressure was sufficiently applied since East Germany was of questionable value to the Soviets moving forward.

To provide further political pressure, the US Secretary of Defense recommended dispatching a Carrier Battle Group to the Black Sea for the first “freedom of navigation” exercise to demonstrate US resolve on the matter and also reassure Soviet Black Sea states (such as Ukraine and Georgia) that succession would be supported by US and NATO. Of the 4 deployed CVBGs, USS Saratoga was operating in the Mediterranean and ordered to proceed into the Eastern Mediterranean south of Greece. This plan was initially unpopular with the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Any US CVBG operating in the Black Sea would be within easy strike distance of Tu-22M Backfires stationed in the Black Sea around Sevastopol. The number of Backfires in the region had fallen as many aircraft were redeployed to the Baltic to support a Black Sea fleet detachment operating in the region. There was also uncertainty regarding the number of operational Backfires as they had a known short engine life requiring frequent changes with an inadequate number of available spares (this was true). The CIA estimated that roughly 30% of deployed Backfires were mission available at any given time.

Still the Joint Chiefs considered this a high-risk deployment. Initially, the CVBG would be relatively defensive with the only task of assuming maritime superiority in the region. However, the opportunity for offensive operations against petroleum/oil production and the transportation infrastructure, used for the shipping of food from the fertile and temperate Black Sea region, could be of significant strategic value. The Secretary of Defense, Dick Cheney, was convinced that the Soviets would relent after even modest pressure and would not risk a major conflict on multiple fronts. President Bush, a former Naval Aviator himself, had some misgivings with the current plan. He understands the true value of the sailors and airmen who would be deployed as a show of force with significant potential risks. However, there are few alternatives that do not risk many civilian lives. Also, operations in this region could impact the Soviet support system and curtail operations both on the Western front. President Bush decided to proceed, but planned to reinforce the CVBG with USS Independence and her escorts, currently operating in the northern Arabian Sea. This would greatly improve the self-defense capabilities of the Battle Group and allow for more operational flexibility.

There were several carrier battle groups deployed (USS Eisenhower, USS Independence, USS Saratoga, and USS Midway) with several more carriers preparing to sail early based on increased Soviet tensions (USS America, USS John F. Kennedy, USS Ranger, and USS Theodore Roosevelt). As ordered, USS Saratoga continued east and into the Eastern Mediterranean. From there, she passed into the Aegean Sea and patrolled off western Turkey. With the Soviets holding their ground, President Bush ordered the USS Saratoga to pass through the Turkish straits and enter the Black Sea for a freedom of navigation exercise in mid-October 1990.

Once in the Black Sea, the Soviets wasted little time searching for the USS Saratoga and her escorts. Providing 24-hour CAP coverage is operationally challenging with a single airwing, so CVW-17 adopted a somewhat random pattern of flight ops with intermingled days of alert status. Initial operations took place in the Western Black Sea near the Bosporus and some distance from Soviet forces, allowing the crew to settle back into flight ops and establish their operational plans for the Black Sea. Soviet over flights were prevented by CAPing or Alert F-14s. After the initial warm-up, so to speak, Saratoga and her Battle Group headed east into the Black Sea and assumed EMCON to avoid detection, relying upon the E-2C on station some 150 nm from the Battle Group. During routine flight ops, the E-2C would be aloft 24 hours a day while the RADAR of USS Saratoga’s escorts would be used while on alert status. The plan was to avoid a shadowing Soviet Warship that would constantly report the position of the Battle Group.

With USS Saratoga and Battle Group in the Black Sea, the US was expecting a different tone during subsequent meetings with Soviet officials. Despite internal pressure from Black Sea states, the Soviet leadership refused to change its position on their East Germany. Instead, the Soviets continued their build-up of the western border, including Su-27s from the 641st Guards Interceptor Aviation Regiment who joined the 159th Guards Fighter Aviation Regiment stationed near Stargard Poland and mechanized troops who reinforced the Polish border with Belarus. NATO responds by activating Operation “Reforger”, calling up units that participate in the yearly exercise in West Germany.

However, the greatest increase in tension was building within East Germany and the Soviet Union. With hopes of German reunification fading and living conditions in East Germany steadily worsening, the populace began taking to the streets in protest of their Soviet oppressors, resurrecting the “Monday protests” started in 1989. The Monday protests grew in number and progressed to daily protests and spread throughout the country. As the numbers increased and spread to more cities, the local police began looking to the East German and Soviet military to provide manpower. Furthermore, these events in Europe were leading to serious issues in the rest of the Soviet Union, which was starting to visibly fracture. Already strained by a poor economy and shortage of resources across the USSR, both Ukraine and Georgia feared profound negative effects from the Black Sea embargo where conditions were already poor. Ukraine saw potential for real improvements with succession and pressure was building from the population. These problems began to manifest within the military as well. Readiness fell to a new low with chronic shortages of spares and personnel among all branches of the military. Especially in the western states, troop desertion, breakdowns in discipline, and weapons smuggling among Soviet troops became a routine fact of life. But this morale problem seemed trivial compared to the unrest in East Germany. By the end of October, the protests were gathering momentum and Berlin saw a march with more rd than 100,000 people. On November 3 ,​ a massive protest of nearly 200,000 ​ marched south out of Berlin and headed for the Headquarters of Western Group Forces (WGF - Soviet military in East Germany – roughly twice the size of the East German military). The Commander of the WGF, Boris Sentkov, viewed the approaching protesters as a direct threat to both his authority and the effective function of the WGF itself. He ordered mechanized troops to interdict north of the town and dispatched some 40,000 troops over a few hours.

The WGF made a minimal effort to diffuse the protestors peacefully, but the huge crowd refused to disperse and continued to approach the WGF forces. As the crowd continued, the Soviet WGF forces issued final warning calls, but when the warnings were ignored the Soviets opened fire. Within minutes, hundreds had been killed and the crowd quickly scattered into the countryside. Unfortunately for both sides, news of the killings would lead even larger crowds and riots in Berlin. President Yanayev tersely ordered Boris Sentkov to take control of “security” and large numbers of tanks and troops streamed into Berlin. But the West Germans would no longer tolerate the situation and could not standby as the Soviet occupiers attacked German citizens. At midnight, 4 sections of IDS Tornados of Jagdbombergeschwader 32 thundered out Lechfeld AFB in Bavaria to strike the WGF forces and HQ south of Berlin. The Tornados were escorted by German F-4Fs and crossed into East Germany less than 30 minutes after departing Lechfeld.

The West Germans alerted their NATO allies, particularly the UK and US that had bases scattered throughout West Germany. NATO leadership was surprised by the attack, considering it a reactionary move. Though they recognized that Soviet forces would soon counterattack and history strongly favors the force that strikes first. NATO’s best option was a swift offensive to disable front-line Soviet forces, destroy the Soviet air-defense network, and compromise communications to create chaos among East German units. It was hoped that rapid and decisive strike would convince the Soviets that the conflict could not be won and force a withdrawal. Many countries have hoped for the same in the past . …

Within 30-45 minutes of NATO notification, the first UK and US forces were taking to the sky to clear Soviet aircraft and prepare for strikes against predetermined targets throughout East Germany. This included RAF Tornados out of RAF Bruggen and Gutersloh, RAF Phantom FGR.2s from RAF Wildenrath, F-15Cs from Bitburg AFB, and Wild Weasel hunter-killers (combined squadron of F-4Gs and F-16Cs) from Spangdahlem AFB. NATO ground forces organized and prepared to cross the border following the initial strikes. Communications also went out to USN CVBGs operating in the North Sea, Pacific, and Black Sea to prepare strike and remain alert for Soviet maritime attacks.

USS Saratoga and Independence had predetermined strike plans for targets in the Soviet Union, starting with air defenses, air bases, command and control sites. While the airwing was readied for the first wave of night strikes, the Battle Group kicked off their offensive by launching Tomahawk cruise missiles from their cruisers and USS Missouri. Primary targets were centers of communication and airbases including Sevastapol, Gudauta, and Kutaisi. In the early morning of November 4th CVW-17 and CVW-14 launched successive alpha strikes that headed overland to destroy radar installations, air defenses, and coastal air bases. Of course, MiGCAPs and fighter sweeps supported every strike to destroy every fighter that could be found.