ESSENCE OF THE DEMOCRATIC FRONT ( REVIE\1. OF T H E .\ I ONT i t ) .-\LEX. BlTTELi\IAN

Buildino· the D emocrati c Front CL.\REN E HATHAWAY

.'\ ores on the Defense of American D cmocrac\· DE0JN lS tuHl GREEN

l Tnemployment- . \.n Old Struggle LTnder New Condition:; H. B.

The E co nomic Cri::;i ::; RO HERT T .-\RK

The Fallacies of Stuart Chase CH ILDS and . I EYER

TWENTY CENTS PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION ISSUE Builders of the Democratic Front!

NEW PAMPHLETS TO READ AND DISTRIBUTE

CONCERTED ACTION OR ISOLATION: WHICH IS THE ROAD TO PEACE? by Earl Browder______.I 0 A brilliant exposition on the policy of collective security

TRAITORS IN AMERICAN HISTORY, by Earl Browder ______.05 The Moscow treason trials reflected in American history

WE ACCUSE: THE STORY OF TOM MOONEY, by Vito Marcantonio ______------·----··------·05 A stirring review of the most notorious frame-up in American labor history

UPTON SINCLAIR ON THE SOVIET UNION ______.02 An open letter addressed to the Trotskyite Red-baiter Eugene Lyons

STOP WAGE-CUTS AND LAYOFFS ON THE RAILROADS, by William Z. Foster ______------·05 A reply to the slanders of Mr. Cashen, of the Switchmen's Union

STUDENTS UNDER ARMS, by Nancy Bedford-Jones ______.05 Education in Republican Spain under war conditions

THE PEOPLE'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, by A. B. Magil ______... 03 A legislative program to meet the needs of the people

LABOR CONDEMNS TROTSKYISM ______.03 Resolution adopted by the Mexican Confederation of Labor • Order from your bookshop or from WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS P. 0. Box 148, Sta. D New York City VOL. XVII, No. S MAY, 1988 7he COMMUNIST

A MAGAZINE OF THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF MARXISM-LENINISM PUBLISHED MONTHLY BY THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE U.S.A. EDITORS: EARL BROWDER, ALEX BITTELMAN, Y. ]. JEROME •

CONTENTS

Pre-Convention Discussion Articles

Review of the Month .

Building the Democratic Front CLARENCE A. HATHAWAY 404

Notes on the Defense of American Democracy GENE DENNIS and GIL GREEN 410

Unemployment-An Old Struggle Under New Conditions H. B. 419

The Economic Crisis ROBERT STARK 429

Edgar Snow's "Red Star Over China" V. J. JEROME and LI CHUAN 445

Fascist Penetration in Latin America SAMUEL PUTNAM 458

Philosophic Nihilism Serves Reaction MORRIS CHILDS and FRANK MEYER 468

Entered u second cltJSS matter November .t, I927, at the Post Office at New Yor.t, N. Y., under the A.ct of .March !J, IB79· Send checlts, money orders and correspondence to THE CoMMUNIST, P. 0. Box I48, Sta. D (,o E. IJth St.), New Yor.t. Subscription rates: $.t.DO a 7u.r; II .DO for six months; foreign and Canada $.t.,o a 7ear. Single copies 20 cents. nnrru 1• v.u. ~108 a New Boolr of World Signilicancel THE UNITED FRONT Problems of Working Class Unity and the People's Front in the Struggle Against Fascism and War By GEORGI DIMITROFF

Price $2.00.

This book, written by the leader of the Communist International, is a thorough exposition of the policy of the United and People's Front, which is mobilizing the world to the struggle against fascism and war. Together with Earl Browder's book, The People's Front, everyone who wishes to be an effective fighter in the ranks of progress and democ­ racy should get a copy of the Marxist Book-of-the-Month selection for May, The United Front, by Georgi Dimitroff. These two books are companion volumes. They complement each other. While one takes up the problems of the United and People's Front in America, the other discusses these problems on a world scale. In addition to the great Seventh World Congress report, this volume contains articles on how to achieve working-class unity against fascism, on the rise of the People's Front movement, on its development in France, Spain, China and other countries, on the relation of the Soviet Union to the working class of the capitalist countries, and a wealth of other material.

MARXIST BOOK-OF-THE-MONTH SELECTION FOR MAY • Order From Your Local Bookshop or From Workers library Publishers P. 0. Box 148, Sta. D. New York City REVIEW OF THE MONTH

Lovestoneism Speaking Through Homer Martin. The Democratic Party Primaries and Labor's Non-Partisan League. Who Is the Main Enemy and How to Fight Him. Problems Before the Tenth National Communist Con­ vention. Forces of Democratic Front. Aims of Reaction and Aims of Progressives. Organizational Expressions of Democratic Front. Role and Tasks of Working Class. The Struggle for Democracy and the Struggle for Socialism. What Does Leninism Say1 Program of Democratic Front. C.I.O. Proposes Action. Roosevelt's Relief Recommendations and the Offensive of Reaction. On Mass Support and Mass Pressure. The Old Congress and the New. Coughlin Comes Back. Leninist Policy Versus Lifeless Formulas. Can We Have Democracy at Home Without Checking Fascism Abroad1 Security, Democracy and Peace Are Parts of One Fight. Building a Mass Party Trained in Marxism-Leninism. Greetings to Tenth Convention.

OMER MARTIN, president of the ural," however, when we recall the H United Automobile Workers fact that Mr. Martin is also a close Union, saw fit to endorse and encour­ associate, a collaborator,· a devoted age opposition to the political can­ pupil of a professional factionalist didates which Labor's Non-Partisan and splitter-a person named Love­ League is supporting in Illinois. He stone. When this is remembered, the did so at a meeting of the Illinois rest is clear. It becomes evident then Labor Party, a somewhat irregular that it was Lovestone, speaking meeting, held on April 4 in Chicago. through· Mr. Martin, who sought to At first glance, it seems difficult to pit the Illinois Labor' Party against understand Mr. Martin's very strange Labor's Non-Partisan League, who conduct. Why, it might be asked, sought and is seeking to prevent should the president of a big progres­ united labor action on the political sive union, a C.I.O. affiliate, advocate field in order to enable reaction to a policy that goes contrary to every win a victory in the coming elections. vital interest of American labor, that Because this is the "policy" of Love­ brazenly violates the policies and stoneism and Trotskyism. It is the principles of his own union and of "policy" of obstructing the unification the C.I.O. as a whole? How could he of labor and its collaboration with all bring himself to do a thing like that? other progressive forces against reac­ This strange conduct of Mr. Mar­ tion and fascism. In substance, this tin, strange, that is, for the president is the aim of reaction. Only, Love­ of one of the most progressive unions stoneism and Trotskyism, for whom in the country, becomes quite "nat- Martin is playing the part of a mega- THE COMMUNIST phone, have dressed the thing up in a question to be answered is: what is Leftist guise. They don't tell the the chief task confronting the Ameri­ workers frankly, "We want you to can working class at the present time? help reaction." No, they couldn't very This is the beginning of all discussion, well afford to do it. So they assume because only by determining correct­ the appearance of Lefts and revolu­ ly the chief task for the moment or tionists and undertake to inveigle the period can we reach correct conclu­ workers into supporting reaction by sions on immediate demands, on championing (in Illinois) the Labor forms of struggle and organization, on Party as against Labor's Non-Partisan policies and tactics. This is the Marx­ League. They are not really interested ist-Leninist way. Naturally, the chief in the Labor Party, as we shall show. immediate task cannot be determined It merely occurred to them that, in arbitrarily, or purely on the basis of Illinois at the present time, the Labor our wishes and desires. Party might be used as a convenient We must examine thoroughly the handle with which to obstruct the entire objective situation, especially to united action of labor with the other find out who is the main enemy of the progressive forces. And so, they are working class and of all the toiling trying to use that handle. people at a given historical moment; Some workers undoubtedly get con­ we must examine further the relation­ fused by these Lovestoneite manipu­ ship of class forces and the state of lations, especially when these are car­ the labor movement; we must more­ ried through by means of a person over seek to discover in the class strug­ (Mr. Martin) who holds the impor­ gle itself the particular new ap­ tant office that he does. These con­ proaches- and transztzons to the fused ones will therefore ask: Isn't a realization of our final aims of work­ Labor Party, with its own ticket and ing class power and socialism; all of candidates, a more advanced and de­ this, of course, nationally and inter­ sirable thing than a Labor's Non­ nationally; and on the basis of such Partisan League participating in the an analysis and examination, we then primaries and endorsing candidates of determine our chief immediate task. the Democratic Party? Isn't this policy It is in this fashion that the draft con­ of Labor's Non-Partisan League the vention resolution ("The Offensive of same damnable thing as the "lesser Reaction and the Building of the evil" business of German Social­ Democratic Front") proposes to form­ Democracy? Isn't it akin to the oppor­ ulate the chief task as follows: tunist policy of coalition and collabo­ "The chief task before the working class, ration with the bourgeoisie? and, therefore, above all, before the Com­ We must of course seek to dissipate munists, is to defeat the offensive of finance the confusion and fully clarify those capital and to block the road to fascism in who really need clarification. Our the conditions of the developing economic present pre-Convention discussion, on crisis." • the draft resolutions made public by To defeat the offensive of finance the Central Committee of the Com­ capital and to block the road to fas- munist Party, offers a splendid oppor­ • For all references to the Draft Resolu­ tunity for doing so. And the first tions, see The Communist, April, 1938. REVIEW OF THE MONTH cism in the present crisis conditions­ them, this is what Norman Thomas is this we say is the chief task. It points doing. Of course, in the name of "so­ out the main enemy, the points at cialism," Norman Thomas' socialism. which the main blow must be deliver­ It is the kind of "socialism" that works ed, and proposes concentration on this for the victory of the offensive of fi­ task. Is it correct? Absolutely cor­ nance capital, for the victory of . fas­ rect. This is what the broadest masses cism. Which evidently is not socialism must be made fully conscious of. This at all but merely a fig-leaf or a dis­ is, in fact, what the broadest masses guise. are already fighting for in various Having formulated the chief task, degrees without, however, yet fully our draft resolution proceeds to in­ realizing the meaning of the struggle. dicate the way of realization. It says: It is our task to make that meaning "To achieve this aim, it is necessary to clear in the daily fight for the better­ unify and consolidate all labor .and progres­ ment of the conditions of the masses. sive forces into one single democratic front." Among class-conscious workers, Have we set up this idea of a single among all honest and thoughtful pro­ democratic front artificially and ar­ letarians, there can no longer be any bitrarily? Not a bit. We took it out difference of opinion on this question of very life itself. Life shows us that of the chief task. There can be, and "against the reactionary and fascist there is, among certain groups lack of offensive, the forces of democracy are clarity on various other questions. But organizing themselves and more and on this one, when clearly stated, there more gathering into a common front." can be no rooin for disagreement, not Is this a fact? Absolutely. Our draft after all the experience of the last resolution' analyzes these living dem­ several years. The chief enemy now ocratic forces as follows: is the offensive of finance capital; it has to be defeated. The chief enemy "Especially important ... is the deepening now is fascism; we must block the struggle of the progressives against the reac­ tionaries in the Democratic Party and the roads along which it seeks to advance. growing differentiation in the Republican It is clear, therefore, that he who Party, whose progressive !'«!Ctions are moving minimizes the importance of this in the direction of a common democratic task, who wants to dull its edge, who front. These forces are drawn into closer wants to substitute for it some other collaboration with the growing independent organizations and pci>litical activities of the tasks allegedly "more advanced and workers, farmers, middle classes and Ne­ revolutionary," is either a dangerous groes, such as Labor's Non-Partisan League, chatterer or an agent of the enemy. the American Labor Party, the Farmer-La­ In either case, he is working against bor Party, the Progressive Party, the Wash­ the most vital class interests of the ington Commonwealth Federation, the Na­ proletariat. He is working against the tional Negro Congress, etc." most vital interests of the American Moreove~ the broadening peace people. He is working in the interests movements, the organized mass aid to of the offensive of finance capital and Spain and China, the boycott move­ fascism. ment against Japanese goods, the de­ And this is what the Lovestoneites veloping American Youth Congress and Trotskyites are doing. Following and the coming forward of the Na- THE COMMUNIST tional Negro Congress-all these, · in publicans operating behind a progressive the words of the draft resolution, shield." "testify to the further broadening of Here is a practical program of work the democratic front." that seeks to unite the working class, This is what is happening in the to build up and promote its indepen­ country: the camp of democracy is dent power on the economic and po­ lining up, not fast enough and not litical field, and to build up the alli­ consciously enough, but is lining up ance of the working class with the against the offensive of the camp of farmers, with the middle classes and reaction and fascism. It is from here with all progressive forces. For what that the idea of the democratic front purpose? For the purpose of realiz­ grows up. The question is, the only ing the chief task before the American question is, what are we going to do working class at the present time, the with it? The question is: are we go­ task of defeating the offensive of fi­ ing to help it, to make it grow faster nance capital and of blocking the road and stronger, or are we going to ob­ to fascism in the conditions of the de­ struct it and prevent its growth? And veloping economic crisis. for the proletarian vanguard, the ad­ And reaction is supplying us daily ditional question is: are we going to with fresh reminders of how correct drag behind this movement or are we and vital this program is. Speaking going to be in the front lines of strug­ and gloating over the split in labor's gle to consolidate and bring the demo­ ranks, over the consequent difficul­ cratic front to victory? Our Party's ties in consolidating the democratic answer has been and is .clear: every­ front, in Pennsylvania and elsewhere, thing must be done "to unify and the New York Herald Tribune says: consolidate all labor and progressive forces into one single democratic "The opportunity before the Republicans in Pennsylvania is obvious. Undoubtedly a front." And this must be the answer like opportunity awaits them on a silve1 of every opponent of fascism, of every platter in other industrial states. Will they honest Socialist. grasp it? Given a militant, enlightened lead­ The next question is: what has to ership and a united front, the answer is yes. But the time is short." (April 2, 19!18.) be done to bring about this consolida­ tion of all labor and progressive forces Lack of united labor action, which into the democratic front? Our draft militates against the more rapid con­ resolution answers: solidation· of the democratic front, is an opportunity for reaction and fas­ "This demands the strengthening of all economic and political organizations of la­ cism, an opportunity for the offensive bor; the building of the C.I.O., the organi­ of finance capital. We propose that zation of joint action between the unions oi labor destroy that opportunity. the A. F. of L. and C.I.O. as well as the Railroad Brotherhoods, especially in the • • • forthcoming elections, leading toward the HEN nothing else avails to con­ achievement of full trade union unity; la­ Wfuse a worker, the Lovestoneites bor's initiative in gathering the farmers, the middle classes and all progressives into the and Trotskyites will whisper into his general democratic front; and to defeat all ear: "Yes, of course, we must lick efforts to split this front by reactionary Re- these reactionaries, but be sure you REVIEW OF THE MONTH do it with a Labor Party, and don't respective localities. Just cast a glance go with Labor's Non-Partisan League over the country and you see the pic­ in endorsing candidates of bourgeois ture at once. It is for this reason that parties, because otherwise you will be our draft resolution on "The 1938 collaborating with the bourgeoisie Elections" proposes the following and practising the lesser evil." This guiding line to questions of organiza­ was what Martin did in Chicago. This tional forms: was what the Trotskyites, Lovestone­ "The organizational expressions and forms ites and some "Socialists" were trying of the democratic front will have to be flexi­ to do in Detroit. bly adjusted to the concrete situation in each It is necessary at this point to expose state and Congressional district." the exact nature of the trick with And what should be the guiding which the attempt is made to serve idea for making these flexible adjust- reaction under the guise of "more ments'! Says the resolution: · advanced" policies. What we are deal­ "In all cases, the major task will be to ing with here is an attempt to make secure united action of the unions of the an absolute principle, good for all C.I.O., the A. F. of L. and Railroad Brother­ places and all times, out of a practical hoods in support of the progressive candi­ question of policy. What is this ques­ dates." tion of policy? It is to discover in In other words, the political guid­ the living struggle of the masses ing line to organizational forms is the against reaction the best organiza­ great objective of the proletariat to tional expressions and forms. There secure united action of organized la­ is nothing absolute about that. It bor in a wide democratic front for the cannot be laid down for all times and purpose of defeating the offensive of all places. It certainly must not be in­ finance capital and of blocking the vented and artificially imposed upon road to fascism in the conditions of the mass, movements. It must grow the developing crisis. out of these movements and must be The Lovestoneites and Trotskyites best suited to promote their growth are opposed to this objective. Why? and insure their success. Because they are ser;ving reaction and Looked at from this angle, the only fascism, because they are agents of fas­ correct one, it is at once apparent that cism. They oppose this objective of the forces struggling against reaction the proletariat, not because they have and fascism at the present time in this different principles, not because they country are assuming a great variety have different policies which can le­ of organizational expressions ad forms, gitimately be discussed in the labor representing various class and social movement. Not at all. They are an groupings, displaying various degrees unprincipled gang of fascist agents of political maturity and advance­ and spies carrying out the assignment ment. Moreover, in various regions, of their masters to try to wreck the states and even dties, these forces developing unity of labor and of the struggling against reaction are in­ democratic front. · fiuenced in their organizational forms When the Lovestoneites and Trot­ by the peculiarities of the past polit­ skyites seek to make an absolute prin­ ical history and alignments of their ciple out. of a question of organiza- THE COMMUNIST tional policy, they are doing so not Farmer-Labor and Progressive Parties; (b) because they are interested in prin­ in New York, strengthening the American Labor Party and allying it with the progres­ ciples. They are merely performing sive groups of the Democratic and Republi­ a trick to confuse the workers. They can Parties; (c) in Washington, Oregon and are simply disguising themselves as California: building the . Oommonwealth "Lefts" and "revolutionists" in order Federation and similar bodies functioning to gain access to labor organizations through the Democratic Party primaries; (d) in most other places, building Labor's Non­ for the purpose of wrecking and spy­ Partisan League to contest the Democratic ing. Party primaries (in some places also Re­ Among honest workers and pro­ publican) and, where unsuccessful in the gressives generally, there need be no primaries, to put forward labor-progressive serious disagreement (if any) on these tickets." very important questions of organi­ There will no doubt be in various zational forms. Once the political ob­ localities still other forms, or com­ jective is recognized as paramount, binations of the foregoing, because the and it is generally so recognized in forces of democracy are growing, new the progressive camp; once it is rec­ expressions of them may come for­ ognized that the major task is to se­ ward, and a flexible policy will have cure the united action of labor in to seek to embrace and coordinate all support of progressive candidates as of them to direct the maximum strik­ the means of defeating the offensive ing power at the main enemy-the of­ of finance capital, as the means of fensive of reaction and fascism. making the monopolies carry the For Marxists-Leninists it is clear burden of the crisis, as one of the that the initiative and leading role of weapons of blocking the road to fas­ the working class is of rnajor and de­ cism-once this is recognized (and cisive importance. This fundamental what honest worker and generally principle underlies our entire policy. progressive American can fail to rec­ Hence, our draft resolution ("The ognize this as the major task?), then 1938 Elections") stresses: the questions of organizational forms "Within the democratic camp, which has and policies will quite naturally be to be brought together and organized, the discussed on the basis of "the con­ working class must itself display the utmost crete situation in each state and Con­ possible organi'Ziltion, unity, activity and in­ gressional district." It will be dis­ fluence." cussed and settled in the camp of de­ This is how we can build (and must mocracy from the angle of whichever build) the independent political pow­ forms serve the purpose best. er, consciousness and leadership of The main types of such organiza­ the working class: in the process of tional forms (the main types, but not building the democratic front. In all) are already indicated in the de­ doing so, we must learn from and veloping political alignments in the profit by the great example set by country. That is why our draft reso­ Lenin in the struggle for working lution ("The 1938 Elections") pro­ class unity, for proletarian leadership poses: of the general democratic movement " (a) In Minnesota and Wisconsin, rallying against the forces of reaction and au­ all democratic forces behind the dominant tocracy in the old Russia. The Lenin- REVIEW OF THE MONTH 393 ist principles of the leadership of the the light of current events since. proletariat in. the bourgeois-democra­ When we help build the democratic tic revolution have been aptly char­ front-the chief task-we are "cement­ acterized as "a classic example" of ing the democratic bloc of workers, the leadership of the driving forces farmers, middle classes and their or­ of that revolution, an example of the ganizations" for the historic purpose way in which a crushing blow is de­ of defeating the offensive of reaction livered at the main enemy. and blocking the road to fascism. We Is it not clear that the rising and are helping to build a democratic broadening struggle of the camp of alliance of the workers, farmers and democracy against the offensive of re­ middle classes. Obviously, this is not action presents the American working an alliance for the abolition of capi­ class with a unique opportunity to talism and the establishment of so­ step forward as a basic and leading cialism. It is a bloc, a form of alli­ force in the life of our people and ance, to defea~ reaction, fascism and country? Absolutely clear. The ex­ war, to preserve and extend democ­ periences of the last five or six years racy. And we have already shown are the best proof for that. And is that this is now the chief task. it not also clear that, in the measure Yet, while accepting this task, there in which the American working class are still to be found some who tend does step forward and assume a basic to make the same mistake as "some role in the democratic camp, in the Marxists" did in Lenin's time. These very same measure the class conscious­ "Marxists" thought they were argu­ ness pf the American proletariat is ing very cleverly when they said that, growing and deepening, its power and since full democracy is impossible influence are rising, and thus the pre­ under capitalism and since under so­ requisites for its final liberation from cialism we shall have a different and capitalism are continually accumulat­ higher type of democracy (the high­ ing? This too is very clear. And est), there is no use talking about again it is proved by the experiences fighting for democracy. These "clever" of the last several years. Marxists thought they were basing Naturally; it is vital to have a very themselves on Engels. To which clear idea on what exactly we are do­ Lenin replied that Engels did not ing as we help build the democratic make this mistake and that the whole front "which, under the conditions argument was a sophism. Lenin-the prevailing in our country, represents great Lenin-proceeding from Engels the beginning of the development of and Marx, gave us a guiding line a real People's Front against reaction which is daily proving its truth: and fascism." ("Draft Resolution on "To develop democracy to its logical con· Offensive of Reaction.") At the elusion, to find the forms for this develop­ Seventh World Congress of the Com­ ment, to test them by practice, and so forth­ munist International, Comrade Dimi­ all this is one of the fundamental tasks of troff gave us the main theoretical and the struggle for the social revolution. Taken political outlines of the nature and separately, no kind of democracy will yield socialism. But in actual life democracy will perspectives of this struggle. .He has never be 'taken separately'; it will be 'taken further elaborated on the matter in together' with other things, it will exeit

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its its in in subjected, subjected, will will it it be be reorganization; reorganization;

Reorganization Reorganization President's President's the the against against its its stimulating stimulating life, life, economic economic on on influence influence its its

394 394 COMMUNIST COMMUNIST THE THE REVIEW OF THE MONTH 395 how can we make the government It is this: when the people return a face these problems and how can we government to power which finance break the offensive of reaction which capital does not like, finance capital prevents the adoption and realization · :ill go ahead and try to sabotage it of this program? The answer is reason­ out of existence by "political man­ ably clear. Almost obvious. United euvers and financial pressure." It action by labor, unity of the demo­ couldn't be stated more openly or cratic camp agaipo• the offensive of brazenly or, for that matter, more finance capital which is growing daily truthfully as describing the sabotage more brazen, and active support for of finance capital in this country. every progressive measure of the ad­ Unless it be -Coughlin, who puts ministration. Mass pressure upon this the last dot on the "i" and calls for session of Congress and the opening armed rebellion against the democ­ by a united democratic front of the racy and government of the country. elections to the next Congress. Attacking Senator Frazier for his Some reactionary circles do not find sympathies to the Republican govern­ it necessary to hide any more the fact ment of Spain, Coughlin writes: that the entire strategy of reactionary " ... if Senator Frazier and his like attempt finance capital has been and is to to inject any 'Democratic-Communistic' or invalidate in fact the elections of 1936 'Communistic-Democratic' ideas of the Span­ by economic and political sabotage. ish type into our national government, they Just read what the Herald Tribune will quickly experience true Democracy's has to say about the lessons of the right to rebellion. The blood of martyrs will stain the steps of the Capitol in Washington political struggle in France. Express­ when that . day arrives." (Social Justice, ing the hope that a conservative gov­ April 4·) ernment will now be formed, without the Socialists and Communists, the And we all know, from Coughlin's Herald Tribune (April 9) goes on: own mouth, that his "true" democracy is the one carried by Franco, Musso­ ••If so, it will be formed without reference lini and Hitler. Moreover, this is how to the electorate which ·returned so clear a mandate to the Left in 1936. It will be the Herald Tribune links up with formed by a repetition of that process where­ Coughlin, or how reactionary finance by the ;French people have more than once capital links up with fascism-in our returned liberal and radical majorities, then own very midst. The so-called "March seen them whittled down by political man­ on Washington" against the Reor­ euver of financial pressure until finally the Right, which lost the elections, ultimately ganization Bill, engineered by the wins the government. Without doubt the New York Board of Trade and result will be ·.denounced as undemocratic; Coughlin, is another demonstration 'the two hundred families' (the original of this linkage. French prototype for the sixty of Mr. Lund­ berg's and Mr. Ickes' imaginations) will be Time does not wait. The coming para

schemes, lifeless formulas and ready-made and the growing differentiation in the patterns." • Republican Party, whose progressive It is obvious that the policy of the sections are moving in the direction of a common democratic front." · united and people's front itself must not be transformed into a cut-and­ Reaction sees in this development a most serious menace to itself. And dried scheme of lifeless formula. And naturally so. Trotskyites and Love­ in order to guard against such weak­ stoneites, doing the bidding of their nesses, in order to make our policies fascist masters, are seeking to prevent 'rest firmly on a careful study of "the the cementing of labor's collaboration specific conditions and the alignment of class forces," our draft resolution with these progressive forces (as in Chicago and Detroit). This is natural, ("On the Offensive of Reaction") too, because the cementing of such defines the special characteristics of collaboration will help create a bar­ the present stn1ggle against fascism rier to the advance of fascism. That is in our country as follows: why Lovestoneism, speaking through "In order to ensure the carrying out of a Homer Martin, attacked Labor's Non­ really democratic and really progressive Partisan League in Illinois for col­ program, it is necessary to bring the broad­ laborating with the progressive forces est masses into the democratic front which, under the conditions prevailing in our coun­ in the Democratic Party. try, represents the beginning of the develop­ Sectarians, living by ready-made ment of a real People's Front against reaction patterns and cut-and-dried schemes, and fascism." will fail to see the tremendous and major importance of these develop· The real People's Front against re­ ments. In consequence, they will seek action and fascism is the course we . to impose upon these movements, are steering. It is the direction of our mechanically and artificially, such movement. It is where we are going. policies and forms of organization as And the vehicle by which we try may fit very nicely the. pattern and to get there is the common front of the scheme but which in practice will all the democratic forces in the coun­ obstruct and choke the growth of these try against the offensive of finance progressive developments. And who capital. will gain by such a result? Reaction Our draft resolution reaches this and fascism, of course. conclusion on the basis of a careful Others, on the other hand, also analysis of the living forces struggling addicted to cut-and-dried schemes, ~oday, one way or another, with vary­ and closing their eyes to the specific mg degrees of consistency against the and concrete ways in which the pro­ offensive of reaction, moving unevenly gressive forces struggle for expression, in the direction of a real People's will assume that we already have a Front. One of the major developments fully developed People's Front, which from this angle is "the deepening will by itself do everything that a real struggle of the progressives against the People's Front has to do, and that, reactionaries in the DemocratiC Party therefore, there is little to be done for • _Georgi Dimitroff, The United Front the education, organization, and A~aznst War and Fascism, p. 95. Workers Library Publishers, New York. mobilization of the masses for daily REVIEW OF THE MONTH ~99

struggle against the offensive of reac­ And on this, the draft resolution tion and fascism. proposes: A good antidote against the occur­ "Within the democratic camp, which has rence of such errors is a careful study to be brought together and organized, the of the specific conditions and the working class must itself display the utmost alignment of class forces. Such a possible org-dnization, unity, activity and in­ study will show that labor is vitally fluence. This is the best guarantee of cement­ ing the democratic bloc of interested in defeating and crushing workers, farmers, middle classes and their the reactionaries various organiza­ in the Democratic tions." Party; is vitally interested in encourag­ ing, supporting and pushing forward Here is where the special role the progressive elements in the Demo­ comes in of the C.I.O., the A. F. of L., cratic Party, and also in the Republi­ Railroad Brotherhoods, Labor's Non­ can Party; is vitally interested in Partisan League, the American Labor strengthening the alliance with Presi­ Party, etc. That is how the economic dent Roosevelt and the forces he rep­ and political movements of labor can resents; is vitally interested in making be made to link up with the progres­ this alliance the axis around which to sive forces in the Democratic Party, build the broadest common demo­ in the Republican Party, with the cratic front, a front embracing the Farmer-Labor and Progressive parties overwhelming majority of our people; in Minnesota and Wisconsin; with is vitally interested in preventing re­ the Commonwealth Federation in action from getting hold of the Demo­ Washington, Oregon and California; cratic Party, a really acute danger in with the broad peace movements, the light of the most recent fight on youth, Negro and women's progressive the Reorganization Bill and the strug­ movement, and the progressive move­ gle in the primaries; is vitally inter­ ments among the national groups, in ested in defeating the dangerous proj­ order to build the broadest common ect "to bring forward the reactionary democratic front for the defeat of re­ core of the Republican Party behind action. the mask of a progressive face and And remembering ,the crucial im­ demagogic slogans." portance of the 1938 elections, and Of course, all these things which are the primary fights already taking ~itally necessary for labor are not go­ place, we must again emphasize the mg to happen by themselves. The guiding line of policy in the situation: working class, and its vanguard, the To unite everywhere the forces of Communist Party, must fight for defi­ labor and of the entire camp of prog­ nite policies to bring it about. And ress and democracy behind one single this is what we are trying to bring progressive candidate for each office. forth. This is what we are now dis­ cussing and what our Tenth National • • • Convention will finally act upon. It. ALTHOUGH recent events have tended will act upon the best ways of build­ n to shake considerably the illusion ing the democratic front and the spe­ that we can carry on a successful fight cial role of the working class and its for democracy and security at home Communist vanguard in this struggle. without, at the same time, helping all THE COMMUNIST

we can to resist the advance of fas­ isolation of the study room, but in cist aggression abroad, the illusion real life, we at once discover that the still persists in various quarters. And fight which takes place abroad be­ the fascist agents in this country, espe­ tween democracy and fascism-a fight cially the Lovestoneites and Trotsky­ similar to ours, though not identical ites, are making plenty use of it in the in all respects-has a very close rela­ interests of fascism-both here and tion to our fight here and vice versa. abroad. No informed person will deny that It is really embarrassing still to have either. One can see it almost every to argue with the person who be­ day; with every change in the course lieves, or thinks he believes, that in­ of the fight at home and abroad. stead of mixing in world affairs which Every time the democratic camp scores may lead us to war, we had better a victory in the United States, the dem­ devote ourselves to using our great ocratic forces everywhere begin to dis­ resources to make life happy for our­ play greater strength and vigor; on selves. This is sometimes dressed up the other hand, every time the demo­ in a somewhat attractive form which cratic forces here suffer a defeat, or says: "This will be the best contribu­ are slowed down in some way, almost tion we can make to world democracy always the effect is~ negative upon the and peace; contribution by example." fight of democracy abroad. Which is a sophism, and a bit tricky, This much the isolationist will as all sophisms are. probably accept. But in this case the Of course, we want democracy and converse is also true. It is also a fact security and plenty at home. Of that, when the democratic forces course, we have the resources neces­ abroad suffer a reverse and fascism sary for that. And what is even more advances, whether in Spain, France, important, we have the forces, the so­ China, or England, the repercussions cial forces, to realize these great aims here are almost instantaneous, con­ if we only organize them and lead sidering the rapidity of communica­ them along the correct path of strug­ tions. Reaction here at once gets gle. The question is: which is the bolder and intensifies its offensive. correct path? Here is a "coincidence of events." Even the sophist of isolationism Hitler marches into Austria. Cham­ will have to admit (or will he?) that berlain negotiates a capitulation to to preserve and extend democracy at Mussolini. Reaction makes a fresh home and to establish security for all periodic drive to upset the People's require a big struggle against the Front in France. All this happens economic royalists, against finance abroad. Now, another chain of capital and the monopolies, against events, this time at home: Reaction the fountain-head of reaction and fas­ seizes upon the Reorganization Bill cism. In the face of our present day and stages an advance against Roose­ realities, one cannot very well deny velt, against the New Deal, against that. And this is the fight we propose all progressives in the country (only to carry on through the building of Boileau and his friends couldn't see the common democratic front. it). Coughlin comes back to life in But as we do so, not in the quiet full force. The phoney deluge of tele- REVIEW OF THE MONTH 401 grams descends upon Washington, There is no doubt that the Ameri­ and the . New York Board of Trade can masses are breaking from the tries to engineer something like a fas­ mooring of isolation, and that isola­ cist march on Washington. And tionism itself is in crisis. But there again, "coincidentally," another thing is a great deal of work to be done to happens abroad at about the same help bring the masses to the correct time: with extra great and fresh assis­ positions. tance from Hitler and Mussolini, the We find, for example, even amonB Franco forces in Spain succeed in those who are moving away from isola­ making certain important advances. tion and towards the position of con­ Is there any connection between certed peace action, an inclination to these recent advances of reaction and reason like this. "There is, of course, fascism abroad and the almost simul­ serious danger of a new world war taneous hitensification of the reaction­ due to fascist aggression. This is ary offensive at home? Only one who granted. Yet it must be admitted that is blind can fail to see it. Isn't it the immediate thing that the Ameri­ obvious, then, that he who is serious can people are menaced with is not about fighting for democracy and war, is not a foreign invasion but eco­ plenty at home must of necessity col­ nomic disaster as a result of the crisis laborate with and support the demo­ and the lack of action by the govern­ cratic, anti-fascist forces abroad? ment to bring adequate relief to the Hasn't it been proved time and again people." that every strengthening of the in­ This reasoning, faulty in one fun­ ternal and external position of the damental respect, cannot be dismissed Soviet Union almost at once changes on that account. For at the basis of the relationship of forces in all coun­ it is the very real fact that the condi­ tries more favorably for the democra­ tion of the masses of our people is tic camp and unfavorably for the reac­ getting worse and worse (not to com­ tionary camp? And does it not fol­ pare of course with the Hoover low, therefore, that the fight for de­ regime) because of the developing mocracy and security at home is crisis, because of the offensive and bound up inseparably with the world sabotage of finance capital which ag­ fight between democracy and fascism? gravates the situation, and because of Of course, it follows. And from this, the seeming inability of the adminis­ certain deeds must follow at the pres­ tration to put through even its own ent time: Help for the Republican modest and far from adequate pro­ government of Spain. Help for China. gram. These are facts. And very im­ Support for the peace policies of the portant ones. Soviet Union. Support for the policy Now, if there are within the ad­ of concerted action "with the peoples ministration elements which tend to and governments of the world in order overlook these facts of the worsening to halt and isolate the fascist war-mak­ conditions of the masses "on the ers, to assist their victims and to guar­ ground" that there are important mat­ antee world peace." (Draft resolution ters of foreign policy to be tackled on "Offensive of Reaction and the · first, and there are such elements in Building of the Democratic Front.") the administration, then these must THE COMMUNIST be exposed and combatted. Some offor final action by the Tenth National them are reactionaries and must be Convention. fought as such. These, in fact, do nothing to fight reaction at home and • • • nothing (if not worse) to help check W ITH the serious achievements in fascist aggression abroad. But there Party building registered by the may be others who sincerely believe first National Party Builders Con­ in this "first-second" theory. If so, gress (Feb., 1938), and with the highly their mistake, the source of the mis­ valuable contributions to the meth­ take, is evident. It is the grievously ods of Party building brought to that mistaken belief that you can fight fas­ congress by its delegates, our Tenth cist aggression abroad, or prepare for National Convention will be in a very it, by giving in to the reactionary good position to outline next steps, forces and fascist elements at home, methods and forms of work. by failing to protect or "postponing" The basic question that we have to the protection of the interests of the solve is clear. The draft resolution people at home. The fact of the mat­ ("Party Building") states it thus: ter is: it can't be done. And a persis~ "The historic tasks now facing the Ameri­ tent effort to do this impossible thing can labor movement place decisively before will inevitably lead to capitulation to the American Communists the basic question reaction and fascism both at home of building their party into a true mass party trained in Marxism-Leninism." and abroad. And this must be fought. Yet we must also point out that the We have everyting necessary to opposite reasoning (the immediate tackle effectively the solution of this menace is not war but economic dis­ basic question. And, as Comrades aster) arises from a similar error. It Browder and Foster, stressed time and is also somewhat in the nature of "first again: time is decisive. -second": First we will tackle the Says the draft resolution: crisis and then we will see what can ". . . the present tempo of the Party's be done about the danger of war. This political and organizational growth is too too is an untenable position. For this slow, and is far from meeting the needs of reason: to tackle the crisis in the inter­ the working class movement and the tasks ests of the people means to follow a confronting the Party. The time factor is now decisive. The maximum attention and policy of making the monopolies carry energy of the entire Party must be centered the burden of the crisis, and protect­ on rapidly solving the problem of the po­ ing and extending democracy. This litical and organizational consolidation and means a serious fight against reaction strengthening of the Party as an organic and and fascism in this country. It means key part of the task of forging the anti­ fascist democratic front." building the democratic front. And , this cannot be done successfully with­ This means first of all recruiting, out simultaneously doing all in our dues payments and expansion of the power to help check the advance of circulation of the Party's daily papers fascism· and reaction abroad. and other publications. It means the And this is precisely the policy em­ general all-around improvement of bodied in our draft resolutions as our work in all fields. It means that proposals for the Party discussion and "the role of the Party as the vanguard REVIEW OF THE MONTH

and organizer of the masses, working collective work and leadership, of improv­ systematically for winning a leading ing their Bolshevik self-criticism, overcoming position, must be effectively strength­ all remnants of sectarianism in the applica­ tion of the Party's correct united front and ened." People's Front policy, at the same time Among the tasks requiring special guarding against all tendencies to keep the concentration, the resolution cites: Party at the tail end of the mass movement, avoiding .moods of self-satisfaction, welding "The Party will have to concentrate upon still more firmly the unity and discipline further organizing and extending its inde· of the Party, and developing alertness and pendent mass agitation and Marxist-Leninist vigilance on all problems affecting the life propaganda in all spheres of activity in the of the Party and of the mass movements. labor and progressive movements. It should "It is absolutely necessary to ensure a col­ develop still further its mass popularization lective friendly discussion of all differences of the American revolutionary and demo­ that may arise on political or tactical prob· cratic traditions, integrating this with its lems in order rapidly to overcome. them. The propaganda of Communism, and with the leading bodies of our Party have the task exposure of the Trotskyite-Lovestoneite more consciously and systematically to as­ agents of fascism who must be relentlessly similate and master the lessons of Comrade fought and completely isolated in all work· Stalin's leadership so gloriously exemplified ing class and progressive organizations as in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union splitting and demoralizing elements." and its world-historic achievement of build­ Finally, on the further development ing the socialist society." of Bolshevik methods of leadership, Fraternal greetings to the Tenth the two specific and different methods National Convention of our Party; ' of leading the masses and leading the greetings to the American Commu­ Party, the draft resolution proposes: nists on this great occasion and to the "All leading committees of the Party are leadership of our Party. charged with the task of strengthening their A. B. BUILDING THE DEMOCRATIC FRONT

BY CLARENCE A. HATHAWAY

HE realization of a broad demo­ constitute a revision of the line of our T cratic front of all labor and pro­ Party?" gressive forces is the heart of the draft To answer the last question first, resolutions which the Central Com­ it does not constitute a revision of mittee submits' to the Party member­ our line. Our goal still remains the ship in opening the pre-convention building of a nationwide Farmer­ discussion. The main resolution, "The Labor Party, as an American expres­ Offensive of Reaction and the Build­ sion of the People's Front. Our pro­ ing of the Democratic Front" (see posal now-today-for the creation of The Communist for April), states: a broad democratic front is based on a realistic appraisal of the present stage "The chief task before the working class, in the political regrouping of class and therefore, above all, before the Commu­ forces in the country, and is designed nists, is to defeat the offensive of finance to further and speed up that regroup­ capital and block the road to fascism in the ing. It is a policy for this immediate conditions of the developing economic crisis. To achieve this aim, it is necessary to unify period and, if energetically and suc­ and consolidate all labor and progressive cessfully carried through this year in forces into one single democratic front. This connection with the State and Con· demands the strengthening of all economic gressional elections, can contribute to and political organizations of labor; the the early realization of a People's building of the C.I.O., the organization of joint action between the unions of the Front; it can further the movement A. F. of L. and C.I.O., as well as the Rail­ for a Farmer-Labor Party. In short, road Brotherhoods, especially in the forth­ the effort to achieve a democratic front coming elections, leading toward the achieve­ is an effort to advance a step closer to ment of full trade union unity, labor's initia­ the People's Front. tive in gathering the farmers, the middle classes and all progressives into the general Now, just what is it? First, as in the democratic front; and to defeat all efforts to case of a People's Front, a democratic split this front by reactionary Republicans front would unite in one progressive operating behind a progressive shield." political camp the main body of the people, the workers, farmers, Negroes, The question may arise in the small business people and profession­ minds of some of our comrades, "Just als. It differs from the People's Front what is this 'democratic front,' and in that it recognizes that at this time what is its relation to the People's it is not yet possible to organize this Front, to the Farmer-Labor Party?" broad mass movement in a new party, They may ask further, "Does this con­ let us say, like the Minnesota Farmer­ ception of a broad democratic front Labor Party, nor is it possible always BUILDING THE DEMOCRATIC FRONT

to unite this movement through a chine alone. Then followed a series formal set of political alliances be­ of "deals," bargains and compromises tween the different progressive politi­ with Republicans who were made to cal groupings, or on a commonly accept a ticket hardly to the liking of worked out political platform. The their Tory wing, with progressive democratic front presupposes a more Democrats, with the Fusionists and loosely knit coalition of what are in with "civic reform" groups. Though the main progressive forces, with a the American Labor Party had a plat­ program generally progressive, but form which Mayor LaGuardia ac­ less clearly defined. To illustrate this cepted, the coalition forces as a whole difference one can contrast Minne­ had no commonly agreed upon plat­ sota and New York City. form. They had one plank on which In Minnesota the Farmer-Labor they agreed: Defeat Tammany! Party closely approximates an Ameri­ In this very loose coalition of anti­ can type of People's Front. There, the Tammany forces New York experi­ workers, farmers, professionals and ences teach us: small business people meet together in 1. The possibility of bringing to­ convention, with the delegates com­ gether the broadest mass of the people ing directly from the trade unions, in a winning coalition against reac­ local political organizations, coopera­ tion, furthering the break-up of old tives, etc. They draft their platform, political alignments; select their candidates, choose their 2. The necessity for the indepen­ party officers and plan their campaign dent organization of labor on the po­ in a united, disciplined way. Com­ litical field to initiate and force munists participate freely, with "Red­ through such a coalition; baiting" squelched by the party lead­ 3· Labor's ability, when it is so or­ ership. Though there also they have ganized, to establish its own leading the problem of an election alliance role within the whole movement and with progressive Democrats, this is among its elected · representatives, done on Farmer-Labor terms and in thereby opening the way for further an open, official manner. This is a advance on the road toward a People's practical example of the People's Front. In short, New York is not Min­ Front. nesota, but it leads toward Minnesota. In New York City, in the anti-Tam­ And interestingly enough, the early many coalition of the last campaign, developments in Minnesota in the we had an example of the democratic formative period of the Farmer-Labor front, reflecting a less mature develop­ Party are singularly similar to those ment than in Minnesota. Here we had of this period in New York. the American Labor Party as the core From these examples the character of the whole anti-Tammany drive, a of the democratic front should be party that had emerged during the clear, and also the role that it plays Presidential campaign, that had in furthering the break-up of the old grown rapidly, numerically, and in political parties and in advancing the prestige before the city elections, but People's Front. which was not strong enough to up­ This idea of the democratic front, root the entrenched Tammany rna- though given this name only at the THE COMMUNIST

Party Builders Congress and Plenum the United States, and the slowing up in February, and then only to avoid of the organizational realization of a confusion as to the character of the national Farmer-Labor Party."• In People's Front, is not something that speech he established the follow­ "new," suddenly sprung on the Party. ing main points which are the basis for The idea of support for such a loose the democratic front tactic: coalition of the progressive forces with 1. That the foundations of the old its ·candidates sometimes running on two-party system, "based upon re­ the Democratic ticket, sometimes on gional interests of the main sections of the Republican ticket, and at other the bourgeoisie, accentuated by the · times independent, is inherent in the federal structure based on forty-eight work of our Party for the advance of sovereign states and the incomplete the People's Front over the past sev­ national unification of the country" eral years. were shattered, and that, "In their In fact, Comrade Earl Browder has place there emerge the clear outlines formulated this as our basic tactical of two new parties . . . representing approach to the struggle for the Peo­ something new-a political alignment ple's Front in numerous speeches and dominated, not by regional differences Plenum reports. Let me cite some ex­ among the bourgeoisie, but by class amples. As far back as the December, stratification among the masses of the 1936, Plenum, Comrade Browder population." He added that there was stated: no longer a fixed party structure in the country, that everything is in flux, "We must soberly estimate, however, the that everything is changing. moods and trends among the broad progres· 2. That in this shake-up the rise of sive ranks. We must find the way to unite the movements already outside of and inde­ sentiment for the .People's Front was pendent of the Democratic Party and pro­ tremendous: "It is precisely because of gressive Republicans together with those that the exceptional breadth and speed of are still maturing within the old parties, and the rise of the Farmer-Labor move­ not yet ready for full independence. This ment," he stressed, "that there has means that we must conceive of the People's Front on a broader scale than merely the occurred what seems like a pause in existing Farmer-Labor Party organizations. organizing the national Farmer-Labor We must conceive of it on a scale that will Party." unite the forces in the Farmer-Labor Party 3· That this disparity was due to and other progressives together with those the desire of the masses for immediate forces crystallized in some form or other but not yet independent of the old parties."" political victories, which experience has taught them in a number of in­ At the June, 1937, Plenum, Com­ stances could be achieved through the rade Browder dealt exhaustively with Democratic Party and in some cases ·the problems that had arisen in our through the Republican Party, when efforts to build a People's Front; labor and progressives organized bringing out "an apparent contradic­ themselves independently for that job tion between the clearly established in bodies such as Labor's Non-Parti­ growth of People's Front sentiment in san League, the Commonwealth Fed- "Earl Browder, The Results of the l!.lec­ • For all references to this Plenum Report ·tions and the People's Front, p. !JI. read The Communists in the People's Front. BUILDING THE DEMOCRATIC FRONT eration, etc. The fact that they could The fight for the democratic front, win, and that they now have victories for the unity of workers, farmers and to guard, stimulates their progressive all progressives now in a loose form, and independent political activities, I re-emphasize, is the correct tactical and at the same time causes them to course to follow on our road to the hesitate in the building of a new People's Front under American politi­ party. Additional, purely American cal and electoral conditions. factors, such as the difficulty of getting • a new party on the ballot in many • • states and the existence of the direct Here I do not wish to discuss pro­ primary system in most states, are also grammatic issues which arise in con­ obstacles to the speedy formation of nection with the democratic front tac­ a Farmer-Labor Party. tic, but rather some of the practical Comrade Browder summarized the organizational obstacles which will in­ Central Committee's position: evitably be encountered. Proposals for program and platform are adequately "The Farmer-Labor Party, conceived as the American equivalent of the People's Front handled in two of the draft resolu­ of France, is taking shape and growing with· tions: "The Offensive of Reaction and in the womb of the disintegrating two oU the Building of the Democratic Front" parties. It will be born as a national party and "The 1938 Elections." For a fur­ at the moment when it already replaces in ther handling of these problems one the main one of the old traditional parties, contesting and possibly winning control of can refer back to Comrade Browder's the federal government from the hour of its speech at the November Enlarged Po­ birth. What particular name the caprice of litical Bureau meeting (The Commu­ history may baptize it with is immaterial to nist for December), to the speeches at us. This new party that is beginning to take the Party Builders Congress (Bittel­ shape before our eyes, involving a majority of the population, is what we Communists man, Stachel, Foster), etc. have in mind when we speak of a national The building of the democratic Farmer-Labor Party, the American expression front is not going to be easy. The road of the People's Front." will be strewn with every conceivable The tactic of the democratic front obstacle and pitfall. Our comrades is designed to meet precisely this situ­ will have to learn (and rapidly) to ation, where the Farmer-Labor move­ deal with new people, with new prob­ ment is growing by leaps and bounds, lems, and with most complex and but in widely varied forms, both most rapidly changing situations. within and without the old parties. It Moreover, it is the particular task of is designed to keep our Party in closest our comrades to play the most active relationship with this whole broad and constructive part in the solution people's movement and with its of all problems, for the simple reason spokesmen, in order 'that we may con­ that as a rule the others will not or tribute most of its immediate unifica­ cannot. Their limited outlook or nar­ tion in today's fight against reaction, row party or group approach will and aid it in breaking down the ob­ usually cause them to play a largely stacles that stand in the way of the negative role in tight situations. We People's Front, of a Farmer-Labor have to be the unifying force and the Party. cement that holds the democratic THE COMMUNIST front together. We must make it a role as a Party in the campaign on our c;:onscious, progressive, anti-fascist actual strength and influence among force able to rise above petty bicker­ the broad masses of the people. In ings and self-seeking influences. New York the Communist Party can As an aid to our comrades, the fol­ make proposals and play a role which lowing points should be stressed: would be quite impossible in a smaller 1. Broaden your contacts. Meet place where our Party is weak or people. Establish connections, direct the progressive movement backward. ~r indirect, with all progressive people 6. Don't try to "capture" confer­ mfluencing the political life of your ences, and don't try to "capture" the neighborhood, community or state, offices. Play a role only in proportion with trade union leaders (A. F. of L., to our mass influence and put forward as well as C.I.O.), farm leaders, pro­ such people as officers or candidates as gressive civic 'leaders, progressives of are acceptable to the broader progres­ both Democratic and RepuhlicaQ Par­ sive forces. Remember, we bring £.or­ ties, Negro leaders, etc. ward our people "wherever such ac­ tion will contribute to the unity and 2. Learn their political plans and try to influence them. Strive to bring election success of the common front." all the progressive groups together, (Draft resolution on "The 1938 Elec­ contributing all you can to ironing tions.") out conflicts and differences. 7· Don't imagine that you can es­ cape a certain amount of "Red-bait­ 3· Don't be passive, waiting for ing'' in a democratic front, and don't some?ne else to decide how the pro­ permit "Red-baiting" to become the gressiVes are to enter the coming central issue and, above all, a splitting st~te and Congressional campaigns, issue. Our comrades must insist that Wtth our Party and those whom we the main issue is the unity of the pro­ ca~ influence merely following at the gressive forces against the forces of re­ tatl-end. Contribute your part, and action, fascism and war. We must through all channels, to the selection meet the arguments of those "Red­ of the whole progressive slate, to the baiters" who strive to split the demo­ drafting of the platform, and to the conducting of the campaign. cratic front in a quiet, restrained, con­ vincing way, bearing in mind that it 4· Don't be over-aggressive, acting is the majority (which includes the as though we thought that we were vacillating liberal elements) that we the democratic front and able to dic­ have to convince of our right to par­ tate its policies. In a tactful, modest ticipate and of the constructiveness of ~ay we strive to participate in discus­ our participation. Again, in this con­ siOns and to put forth our proposals. nection, I refer the comrades to the We try to ~e correct and convincing excellent speeches of Comrade Brow­ on the basts of our general line but der on this question in his Boston dec­ listen to other people. We to ~e t~ laration on force and violence (his re­ mcorporate their ideas, and to har­ ply to Roosevelt's reference to advo­ monize their views with ours and cates of dictatorships). • those of the others. • Quoted in "The People's Front Moves 5· Base your proposals as to our Forward," The Communist, December, 1937. BUILDING THE DEMOCRATIC FRONT

These points, and undoubtedly In selecting. slates of candidates we many more that could be added, are must urge consideration of both put forth in a positive way, but all of C.l.O. and A. F. of L. men or of men them are observations based on actual who are acceptable to both. Here the and sometimes costly errors .made by greatest concessions must be made in our comrades in various districts the interests of unity. (Minnesota, Boston, Seattle, Detroit, In considering organizational forms, etc.). The democratic front requires where, because of the ruling of Wil­ the greatest flexibility, tact, and pa­ liam Green, it is not possible to bring tience; and where these virtues are not the overwhelming majority of the A. acquired our comrades will have dif­ F. of L. people into Labor's Non-Par­ ficulties. "The organizational expres­ tisan League, other organizational sions and forms of the democratic forms should be sought out that con­ front," as the Election Resolution form to Green's rulings, but that at stresses (Point 4), "will have to . be the same time make cooperation pos­ flexibly adjusted to the concrete situ­ sible between L.N.P.L. and that A. F. ation in each state and Congressional of L. political body in one democratic district." This means, above all, a front. Every possible approach should careful weighing of· all class forces, be canvassed in our efforts to bring careful consideration of the traditions the trade unionists together. Most fre­ and experiences of the local move­ quently the Railroad Brotherhood ment, and a close relationship with all men can be the most effective nego­ of the decisive progressives. tiators for unity. In other cases one or Finally, I want to stress the political another local progressive politician unity of labor-A. F. of L., C.I.O., and can fill the bill. But the job involves Railroad Brotherhoods. Without such negotiatiOns, "deals," compromises, political unity the rallying of the and outright bargains with the local other democratic forces will in the and state A. F. of L. and C.I.O. lead­ first place meet with serious difficul­ ers, and particularly with those of the ties. Moreover, it gives the reaction­ A. F. of L. Broad agitatiqn for unity aries an opportunity throughout the within the trade union locals is, of campaign to exploit labor's disunity course, essential, but to get unity the for their own fascist purposes. The arousing of that mass sentiment must examples of Detroit, Seattle, and now be followed by these behind-the­ Illinois, show the disastrous results of screen, back-door "negotiations." the A. F. of L. bureaucrats' policies. The situation in the country is It is necessary, in a sense, to sepa­ favorable to the development of a rate for the moment the question of democratic front. The people are un­ doubtedly alarmed by the sabotage of trade union unity from that of trade the big monopolies and their sharpen­ union political unity. We must under­ ing offensive against Roosevelt, the take to show the necessity now for C.I.O., and all progressive measure~. such political unity of both A. F. of L. The people will see in our proposals a and C.I.O. workers and to local and sound approach to their problems and state leaders in order to protect the needs, and to the struggle against the interests of their own organizations. fascist, war-making forces. NOTES ON THE DEFENSE OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

BY GENE DENNIS and GIL GREEN

HEN Communists declare their munism or socialism constitute a nega­ W complete adherence to the prin­ tion of liberty and freedom; and sec­ ciples of democracy, announcing their ond by those honest Socialists who readiness to defend it from fascist foes, are influenced by the poison of coun­ reactionary bourgeois scribes and pro­ ter-revolutionary Trotskyism. fessional skeptics accuse us of artful "maneuvers," while Trotskyite-Love­ • • • stoneite traitors, posing as "Marxists," Marx and Engels, the founders of shout "betrayal." Both these schools scientific socialism, w~re in their time of "thought," if vilification and stalwart fighters in be.I;J.alf of democ­ treachery can be classified as such, racy. In the epoch of the bourgeois­ have a common platform. They desire democratic revolution, they rallied the to confuse the masses as to what Com­ proletariat to guarantee the victory munism stands for, to distort truth in of bourgeois democracy. They real­ the interests of reaction and fascism. ized that under democracy, even limit­ ed bourgeois democracy, the working The Communist movement, as ex­ class could have greater opportunity pressed by Marx in The Communist for organizing, for becoming conscious Manifesto, disdains to hide its views. of its historic mission, for advancing It states its opinions openly and further the struggle for socialism. frankly. The Communist Party pro­ Lenin, likewise, basing himself upon claims the fact that it is the party the teachings of Marx and· Engels and of the revolutionary working class, the experiences of the Russian and the party of socialism. That is why it international working class, directly has been and remains the most ener­ participated in and repeatedly stressed getic, most consistent and most de­ the significance of the democratic voted champion of democracy. lfor struggle. In the very first program of socialism is the logical goal of the the Russian Social-Democratic Party democratic struggle; it is the highest he wrote: development of democracy. This organic relationship between "Therefore, the most urgent thing the democracy and socialism is not under­ workers must do, the first thing the working class must aim at in bringing· its influence stood by many people, first by those to bear upon the government is to achieve who, under the influence of the bour­ political liberty, i.e., the guarantee by law geoisie, are led to believe that com- (Constitution) that all citizens will be able

410 ON DEFENSE OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY directly to participate in the administration main, and in a revolutionary manner, of the state; to secure for all citizens the by past generations, through the right to assembly freely, to discuss their af­ American Revolution of 1776 and the fairs, to influence the state affairs through the medium of associations and the press. The Civil War of 1861. But even today achievement of political liberty is becoming this task. has not yet been completely the 'urgent task of the workers,' because realized. In the South a nation, the without it the workers have not, and can­ Negro people, continue to live in not have, any influence in the affairs of the semi-feudal bondage, denied the ele­ state, and for that reason must inevitably remain a degraded and voiceless class totally mentary rights of citizenship. For the without rights." (Selected Works, Vol. I, Negro people the broader aspects of p. 491.) bourgeois democracy are still to be attained. Furthermore, every genera­ Nor did Lenin, brilliant strategist tion of Americans without exception of the proletarian revolution, see a has had to struggle for the realization contradiction between the struggle for and extension of existing rights and democracy and for socialism. To him for the granting of new democratic they were inseparable parts of a single liberties. Suffrage was won by the whole. American people only when the Bill The Trotskyite-Lovestoneite ene­ of Rights was added to the Constitu­ mies of the working class and the peo­ tion many years after the birth of the ple's movement have the gall, how­ republic. Women's suffrage was not ever, to use the name of Lenin against won until 1920; while a large portion democracy, to refute Leninism by mis­ of the American people are denied the quoting Lenin. They distort Lenin's full rights of citizenship to this very critique of bourgeois democracy in day. The right to organize and strike order to obstruct and destroy the had been denied American workers struggle for democracy today. We for decades although won and recog­ Communists understand full well the nized in Europe in the nineteenth limitations of bourgeois democracy. century. This right is still being dis­ That is why we are the exponents of puted by the American ruling class; and fighters for a higher and more it still must be won completely. The complete form of democracy, socialist same is true of many other democratic democracy. That is why we also com­ rights, hampered, restricted or com­ bat the views of those who, influenced pletely denied to the people. by Trotskyite-Lovestoneite poison, think that it was correct to fight for THE NEW FACTO~-FASCISM democracy in the period of the bour­ Most important of all, however, is geois-democratic revolution, in the a new factor which did not exist in lifetime of Marx and Engels and in the days of Marx and Engels. We the days of tsarist Russia, but that to­ live today in the period of the decline day such a struggle is incorrect. of capitalism, in the epoch of pro­ No one will dispute the fact that in letarian revolution. The bourgeoisie, the United States today the people do unable to rule in the old way, fearing not face the task of achieving a bour­ the growing organized power of the geois-democratic revolution. This his­ toilers, disowns its own revolutionary toric task was accomplished, in the past and discards its own revolution-

Yes, Yes, in in the the United United States States tactics tactics as as well, well, precisely precisely re- in in order order to to fight fight bet-

racy racy as as such. such.

We We have have

changed changed our our

troduction, troduction, Class Class Struggles Struggles

in in

France, France,

p. p. 27.) 27.)

tuted tuted a a line line directed directed against against democ­

rosy rosy cheeks cheeks and and look look like like eternal eternal life." life." (In· (In·

tactical tactical changes changes have have nev.er nev.er consti­ we, we, under under this this legality, legality, get get firm firm muscles muscles and and

nou.s nou.s tue, tue, legality legality is is the the death death tions tions of of of of us; us; class class whereas whereas relationships. relationships. But But these these

despairingly despairingly

with with Odilon Odilon Barrot: Barrot: la la legalite legalite in in accordance accordance with with changing changing condi­

conditions conditions created created by by themselves. themselves. They They

cry cry

been been the the

same. same. Its Its tactics tactics have have varied varied

themselves, themselves, are are perishing perishing under under the the legal legal

bourgeois bourgeois democracy democracy has has not not always always

revolt. revolt. The The parties parties of of order, order, as as they they call call

The The Communist Communist position position toward toward legal legal methods methods than than on on illegal illegal methods methods and and

the the 'rebels'-we 'rebels'-we are are thriving thriving far far better better on on

CHANGED CHANGED TACTICS TACTICS

thing thing upside upside down. down. We, We, the the 'revolutionists,' 'revolutionists,'

CHANGED CHANGED CONDITIONS CONDITIONS REQUIRE REQUIRE "The "The irony irony of of world world history history turns turns every­

from from all all of of its its democratic democratic allies. allies. legal legal institutions. institutions. He He wrote: wrote:

the the working working class; class; it it is is to to be be violence violence cut cut off off to to destroy destroy its its own own democratic, democratic,

ing," ing," is is the the surest surest road road to to disaster disaster toward toward for for democracy, democracy, its its turn turn toward toward

sectarian sectarian cry cry of of "Socialism "Socialism changing changing or or noth­ attitude attitude of of the the bourgeoisie bourgeoisie

them, them, as as are are the the Socialists Socialists with with Engels, Engels, their their in in 1895. 1895. already already foresaw foresaw the the

ing ing as as "Leftists." "Leftists." To To be be influenced influenced by by

serve serve their their fascist fascist masters masters best best by by pos­

struggle struggle for for socialism socialism as as well! well! ite-Lovestoneite ite-Lovestoneite traitors traitors in in this this period period

to to betray betray not not only only democracy democracy but but the the Thus, Thus, all all provocators, provocators, all all Trotsky­

progressive progressive movement. movement. In In short, short, it it is is strivings strivings of of the the people. people.

destruction destruction of of the the whole whole labor labor and and of of weapans weapans against against the the democratic democratic

ensure ensure the the victory victory of of fascism fascism and and the the gions, gions, all all become become part part of of their their arsenal arsenal

counter-revolutionary counter-revolutionary objective, objective, is is to to President, President, vigilante vigilante gangs, gangs, Black Black Le­

permit permit reaction reaction to to accomplish accomplish its its incitement incitement to to assassination assassination of of the the

millions? millions? To To ignore ignore this this struggle, struggle, to to torch torch in in their their own own hands. hands. Murder, Murder,

best best serve serve the the interests interests of of the the toiling toiling their their provocations provocations fail, fail, they they take take the the

cisely cisely at at the the when when these these ~oment ~oment can can stituting stituting open open fascist fascist rule. rule. When When

its its own own democratic democratic institutions institutions pre­ people's people's democratic democratic liberties, liberties, for for in­

the the reactionary reactionary bourgeoisie bourgeoisie to to destroy destroy and and justifications justifications for for wiping wiping out out the the

tions? tions? Can Can the the working working class class They They permit permit wish wish to to find find the the legal legal arguments arguments

gle gle for for democracy democracy under under such such condi­ anarchist anarchist and and ultra-Leftist ultra-Leftist actions. actions.

Can Can the the proletariat proletariat ignore ignore the the strug­ movement, movement, wish wish to to incite incite putschist, putschist,

ity. ity. Such Such is is the the dialectic dialectic burning burning of of history. history. hatred hatred of of the the democratic democratic mass mass

monopolistic monopolistic stage, stage, in in its its age age No No of of senil­ wonder wonder these these forces, forces, in in their their

Frankenstein Frankenstein is is to to the the death death capitalism capitalism of of us." us." in in its its

its its youth, youth, democracy democracy has has own own become become inner inner a a circles circles it it repeats: repeats: "Legality "Legality

States. States. Nurtured Nurtured by by capitalism capitalism ship," ship," and and in in "communism," "communism," while while in in its its

of of reaction reaction and and fascism fascism in in the the the the danger danger United United of of "revolution," "revolution," "dictator­

This This is is the the meaning meaning of of the the erties. erties. offensive offensive It It conducts conducts loud loud tirades tirades against against

rise rise of of fascism fascism throughout throughout the the world. world. tution tution and and with with it it all all democratic democratic lib­

factor. factor. This This is is the the significance significance of of the the Labor Labor Act; Act; tries tries to to nullify nullify the the Consti­

tatorship-fascism. tatorship-fascism. This This is is of of the the struggle. struggle. new new It It violates violates the the Wagner Wagner

to to substitute substitute with with its its open, open, brutal, brutal, force force and and dic­ violence, violence, to to illegal illegal methods methods

ary ary offspring-democracy. offspring-democracy. This This actionary actionary it it aims aims finance finance capital capital resorts resorts to to

THE THE COMMUNIST COMMUNIST ON DEFENSE OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY ter for democracy under different his­ posed to fascism! It is from this that toric circumstances. The failure to we must take our cue. understand this is one of the reasons for the feeling among certain con­ • • • fused people that we have made an It is clear why the Trotskyites and about-face in our attitude toward the Lovestoneites adopt the line that they democratic struggle. Comrade Manu­ do toward the question of democracy. ilsky, one of the outstanding leaders Serving the class enemy, betraying so­ of the Communist International, an­ cialism behind "Leftist" phrases, they swers this question by comparing the aid the offensive of fascism. This is immediate post-war period with that true on a world scale. They work to overthrow the Soviet of today. He says: Republic in the interests of fascism. They are the "We Communists have never unreservedly agents of Franco in Spain and of the championed bourgeois democracy as the So­ cial-Democratic leaders have done, nor have Japanese militarists in China. In the we unreservedly opposed it as the Anarchists U.S. they endeavor to disrupt and dis­ do. organize the progressive movement "We approached the question of bourgeois and seek to keep America .from be­ democracy as subscribers to revolutionary coming a force for world peace, for dialectics, as the disciples of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. For example, during the stopping fascist aggression. German revolution (1918-19), when the On the other hand, there is the struggle raged around the question of "strange" case of certain honest So­ whether Germany was to be a bourgeois re­ cialists who really want to become public or a Soviet republic, when Noske was true Marxist-Leninists but have be­ shooting down the workers on the pretext of protecting the bourgeois republic, at that come enamored of loud revolutionary time, bourgeois dtmocracy was the banner phrases, have become poisoned in around which all the counter-revolutionary their thinking by the Trotskyites and forces of Germany rallied .... To have come Lovestoneites. Let us remind such out in defense of bourgeois democracy under people of what Lenin said in 1918 to such circumstances would have been tanta­ mount to defending the bourgeois counter­ those in his own Party who became revolution against the proletarian revolu­ captivated by "Left" phrases: tion. "And I shall enlighten' you, my amiable "The situation is different today. Today, fJiends, as to why such disaster overtook you. the proletariat in most capitalist countries It is because you devote more effort to learn­ are not confronted with the alternative of, ing by heart and committing to memory bourgeois democracy or proletarian democ­ revolutionary slogans than to thinking them racy; they are confronted with the alternative out." of bourgeois democracy or fascism." (The Work of the Seventh World Congress.) NOT ONLY READ MARX-MASTER MARXISM Can anyone dispute the fact that this is also the case in the United Many honest workers have similar­ States? First, can anyone deny the ly fallen prey to fascinating Left grave menace of reaction and fascism? phrases. They have begun to read Second, does anyone believe that the the writings of Marx and Lenin, but majority of American people have al­ they have not yet studied and what is ready been won for socialism? But more, mastered them. They have only they are for democracy! They are op- memorized certain passages by heart. THE COMMUNIST

They are not yet Marxists, though fending the working class and democ­ they may have a ready formula for the racy against the fascist attempts of the most complicated situation. They reactionary bourgeoisie. must learn to understand the words of Living Marxism, incorporated in the Engels, that: "All history must be leadership and activity of . the Com­ studied afresh," and that "Marxism is munist International, is the founda­ not a dogma, but a guide to action." tion for our position today. We say, Many people who formerly were in­ as did Comrade Dimitroff at the fluenced by Social-Democratic ideol­ Seventh World Congress: ogy remember the disgraceful role of "We are adherents of Soviet democracy, the Socialist leaders in the last war the democracy of the toilers, the most con­ and post-war period. Today they sistent democracy in the world. But in the know what we knew all along, that capitalist countries we defend and shall con­ Social-Democratism was and is bank­ tinue to defend every inch of bourgeois­ democratic liberties which are being attacked rupt; that by its policy of class-col­ by fascism and bourgeois reaction, because laboration it is responsible to history the interests of the class struggle of the pro­ for the defeat of the proletarian revo­ letariat so dictate." lution in Germany and Austria in 1918-19, and for the victory of fas­ • • • cism in these countries in 1933-34. Today the fascist-minded sections But they have not yet thought the of American monopoly capital, as whole thing through. They do not yet part of the world fascist offensive, have fully understand why Bolshevism embarked upon a concerted reaction­ triumphed as the world proletarian ary onslaught to restrict, nullify and ideology; why the Soviet Union under destroy the democratic parliamentary the leadership of Lenin and Stalin has processes of government, to abrogate been successful in building socialism, civil liberties, to attack and dismem­ in developing democracy further. ber the trade union movement, and These people know today that So­ to curtail and wipe out all progres­ cial-Democracy in defending bour­ sive labor and social legislation. geois democracy in the world of Therefore, under present conditions twenty years ago betrayed the interests the defense of American democracy is of the working class. Therefore, think not only a defensive struggle for safe­ they, it is likewise wrong to defend guarding the democratic institutions bourgeois democracy from the threat and rights of the people, but simul­ of fascism today. But what a differ­ taneously becomes a counter-offensive ence there is between defending bour­ of the working class and people geois democracy against the proletar­ against the rule of finance capital. ian revolution as did the Social-Demo­ Thus the dialectics of history create crats in 1918 and defending bourgeois the seemingly paradoxical situation democracy against the threat of fas­ in which to defend bourgeois democ­ cism, today! The former, the policy racy means to take the field of polit­ of defending the reactionary bour­ ical struggle against the domip.ant sec­ geoisie against the working class in tions of the bourgeoisie, the financiers its struggle for a higher form of de­ of fascism and war-the Morgans and mocracy; the latter, the policy of de- du Ponts, the Girdlers and Fords, the ON DEFENSE OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

Hearsts and the Vandenbergs. ercised in a wide democratic front so Not ~o understand that the fight as to influence, guide and organize the against reaction and fascism is the democratic mass movement of the peo­ main historic task of the present and ple. It is a policy of political action the new form in which the political based upon the teachings of Lenin struggle of the working class and peo­ such as set forth in 1897 in his advice ple for their final emancipation from to the Russian workers on the strug­ capitalism is now being conducted­ gle for proletarian hegemony in a is not to grasp Marxism-Leninism as a democratic movement: guide to action. It means to abandon "The attitude of the working class, as the Marxism, to disarm the proletariat, fighter against absolutism [read today: reac­ .and to deliver the democratic people tion and fascism-D.-G.], toward all the other ·into fascist bondage. social classes and groups that are in the po­ litical opposition is precisely determined by THE DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACY REQUIRES the fundamental principles of Social-Democ­ racy [read today: communism] as expounded A DEMOCRATIC FRONT OF' STRUGGLE in the famous Communist Manifesto. Social­ It is precisely because in the organi­ Democrats [Communists] support the pro­ zation of the anti-fascist mass move­ gressive social classes against the reactionary classes, the bourgeoisie against representa­ ment to preserve and extend demo­ tives of privileged and feudal landownership cratic liberties and processes it is now and the bureaucracy.... This support does possible and vital to mobilize the not presuppose, and does not require, any working class in alliance with the compromise with non-Social-Democratic pro­ farmers, the professionals, small busi­ grams and principles-it is support given to an ally against a particular enemy. More­ ness people and also even temporarily over, the Social-Democrats render this sup­ with certain liberal sections of the port in order to accelerate the fall of the bourgeoisie who stand opposed to the common enemy; they do not expect anything unrestricted power of finance capital for themselves from these temporary allies, -that the Trotskyite-Lovestoneite and concede nothing to them. The Social­ scum strive to prevent the formation Democrats support every revolutionary move­ ment against the present social system, they of a broad, anti-fascist democratic support all oppressed peoples, persecuted front. This is why they slander the religions, oppressed estatt;s, etc., in their fight tactics of the democratic, as well as for equal rights." (Selected Works, Vol. I, the People's Front policy as that of p. 502.) "class-collaboration.'' The anti-fascist policy of support of But this policy of the democratic democracy aims not to strengthen but front is the antithesis of class collab­ to limit, restrict and thereby weaken oration. It is a policy based upon the power of monopoly capital over proletarian unity of action as the the economy and political life of our axis for uniting all anti-fascist sections country. The working class together of the American people in struggle with the broad sections of the popula­ against the most reactionary circles tion, in developing the democratic and of monopoly capital. It is not a pol­ People's Front policy of defense of icy of reliance and dependence of the democracy, takes as its starting point proletariat upon the bourgeoisie, but the protection of the standards of liv­ a policy in which independent labor ing and the safeguarding of the demo­ political action and leadership are ex- cratic rights of the people as provided

Wages Wages and and Hours Hours Bill, Bill, its its Reorgani- of of the the people people to to alter alter or or abolish abolish it it ...... it it is is

and and the the pursuit pursuit of of happiness) happiness) it it is is the the right right Wagner Wagner Labor Labor Relations Relations Act, Act, the the

comes comes destructive destructive to to these these ends ends (life, (life, liberty liberty

the the Supreme Supreme Court Court Reform Reform Bill, Bill,

the the

"Whenever "Whenever any any form form of of government government be· be·

mote mote the the people's people's interests, interests, such such as as

spite spite their their manifest manifest limitations, limitations, pro­ in in the the Declaration Declaration of of Independence. Independence.

Roosevelt Roosevelt administration administration American American people, people, which, which, such such de­ as as embodied embodied

tures tures and and legislative legislative proposals proposals of of the the lutionary lutionary traditions traditions and and rights rights of of the the

ously ously supported supported all all progressive progressive fea­ ders ders of of the the great great progressive progressive and and revo­

cratic cratic program. program. Our Our Party Party has has vigor­ racy racy as as the the sole sole inheritors inheritors and and defen­

at at present present a a liberal liberal ward ward in in bourgeois-demo­ defense defense of of American American democ­

mains mains a a bourgeois bourgeois working working government government class class and and having having its its allies allies come come for­

This This policy policy Roosevelt Roosevelt further further insists insists government government that that the the was was and and re­

to to this this end. end. We We consider consider that that the the burden. burden.

and and monopolies monopolies contributes, contributes, must must bear bear even even the tax tax the in in a a small small degree, degree,

to to which which the the policy policy upon upon of of ability ability the the government government to to pay, pay, where where the the trusts trusts

lishing lishing a a system system and and fascism fascism of of taxation taxation at at all all costs, costs, based based and and the the extent extent

and and public public utilities, utilities, tral tral question question for for finally finally of of defeating defeating estab­ reaction reaction

and and ownership ownership class class of of the the forces forces railways, railways, in in the the country, country, banks banks by by the the cen­

for for establishing establishing chiefly chiefly government government by by the the concrete concrete control control relation relation of of

curbing curbing the the is is monopolies monopolies conditioned conditioned and and by by trusts, trusts, many many factors, factors,

and and enforce enforce government government federal federal legislation legislation in in the the present present for for situation situation

peace. peace. It It demands demands that that Congress Congress enact enact Our Our position position toward toward the the Roosevelt Roosevelt

and and consistent consistent velt velt defender defender government? government? of of world world

on on the the international international arena arena as as an an active active cratic cratic governments governments such such as as the the Roose­

icy icy so so as as to to bring bring the the U.S.A. U.S.A. forward forward supporters supporters of of existing existing bourgeois-demo­

the the people people over over American American foreign foreign pol­ nify nify that that we we Communists Communists have have become become

establishing establishing the the democratic democratic control control of of cratic cratic institutions institutions and and liberties liberties sig­

It It includes includes further further the the policy policy of of reserved reserved support support of of American American demo­

usurped usurped powers powers of of the the Supreme Supreme Court. Court. The The question question is is asked, asked, does does our our un­

tion; tion; for for curbing curbing and and ending ending the the

gress gress to to enact enact social social and and labor labor legisla­

ing ing the the unrestricted unrestricted power power of of Con­

mandate mandate by by Cqngress; Cqngress; for for guarantee­ solving solving future future historic historic tasks. tasks.

the the realization realization of of the the people's people's will will and and can can people people and and as as a a springboard springboard for for

Negro Negro people. people. stubbornly stubbornly fights fights for for It It pursuit pursuit of of happiness happiness for for the the Ameri­

civil civil liberties, liberties, and and equal equal rights rights for for the the to to preserve preserve and and extend extend life, life, liberty liberty and and

ing ing trade trade union union rights rights and and conditions, conditions, will will utilize utilize existing existing democratic democratic rights rights

establishing, establishing, protecting protecting and and extend­ fascism fascism from from coming coming into into power. power. They They

a a many-sided, many-sided, consistent consistent struggle struggle for for feat feat the the attempts attempts of of the the Tories Tories of of

progress progress and and peace, peace, consists consists in in waging waging democratic democratic front front of of struggle, struggle, will will de­

Front Front policy policy of of defense defense of of democracy, democracy, 'American 'American working working people, people, united united in in a a

The The anti-fascist anti-fascist democratic democratic People's People's and and inalienable inalienable democratic democratic right, right, the the

ner ner Labor Labor Relations Relations Act. Act. True True to to the the spirit spirit of of this this heritage heritage

in in such such labor labor legislation legislation as as

the the Wag­

guards guards for for their their future future security security ...... " "

the the Bill Bill of of Rights, Rights, and and as as embodied embodied

such such government government and and to to provide provide new new safe­

for for in in

the the

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Constitution Constitution

and and their their right, right, it it is is their their duty duty to to throw throw off off

THE THE COMMUNIST COMMUNIST ON DEFENSE OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY zation Bill, and the present works and ¥OR A DEMOCRATIC FRONT relief recovery program, recognizing GOVERNMENT full well the limitations of these meas­ ures. This raises a cardinal questio.11. While our Party opposes and will Our Party supports only that which struggle against all attempts to over­ is progressive in governmental policy throw or supplant the Roosevelt gov­ and opposes all concessions and cap­ ernment by a government of reaction itulations to the reactionaries whether -we believe that the immediate demo­ on the issues of relief, subsidies to the cratic interests of the people require banks, or on foreign policy. We have that even fulfilment of the limited, consistently stressed the gap between non-socialist progressive statement of the progressive declarations of policy policy of Roosevelt requires the estab­ bv Roosevelt and the various reaction­ lishment of a government based upon and compromising actions of his ~ and representing and responsible to a administration, such as on the ques­ democratic front which unites in com­ tion of peace. We have pointed out mon action the widest masses of the the hesitations, and vacillations and people. inconsistencies of the Roosevelt ad­ This is why our Party raises before ministration. We constantly work to the entire labor and progressive move· mobilize an effective democratic mass ment as the chief tasks of the hour, movement to bring pressure upon as the immediate objective to ensure Roosevelt and Congress for realizing the defeat of reaction and fascism the progressive aspects of his plat­ now, the supreme need of organizing form. a wide democratic-front mass move­ At the same time we Communists ment and Congressional election cam­ vigorously oppose, and organize mass paign. Such a formation will not only resistance to, the coalition of reaction­ speed up the development of a pow­ ary Democrats and Republicans in erful People's Front against reaction Congress who are working to defeat and the fascist warmakers and make Roosevelt's progressive reform legisla­ possible the establishment of a real tion. Moreover, we uncompromisingly People's Front anti-fascist government oppose and fight against the prepara­ -but it opens as an immediate per­ tions of the reactionary sections of fi­ spective the possibility of electing a nance capital to overthrow the Roose­ Congress that can ensure the fulfil­ vent government by force and vio­ ment of the people's mandate of 1936, lence.. for democracy, security, jobs and Moreover, our Party recognizes that peace. within the Roosevelt government, just In the present situation, when the as within Congress, there is a demo­ defense of bourgeois democracy means cratic wing, moving in. a more con­ to defend both the present and future sistently progressive direction, which interests of the American working must be drawn into the developing class and people, Comrade Browder democratic front movement and into has clearly placed the position of our a government based upon its program Party, the position of Marxism-Len­ and policies. inism:

268.) 268.) p. p. V, V, Vol. Vol. Works, Works, lected lected genuinely genuinely a a of of establishment establishment the the

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.p8 .p8 COMMUNIST COMMUNIST THE THE UNEMPLOYMENT-AN OLD STRUGGLE UNDER NEW CONDITIONS

BY H. B.

HE present crisis is not merely a we are faced merely with a little more T repetition of an old story, nor is of the same old problem. unemployment in the present crisis Fortunately this is not the attitude merely a matter of numerical increase of the most responsible leaders of the of an old condition. most decisive section in the labor There were still some nine or ten movement-the C.I.O. As far back as millions unemployed when the recov­ last October, at the Atlantic City ery trend suddenly stopped. With this Conference of the C.I.O., John L. as a base and with unemployment in­ Lewis, Phillip Murray, and other creasing at a greater rate than in any C.I.O. leaders placed this problem previous crisis in American history, squarely before the whole labor move­ the unemployed army has grown, in ment. In speeches and resolutions less than six months, to greater pro­ presented at that conference, the im­ portions than in the three years of the portance of prompt and vigorous ac­ 1929-33 crisis._ According to official tion in defense of the unemployed estimates, three million workers were was stressed and placed as a major made jobless in as many months, from problem for the C.I.O. and all pro­ October through December, 1937. gressive unions. This continued acceleration in the The stand taken by the C.I.O. on rate of increase of unemployment is the problem of unemployment and indicated by a recent statement of the the unemployed was as striking a de­ Department of Labor that "1,300,000 parture from the traditional position workers in non-agricultural pursuits of the trade union movement of the lost their jobs between mid-Decem­ United States as its stand on the issues ber and mid-January." of industrial unionism, organization of the unorganized, and independent Due to the suddenness with which political action. This position in re­ the present crisis developed, the full gard to unemployment, conforming significance of this great increase in to the progressive role and policy of unemployment has not been .fully the C.I.O., reflects the new conditions realized by many of the organizations which make necessary a different ap­ most vitally and directly concerned. proach, a new program and new tac­ There is still prevalent in too many tics in coping with what superficially quarters a matter-of-fact opinion that appear as old familiar problems. ·P9 THE COMMUNIST

lOME FEATURES OF A NEW responsible for their being unem­ ENVIRONMENT ployed. They demand "Job Security" as a matter of right. They have a It is a fact that unemployment is as sense of power based upon the suc­ widespread as in 1932 and that cer­ cessful struggles they have conducted tainly its effects upon the living stand­ in the past few years and, therefore, a ards of the millions deprived of gain­ feeling of confidence that they can ful employment are as serious. Now, find the way to establish their right. as always, unemployment means im­ Already during the wave of sit­ mediately reduced living conditions down strikes, the workers manifested for the families of employed and un­ their new attitude toward their rights employed alike. Those still working as workers. When they took possession must share the total family income of the plants in the rubber, auto and with unemployed members. Those on . other industries, they asserted that relief find themselves compelled to they have a sort of property right to exist, at best, only on a bare subsist­ their jobs which is as deserving of re­ ence level, which is the standard of spect as the right claimed by the public assistance. The part-time work­ owner of the plant. The demagogy ot ers often receive even less than those the open-shop employers who tried to on relief, though they are not yet justify their strike-breaking activities counted among the unemployed. by claiming that they were defending Yet there is not that general gloom a great principle-"the right to work," which prevailed under seemingly·simi­ has served further to fortify the con­ lar conditions in 1931-32. viction of the masses that this is in­ This is not because the unem­ deed a cardinal right. ployed and employed are more accus­ It is this conviction and this sense tomed to unemployment and to its of power that account for the ab­ effects. On the contrary, there is much sence of the despair which was such more conscious resentment and un­ a marked feature of the early years of willingness to suffer unemployment the previous depression and crisis. today, much less of a sense of resigna­ Nor is the present condition merely tion than during the early years of a matter of a different mood or feel·· the last crisis. In innumerable ways, ing. On the contrary, the different the workers have expressed the con­ mood and feeling are a reflection of viction that they have a right to ex­ a different condition. pect and demand an opportunity for In 1929 labor organizations were gainful employment. numerically weak and ineffectual. Workers feel today that unemploy­ The A. F. of L., which claimed to ment is not inevitable, a sort of act speak for labor, concerned itself only of God against which they can do with the skilled workers who were the nothing. Nor do they accept the old better paid and therefore able to pay theory that they are somehow to high dues. These workers and the blame for their joblessness and desti­ power of their organization were de­ tution. They, and especially those liberately separated from the large who are organized, consider that the masses of unskilled and unorganized, business interests of this country are who were the first to suffer acute want AN OLD STRUGGLE UNDER NEW CONDITIONS 421 and destitution as a result of unem~ in response to this demand, that the ployment. · federal, state and local governments The unemployed were, therefore, acknowledged al)d accepted, at least left to stand alone. They had to or­ in principle, the obligation to provide ganize themselves, without resources, relief for the victims of economic without experience, without leader­ crisis and mass unemployment. ship or aid other than that which the President Roosevelt has described then small and weak Communist the change that has taken place as one P¥ty could give them. In contrast to that has produced "a new moral the political weakness of the labor climate." We may not entirely agree movement, the reactionary big busi­ with Roosevelt as to the reason or ex­ ness interests were completely en­ tent of this "new moral climate," but trenched in every division of govern­ the fact that the political position of ment. The unemployed were left to the labor movement and of the un­ fight alone and unaided, except for employed in the United States is vast­ the Communist Party, against the ef­ ly different from that in 1929-33 can­ forts of big business to impose the not be denied. entire burden of the crisis upon the And it is with these facts in mind workers, the poor farmers and the. that we must consider in what way small business people. the position of the unemployed, and Led by Hoover, all spokesmen of the program, tactics and organization the government stubbornly refused to forms for the struggle against unem­ recognize, even in principle, the obli­ ployment, must differ from those of gation to provide relief to the unem­ the preceding crisis. ployed. It was necessary for the un­ The following data, from a table employed to fight desperately against prepared by the U. S. Bureau of La­ actual, unrelieved starvation. And the bor Statistics, reveal the extent to fight under these conditions had of which some of the major industries very necessity to take the form of di­ have contributed to the growth of rect physical conflict due to the or· unemployment during the first three ganized violence with which the months of the recession:· government met every elementary AGGREGATE DECLINE IN EMPLOYMENT demand of the unemployed. (September to December, 1937) The new conditions which prevail Industry September December Total today are very largely the product of Decline these bitter struggles. It is through Iron and Steel. . 934,700 773,200 161,500 Machinery .... 1,157,300 1,001,500 155,800 these struggles conducted by the un­ Lumber ...... 652400 528,700 123,700 employed that the people of the Textiles ...... 1,655,500 1437,100 218,400 United States were aroused against the Foods ...... 915,700 712,goo 202,8oo reactionary policies of the Hoover Railroads ...... 1,133,000 1,008,000 125,000 Administration. It was largely because Construction ... 1,320,000 987,000 333,000 of this that a demand for a "new It should be noted that such indus­ deal" grew into a political revolt that tries as auto,· which are among the placed Roosevelt in the White House hardest hit, are not included in the and an overwhelming Democratic table. A recent report shows that of . majority in the Congress. And it was some 23o,ooo members of the Auto THE COMMUNIST

Union in Detroit, only 30,000 have During the past eight years many even part-time employment. Also, the plans and programs have been pre­ figures for the next three months, sented, discussed, and tried out. Few, when unemployment continued to in­ if any, workers could be fooled today crease steadily, are not reflected. by the various substitutes and pana­ But the table suffices to indicate ceas which were offered to the unem­ both the extent of unemployment and ployed by Hoover reactionaries and the composition of the new recruits by such demagogues as produced the to the army of unemployed. It is these share-the-work: plans, self-help plans. new recruits who must be expected to or Townsend plans. play a decisive role in the unemploy­ What the unemployed demand and ment movement of the current crisis. will fight for today, is, first of all, Of these, the most decisive element jobs-the right to do useful work at are the recently organized workers of decent wages! the basic mass production industries.. Denied opportunity for such work These are the workers who will de­ by the owners of industry, the unem­ termine the program of demands and ployed demand and will insist that of action against unemployment. the government shall provide such These workers may not engage in jobs on a public works program. food riots as did the unemployed of It is quite true, as even the reac­ 1931-32, they may not conduct hunger tionaries recognize, that the American marches; but this will not be because worker does not want a "dole." But they are less militant or less deter­ the American workers and the Ameri­ mined to secure the relief they re­ can people refuse to accept the reac­ quire and to which they feel entitled. tionary conclusion that therefore the The militancy and determination of unemployed must be willing to starve these workers will find expression in when private industry fails to pro­ less dramatic forms, but, if anything, vide gainful work. Today the same re­ in more effective kind of action. They actionaries, who previously opposed will compel recognition of their rights demands for relief to the unemployed and respect for their demands through on the ground that the dole is de­ their new unions, through joint po­ grading, are clamoring for a return litical action with their employed to "local, direct relief" -the degrad­ brothers, with farmers, with profes­ ing dole. sional and other middle class elements But the unemployed, supported by that make up the progressive, demo­ the labor and progressive forces of cratic forces of the country. the country, have no intention to go backward to a system of miserable, WHAT PROGRAM WILL THE UNEMPLOYED degrading hunger doles. Nor even can FIGHT FOR? they accept the present works pro­ Today the unemployed, as part of gram as a satisfactory, or, as President the labor movement, are not only Roosevelt called it, a fitting response better organized but also more clear to their demand for work. · as to what they need and what they . Works Progress Administration, want. It will not be necessary to waste which is the principal form of federal time and effort in devising a program. works and relief, is in too many ways AN OLD STRUGGLE UNDER NEW CONDITIONS 423 inadequate. First, there is the fact that of slum dwellings with decent homes, the W.P.A. program is arbitrarily the production of badly needed con­ limited in so far as the number of sumers goods, etc., is left undone. jobs it provides. Even after the W.P.A. is by no means a fitting re­ President asked and the Congress sponse to the demand for useful work voted the $25o,ooo,ooo deficiency, at decent wages. Nor does it provide. W.P.A. will provide only 2,5oo,ooo that job security which is demanded jobs, when 14,ooo,ooo workers are by the workers of the United States. jobless. These basic demands have yet to be No change has been made in the won. They can and will be won only monthly earnings of W.P.A. workers in stubborn struggle against the re­ since this program was first instituted actionaries who have thus far success­ in April, 1935; that is, no change for fully restricted and obstructed the the better. The original monthly se­ efforts. curity wage of $19 to $94 still stands. WHAT ABOUT DIRECT RELIEF? Actual earnings have, however, been reduced as a sort of retaliation for Lately there has been considerable the fact that organized labor insisted confusion in regards to the question that prevailing hourly wages shall be of direct relief. As a consequence of paid. As a consequence, workers are the drive on the part of reactionaries not paid if they are unable to work to return to direct relief as a substi­ because of bad weather, holidays, in­ tute for a works program, many well­ terruptions due to lack of materials, meaning progressives, including some and many other causes. Average earn­ in the labor and unemployed move­ ings of W.P.A. workers are about $5o ments, have been unwilling to press a month. This is in many cases less for a federal program that would pro­ than the worker would receive on the vide direct aid to those unemployed basis of a direct relief budget. who are not taken care of through Then there is the matter of kind the W.P.A. and similar programs. of work. W.P.A. is prohibited from While there can be no doubt as to engaging in the production of goods which is preferable, it. is nevertheless which might compete with private in­ wrong and unnecessary to take an dustry. As a result, most of the work either-or attitude. This attitude has of W.P.A. consists of construction of been a too convenient alibi for the roads, airports, golf courses, occasional Washington Administration. First it repair or construction of schools and is declared that the federal govern­ other small public buildings. Most of ment will provide for employables the jobs are therefore common labor while states and municipalities are to jobs. This means that when a shoe, aid the unemployables. Then, having textile, auto, railroad, or other skilled failed to take care of all the employ­ or semi-skilled worker loses his job in abies, the federal government never­ private industry, he is required to give theless proceeds to declare, making up his chosen occupation and to be­ it a matter of principle, that it has come a common laborer. no obligation to provide direct relief It means also that much socially since this is the responsibility of lO'cal needed work, such as the replacement government. THE COMMUNIST

As a result, relief standards have substitute the direct relief .dole for steadily deteriorated since the federal the public works program which pro­ government stepped out of the pic­ vides jobs and in most cases more in­ ture. From an average of $23 a month come, we must also oppose those who, per family at the time when federal on ·the grounds of such preference, grants supplemented state and local justify the failure to supply the means relief funds, relief standards dropped of subsistence to those unable to se­ to a general average, for 36 reporting cure gainful employment in private states, of $16.87 in October, 1937. industry or on public works. Somes states, like Georgia, Mississippi, SOCIAL SECURITY PROVISIONS and other Southern states, actually maintained average standards of as The practical way to get rid of the little as $3.50 a month per family. degrading and utterly unsatisfactory Federal grants based on the same dole is by providing a real system of principle as in the Social Security Act, unemployment insurance. By improv­ where contributions are made depen­ ing present laws so that all workers dent upon approved minimum stand­ will be included, so that waiting ards, would go a long way toward periods will be shortened or elim­ raising relief from the present starva­ inated, so that the amount of benefits tion levels. will be increased, it would be possible It is necessary to bear in mind that to provide the means of subsistence to a Works Program, especially a useful the unemployed until they could be program, cannot possibly take on placed on a private or public works workers as rapidly and in as large job. numbers as the unemployment situ­ Similar improvements as regards ation may require. This has been most old-age assistance, mother's aid, and clearly demonstrated in the present aid to the disabled will take care of sudden rise of unemployment. Such the unemployables who cannot be cities, for example, as Detroit and fitted into a public works program. Pittsburgh, and more particularly the A consistent effort to bring about many smaller, one-industry towns, these and other improvements in the suddenly find themselves with tens of totally inadequate Social Security laws thousands of additional unemployed must and undoubtedly will be a neces­ on their hands. Even if unlimited sary part of every progressive pro­ funds were available to the Works gram in this period. Such an effort Progress Administration, it would still can be directed towards realizing and require considerable time to plan, ap­ implementing the sound principles of prove, secure sponsorship, and start the Workers' Social Insurance Bill, work projects. The difficulty of find­ which continues to be the best social ing suitable projects in such cities, to insurance program yet developed in employ as many as need aid, would this country. become, in fact has actually been, an In the few months since the unem­ additional cause of prolonged hard­ ployment insurance laws have been in ship for hundreds of thousands of operation, it has become clear that needy families. the active interest and aid of the So, while resisting all efforts to unions will be needed, if unemployed AN OLD STRUGGLE UNDER NEW CONDITIONS 415

workers are not to be cheated out of Andrew Mellon and the U. S. Steel even the . meager benefits these laws Corporation, now has a mayor who are supposed to assure. The effort to was elected with the help of the C.I.O. improve social security will go hand and other progressive forces. As a re­ in hand with day-to-day service by the sult, the City Hall of Pittsburgh, unions in behalf of their unemployed which during previous years was the members. The Workers Alliance will scene of many bloody clashes between render similar services to otherwise police. and unemployed, is now made unorganized workers. available for meetings of the Workers Alliance. THE CHARACTER. OF OUR STRUGGLE As a result of united, independent political action, members of the Already, there is to be noted a con­ Workers Alliance, as well as of the siderable· difference in the character C.I.O. and A. F. of L. unions, occupy of the present struggle against unem­ public offices, some as mayors, some ployment as contrasted to the strug­ as state legislators, some as city coun­ gles of the previous depression years. cilmen. Thus, we have recently wit· This is not be wondered at. Rather, it nessed unemployed demonstrations would be strange if it were otherwise. where public officials, instead of or­ Times have changed. The fight of the dering police assaults against the past eight years has not been in vain. demonstrators, actively participated in The attitude and policy of the gov­ such actions of the unemployed. ernment have changed. Above all, the The struggle against unemploy­ labor movement has changed in com­ ment and for the needs of the un­ position, in program, in fighting ca­ employed under these conditions and pacity, in political consciousness. in view of the composition of the most One may go into almost any im­ decisive sections of the unemployed, portant city in the country and find must naturally take new and different that change refiected in some cases in forms. While the unemployed organ­ direct cooperation by public officials izations as such still have the special with the organized workers; in al­ responsibility to focu~ attention on most all cases, in evidences of respect the needs and demands of the unem­ for the workers' organizations. This ployed, they no longer stand isolated attitude on the part of public officials, and alone. The labor and progressive whether it be grudging or willing, ex­ movement. as a whole has come to tends to the unemployed organiza­ realize that unemployment is not tions as well as to the trade unions. merely the concern of the unem­ Even the most reactionary politi­ ployed, but is a matter of major con­ cians would hesitate to display such cern to all the people. The leaders of open hostility to the unemployed as the C.I.O. in particular have clearly was common throughout the period perceived this. A statement which ap­ of the Hoover Administration. In pears in the Union News Service of some cities the contrast is actually the C.I.O. expresses this when it de­ startling. For example, Pittsburgh, the clares that "millions have been laid city which a few years a.go was notori­ off, and that the biggest fight of ,the ous as a place owned and governed by C.I.O. is to see that the government THE COMMUNIST provides work and adequate relief for employed and the unions and other them." progressive forces. Clearly, the active support of the The reasons for this policy on the powerful C.I.O. unions, of the forces part of the reactionaries are clear. For represented by Labor's Non-Partisan example, it is quite obvious why Tam­ League, the American Labor Party in many Hall, which was defeated by a New York, the Commonwealth Politi­ united coalition of democratic forces cal Federation in Washington, and of which the unemployed, as repre­ similar movements in other parts of sented by the Workers Alliance, were the country lends tremendous weight an essential part, would be eager to to the demands of the unemployed. develop every possible division in that And the unemployed cannot help but democratic front. Tammanyites and realize that such support is indispen­ other reactionaries would conceiv­ sable to the success of their struggle. ably resort to all possible provocation Because of this, and because many and demagogy to accomplish this pur­ of them are now members of unions pose. Tammany agents who de­ whose policies and tactics they proper· nounced the Alliance during the re­ ly respect, the unemployed are not cent campaign are now professing a likely to become involved in the type great deal of sympathy and concern, of spontaneous actions which were not only for the unemployed, but characteristic of previous struggles. even for the Workers Alliance, in New Responsible leaders of the unem­ York. They eagerly offer their help ployed are not likely to advise any to the Alliance. Of course, they are action which would jeopardize the not so crude as to ask immediate re­ necessary collaboration with the pow­ turn of favors rendered. They are erful unions and the influential pro­ quite willing to make the investment gressive movements generally. They for the future. know, as the unemployed know, that Now, when certain elements in the the unemployed can gain more American Labor Party of New York through action that enlists the active display lack of interest or friendly support of the broader mass move­ · concern for the unemployed, the ments, than through the impetuous Tammanyites are quick to seize the action of an isolated minority. Even opportunity to point this out to the though this requires more patient and unemployed and to the Alliance. careful planning, preparation and Likewise, when Mayor LaGuardia in­ tactfulness, it is these rather than the clines to make concessions to the spectacular clashes that will realize more conservative elements among his the immediate aims of the unem­ backers, at the expense of the unem­ ployed and of all concerned with their ployed, the Tammanyites, who in previous years clubbed the unem­ welfare. ployed when they demanded relief, It is especially necessary to stress now come forward with suggestions this, because many reactionaries and for "militant" demonstrati~ns at City some self-styled radicals are, for their Hall. own varied reasons, trying to create No one could for long maintain divisions between the organized un- leadership of the unemployed who AN OLD STRUGGLE UNDER NEW CONDITIONS 417 would direct the struggle of the un­ UNIONS AND 'IHE UNEMPLOYED employed· against progressive public One of the most important and en­ officials supported by organized labor couraging new features of the present and progressive forces. The unem­ situation is the attitude adopted to­ ployed, especially those who are or­ ward the unemployed by some of the ganized, realize that their welfare is most powerful and responsible unions bound up with the welfare of the and union leaders. For the first time in great mass of the people. This is why the history of the American labor unemployed leaders who want to be movement, the unions recognize that loyal members of the Socialist Party the struggle against unemployment is have found it impossible to adhere to . an essential and integral part of their the sectarian policies of the Socialist role. Party and and have therefore found The traditional attitude of con­ themselves in conflict with the official tempt for those who cannot pay high policy of their party. initiation fees and dues has been aban­ Does this mean that the struggle doned by most unions and all but a for the demands of the unemployed few of their most reactionary leaders. must be abandoned? Of course not. The attitude that the union has no This struggle is a vital part of the en­ obligation towards a worker who can­ tire labor and progressive movement. not be included in a contract or agree­ It is the special duty and responsibil­ ment with a private employer is like­ ity of the unemployed organization to wise abandoned. see that the needs and demands of the It is largely because of this new at­ unemployed are fully supported by titude that the present depression the entire movement. This must be does not yet witness the large-scatt: done by directing the struggle against wage slashes that featured the depres­ the reactionary, common enemy and sion under the old "moral climate." by convincing and persuading those And it is largely because of this that of our allies who might tend to forget the· new unions, in the basic mass pro­ or ignore our needs that this would be duction industries, hav~ retained their detrimental to the entire progressive members and have even continued to front as well as to the unemployed. grow under conditions that hereto­ With and through the progressive, fore seemed bound to result in the democratic forces of the people, decline of union membership. against ·the ·organized forces of reac­ The C.I.O. has taken the lead in de­ tion: this is the basis of the tactics claring that its affiliated unions will of the unemployed movement today. fight for adequate relief, for public In the forthcoming Congressional works jobs, and for social security and state elections, the unemployed benefits with the same vigor and de­ will play a major, and in some cases termination with which it has prose­ the decisive role. The results of the cuted the fight for its members when elections, in tum, will determine to they were employed in private indus­ a considerable extent how far the pro­ try. And the C.I.O. is making good its gram of the unemployed can be real­ declaration by organizing unemploy­ ized during the next two years. ment committees in all affiliated lo- THE COMMUNIST cals, by setting up city-wide Unem­ Each recognizes the role and the ployment Councils. rights of the other. The unions or­ Responsible leaders of the C.I.O. ganize their own unemployed mem­ have recognized that, although it must bers and potential members. The be the duty of the union to represent Alliance organizes those not now eligi­ its unemployed .members and also ble or subject to the jurisdiction of such unemployed as are normally em­ any union which is able and willing ployed in the industries of their juris­ to act on the needs of their unem­ diction, there is nevertheless still need ployed. The efforts of both are co­ for such organizations as the Workers ordinated through city-wide councils Alliance. The Alliance, in turn, has in which all are represented. On the welcomed the entrance of the unions W.P.A. projects, joint grievance com­ into the unemployed field and has mittees are established. 'The Workers aided in setting up machinery, in de­ Alliance encourages those who are veloping a program and campaigns members or . are eligible to union around the issues of the unemployed. membership to retain or assume As a consequence, greater unity oi membership. The union members en­ employed and unemployed, of unions courage and help the unorganized to and unemployed, has been effected. join the Alliance. This has helped to make the strug­ The object is not only to safeguard gle against unemployment a means of the immediate interests of the unem­ advancing the fight for reunification ployed but also to advance the prin­ of the entire labor movement. A. F. of ciples and aims of unionism. On the L. locals and members have been W.P.A. efforts are made to organize drawn into joint struggle with C.I.O. all projects 100 per cent. The conse­ and Workers Alliance organizations quence is greater power, greater and members in many localities. achievements and greater advances to­ Naturally, there have been some wards the common goal. mistakes and weaknesses in carrying Reactionary big business has helped out these relatively new tasks and in to precipitate the present depression maintaining these new relationships. in the hope that it might thereby wipe Some unions have been slow to de­ out the gains made by labor during velop the necessary machinery for the past several years. But the grow­ dealing with the problem of their un­ ing front of the people can and must employed. Some unions, having little prevent a reversion to the economic experience, have failed to make their and political conditions of the Hoover machinery as effective as necessary. period. The Alliance as well as union organ­ The best experiences of the People's izations have on occasion engaged in Front of France and of the recent rivalry instead of cooperation. struggles of the American people, But the basic line of both the show that it can be done and show unions and the Alliance is correct. how it can be done. THE ECONOMIC CRISIS

BY ROBERT STARK

HE new economic crisis which has ery, and boom. During the last cycle T begun in the United States not the crisis lasted from 1929 to 1933, only creates great hardships for the the depression from 1933-35, the re American people, but is a develop­ covery from 1935-37. But there de­ ment of profound political signifi­ veloped no boom period. In such a cance. lVithin our own country, the period industry operates virtually at monopolists and their allies will in­ capacity, nearly all workers are em­ tensify their drive against the living ployed, many new enterprises are standards and democratic rights of started, and production expands to the people, while the democratic front new record levels. But instead of de­ forces will extend and coordinate veloping into boom, the recovery their struggle against reaction for movement was interrupted by a new democratic rights, for social and eco­ crisis. Other distortions of the recov­ nomic advances. The crisis will ex­ ery period, closely interrelated, and tend throughout the capitalist world, without precedent in American his­ greatly increasing the danger of war, tory, were: sharpening the world struggle be­ 1. The peak of industrial activity tween fascism and democracy. Care­ was below the peak of the previous ful study of the crisis will provide a cycle. The index of industrial pro­ map of the terrain on which the class duction, at the high point, was 3 per. struggle will be largely concentrated cent below the peak in 1929. Con­ in the near future. sidering the 7 per cent growth of population, peak production per DISTORTIONS IN THE AMERICAN capita in 1937 was 10 per cent below ECONOMY DURING THE LAST the peak per capita production in BUSINESS CYCLE 1929- This new economic crisis is a cycli­ 2. Mass unemployment remained cal crisis interwoven with the general throughout the cycle, at no time fall­ crisis of capitalism. Due to the effects ing below 1o,ooo,ooo. of the general crisis of world capital­ 3· Government relief, work proj-. ism, the whole business cycle is dis­ ects, construction activities, etc., pro­ torted from its normal course. Such vided a considerable portion of the distortions were particularly marked basis for the recovery which did occur. during the recent period in the U. S. Thus, in 1936, "government," includ­ The four phases of the normal busi­ ing local and state governments as ness cycle are crisis, depression, recov- well as the federal government, was 430 THE COMMUNIST

the source of 18 per cent of the na­ total in any single year from 1925 to tional income, • as against only 8 per 1929. (See Table II.) Construction by cent in 1929. utilities and railroads was also very But these figures do not fully bring scanty. Government borrowings ab­ out the decisive importance of fed­ sorbed a portion of the idle funds, and eral expenditures in raising the pur­ government projects provided a large chasing power of the masses to a point portion of the capital goods industries. where a substantial increase in pro­ The considerable activity in the duction could occur. For example, capital goods industries which devel­ additional purchasing power is oped in 1936-37 was due, not only to created by the employment of work­ government projects, but also to wide­ ers producing goods purchased by spread installation of more modem recipients of work relief. machinery and equipment, designed 4· There was very little extension to increase the productivity of labor. of fixed capital during the recovery period. During the three years 1g35- TABLE I. FINANCE 37, the total of securities issued by (In millions of dollars) domestic corporations for new capital investments was $2,8oo,ooo,ooo, barely New Capital Issues Increase in Year Domestic Gross Federal one-third of the total of $8,ooo,ooo,ooo Corporations Debt for the single year 1929. (See Table I, 1925 ...... 3·6o5 - 7!11 below.) Correspondingly, the value of 1926 ...... 3·754 -1,173 private non-residential building con­ 1927 ...... 4·657 -1,039 struction (mainly factories and office 1928 ...... 5·!146 - 726 buildings) during the years 1935-37 1929 ...... 8,ooll -1,oog totalled $1,9oo,ooo,ooo, less than the 19!15 ...... 404 ll,078

• The Commerce Department national in­ 19!16 0 ••••••••• 1,192 !J,848 come figures did not include the special 19!1'7 ...... 1,194 2.874 veterans• compensation paid in 1936. This payment was added in making the calcula- Source: New Capital Issues-Commercial . tion presented. Without this addition the and Financial Chronicle. Federal Debt­ percentage would be 15%· ·· U. S. Treasury Department.

TABLE II. CONSTRUCTION (In millions of dollars) Year Total Private Government Reside~tial Non-Resi- Utilities (federal, state dential and local) 1925 ...... 10,159 4·253 1,9!J4 1,791 ll,181 1926 ...... 10,!J97 4.056 2,!J40 1,864 ll,1!17 1927 ...... 10,8g6 4,204 2,191 2,U8 2,373 1928 ...... u,o6o 4·!1!18 2,222 ll,016 2484 1929 ...... 10,166 !1·098 ll,!J04 2,349 2415 4·561 764 4!10 788 2,579 6485 1,245 639 870 8·7!11 7,002 1.{05 840 1,175 !J,582 Source: Construction Expenditures and Employment, I92J·I9J6; Construction Expendi­ tures and Employment, r937 compared with I9J6; Works Progress Administration. THE ECONOMIC CRISIS

Activity on such a basis was necessarily time work. The rate of surplus value short-lived, and could not substitute acquired by the capitalists was in­ for the investment of capital in the creased, and the purchasing power of construction of new enterprises. the masses was correspondingly re­ duced. If we compare the record of OBJECTIVE FACTORS WHICH PREPARED manufacturing industries for the cycle THE MATURING OF THE 1921-29 with that for the cycle 1930- PRESENT CRISIS 37, these changes are brought out:

What are the factors which caused ANNUAL AVERAGES FOR MANUFAGrURING the distortions described above, and INDUSTRIES, 19!10·!17 prepared the way for the new crisis? (Per cent change from annual averages, 1921-l19) The primary factor is the great ex­ Production ...... - 7-I% cess of productive capacity, developed Employment ...... -14.5% especially during the post-war period, Payrolls ...... -27.2% in face of a diminishing base of mass Cost of Living ...... -16.3% purchasing power. This excess of pro­ "Real" Payrolls ...... -13.0% Man Hours Worked ...... -!IL!I% ductive capacity, which has become Productivity per Man Hour ...... +!15·2% chronic, is characteristic of the period Sources: "Production and Man Hours of the general crisis of capitalism. Al­ Worked" from the report Increasing Produc­ ready in the boom days before the tivity and Technological Unemployment-by great collapse in 1929, it resulted in the National Research Project. This report gives the figures up to 1934. The computa­ the idleness of a considerable part of tions for the later years were based on the Federal Reserve Board index of manufactur­ plant capacity, as well as in colossal ing production, the Bureau of Labor index idle funds, which were used for specu­ of employment, and the National Industrial lation on the stock exchange. Conference Board index of average hours worked. They were tied in with the N.R,P. figures, use the same series except for produc­ "The last cause of all real crises always tion, where the N.R.P. made up its own in­ remains the poverty and restriction in con­ dex, and are certainly comparable with the sumption of the masses as compared to the figures for the years up to 1934. Employment and Payrolls: Department of impulse of capitalist production to develop Labor. the productive forces as if only the absolute Cost of Living: Nation,al Industrial Con­ power of consumption of society were their ference Board. limit." (Marx, Capital, Vol. III, p. 568, Kerr Other items computed from the given data. edition.) Thus the decline in employment This contradiction, greatly accen­ was double the decline in production, tuated in the period of the general and the decline in payrolls was nearly crisis of. the world capitalist system, four times as great as the decline in was further intensified during the last production. Even when payrolls are business cycle. The productivity of adjusted by the cost of living index, labor was greatly increased through which is biased downwards in order to speed-up, improved organization of make workers' real wages seem higher work, and improved equipment. In­ than they really are, it remains clear creases in wage rates which the prole­ that the worker's share in his product tariat obtained failed to compensate was reduced during the last cycle. for the increased productivity, for the This conclusion is verified by census resulting unemployment and part- statistics. Estima.tion of the rate o{ THE COMMUNIST surplus value by the method used by $2,ooo,ooo,ooo below the level of 1929, E. Varga gives the following results: although the volume of farm prod­ Census Years Rate of Surplus Yalue ucts reached a record high in 1937, 1921, 'as. 'as. 'a7, 'a9, average .... 1a7% exceeding the average of 1924-29 by 1931, '!JlJ, '35.• average ...... 141% 8 per cent. The main mechanism by Computation of Surplus Yalue: For the which the monopolies increased their years 1921-1931 the computations given by E. Varga in The Great Crisis (International exploitation of the poor farmers was Publishers, New York) were used. For 195!1 the price scissors, forcing down the and 1935 the same method was applied, with depreciation estimated at $1,6oo,ooo,ooo in price of farm products and keeping up 19!1!1· and $1,ooo,ooo,ooo in 19!15· the prices of commodities purchased • Latest census year for which figures are by farmers. While the scissors is noth­ available. ing new, it operated to an unprece­ Unemplornent relief, works proj­ dented extent during the recent cycle. ects, wage increases obtained, especial­ ly by the C.I.O., were counteracting llATIO OF PlliCI!S RECEIVED TO PR.ICI!S PAID influences insufficient to compensate BY FARMERS for the increased exploitation of the ,(Index Numbers, Aug., 1gog-July, 1914=100) prol~tariat. Reduction of government Annual Averages Monthly Data expenditures in 1937 hastened the 1929 ...... ·95 19!16: Dec. ······ g8 maturing of the crisis. Work relief 1937: Jan...... 101 ...... 61 Apr. wages were reduced from $2,462,ooo,­ 1931 ...... ·97 July ...... ·94 ooo in 1936 to $1,86o,ooo,ooo in 1937. 1936 ...... gl Oct. 88 No sum was spent in 1937 to corre­ 19!18: Jan. 81 spond with the soldiers' bonus pay­ 1957 ...... ·9!1 Feb. 77 ment of $1,9oo,ooo,ooo in 1936. Source: Department of Agriculture. The purchasing power of the work­ ing farmers and farm laborers was also Momentarily closed in January, reduced during the last cycle. Exploi­ 1937, the scissors were rapidly and in­ tation of farmers by the banks and creasingly reopened during the re­ monopolies was greatly increased, so mainder of 1937 and the beginning of that even with greater production, 1938, playing an important part in the the farmers' incomes were reduced. outbreak of the new crisis. The second factor which prepared TABLE III. (In millions of dollars) the way for the new crisis is the ex­ }"ear Income from A .A.A. Total tended grip of monopoly finance­ Farm Marketing Subsidies capital on American economic life. 1927 10,016 Through the industrial trusts, finance­ 19a8 10,289 capital maintains prices above the 1929 10479 price which would yield an average 1951 4·!118 rate of profit. Swelling their profits 19!15 6,507 58!1 7·090 in this fashion, the monopolies at the 1956 7·65!1 287 7·920 same time further restrict the real pur­ 8,120 380 8,500 19!17 chasing power of the masses. Through Source: Department of Agriculture. the banks, finance capital refuses to Even with the government subsi­ supply cheap credit to small enter­ dies, farm income in 1937 remained prises and. new business ventures, in THE ECONOMIC CRISIS 433 order to maintain its monopoly of Table IV, derived from The Statistics production. But by so doing, finance­ of Income for 1932, shows how the capital further restricts the accumula­ huge trusts were able to operate at a tion of capital, that is, the building profit even during the worst year of of new factories and machines, and the last crisis, while the smaller com­ the employment of additional workers. panies were losing heavily and, in The extent of price gouging is many cases, going bankrupt. especially conspicuous in the case of the most strategic monopoly, the steel TABLE IV. trust. The composite price of finished PROFITS OF LARGEST CORPORATIONS AND OF ALL steel products was increased in April, OTHER CORPORATIONS IN 1932 1937, to a point 14 per cent above the average for 1929, and remains at that high point today, while the aver­ age price index for all commodities was 8 per cent below the 1929 level Industries 1937, and is now (April, All in April, Largest Corpo­ 1938), 17 per cent below the 1929 rations (assets level. over $5o,ooo,- The food trusts are also steadily in­ ooo) ...... 618 53-3% o.8% creasing their monopoly tolls. Before All other Cor- the World War, in 1913, the city porations .. 391403 46·7% -7-•%• worker paid 88 per cent more for his Food Industries food than the farmer received for it. Largest Corpo- . . . . . 19 By 1929 the trusts had increased this rations 34·8% 7-6% All other Cor- spread to 113 per cent, and by 1936, porations . . 12,966 65.2% -2-4%• the latest year for which figures are available, to 125 per cent. This in­ Tobacco Industry Largest Corpo- creased spread, directly affecting the rations . . . . . 4 68.o% 29-0% major source of income of the farmer, All other Cor- and the major item of consumption porations 332 3ll.O% 10.6% of the worker, greatly aggravates the Financial Corporations contradiction between the productive Largest Corpo- power of society and the purchasing rations . . . . . 232 47·9% 2.2% power of the masses. All other Cor­ At the recent meeting of small busi­ porations . . 103,909 52.1% -7.o%• ness men in Washington, the difficulty Compiled from Statistics of Income, 1932, of the U.S. Bureau of Internal Revenue. of obtaining cheap credit was the only NoTE: Net profits as used in this table complaint on which these business include only profits of enterprise, after pay­ ment of interest, rent, and the salaries of men were in substantial agreement. corporation officials. During the four crisis years 1930-33, • Loss. there were over wo,ooo commercial failures, while the big railroads, in­ The third factor which prepared dustrial concerns, and banks were the maturing of the present crisis, and saved by the R.F.C., bank holidays, deformed the business cycle, is the and other governmental assistance. great decay of world imperialism, and

the the purchasing purchasing power power of of the the dollar. dollar.

Note: Note: Profits Profits and and New New Capital Capital Investments Investments as as presented presented in in the the chart chart allow allow for for changes changes in in

New New Capital Capital Investments: Investments: Commercial Commercial and and Financial Financial Chronicle Chronicle

Profits: Profits: Standard Standard Statistics Statistics Company Company

Production: Production: Federal Federal Reserve Reserve Board Board

Sources: Sources:

1926 1926 192.7 192.7 192.8 192.8 1919 1919 1930 1930

1931 1931 1932 1932 1933 1933 1934 1934 193S 193S 1936 1936 1957 1957

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(Index (Index Numbers: Numbers: 1926=HJO) 1926=HJO)

1926- 1937 1937

INVESTMENTS INVESTMENTS

INDUSTRIAL INDUSTRIAL PRODUCTION, PRODUCTION, PROFITS, PROFITS, AND AND NEW NEW CAPITAL CAPITAL

434 434 THE THE COMMUNIST COMMUNIST THE ECONOMIC CRISIS 455 DATA FOR CHART ON INDUSTRIAL PRODUCTION, PROFITS, AND NEW CAPITAL INVESTMENTS

Index numbers, 1916 = 100 Adjusted Series Year Industrial Prefits New Capital Wholesale Profits New Capital Production Investments Prices Investments (1) (1) (S} (4) (5) (6) lglfi 100 100 100 100 100 100 1917 g8 g6 lllJ 95 101 119 1918 lOlJ 117 118 97 111 l!JI 1919 110 l!J6 161 95 143 16g I !}SO 89 Sg Ill S6 10!1 119 lg!JI 75 46 49 7!1 6!1 67 19!11 59 II 19 65 IS 19 I9!JS 70 aS 11 66 41 17 l9!14 7!1 !16 12 75 4S 19 19!15 as 54 12 So 68 aS 19!16 97 ss !11 S1 101 sa 19!17 10!1 91 !II 86 107 !17

SOURCES AND METHODS OF COMPUTATION

1. Federal Reserve Board Index converted profits, the adjustment was made to avoid to a 1916 base. 1937 data estimated from 11 giving the impression that profits in 1937 months figures and an estimate of S5 for were low in relation to the level of industrial December. production in that year. a. Standard Statistics index of profits of PERCENTAGE BY WHICH RE­ 161 corporations. 1937 index estimated from figures for first three quarters and an esti­ TAIL FOOD PRICES EXCEED mate of 75 for the fourth quarter. This series FARM PRICES covers industrials, utilities, and railroads, and is not comparable with the figures on page 4!19· limited to industrials. !I· Commercial and Financial Chronicle series converted to an index base (does not include refunding investments). Index for 1937 based on eleven months' figures and an estimate of $go,ooo,ooo new investments in December. This series covers all new capital investments, and is not the same as that given in page 430 of the text. 4· Bureau of Labor Statistics Wholesale Price Index for all commodities. 5· Column 1 divided by column 4· 6. Column !I divided by column 4· The adjusted series were used to avoid comparing the volume series (industrial pro­ duction} with the two value series (profits Source: U.S. Dept. of Agriculture and investments). Deflation by the whole­ sale price index puts the series for profits Note: The Agricultural Department gave and new investments on a purchasing powe1 the data in the form, farm value as a per­ basis. While such a deflation is not necessary centage of retail value: in I91lJ, 58%: 1919, for the purpose of the text argument, which 47%; 1956, 44%· This was converted to the uses the chart to show that new capital in- basis used on the chart to give a more effec­ vestments are relatively low compared to tive picture. THE COMMUNIST the changed position of American im­ rialisms resorting to dumping meth­ perialism in the capitalist world. Un­ ods, by means of subsidies, etc., in able to expand in the restricted order to develop their export trade, domestic market, finance-capital en­ have cut into American markets. deavors to export its capital to foreign Thus, Germany is now the largest ex­ markets, at the expense of other fi­ porter to Brazil, long dominated by nance-capitalist cliques. During the American imperialism. The aggres­ period of 1919-30, American imperial­ sion of Japan in China has destroyed ism exported a reported total of $1o,­ American investments and reduced ooo,ooo,ooo in capital investments. A markets for American products in the large part of this was exported to Far East. The export of war materials Europe, whose capitalists, weakened -in the broad sense-has but slightly by the war, lacked the resources neces­ compensated for these losses to Amer­ sary for the post-war reconstruction. ican imperialism. The export of capi­ A large part went to colonial and tal and the expansion of foreign semi-colonial countries, particularly markets were lost to American impe­ Latin-America, where American im­ rialism as a method of increasing pro­ perialism expanded at the expense of duction and of temporarily alleviating rival imperialisms, particularly domestic contradictions. British. Thus the three main objective fac­ The export of capital created a tors which prepared the early matur­ market for American machinery and ing of the economic crisis were the material for. use in the foreign enter- · increased exploitation of the toilers, prises developed, and a certain market the extended grip of the monopolies, for American finished goods in the and the intensification of the general countries where these enterprises were crisis of world capitalism. Because of established. Thus the contradiction these factors, the huge profits of the between American productive capac­ trusts, which reached the level of the ity and purchasing power was tempo­ 'twenties during the recovery period, rarily alleviated. It was largely due to to a large extent remained idle, and the strong world position of American were not accumulated in the form of imperialism, that American produc­ new factories and machinery that tion expanded to such high record would have created additional em­ levels during the 'twenties, while pro­ ployment. But the surplus products duction in the European capitalist of the capitalists, the material repre­ countries failed to exceed the pre-war sentation of their unspent profits, can level. be used only as new capital. As a re­ However, the great crisis so weak­ sult the surplus products remained ened the agrarian economies of the unused or unsold, and the new crisis colonial and semi-colonial countries matured before the old crisis was fully that the exportation of capital, both overcome. by American and European imperial­ THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CRISIS isms, has virtually stopped. Wholesale defaults, in Europe and elsewhere, The development of the present have rendered foreign investments economic crisis is indicated by the fol­ taboo. The aggressive fascist impe- lowing data: THE ECONOMIC CRISIS 487 TABLE V. which occurred in the spring of 1930 INDE~ OF INDUSTRIAL PllODUCTlON after the 1929 crash. (1929 = 100) During the latter half of 1936 and (Adjusted for seasonal variations) the early months of 1937 a speculative Total Durable Non-Durable boom in raw materials occurred on Goods Goods I9J7: the major world markets, based on the Mar. 99 94 103 general cyclical improvement in busi­ Aug. g8 104 94 ness, and on the increasing war de­ Sept. 9!1 94 92 mand for copper, steel scrap, and Oct. 87 84 86 other raw materials. Between June, Nov. 75 62 81 Dec. 71 50 81 1936, and March, 1937, the price of I9J8: copper increased by 67 per cent, tin Jan. 68 47 So 40 per cent, and steel scrap, 62 per Feb. 67 cent. Farm products and other raw Source: Federal Reserve Board. materials participated in speculative The index of non-durable goods increases, although to a lesser extent: production (mostly consumers' goods) While prices were rising, manufac­ declined rapidly after March, having turers hastened to buy the raw mate­ reached the limit set by the purchas­ rials, to create a reserve supply before ing power of American society, cur­ prices got still higher. At the same tailed by chronic unemployment and time they increased their prices. agrarian crisis. Durable goods pro­ Wholesalers and retailers hastened to duction (mainly capital goods) con­ order large. quantities of goods in an­ tinued to increase until August, while ticipation of still higher prices. As a orders given at the peak of production result business generally was very ac­ were being filled. However, since capi­ tive, and the level of production was tal goods are purchased only for the above the ultimate consumer demand. purpose of producing consumers Raw material production was especial­ goods, the decline in consumers' goods ly increased in all parts of the world. production was followed by a decline In the U. S., copper production in capital goods, more sharp than any was increased from 72,000 tons in previously experienced. This drop, ac­ October, 1936, to 94,600 tons in celerated by Wall Street's sabotage April, 1937. The index of mineral (discussed in more detail later), production increased from g8 in amounted to over 50 per cent in f

COMMODITY l'IUCE INDEXES (1926 = 100) I9J6 I9J7 I9J8 June Mar. June Sept. Dec. A.pr.g All Commodities ...... 79·2 87.8 87.2 874 81.7 78·5 Farm Products ...... 78.1 94·1 88.5 85-9 72.8 68.1 Raw Materials ...... 77·6 go.1 86.1 8H 754 70-9 All Commodities-Other than Farm Products and Foods 78.8 85·5 86.1 85.9 85.6 8a.a Metal and Metal Products .... 85.2 g6.o 95·9 97·1 g6.!J 95·9 Source: Department of Labor.

The declines were mainly in raw The impact of the crlSls on the materials and foodstuffs, the trusts working class is very severe: controlling the . production of many (1925-25 = 100) finished commodities were able to Item Aug., I9J7 Feb.,IgJB hold prices up, and keep most of the Factory price advances gained in 1936-37. Employment: When prices broke, businessmen re­ Total ...... 102.5 Durable Goods . . . . g8.1 duced their buying, retailers sold Non-Durable Goods 1o6.9 goods they had already accumulated, Payrolls: and manufacturers processed raw ma­ Total ...... 105.8 terials already on hand. As a result, Durable Goods . . . . 104.0 commodity stocks in the hands of pro­ Non-Durable Goods 105.5 Hours of Work per ducers began to accumulate. Raw ma­ Wed (actual, aver- terial stocks in February, 1938, were age) ...... , . . 58.9 55·5 nearly 50 per cent greater than a year Sources: Employment and Payrolls: U. S. before, and were approaching the Department of Labor. peak level of the previous crisis. These Hours of Work: National Industrial Con­ ference Board. . developments constituted a crisis in the sphere of commodity circulation, In six months, 20 per cent of all and hastened the decline in produc­ factory workers were laid off, and pay­ tion. rolls were slashed by ~o per cent, the Since these price movements were decreases being particularly severe in worldwide, the crisis symptoms in the the heavy goods industries. The extent sphere of circulation have developed of part-time work is indicated by the throughout the capitalist world. reduction in the average number of While these symptoms will doubtless hours worked. The development of be reflected in the level of production, unemployment, according to the A. F. the crisis in production has so far of L., is as follows:

been limited mainly to the U.S. How­ September ...... 7,515~ ever, in recent months, substantial re­ October ...... 7.706~ ductions in production have occurred November ...... 8479~ in England and other countries, and December ...... 9·507~ there can he no doubt that the Ameri­ Jan., 1958 ...... 10,975.000 can crisis marks the beginning of a Thus, there was an increase from new world economic crisis. the low point of September of nearly THE ECONOMIC CRISIS 439 3,500,000 unemployed within four no such prosperity. The small manufacturer months. However, the A. F. of L fig­ has had no such advantage." ures are 'obviously too low. The spe­ Jackson presented figures to prove cial unemployment census conducted his point. Figures are available which in November indicated that about 11,­ also prove that the largest corpora­ ooo,ooo were unemployed at that time, tions have been making better profits allowing for incomplete reporting. than ever before. In the following Thus it appears that the A. F. of L. table the index numbers of the Stand­ figures are too low by about two and ard Statistics Company covering the a half million. If this error is constant, profits of 120 large industrial corpora­ the low point of unemployment for tions are compared with the index the whole cycle was actually about ten numbers of factory payrolls. (The De­ million in September, 1937, and by partment of Labor index converted to January thirteen and a half million a 1926 base.) were unemployed. The number has doubtless increased since January, es­ (Index: 1926= 100) pecially in the trade and service in­ l':: dustries, which felt the crisis later ...... ~ ~ .a·~ than manufacturing industries. For ~ ~ ~ ~2.,_ example, the seasonally adjusted in­ "' .!:~~~ ;:s.. ~bll.. !l~ .. ~ -~ .;:.os .;:.·-c·!!~! dex of department store sales declined .....~" ;:: Q$: "";:s;:, Q~ ~ more from January to March, than ot~ ~~ 11::~ ~~~ from August, 1937, to January, 1938. Oct.-Dec., 1936 .. 88.3 115.1 112.7 At present, after eight months of crisis, Jan.-Mar., 1937 .. 92·5 104·3 1og.8 the number of unemployed workers Apr.-June, 1937 100.6 128.6 1174 July-Sept., 1937 97·8 113.0 106.8 in the U. S. probably exceeds 15,000,­ Average, Oct., 1936 ooo, nearly equal to the peak unem­ to Sept., 1937 .. 94·8 115.2 ployment of the previous crisis. While the substantial gains WHO IS TO BLAME FOR THE CRISIS? achieved by the C.I.a. succeeded in The spokesmen for Wall Street increasing factory payrolls to the level charge that the crisis resulted from the of zg26 during the second quarter of New Deal's reform program and the l9J7, profits of large industrial cor­ C.I.O. unionization drive. Between porations rose in the same quarter to higher taxes and higher wages, big a point nearly 30 per cent above their business claims, profits were destroyed, zg26 profits. The contrast for the en­ and nothing was left but to shut up tire twelve-month period immediately shop. preceding the recession in business is Robert Jackson, in his radio ad­ nearly as striking, with payrolls at dress against the 6o families, correct­ 94.8 per cent of the 1926 level, and ly said: profits at 115.2 of the 1926 level. It is plain that when big business claims "The unvarnished truth is that the govern­ that the C.I.O. destroyed profits, and ment's recovery program has succeeded no­ where else so effectively as in restoring the thereby forced shut-downs, big busi­ profits of big business. Labor has had no ness crudely lies. such advance. The small merchant has had The fifteen public utility corpora-

aggravated aggravated and and hastened hastened which which action action mak.- factors factors the the alleviate alleviate to to recovery, recovery,

of of course course a a pursued pursued deliberately deliberately They They for for basis basis the the increase increase to to tended tended ures ures

blameworthy. blameworthy. meas­ especially especially is is gang gang administration administration Street Street these these of of All All

Wall Wall the the however, however, case, case, this this In In . . way. way. under under getting getting just just are are

control. control. their their of of sults sults houses houses of of building building the the towards towards steps steps

first first the the that that re­ so so 1937, 1937, disastrous disastrous in in the the late late until until prevent prevent to to powerless powerless

are are monopolists monopolists the the enactment enactment and and its its evitable, evitable, delaying delaying and and measure measure

in­ crises crises makes makes this this system system very very weakening weakening The The ist. ist. greatly greatly in in ceeded ceeded

capital­ big big each each of of suc­ Act Act profit profit greatest greatest Housing Housing the the Wagner-Steagall Wagner-Steagall

towards towards directed directed the the anarchic, anarchic, against against is is fight fight control control The The year. year. a a over over

their their But But masses. masses. for for the the on on legislation legislation inflicts inflicts this this talism talism delaying delaying in in ceeded ceeded

capi­ which which suc­ sufferings sufferings has has the the for for Green, Green, blame blame to to William William of of tactics tactics

are are they they and and country country criminal criminal the the of of the the by by economy economy abetted abetted legislation, legislation,

the the control control They They hour hour and and crisis. crisis. wage wage economic economic against against fight fight The The

every every for for responsible responsible are are capitalists capitalists crisis. crisis. oping oping

finance­ the the sense sense devel­ real real the the very very a a In In intensified intensified obviously obviously This This

workers. workers. W.P.A. W.P.A. prices. prices. farm farm additional additional off off lay lay

low low and and to to unemployment unemployment forced forced was was mass mass chronic chronic workers, workers, these these of of some some

hiring hiring of of instead instead from from W.P.A., W.P.A., the the resulting resulting goods goods industry, industry, for for markets markets

private private in in jobs jobs their their losing losing were were ers ers reduced reduced the the counteracted counteracted partly partly class, class,

work­ of of millions millions when when 1937, 1937, of of tumn tumn working working the the of of exploitation exploitation creased creased

au­ the the in­ during during the the that that was was result result counteracted counteracted The The partly partly increases increases

unemployment. unemployment. wage wage the the and and increased increased meet meet program program to to Deal Deal New New the the

Both Both masses. masses. the the relief relief on on work work effects effects of of its its mitigate mitigate expansion expansion any any prevent prevent

to to amendment, amendment, to to and and Woodrum Woodrum crisis, crisis, the the the the over over postpone postpone to to covery, covery,

putting putting in in and and year, year, fiscal fiscal 1938 1938 the the re­ of of degree degree the the increase increase to to tending tending

for for factors factors appropriations appropriations were were W.P.A. W.P.A. drive, drive, reducing reducing organizing organizing C.I.O. C.I.O.

the the of of result result a a as as further further in in obtained obtained creases creases succeeded succeeded then then action action

Re­ crisis. crisis. the the in­ of of wage wage the the maturing maturing and and the the tened tened program, program, spending spending

has­ and and power, power, Deal Deal New New the the purchasing purchasing of of that that is, is, base base matter matter the the of of

the the narrowed narrowed fact fact The The further further taxes. taxes. reduction reduction its its "prohibitive" "prohibitive" against against

recovery, recovery, for for basis basis cackling cackling the the of of Street Street part part Wall Wall the the major major expose expose also also

a a provided provided program program spending spending ment ment they they paid, paid, are are taxes taxes after after profits profits to to fer fer

govern­ the the Since Since 1937. 1937. of of half half first first re­ quoted quoted indexes indexes profit profit the the Since Since

the the during during prices. prices. expenditures expenditures relief relief monopoly monopoly work work in in lucrative lucrative more more -and -and

reductions reductions the the in in fruits fruits first first its its bore bore labor labor of of exploitation exploitation increased increased again, again,

W.P.A. W.P.A. the the Here Here against against level. level. attack attack 1926 1926 the the reactionary reactionary below below cent cent per per

The The legislation. legislation. to to 5 5 social social and and from from were were spending spending industries industries utility utility 10 10

government government against against public public the the attack attack in in The The payrolls payrolls that that dicate dicate 1. 1.

in­ detail. detail. figures figures some some in in available available the the actions actions but but period, period,

these these trace trace to to same same while while the the worth worth over over is is It It payrolls payrolls crisis. crisis. compare compare to to

for for making making contradictions contradictions the the ated ated available available not not are are statistics statistics Exact Exact cent. cent.

accentu­ and and per per 29.2 29.2 recovery, recovery, by by further further profits profits for for 1926 1926 ing ing exceeding exceeding ber, ber,

mak­ factors factors the the Septem­ last last weakened weakened ending ending movement, movement, months months twelve twelve the the

labor labor the the and and Deal Deal New New the the against against during during profits profits showed showed tabulations tabulations tics tics

directed directed actions, actions, Statis­ Their Their Standard Standard crisis. crisis. the the in in the the \ \ included included tions tions

COMMUNIST COMMUNIST THE THE THE ECONOMIC CRISIS 441 ' ing for a new crisis. The Wall Street the New York Stock Exchange, was tactics of reducing existing federal ac­ made public. This report attacked the tivities, of delaying and weakening Securities and Exchange Commission, new administration measures, tended and charged that government regula­ to hasten the crisis, and certainly in­ tion weakened the securities market. creased its severity. That week the stock market started 2. The sabotage of plant extension. downward, and declined 40 per cent Although the extension of plant and during the next two months. A rela­ equipment was kept at a low level tively small number of shares were throughout the cycle by the deforma­ traded during this period, showing tion of the capitalist economy, there that Wall Street did nothing to sup­ were certain fields where considerable port the market, although the de­ expansion was possible, at a profit. cline was nearly as serious as the break This was especially true of the elec­ of September-November, 1929. In fact, tric power and light industry, where financial plotters took a pretty profit production in 1937 was 25 per cent by short selling during the decline. above the 1929 level. Although the During the entire decline, there was a utility magnates have admitted the preponderance of buying in odd-lot possibility of billions of new construc­ purchases, showing that what support tion, actual expenditures have re­ came to the market did so in the form mained very low: of small speculators hunting bargains. While the importance of the stock ELECTRIC LIGHT AND POWER. CONSTRUCTION market is greatly exaggerated by bour­ (millions of dollars) geois economists, its movements un­ 1928 ...... 681 doubtedly do have some effect on the 1929 ...... 8oo course of business activity. 1930 ...... 844 Wall Street accelerated the stock 1935 ...... 170 market decline in an attempt to dis­ 1936 ...... 277 credit federal regulation of the securi­ 1937 ...... 429 ties markets, and to create a situation Source: Construction Expenditure and Em­ where the passage of progressive legis­ ployment-Works Progress Administration. lation by the special session of Con­ The power monopolists openly at­ gress would be more difficult. tempted to blackmail the administra­ 4· Intensification of the decline in tion, demanding an end to T.V.A. and production. As already pointed out, holding company legislation before the decline of production, especially they would carry out their construc­ in the heavy goods industries, was con­ tion program. The result was to keep centrated in a very few months, from expenditures to a bare minimum September to January. The most necessary to meet the expanded de­ rapid drop in American history was mand for power, reducing and delay­ accelerated by wholesale cancellation ing construction, and hastening the of orders, partial and complete factory crisis. shutdowns, which were actually con­ 3· The failure to support the stock cealed lockouts. The most rapid de­ market. On August 18 the annual re­ cline was in November, just prior to port of Charles R. Gay, President of the special session of Congress. There

evictions. evictions. and and capital- decaying decaying of of conditions conditions present present

foreclosures foreclosures resist resist successfully successfully more more the the meet meet to to aspects aspects new new with with italism, italism,

will will unions, unions, labor labor the the with with operate operate cap­ of of solution solution ruthless ruthless historic historic the the is is

co­ to to beginning beginning farmers, farmers, The The relief. relief. crisis crisis the the of of solution solution Street's Street's Wall Wall

work work increased increased for for fighting fighting is is liance liance

CRISIS CRISIS THE THE

Al­ Workers Workers The The cuts. cuts. wage wage prevented prevented

OF OF SOLUTION SOLUTION FINANCE-CAPITAL's FINANCE-CAPITAL's industries industries most most in in and and limited, limited, far far so so

have have C.I.O., C.I.O., the the particularly particularly unions, unions,

Street. Street.

Wall Wall

of of sit-down sit-down labor labor invigorated invigorated The The expense. expense. their their

the the

break break to to

fight fight a a be be also also must must crisis crisis at at solution solution this this resisting resisting are are people people

the the

against against

fight fight

The The

nance-capital. nance-capital. the the today today But But "solved." "solved." was was crisis crisis last last

fi­

by by

fought fought be be will will power, power, chasing chasing the the which which by by method method the the is is That That

pur­

restore restore

to to

seeking seeking

sufferings, sufferings, ers' ers' production. production. renew renew to to ready ready then then

toil­

the the

alleviate alleviate

to to

seeking seeking measures measures are are increased, increased, farmers farmers and and workers workers

All All

reaction. reaction.

from from barrage barrage furious furious of of exploitation exploitation their their increased, increased, dustry dustry

a a

meeting meeting

already already is is crisis crisis the the meet meet to to in­ on on grip grip their their monopolists, monopolists, The The

program program spending spending Roosevelt's Roosevelt's tinues. tinues.

closure. closure.

con­

sabotage sabotage the the For For

Street. Street. Wall Wall fore­ into into farmers farmers of of thousands thousands of of

crisis-against crisis-against

the the fight fight must must selves selves hundreds hundreds driving driving purchase, purchase, they they rials rials

them­

people people

the the that that

time time

this this clear clear mate­ raw raw the the of of price price the the down down force force

be be should should It It

labor. labor.

organized organized

against against

monopolists monopolists the the addition, addition, In In wages. wages.

and and Deal Deal

New New the the

against against

attacks attacks ism, ism, cutting cutting by by restored restored is is prices, prices, and and tion tion

pessim­ but but

nothing nothing

offering offering now now

ress, ress,

produc­ lower lower from from resulting resulting profit, profit,

prog­

economic economic of of

predictions predictions

roseate roseate of of rate rate reduced reduced The The income. income. current current

and and capitalism, capitalism, in in

faith faith

of of

veyors veyors

as as well well as as savings savings from from goods goods purchase purchase

pur­

historic historic

the the

monopolists, monopolists,

leading leading to to continue continue who who etc., etc., rentiers, rentiers, officials, officials,

the the of of spectacle spectacle a a

have have we we

so so And And

fry fry small small various various the the including including ists, ists,

sabotage. sabotage. Street Street

Wall Wall

by by

speed speed

capital­ the the by by consumed consumed partly partly and and

and and extent extent in in increased increased

undoubtedly undoubtedly

destruction, destruction, deliberate deliberate or or rotting rotting by by

was was it it prevailing, prevailing,

conditions conditions

nomic nomic

destroyed destroyed partly partly meanwhile meanwhile are are goods goods

eco­ the the by by

dictated dictated was was

production production

of of stocks stocks accumulated accumulated The The duction. duction.

goods goods heavy heavy in in decline decline the the While While

pro­ in in reduction reduction great great a a by by solved solved is is

commodities commodities of of surplus surplus The The year. year. last last

work." work." of of lack lack of of

than than

greater greater cent cent per per 50 50 is is failures failures ness ness because because employee employee an an discharge discharge to to is is that that and and

busi­ of of number number monthly monthly the the employer, employer, the the to to Already Already left left prerogative prerogative encumbered encumbered

un­ absolutely absolutely one one only only is is there there Act Act Wagner Wagner capitalists. capitalists. weaker weaker and and smaller smaller of of ing ing

the the

Under Under ......

gives. gives.

he he

reasons reasons the the for for · ·

bankrupt­ the the machinery, machinery, of of out out ing ing

not not but but General, General, Attorney Attorney Assistant Assistant the the by by

wear­ the the capital, capital, of of destruction destruction the the by by

stated stated as as strike, strike, on on undoubtedly undoubtedly is is

"Capital "Capital

solved solved is is capital capital of of surplus surplus The The men. men.

business business small small and and stated: stated: farmers farmers 1937, 1937, 31, 31, ber ber workers, workers,

the the of of expense expense the the at at is is solution solution ists' ists' Decem­ for for Annalist, Annalist, The The organ, organ, tal tal

capital­ the the And And cycle. cycle. next next the the during during finance-capi­ The The Congress. Congress. of of session session

form form aggravated aggravated in in reappear reappear to to only only special special the the against against pressure pressure tionary tionary

solved, solved, temporarily temporarily are are reac­ the the capitalism capitalism increase increase to to order order in in period period

of of contradictions contradictions the the which which by by clysm clysm that that in in increased increased artificially artificially were were offs offs

cata­ the the is is crisis crisis economic economic The The ism. ism. lay­ and and shutdowns shutdowns that that doubt doubt no no is is

COMMUNIST COMMUNIST THE THE THE ECONOMIC CRISIS

THE WORKING CLASS SOLUTION factories in cooperation with the OF THE CRISIS workers normally attached to these . factories. The working class aims to solve the 3· All of the proposals mentioned crisis at the expense of those who above will increase employment, di­ brought it on, the monopolists. Above rectly and also indirectly through in­ all, the working class fights to prevent creased employment in private indus­ the misery and starvation which stry, since activity in the producers' would accompany Wall Street's solu­ goods industries will be increased to tion. The working class solution fol­ supply the materials required for the lows four main principles: government projects, and activity in 1. We propose to increase purchas­ the- consumers' goods industriei will ing power by increased government be increased to supply the increased work projects, C.C.C., legislation guar­ purchasing power of the people. anteeing the farmer his cost of produc­ We further propose to increase em­ tion. All of these proposals require ployment by passage of maximum government expenditures. They must hours legislation, the Crosser Six­ be financed by taxing the idle wealth Hour Day Bill for the railroads, trade and swollen incomes of Wall Street. union activity to reduce the hours of We further propose to uphold and work without reduction in pay, aim­ increase purchasing power by mini­ ing for a 30-hour week in all indus­ mum wage legislation, increased or­ try, union activity to reduce intensity ganization to prevent wage cuts, gov­ of work, eliminate speed-up and ernment legislation and organized stretchout, for vacations with pay. consumer action to force down mo­ 4· All of these proposals will help nopoly prices. All of these proposals, the farmer and merchant, by increas­ which do not require government ex­ ing the demand for their products, and penditure, will increase purchasing by reducing the monopoly price power by reducing or preventing fur­ squeeze. In addition, we propose a ther increases in the monopolists' moratorium on farm foreclosures, in­ profits. creased government lbans at lower in­ 2. We propose to produce the goods terest rates, extension of the tenant-aid the people need by various govern­ program, legislation limiting the rob­ ment projects, useful W.P.A. projects, bery by the landlords of the share­ extended low-cost housing, flood con­ croppers and tenants, extension of so­ trol and soil erosion, extended T.V.A., cial security and minimum wage R.E.A., and aid to municipal power legislation to farm workers. projects, etc. All of these projects We advocate increased organized would be financed by using the idle action by farmers, in cooperation funds of the capitalists. with the unions, to achieve the eco­ We further propose that the govern­ nomic and political demands of ment take over those industries most farmers and workers. hamstrung by monopolist control, We further propose nationalization especially the railroads and the an­ of the banks, which are controlled by thracite coal industry. In all indus­ the monopolies and which hamstring tries, let the government operate idle small enterprises; government loans THE COMMUNIST

at low interest to small business men, fierce reactionary opposition. The a moratorium on urban home fore­ President's fireside chat of April 14 closures, additional government loans marks a good beginning towards this to home owners at lower interest rates. program. It will mark an extension Those proposals which require gov­ of federal work projects and public ernment expenditure can be financed works to a higher level than any pre­ by taxing the rich. At present taxes viously attempted. It will mark the on consumption, levied on those least extension of government low cost able to pay, exceed taxes on wealth housing construction to a significant and income, levied on those able to volume. It will mark the first govern­ pay. The rich, as individuals and ment measures towards the supply of through the monopolist corporations, credit to small business. have enough current income and idle "The recovery program, it is true, falls · wealth to pay many times their pres­ short of answering the desperate situation in ent taxes without reducing their ex­ which the monopolies have plunged us. With travagant standard of living. 15,ooo,ooo already unemployed, the program Such proposals constitute a people's could be much bigger than the President solution of the crisis, a program of outlined it. But-let us first make sure that the President's program is enacted as it recovery for the people, at the ex­ stands. It is a fine beginning. Let's pass it pense of Wall Street, a program for and then go on from there."-Daily Worker, which the people will have to organize April 16. and fight as never before against the EDGAR SNOW'S "RED STAR OVER CHINA"

BY V. J. JEROME and LI CHUAN

oR a reading public continuously and successful resistance-is due in Fmisinformed about the Chinese , large measure, beyond all dispute, to Soviets and the Chinese Communist the revolutionary forces in Northwest­ Party, Edgar Snow's Red Star Over em China, led by the Communist China• lifts the curtain upon the life Party of China. of a new world in the former Chinese Snow was the first foreign corre­ Soviet Regions. spondent to enter the Soviet Regions. "Any one who comes to our Soviet He was given every chance to investi­ region will witness that here we have gate all phases of life there. Leaders a new free world with a bright fu­ of the Communist Party, the Chinese ture." These words, spoken in 1934 Soviet government, Red Army com­ by Mao Tse-tung, chairman of the manders, for the first time related former Soviet government, are con­ their biographies, with the Chinese firmed in living reality by the warmly revolution as the kaleidoscopic back­ sympathetic reporting of this book, ground. No doors were closed. Every marred though it is by errors in in­ bypath as well as the main road of terpretation. Soviet life was open for his inspection. Mr. Snow, a talented young jour­ nalist with evident love for the Chi­ WHAT SNOW SAW IN THE SOVIET nese people, traveled through the So­ REGIONS viet Regions in N orthwestem China In an agrarian country where more from June to October, 1936. During than So per cent of the people live this period the Kuomintang govern­ enmeshed in a semi-feudal economy, ment was making its plans for "final any shifting of the status of this broad annihilation" of the Red Army, de­ underlying mass of people is a phe­ spite the increasing demand of the nomenon of historic significance. The Chinese people for an ending of the dynamic ability of the Communist civil war, and unity for resistance to Party and its heroic Red Army to raise Japanese aggression. this mass from the depths of poverty The historic change which China and misery is ably indicated by Snow: has since undergone-from internal dissension and helplessness to valiant "I have already described the burden borne by the peasantry in the Northwest • Red Sto.r Over China, by Edgar Snow. - under the former regime. Now, wherever the Random House, New York, $3.00. Reds went there is no doubt they radically THE COMMUNIST changed the situation for the tenant farmer, grateful for the doo111 of life opened up for the poor farmer, the middle farmer, and all them.'' (P. 251.) the 'have-not' elements. All forms of taxa­ The liberating force of the Soviet tion were abolished in the new districts for the first year, to give the farmers a breathing­ movement is again recognized by space, and in the old districts only a pro­ Snow when he deals with the chang­ gressive single tax on land was collected, and ing status of women under the So­ a small single tax (from five to ten per cent) viets. Women in a semi-feudal society on business. Secondly, they gave land to the are considered little better than beasts land-hungry peasants, and began the reclama­ tion of great areas of 'wasteland'-mostly the of burden. In the Chinese Soviet land of absentee or fleeing landlords. Thirdly, regions women have found their place they took land and livestock from the wealthy in active participation in every phase classes and redistributed them among the of life. poor." (P. lU6.) Despite extremely limited resources About the peasant's attitude toward and all the difficulties created by sur­ the Soviet administration, he reports: rounding hostile armies, the Soviet government was able to develop in­ "I must admit that most of the peasants to whom I talked seemed to support Soviets and dustry. The slanders against the Chi­ the Red Army. Many of them were very nese Soviets, which strove to depict free in their criticisms and complaints, but, them as a destructive force, receive when asked whether they preferred it to the their death blow in this book: old days, the answer was nearly always an emphatic yes. I noticed also that most of "The Southern Reds, when they came up them talked about the Soviets as Womenti to the. Northwest, spurred on an 'industrial chengfu-'our government'-and this struck boom.' They brought with them (6,ooo me as something new in rural China." miles, over some of the world's most diffi­ (P. 1115.) cult routes) many lathes, turning macliines, stampers, dies, etc. They brought dozens of The life of the workers in the So­ Singer sewing machines, which now equip viet areas sharply contrasts with that their clothing factories; . . . lithographic of their fellows in the rest of China: blocks and light printing machines." An entire chapter, "Death and "But, for these workers in Wu Ch'i Chen, however primitive it might be, here was a Taxes," is devoted to the Northwest life at least of good health, exercise, dean before the advent of the Soviets into mountain air, freedom, dignity and hope, in this region. No greater condemnation which there was room for growth. They of official corruption and official in­ knew that nobody was making money out of difference to the sufferings of a people them. I think they felt they were working for themselves and for China, and they said could be written. Under the Soviet they were revolutionaries! In this way I administration, Snow notes, these an­ understood why they took so seriously their cient curses of China have been re­ two hours of daily reading and writing, moved, and furthermore the road to their political lectures, and their dramatic a new cultural life has been built: groups, and why they keenly contested for the miserable prizes offered in competitions "Opium has been completely eliminated in between groups and individuals in sport, lit­ North Shensi, and in fact I did not see any eracy, public health, wall newspapers, and sign of poppies after I entered . the Soviet 'factory efficiency.' All these things were districts. Official corruption was almost un­ real to them, things they had never known heard of. Beggary and unemployment did before, could never possibly know in any seem to have been, as the Reds claimed, other factory of China, and they seemed 'liquidated.' I did not see a beggar during "RED STAR OVER CHINA" «7 all my travels in the Red areas. Foot-binding But it is also true that the Comintern may be and infandcide were criminal offenses, child held responsible for serious reverses suffered slavery and prostitution had disappeared, by the Chinese Communists in the an~ish and polyandry and polygamy were prohib­ of their growth." (P. 374-) ited." (P. lug.) "Under institutional education the Reds We shall see that there is no basis, already claimed to have established about apparent or otherwise, for Snow's at­ 200 primary schools, and they had one tributing responsibility for the re­ normal school for primary teachers, one verses to the Comintern. agricultural school, a textile school, a trade union school of five grades, and a Party Let us analyze these reverses, begin­ school, with some" 400 students." (P. 231.) ning with the desertion of the bour­ geoisie 1927 These few excerpts furnish a glimpse in to the side of the im­ perialists and of the many-sided activity of the Chi­ semi-feudal elements. In 192 nese Soviets wherever they were able 3 the Third Congress of the Communist Party to establish themselves. of China, under the guidance of the Communist Interna­ HOW SNOW INTERPRETS CHINESE tional, drafted a concrete political and HISTORY tactical line for the establishment of a In his warm presentation of life united anti-imperialist national front under the Chinese Soviets, Snow has and for collaboration between the made a positive contribution to the Communist Party and the Kuomin­ literature relating to the struggles of tang. This tactical line was based the Chinese people. His enthusiasm upon Lenin's classic Colonial Thesis for the Red Army and its leaders and adopted at the Second Congress of the his friendliness toward them are ap­ Communist International, in 1920. parent. But in interpreting the his­ In order to defeat the powerful tory of the Chinese Revolution, he forces of imperialism and semi-feudal­ fails to attain the open-mindedness for ism, it was necessary to unite all anti­ which his account of conditions in the imperialist forces and join hands with Soviet Regions is notable. Here, he the national bourgeoisie which, bases himself neither upon the work through participating, though not of Mao Tse-tung, Chou En-lai, and without vacillation, , in the fight other builders of the Chinese Soviets, against imperialism, played a revo­ nor yet upon the historical documents lutionary role. By concentrating their of the Chinese Revolution available joint attack on the common enemy of to him. Here, he begins to weave the Chinese nation, the workers and theories and to write as an irresponsi­ peasants were bound to grow in or­ ble retailer of gossip and slander. ganization and revolutionary con After his honorable praise of the Chi­ sciousness, and to become the leading nese Soviets, Snow falls victim to the components of the national liberation counter-revolutionary Trotskyite in­ movement. terpretation of the Chinese revolu­ As a result of the national united tion. Thus, we find him stating: front tactics, the revolution dealt blow after blow to the imperialist and "Great benefits have undoubtedly accrued semi­ to the Chinese Reds from sharing the collec­ feudal forces, giving rise to the suc­ tive experience of the Russian Revolution, cessful Northern campaign of 1926. and from the leadership of the Comintern. The young Communist Party, stand- THE COMMUNIST ing before the whole nation as a real sity of deepening the agrarian revolu­ force in the struggle for national lib­ tion as a guarantee for the victory of eration, grew from a small propa­ the national revolution in China. gandist group into a mass political In a special instruction sent to the party. It was able to educate tens of Third Congress of the Communist millions of workers and peasants with Party of China in: 1923, the Commu~ the greatest speed and to lead the nist International said: masses of peasants toward the agrarian "The national revolution in China and revolution. the creation of the anti-imperialist front will In the course of revolution, the necessarily be accompanied by an agrarian Chinese proletariat built a powerful revolution of the peasantry against the sur­ trade union movement of almost four vivals of feudalism. This revolution can be million. The All-China Federation of successful only if it succeeds in sweeping in the bulk of the Chinese population-the Labor, embracing unions in all parcelized peasantry.... The Communist branches of industry, in all localities, Party, as the Party of the working class, must not only fought for the daily demands therefore strive to establish an alliance be­ of the workers, but stood in the very tween the workers and peasants." front of the political struggle for the But in the leadership of the Com­ liberation of China (evidenced by the munist Party of China there had been general strike in Shanghai in May, in development an opportunist ten­ 1925, the Hongkong general seamen's dency, a tendency to interpret and strike in 1925-26, the successful armed apply the tactics of the national uprising of the Shanghai workers united front as a subordination of the against the Northern militarists in struggle of the proletariat and the March, 1927, the seizure of the British peasantry to the interests of the bour­ settlement in Hankow by the workers geoisie. The leadership of Chen Tu­ in 1927, etc.). hsiu, Secretary of the Party in this The masses of peasants were also period, was corrupted by patriarchal drawn into the struggle, particularly paternalism and bureaucracy. In the after the proletariat had appeared in Party there were, however, many the political arena. When the rent re­ healthy elements which followed the duction movement was initiated in Comintern policy and fought against 1926, the peasant unions grew rapidly, Chen Tu-hsiu's opportunism. plunging into the struggle for land in We quote from Snow's book the many localities. In Hunan province words of Mao Tse-tung: alone, by April, 1927, the membership of the national peasant union reached "Chen Tu-hsiu opposed the opinions (Mao's] ... which advocated a radical land 10,000,000. policy and vigorous organization of the The growing organization and peasantry, under the Communist Party.••• fighting power of the proletariat and I began to disagree with Chen's Right op­ the masses of peasantry formed the portunist policy about this time, and we backbone of the anti-imperialist revo­ gradually drew further apart, although the lution. The Communist International struggle between us did not come. to a climax until 1927." (Pp. 143·44.) foresaw the various stages through which the revolution must proceed, Because the Party was young and and repeatedly pointed out the neces- not yet Bolshevized, Chen Tu-hsiu, as "RED STAR OVER CHINA" one of its founders, was able to dom­ Comintern at the end of February. inate it.. The Comintern and Stalin 1927, stated: warned the Party that the opportunist "It is necessary to draw the attention of tendencies represented a danger. In a workers who are faithful to the revolution speech made in the Chinese Commis­ to the fact that at the present time the Cfii­ sion of the Comintern, in November, nese revolution, in view of the regrouping of the class forces and the concentration of 1926, Stalin sharply criticized those the imperialist armies, is passing through a Chinese revolutionaries who consid­ critical period, and that further victories will ered the cessation of the workers' and be possible only if a determined course will peasants' struggle a necessary condi­ be taken to develop the mass movement. tion for maintaining the unity of the Otherwise the revolution is menaced with grave peril." anti-imperialist national front: The opportunist leadership of the "I know that among the Kuomintang peo­ Communist Party, in the person of ple, and even among the Chinese Commu­ Chen Tu-hsiu, Pen Shi-chi, and Tan nists, there are people who do not believe it Ping-shan, refused to consider this possible to develop the revolution in the village, fearing that by having the peasantry vital advice, but continued to pursue drawn into the revolutionary movement, the its disastrous line during the second united anti-imperialist front would be stage of the Chinese revolution of broken. This is a profound error, comrades. 1925·27- The anti-imperialist front in China will be­ Mter the national bourgeoisie de­ come stronger and more powerful the more quickly and thoroughly the Chinese peas· serted the revolution, in April, 1927, antry is drawn into the revolution.'' the revolution suffered a temporary setback through the White terror of And further: the newly-formed imperialist-Kuomin­ "I know that among the Chinese Commu­ tang alliance against the masses in nists there are comrades who believe work­ Shanghai, Nanking, and other re­ ers' strikes for better material and legal con­ gions. In opposition to the counter­ ditions undesirable, and dissuade the workers revolutionary government at Nan­ (rom striking. This is a great mistake, com­ king, the Wuhan government-a coali­ rades. It implies a grave underestimation of the rple and the specific weight of the pro­ tion of the Left-wing Kuomintang and letariat in China.'' the Chinese Communist Party, repre­ senting an alliance of the proletariat, This idea was again emphasized in the masses of the peasantry, and the the resolution adopted by the Seventh petty bourgeoisie-became the center Plenum of the E.C.C.I., in December, of the revolution in its new stage:. the 19'16, which stated: agrarian revolution. The Communist International "The development of .the national revolu­ tionary movement in China now depends pointed out that the Chinese Party upon the agrarian revolution. If the pro­ should take advantage of its enor­ letariat fails to launch a radical agrarian mous influence and of its position in program, it will not be able to draw the the Wuhan government to accelerate peasantry into the revolutionary struggle and the revolutionary struggle of the broad will lose the leadership in the national masses. The Party should have fought emancipation movement." for the transformation of the Wuhan Another doeument, iS!IUed by the ,avemment into the revolutionary THE COMMUNIST democratic dictatorship of the prole­ count, Chen's concealment of the tariat and peasantry. The resolution Comintern's directives! of the Eighth Plenum of the E.C.C.I. In this connection one must ask of May, 1927, stated: how it is that Snow fails to record the fact that this same Chen Tu-hsiu is "The main thing at the present time is today the leader of the Chinese Trot­ the 'plebeian' revolutionary solution of the skyites, but links him instead with agrarian problem by tens and hundreds of millions of peasants themselves from below. China's Gorky, Lu Hsun, whose writ­

0 • • It is necessary rapidly, boldly and de­ ings were filled with brilliant denun­ terminedly to pursue a policy towards the ciations of Trotsky and his Chinese mass arming of the workers and peasants." followers.

But Chen Tu-hsiu, Pen Shi-chi, and WHAT SNOW FORGOT TO REMEMBER Tan Ping-shan ignored this advice. They not only did not help to acceler­ Having placed the guilt for the set­ ate the mass struggle, but under the backs at the door of the Comintern, pressure of reactionary officials in the Snow begins to seek for the "true" Wuhan Kuomintang actually re­ mentor of the development of the stricted the activities of the masses. revolution: On May 31, 1927, when 1.oo,ooo armed workers and peasants marched "Had Stalin not waited till 1924 to advance his slogan, 'Socialism in one country' 0 • • upon Changsha to fight against Hsu quite possibly the 'intervention' in China Ke-hsiang, the notorious militarist might never have begun. 0 • • When Stalin who attacked the workers' and peas­ did develop his fight, the line in China had ants' union, these opportunists in the already been cast.. 0 • Until then [1926] Party leadership called upon the Stalin's adherents had not yet decisively over­ powered the Trotsky theory of 'permanent masses for voluntary disarming. This revolution.' ... At least a year before Chiang facilitated betrayal by the Left Kuo­ Kai-shek's second and successful coup d'etat, mintang leaders, bringing about the Zinoviev began demanding the separation collapse of the Wuhan government, in of the Communists from the Kuomintang. August, 1927. . . . Just as early Trotsky began urging the formation of Soviets and an independent Snow writes in this connection: Chinese Red Army." (Pp. !176·77-)

"Mao placed the greatest blame on Chen­ Here Snow not only gives the im­ Tu-hsiu, whose 'wavering opportunism de­ prived the Party of decisive leadership and pression that Trotsky was responsible a direct line of its own at a moment when for the achievements of the 1925-27 further compromise clearly meant catas­ revolution but also that he was the trophe. . . . He did not show other Party initiator and ideological mentor of leaders the order of the Comintern, nor even the Chinese Soviets! He slanders Stalin discuss them with us.'" (P. 147-48.) by insinuating that in consequence of Snow, who has listened to the wise his "directives" the tactical line of the and patient analysis of this particular Chinese Communist Party led to "the period of Mao Tse-tung, still lays the catastrophe of the spring of 1927": defeat of the revolution at the door­ "During these swift months, in which dis­ step of the Communist International aster gathered like a mighty typhoon above -completely ignoring, in his own ac- the heads of the Chinese Communists, Stalin's "RED STAR OVER CHINA" line was subjected to continuous bombard­ had the Canton Commune in mind ment from .the Opposition, dominated by in speaking of reverses. The Canton Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev." (P. 176.) Commune (December 11-13, 1927) arose about four months after the [True, Snow states that there is Kuomintang's complete betrayal. It "abundant reason to believe that had followed a series of armed uprisings the opposition's objection been made of the workers and peasants in Chang­ the basis of an early Jacobin policy in sha, Nanchang, and other cities, to China the tragedy would have been protect the advance made in the 1925- even more severe" (p. 377); but in 27 revolution. The Canton Commune this he merely adds contradiction and was crushed by the joint forces of confusion to his totally erroneous ac­ imperialists and Kuomintang gen­ count of the guidance extended by the erals. But the heroic Communards Comintern and Comrade Stalin.] had inscribed on their banner-For a The Trotsky-Zinoviev opposition, Soviet China of national indepen­ against which the Comintern was dence, democracy, and the welfare of struggling, demanded the organiza­ the people! tion of the Soviets and the Red Army The Sixth Congress of the Com­ at the first stage of the Chinese revo­ munist Party of China, in the summer lution, while the national bourgeoisie of 1928, recognized the profound was still supporting the anti-imperial­ meaning of the Canton Commune. ist struggle. In taking such a position, It summed up the experience of the they denied the fundamental Leninist revolution and determined the gen­ tactic of making use of even tempo­ eral line of the Party for the new rary and unstable allies in the strug­ period. It pointed out to the Chinese gle against the powerful enemy. workers and peasants that now only At the very beginning of this through fighting for a Soviet China period, in which the Wuhan govern­ could the anti-imperialist and agra­ ment became the center of the rian revolution be continued and be Chinese revolution, the anti-Leninist transformed at a later period into the Trotsky-Zinoviev opposition again nationwide socialist revolution. This demagogically demanded that the main line was afterwards endorsed by Communists leave the Kuomintang the Sixth Congress of the Communist and immediately form Soviets. International, held in 1928, which But clearly, to have advanced the characterized the Commune as not slogan of immediate formation of a "rear-guard battle" in the 19%7 ebb Soviets at a time when the still-revolu­ of revolution, but as a "banner herald­ tionary Wuhan government enjoyed ing the new stage of the Chinese revo the support of the broad masses would lution-the Soviet stage." have benefited only the imperialists Hence, the Commune, which meant and the counter-revolutionary Kuo­ nothing more than a "serious reverse" mintang leaders at Nanking, who to superficial observers, meant to the wished nothing better than to end Communist International and the cooperation between the Kuomintang Communist Party of China, "the Left-wingers and the Communists. storming of the heavens" for the Snow, by inference, must also have Chinese masses, evidence of their iron THE COMMUNIST revolutionary determination, presage dominance in the Party leadership. of their future vic.tories. Based upon the reckless assumption But the vulgar, counter-revolution­ that both the Chinese and the world ary Trotsky branded the Canton Com­ revolution would occur simultaneous­ mune as "pure putschism" and "mili­ ly in the near future, Li Li-sanism at­ tarist adventurism." tempted uprisings in all the large cities Later, when the Soviets were formed and towns in China. In the agrarian in the· interior of China, the Trotsky­ regions it forced the establishment of ites, while carrying out espionage and collective farms, and by its putschist conspiratorial activities in these areas actions threatened the Party's gains, for their imperialist masters, de­ causing damage to the revolutionary nounced the growing Red Army as a movement, and weakening the Party "bandit" army, in unison with all the contact with the masses. reactionaries. Trotsky had raised the But the Party had already matured; slogan of Soviets at a time when the with the guidance of the Communist conditions for their establishment International it quickly liquidated the were not mature, at a time when they Li Li-san line. The Bolshevik ele­ would have been doomed to certain ments in the Party, led by Comrade failure. A mistaken estimation of the Chen Shao-yu (Wang Ming), fought class relationships in China? Hardly! Li Li-sanism, and succeeded early in For, as the revolutionary movement in 193~ in establishing the correct Lenin­ China prepared the ground for the ist-Stalinist line, thereby furthering establishment of these Soviets, Trotsky the Bolshevization of the Party. became the advance guard of the counter-revolutionary forces seeking • • • to disrupt that steady progress. And Perhaps Snow has in mind the when the Soviets became a reality, losses suffered by the Chinese Com­ when masses of Chinese workers and munists during the fierce struggle of peasants rallied under their banners­ ten years, when he writes of reverses. those of the very Soviets to which True, in the last decade tens of Snow dedicates his book-Trotsky was thousands of the best sons and daugh­ the first to defame and stab them in ters of the Chinese nation, foremost the back-Trotsky, whom Snow would among whom were Communists and make out to be the initiator of the Young Communists, have fallen in Chinese Soviets! battle against the armies of reaction Among the reverses which Snow and the imperialists. But by their charges to the leadership of Stalin, heroic sacrifice the foundation for one cannot exclude the damage done national and social liberation was to the revolution by Li Li-sanism, a laid, enabling the Party to go on to semi-Trotskyite manifestation, in the these great achievements: latter part of 1930. The Communist 1. It has initiated, mobilized, and Party of China has never concealed led the National Liberation struggle 1 the fact that for half a year aune to of the Chinese people, raising their December, 1930), the anti-Leninist political consciousness and fighting line advocated by Li Li-san, then a strength. leadinc member of the Party, pined 2. It has initiated, mobilized, and "RED STAR OVER CHINA" 45~ led the ecopomic and political strug­ munist Party" (p. 374), "an instru­ gle of the workers, peasants, and the ment of the national policy of the petty bourgeoisie, through which they Soviet Union" (p. 376), and "a glori­ have become conscious of their own fied advertising agency for the prosaic strength. labors of the builders of socialism in 3· The Soviets and the Red Army one country"? (P. 378.) Mao Tse-tung have become part of the Chinese Re­ himself would be the first to denounce public and the National Revolution­ the vicious insinuation against the So­ ary Army. They serve as shock-troops viet Union: "I never met a Chinese and models for the whole country. Red who drivelled 'our great leader' The Red Army has perfected for phrases." (P. 69.) all China the war of maneuver and It was the Communist Interna­ the methods of guerrilla warfare tional, in the decisions of its Seventh which are wrecking the Japanese of­ World Congress, which gave the Chi­ fensive. nese Communist Party its great tactic 4· The Party has initiated and led of stimulating and building the pres­ to the establishment of the anti-J ap­ ent united national front against anese national united front, which Japanese aggression. alone can hurl back Japanese impe­ On the basis of this tactic, the Party rialist aggression. drew up its new political line to unite 5· The Party has steeled itself the Chinese people, first expressed in through struggle and has become the famous manifesto issued on Au­ deeply rooted in the Chinese people. gust 1, 1935, pointing to the only path Wherein lies the invincibility of the of salvation-the tactic of establish­ Communist Party of China? ing a united national front against Mao Tse-tung gave the answer: Japanese aggression, the organization of a national defense government, and "The Communist Party of China was, is, a unified Chinese army. and will ever be, faithful to Marxism-Lenin­ ism, and it will continue its struggle against The Party's new policy received tre­ every opportunist tendency." (P. 167.) mendous support, not only from the masses of the Chinese people, but also The history of the Chinese revolu­ from the Kuomintang troops sent to tion has proved the truth of these fight against the Chinese Red Army. words. When, in December, 1936, Chiang Let us ask Snow by what manner of Kai-shek was arrested by his own gen­ reason he arrives at the conclusion erals, because of having ignored the that "the Comintern may be held re­ people's demand for united resistance sponsible for . . . reverses suffered by to the Japanese militarists, and his the Chinese Communists"? When the insistence on the continuation of the Chinese Communist leaders value so anti-Communist campaign, the Com­ hiihly the leadership of the Commu.­ munist Party, acting on its new policy, niit International and of Stalin, how prevented a civil war from develop­ can ·Snow, who professes friendship ing from the Sian incident. The peace­ for the Chinese Communists, vilify ful settlement of the Sian event, and the Comintern by such Trotskyite the role of the Party in that iettle­ terms, "a bureau of the Ru~ian Com- ment, meant the liteiinnin&" of a aew THE COMMUNIST period in Chinese history-the end of China has abandoned the struggle for civil war and the launching of unified the hegemony of the proletariat. Sure­ resistance to Japan. It was a tremen­ ly Snow himself is aware today of the dous blow to the Japanese imperial­ tremendous rise of the Party's prestige ists, paving the way for an early rap­ in China; the widespread respect and prochement between the Kuomintang love of the Chinese people for the and the Communist Party. It was a Eighth Route Army (the former Red mighty victory for the new policy of Army), which is held up as a standard the Communist Party of China and for all Chinese armies; the Special Ad­ the political line of the Communist ministrative District (the former So­ International-and a victory for the viet Region), which has become a peace movement throughout the model for a truly democratic China; world. the role played by Mao Tse-tung, Unable to understand the signifi­ Chou En-lai, and Chu Teh in the Na­ cance of this new turn, Snow inter­ tional Advisory Council and the Mili­ prets the united national front tactic tary Commission of the National gov­ in this fashion: ernment; the publication of a legal Communist Party daily paper in Han­ "Theoretically it is clearly this: that the kow; and the emergence into legal Communists have been forced to abandon temporarily their thesis that 'only under the existence of a mass trade union move­ hegemony of the proletariat' can the bour­ ment. geois democratic movement develop." (P. 443.) Snow predicts that there is no like­ lihood of "the Kuomintang quietly But this interpretation again falls signing its death warrant by genuine­ in line with the Trotskyite contention ly realizing bourgeois democracy." that the Chinese Communists "sur­ (P. 445·) He does not understand that render tq the bourgeoisie and the the Kuomintang became a mass peo­ Kuomintang." ple's party during the revolution of Yet on the very next page Snow 1925-27 precisely because it fought for quotes Mao Tse-tung's words, which the revolutionary principles of Dr. literally and clearly refute his own Sun Yat-sen-national independence, statement. Mao declared: democracy, and the welfare of the "The Communist Party retains the leader­ people-and collaborated with the ship on problems in the Soviet districts and Communist Party of China. The re­ the Red Army, and retains its independence versing of the Kuomintang's policy in and freedom of criticism in its relation with 1927-departure from revolutionary the Kuomintang. On these points no con­ cessions can be made. . . . The Communist Sun Yat-senism and bloody suppres­ Party will never abandon its aims of social­ sion of Communists and anti-imperial­ ism and communism; it will still pass ist fighters-resulted in the loss of the through the stage of democratic revolution Kuomintang's prestige. of the bourgeoisie to attain the stages of · But, today, under the new condi­ wcialism and communillm.... " (P. 444.) tions of Japanese invasiqn and the Mao's words evidently fell on ean united resistance of the Chinese peo­ closed to their meaning. ple, the Kuomintang has given up its Objective realities belie Snow's as­ disastrous policy of the past ten years sertion that the Communist Party of and ia revivilli its earlier revolution- "RED STAR OVER CHINA" 455 ary tradition. The leaders of the Com­ at Linfeng. Another Trotskyite, Wang munist Party repeatedly emphasize the Kung-tu, led an uprising in Kwangsi long-range perspective of the Commu­ against Kwangsi's joining the national nist-Kuomintang collaboration, not liberation struggle. Trotskyite slogans only in driving the Japanese imperial­ in China raised at this crucial time are ists out of Cll.ina, but in building a only meant to serve Japan: "Civil war united, democratic republic. Mao and the war of liberation must go Tse-tung, in his report to the Com­ hand in hand!" "Cooperation be­ munist Party Conference in Yenan, in tween the Communist Party and the May, 1937, pointed out that the char­ Kuomintang is impossible!" and other acter of this republic will be "the al­ treacherous catchwords in the same liance of all classes." He also pointed tenor. They have denounced the lib­ out the far-reaching revolutionary erty loan and conscription; to keep significance of the united front: friendly foreign powers from giving "Though it has not gone beyond the China any aid, they shout, "Down bourgeois-democratic stage of the rev­ with all imperialisms!" olution, it has the possibility of the Snow is aware of some of these healthy transformation into non­ things. Thus, he tells us that "so­ capitalistic development in the fu­ called Chinese 'Trotskyites'• . . . ture." earned a very bad stigma as spies and Particularly today is the course of traitors-many of them were led by Trotskyite treachery in China ex­ the logic of their position to join the posed. The Japanese armies, in their Blue Shirts and betray former com­ desperate assault upon a united peo­ rades to the police." (P. 373·) None­ ple fighting for their very existence theless, he accepts the slanders of these and their national liberation, have spies and traitors against the Com­ their "Fifth Column" in the Chinese intern, and peddles them in his book. Trotskyites. The trial of the anti­ Snow charges that in 1934 the Com­ Soviet Trotskyite Center, in January, munist International opposed the ex­ 1937, brought the disclosure that tension of aid to the Fukien govern­ Trotsky had instructed his followers ment by the Chinese 'Red Army, be­ "not to impede the Japanese invasion cause "Russia was just then renewing of China." The recent trial of the its flirtation with Nanking and had Right-Trotskyite Bloc revealed in the but recently recognized the Kuomin­ person· of Rakovsky-Trotsky's princi­ tang regime." (P. 382.) pal adjutant-a spy in the service of What a preposterous story this is! the Japanese Intelligence Service. It is In fact, it is well known that the Com­ understandable now why the Trotsky­ munist International not only fully ites fight most bitterly against the na­ approved the line of the Communist tional united front policy of the Com­ Party of China regarding the anti­ munist Party in China. They are Japanese pact between the Chinese merely carrying out the orders of the Soviet government and the Fukien In­ Japanese Intelligence Service. For ex­ dependence government in 1934, but ample, Chang Mo-tao, a notorious Trotskyite, was caught in the act of • Snow here hedge~ the term Trotskyit&~ within quotation marks. Does he mean te signaling to Japanese bambini planes cast doubt on hia own findin~P . THE COMMUNIST

criticized the aid given to Fukien In the same breath he speaks of independence by the Chinese Red "the great help" (with the cynical Army as not sufficiently effective. addition, "amounting to interven­ As for the restoration of diplomatic tion") which the Soviet Union ren­ relations between China and the So­ dered, but it. was help, we are told, viet Union, it was an important step that "had the objective effect of bring­ in promoting friendship between ing into power the most reactionary these two great nations. The Soviet elements of the ·Kuomintang." The Union, since its inception, has proved Soviet Union's aid, which was one of herself the most reliable friend of the important factors contributing to China. The Kuomintang government, the rapid advance of the revolution in the midst of the 1927 counter-revo­ of 1925-27, is here distorted into its lution, broke off diplomatic relations opposite: a factor responsible for the with the Soviet Union; but in 1933, setback of the revolution! considering the national crisis caused Snow really paints the Soviet Union by Japanese invasion and the Chinese as the villain of the piece. Having con­ people's tremendous sympathy for the tributed to the defeat of the Chinese Soviet Union, it restored diplomatic revolution, she deserted the scene: relations. "Deprived of an ally, the Chinese Snow characterizes this as having Communists continued to struggle facilitated the destruction of the alone.... " Southern Soviets. (P. 382.) Actually, after 1927, the Chinese Snow seeks to avoid formal respon­ Soviets, encircled by the Kuomintang sibility for some phases of his mon­ troops and by an imperialist blockade, strous and complicated slander with had no possibility of receiving mate­ the words, "Evidence of this [Trotsky­ rial aid from any foreign power. But ist] opinion is lacking"; but he cannot the Soviet Union's friendship and rev­ deny having been a ready mouthpiece olutionary solidarity were palpably for this Trotskyite vilification. felt by the Chinese Soviets. They un­ derstood that every new socialist tri­ CAN ONE BE A FRIEND OF THE CHINESE umph in the Soviet Union meant a PEOPLE AND NOT A FRIEND further weakening of the imperialist OF THE SOVIET UNION? forces against which they were fight­ Snow draws a false and unfriendly ing. The Constitution of the Chinese picture of the Soviet Union. Soviet Republic, adopted on Novem- .· In the period of 1924-27 the Soviet her 7, 1931, concludes with the mo­ · Union, as is well known, gave moral mentous clause: and material aid to the national revo­ lutionary government, of which the "The Chinese Soviet power declares that it stands in a common revolutionary front Communists were a vital part. Yet with the world proletariat and the oppressed Snow charges that "the Soviet Union peoples, and that it regards the country of the dictatorship of the proletariat, tho So­ in fact did not extend to the Chinese viet Union, as its firm ally." comrades the promised 'assistance and Ear support of the proletarian dictator­ In the concluding chapter of the ship' in any degree commensurate book we note the summation "that with the need." (P. f4I.) only a il'eat imperialist war, which i1 "RED STAR OVER CHINA" 457 almost certain to assume the character -the same road which it must take in of a world war," can enable the Chi­ conjunction with all the democratic nese people to achieve "revolutionary and peace-desiring peoples of the ascent to power." But this victory de­ world, in conjunction with the inter­ pends on "whether or not the U.S.S.R. national peace policy of the Soviet is drawn into such a war" and on its Union, the road of collective security. ability "to mak:e the transition from a It has been necessary to review this program of socialism in one country book in detail because, though there to socialism in all countries, to world is much in it that is factually valuable, revolution." (I) (P. 449·) the uninformed reader may accept It is difficult to differentiate Snow's Snow's facile and erroneous analysis. conclusion from the outright Trotsky­ As a reporter, he has written a com­ ite "theory" of hastening the attack of mendable account of life under the the fascist aggressors upon the Soviet Chinese Soviets. He has, in the main, Union. The Trotskyites, serving the faithfully and sympathetically re­ fascist war-makers, carry on their ne­ corded his interviews with the leaders farious espionage and provocative ac­ of the former Chinese Soviet govern­ tivities-with "world revolution" as a ment, the former Red Army, and the demagogic catchword-with the aim Communist Party of China. But, as an of destroying the Soviet Union, pre­ historical interpretor, Snow has been cisely because the victory of socialism misguided and misguides his reader in the Soviet Union is the greatest in­ toward the quicksands of Trotskyism. spiration and hope of the workers of Of course, we would be the last to every land in their struggle against admonish a reporter: Don't analyze fascism and war, for peace, democracy your data; don't tum historian. His­ and socialism. tory, however, must be neither inven­ tion nor surmise, but firmly based on • • • scientific investigation. Were Snow to speak as a responsible We have presented this critique of commentator, he would realize that Red Star Over China with the aim of the road to "revolutionary ascent to placing its readers on guard. We hope, power" for the Chinese people is the too, that our analysis may prove of road of decisive setback to fascism, the some value to the author in further road of halting the Japanese military­ endeavors' to perceive the true course fascist aggression, which is but a sec­ of the historic movement of the tor of the aggression of world fascism Chinese people. FASCIST PENETRATION IN LATIN AMERICA

BY SAMUEL PUTNAM

N NoVEMBER 10, 1937, Getulio the facts with regard to the Vargas O Vargas, the virtual dictator of regime. The truth is: the interests Brazil for the past seven years, an­ these spokesmen represent· are quite nounced the "adoption" of a new willing to have a fascist state in Bra­ "constitution" abolishing all consti­ zil, or elsewhere in Latin America, tutional government and setting up a provided it does not interfere with "corporate" or "totalitarian" state. business-their business. They are Four days previously, on November 6, playing Vargas' own game; for Vargas Mussolini had joined with Hitler and also has reason to conceal, for the time the Japanese imperialists in an "Anti­ being, the exact nature of his relations Comintern" pact. Upon returning with German, Italian and Japanese from his visit to Germany, Mussolini fascism, which have been assiduously had proclaimed the intention of the developed by the fascist powers over "fascist international" to include a period of years. other countries in the pact, and had There is, however, at least one sec­ specifically mentioned Brazil as being tion of the North American monop­ already "virtually a fascist state." At oly-capitalist press which is a little the same time his journalistic mouth­ more frank as to what is going on in piece, Virginio Gayda, was declaring the southern half of the Western that Brazil was ripe for membership Hemisphere, as is shown by a glance in the new "Holy Alliance." Vargas at the December, 1937, number of that thereupon proceeded to follow the de luxe organ of big business, Fortune usual fascist technique of unearthing magazine, which announced for 1938 a "Communist plot" as an excuse for an extended series of articles on Latin the seizure of unbridled power in the American countries. (The January manner of a Hitler or a Mussolini. issue lead off with one on Peru.) What was happening should have "Brazil," says the unsigned writer been, it would seem, plain enough to in the December Fortune, "lies not in anyone-to anyone, that is to say, ex­ the South Atlantic but in those politi­ cept a Sumner Welles, a Walter Lipp­ cal oceans which divide the United mann, or the numerous other high­ States and Nazi Germany•••• South &alaried agents and press agents of America lies across the path of dicta­ Wall Street imperialism, who have an torial dreams." After pointing out die object in concealing and perverting danger of fascist "support" from FASCISM IN LATIN AMERICA 459 abroad, of the kind that Franco has is no longer a threat; it is a reality. It received ·in Spain, the writer adds: is true that fascism has not yet been "Fascism does not attack from across consolidated and stabilized in Brazil; frontiers in the Napoleonic manner. there are definite forces to the Right Fascism attacks from within by the (rival dictators) and to the Left (the cancer and from without only as the revolutionary and democratic force" cancer's solicitous and devoted friend represented by the imprisoned Luis -the knife." Carlos Prestes, Brazil's "Knight of It is essential, to begin with, that Hope," and the National Liberation we realize definitely that fascism is no Alliance movement, the Democratic longer a phenomenon limited to Eu­ Student Union, etc.) which continue rope and the Far East, but that its to threaten its existence for any hand has reached across the Atlantic length of time. A semi-colonial coun­ and to a greater or less degree has try still, Brazil has an economy that been laid upon practically the whole represents a combination of native of the vast continent to the south of capital with latifundist (semi-feudal, us, while through the Vargas coup its big landlord) interests, now allied grip has now been clenched on more with the finance capital of Germany, than half the population and nearly Italy, and, to an extent, Japan. A fas­ half (47.8 per cent) of the area of cist state in Brazil thus becomes, eco­ that continent, thereby threatening to nomically and politically, a spearhead add to the Rome-Berlin-Tokio arc of the world fascist offensive, the Tro­ the fourth largest country in the world jan Horse that conceals the armed in point of physical size, the ninth in forces of a new world war, destined population, with an area of 3,285,319 rudely to shatter the dreams of the square miles as compared with our smug isolationist and the pacifist, un­ own 3,026,789, and with 47,000,000 in­ less such encroachments are summa­ habitants-a country with the largest rily halted by the united forces of ·iron reserves and· with an agriculture democracy on both continents. that rivals its mineral wealth, produc- It is for this reason that those who ing 67 per cent of the world's coffee, would make out the 'Vargas coup to ranking third in cotton and rubber have been no more than "one of those and second in .cocoa production, and South American revolutions" do so contributing heavily to the interna­ great a disservice to the cause of peace tional sugar market. and humanity. This is neither a "revo­ "Let no one imagine that this West­ lution" nor a dictatorship of the kind em Hemisphere will not be attacked," known of old. The change is not one President Roosevelt warned in his of dictators, but in the very form of Chicago speech. That attack began the state, accompanied by such char­ some while since on the economic acteristic features of fascism as the plane, and is now being carried over abolition of all democratic rights onto the plane of politics. along with all constitutional govern­ ment, the suppression of provincial, FASCISM HAS FOOTHOLD IN municipal, all local autonomy, the WESTERN HEMISPHERE outlawing of strikes, trade unions and Fascism in the Western Hemisphere all political parties.

who who for for so so loni loni Cal.holic Cal.holic have have controlled controlled Church Church in in the the Brazil, Brazil, which which hai hai

whole-hearted whole-hearted backing backing of of the the Roman Roman British British and and American American imperialists imperialists

landlords landlords and and capitalists capitalists receive receive the the Latin Latin America America are are not not primarily primarily the the

ploited ploited fellow fellow countrymen. countrymen. Thus, Thus, the the In In bringers bringers this, this, the the of of fascism fascism to to

a&ainst a&ainst their their armed armed own own enslaved enslaved force force of of 1oo,ooo 1oo,ooo and and ex­ in in Guatemala. Guatemala.

with with those those of of the the foreign foreign invader invader There There is is at at present present said said to to be be an an

who who see see their their should should interests interests Mexico Mexico as as coinciding coinciding become become a a second second Spain. Spain.

iections iections of of the the native native capitalist capitalist class, class, hope hope to to make make a a second second Portugal, Portugal,

zilian zilian latifundistas, latifundistas, arms arms in in and and Guatemala, Guatemala, the the dominant dominant of of which which they they

so, so, for for the the matter matter and and are are of that, that, aiding aiding are are the the the the concentration concentration Bra­ of of

but but for for Hitler Hitler and and Hitler's Hitler's allies. allies. But But fast-forming fast-forming Mexican Mexican People's People's Front, Front,

claims claims to to be, be, for for the the people people of of Brazil, Brazil, the the Cardenas Cardenas government government and and the the

that that Getulio Getulio ments, ments, Vargas Vargas are are is is plotting plotting not, not, as as the the he he overthrow overthrow of of

ing ing and and middle middle classes; classes; which which means means Spaniards Spaniards and and reactionary reactionary native native ele­

to to the the detriment detriment of of the the native native work­ in in Mexico, Mexico, in in league league with with fascist fascist

of of necessity necessity usurp usurp the the native native economy economy in in Brazil, Brazil, German German and and Italian Italian fascists fascists

economically, economically, the the foreign foreign fascists fascists must must they they intervened intervened in in behalf behalf of of Vargas Vargas

In In order order to to gain gain the the upper upper hand hand is is Mussolini's Mussolini's pliant pliant tool. tool. And And just just as as

that that this this drive drive is is progressing progressing rapidly. rapidly. and and unprincipled unprincipled dictator, dictator, Benavides, Benavides,

been been making making a a determined determined drive drive and and rests rests upon upon the the fact fact that that the the corrupt corrupt

indicates indicates that that the the fascist fascist powers powers have have Peru, Peru, Italian Italian commercial commercial ascendancy ascendancy

had had risen risen to to around around 28 28 per per cent. cent. This This er, er, Count Count Matarazzo. Matarazzo. Similarly, Similarly, in in

while while German, German, Italian Italian and and Japanese Japanese ceive ceive the the support support of of the the Italian Italian bank­

America America had had dropped dropped to to 7! 7! per per cent, cent, active active assistance assistance of of the the Gestapo, Gestapo, re­

Anglo-American Anglo-American exports exports to to South South Henning Henning and and Stoltz, Stoltz, together together with with the the

Compare Compare the the figures figures for for 1936, 1936, when when as as Renner, Renner, Von Von Hartt, Hartt, Hasenclever, Hasenclever,

cent cent from from Germany, Germany, Italy Italy and and Japan. Japan. backing backing of of such such German German industrialists industrialists

or or Great Great Britain Britain and and less less than than 17 17 per per tegralistas, tegralistas, who, who, in in addition addition to to the the

ported ported goods goods and and from from his his the the Brazilian Brazilian United United Green Green States States Shirts Shirts or or In­

America America got got 83 83 per per cent cent of of her her im­ half half a a million million dollars dollars to to Von Von Cossel Cossel

the the present present depression depression era, era, South South American American Bank, Bank, contributed contributed nearly nearly

can can imperialism. imperialism. At At the the beginning beginning of of Nazis, Nazis, through through the the German German South South & &

the the past, past, namely, namely, power. power. British British This This and and explains explains Ameri­ why why it it is is that that the the

Latin Latin America's America's economic economic destiny destiny in in must must be be set set up up and and maintained maintained in in

glance glance at at the the force force which which has has molded molded and and all all the the rest; rest; and and fascist fascist puppets puppets

being being carried carried out. out. This This necessitates necessitates a a to to modern modern propaganda, propaganda, press, press, radio radio

lini, lini, and and the the Japanese Japanese imperialists imperialists are are must must be be had had to to every every method method known known

by by which which the the transplanted transplanted aims aims of of Hitler, Hitler, and and Musso­ inculcated, inculcated, resort resort

of of political political events, events, and and of of the the means means fascist fascist political political forms forms If If are are to to be be

lie lie behind behind and and in in the the determine determine shade shade of of the the reaction reaction course course advocated. advocated.

nomic nomic forces forces ber ber and and of of antagonisms antagonisms such such organizations, organizations, which which varying varying only only

brought brought out out by by a a study study of of those those eco­ fascist fascist organization; organization; there there are are a a num­

every every day day to to North North listas, listas, America, America, or or Green Green Shirts, Shirts, is is best best are are not not the the only only

of of South South America, America, Francaise Francaise drawing drawing in in nearer nearer France. France. For For the the Integra­

and and of of the the threat threat party, party, which which corresponding corresponding hangs hangs over over all all to to the the Action Action

The The real real nature nature a a strong strong of of the the monarchist monarchist Vargas Vargas coup coup Catholic Catholic Action Action

THE THE COMMUNIST COMMUNIST FASCISM IN LATIN AMERICA continent's economy, but rather those do well to keep in mind that the run who, however sympathetic their polit­ from Pernambuco, Brazil, to Lisbon, ical forms may appear to be to Lon­ Portugal, is 540 miles shorter than don and Wall Street, now inevitably the run from Pernambuco to New begin to loom as the trade enemies of York. American and British finance capital. But United States finance capital The writer in Fortune senses this, interests are even more directly in­ when he says: volved. It is instructive to view what "Political and economic revolutions in Eu­ has happened to our trade with Latin rope have substituted for the colonial aspira­ America in contrast to that of Ger­ tions of Britain and France the raw material many with the same countries. By and market aspirations of Germany and Italy, 1936, our trade was little above the and South America in consequence lies more directly within the field of European ambi­ 1914 or pre-war level and far below tions than any part of the Americas has lain that of the decade 1920-1930. The since the eighteenth century." Germans had edged the United States out of first place in exports to Brazil PLANS OF FASCIST AGGRESSORS (23 per cent of which Germany now INCLUDE AMERICA supplies) and to Chile (Germany now For South America is distinctly supplying 29 per cent where the year within the picture so far as the plans before she had supplied but 10 per of the fascist world war-makers are cent). German exports to Brazil for concerned. The latter are not forget­ 1937 totaled $35,874,ooo; those of the ting the wartime value of Argentine United States amounted to $32,789,­ meats and grains and Chilean nitrates, ooo. The United States is still first in a value that was brought out in the Columbia, though even there Ger­ last war, in the course of which two many has now taken second place naval battles between England and from Great Britain and has just com­ Germany were fought off the coast of pleted an agreement with regard to Chile. In the event of another war, oil concessions. While United States with the fascist nations on one side investments (impaired nearly 50 per and Britain on the other, the former cent by defaulted bond payments) undoubtedly would attempt to cut represents about half of the $4oo,ooo,­ off England's food supplies from ooo foreign capital in Peru, German South America and obtain such sup­ exports to that country in 1936 plies for themselves, which could only showed an increase of 68 per cent mean the spreading of the war to this over 1935, having risen from $3,120,­ hemisphere and the altogether likely ooo in 1934 to $11,6oo,ooo in 1936, an involvement of the United States. It increase of more than 300 per cent is not for nothing that ·Italian com­ for the two-year period. The German mercial planes now plying the South Gildermeisters control 43 per cent of Atlantic are of the bomber type. And Peru's sugar crop, representing an in­ the average North American, with his vestment of from $15,ooo,ooo to $20,­ hazy knowledge of South American ooo,ooo. German exports to South geography and his comforting illus­ America as a whole for the first half ions as to the "good wide ocean" of 1937 amounted to $149,000,000 as between ourselves and Europe, would against $214,ooo,ooo for the who1e of THE COMMUNIST

1936 and a total of $to8,ooo,ooo for The question arises: how is this 1932, the year before Hitler came to economic invasion of the southern power. continent being accomplished? How does it come that Germany, Italy and STAKE OF YANKEE IMPERIALISTS Japan, after all these years, are, seem­ From this it may be seen that North ingly of a sudden, wresting South American monopolists have a con­ American trade supremacy from Eng­ siderable stake in Latin America. land and the United States? It surely Great Britain and the United States is not an affair of chance. It is true, together have an investment there of there has been in the past few years more than $1o,ooo,ooo,ooo, England a determined and planned drive for being the largest holder, while the these markets on the part of the fascist United States share is somewhat less powers; but this alone, without taking than $5,ooo,ooo;ooo, including about into consideration the historic world $1,5oo,ooo,ooo, invested chiefly in util­ economic factors that have favored it, ities, oil and mining properties. is not sufficient to account for what That the state of our trade balance has happened. with Latin America is becoming a It was the imperialist World War matter of grave concern to this coun­ that gave North American finance try is indicated by a number of events capitalists their chance at the South­ within the past year or so. Most out­ ern markets. British and other Eu­ standing of these was President Roose~ ropean commerce with South America velt's "good neighbor" visit to Buenos practically ceased during the war; Aires at the end of 1936, the year in whereupon the United States stepped which our Latin American exports in, with its news services, "good will" began to show so decided a drop in overtures and, above all, with its comparison with the German. An­ banking investments on the part of other was the extension last July of a the Chase National Bank, the Nation­ $6o,ooo,ooo gold credit to Brazil in al City Bank (International Banking return for trade concessions. A third is Corporation), and others, with its the increase just granted to Peru in utilities, steamship lines, etc., all of the matter of its sugar imports into which was backed by a policy of mili­ the United States, a surprisingly large tary aggression, political meddling increase, from 5,500 to 53,573 metric and, frequently, open intervention, as tons. However, such methods as gold in Cuba. By 1920 Wall Street's South credits and quota extensions do not American investments had risen to appear to be of much avail in halting $1,975,ooo,ooo; by 1930 they amount­ the German and Italian inroads. • ed to nearly five billion dollars. From • Since this was written Mr. Turner Cat­ 1921 to 1925 United States exports ledge, correspondent of The New York to South America averaged $279,115,- Times, reports negotiations "now in progress between private and civic interests and the of the three chief fascist powers-Germany, government" aiming at "a definite plan, de­ Italy and Japan. In them is to be seen a signed to meet the inroads of fascist propa­ direct chaflenge to American influence in ganda in South America." Latin America. In the case of at'least one of "Of all the developments in the southern these countries the campaign very often takes region at this time," the correspondent writes, the form of direct verbal assaults " on the "the government in Washington seems most United States government." (New York Timea, immediately concerned with the propaganda Feb. 11, 1ga8.)-The Editon. FASCISM IN LATIN AMERICA ooo; from 1926 to 1930 the figure was tie in their exploitation of Latin $447 ,86o,eoo. American markets than North Ameri­ Then came the Wall Street crash cans in the past had been, with their of 1929 and the beginning of the gen­ showier, more "high-powered" meth­ eral economic crisis of 1929-~3 in the ods and their much larger overheads, capitalist world. The effects were at in the way of equipment, advertising, once and startingly visible in the for­ etc. The fascists also duly played eign trade statistics. United States upon the existing Anglo-American trade with Latin America as a whole rivalries and antagonisms, and upon for 1930 amounted to $686,o44,000, the feeling against the Monroe Doc­ the lowest figure since 1922. By 19~1 trine. exports had ·.dropped to $158,6g1,ooo, It is conditions and methods such and in 1932 they touched a low of as those described which have made it $96,589,000. For 1932 was the bottom possible for the Nazis in Brazil to year of the crisis, with an industrial lay hands on the copper mines of production for the United States that Parahyba, the nickel mines of Goyaz, was 53.8 per cent of what it had been the oil wells of Matto Grosso and Ri­ in 1929, and with our world trade acho Doce (Alagoas), etc., while Thys­ sinking from an average of $4,687,- sen and the German Industrial Asso­ 789,000 for 1926-30 to $1,576,151,000 ciation are encroaching more and for 1932. A graphic picture is afford­ more on the 13,ooo,ooo,ooo-ton iron ed by the drop in North American fields of Minas Geraes, and other Nazi automobile sales in South America capitalists, like Stender, Dannemann during the first year of the crisis, 1929- and Suerdich are obtaining control of 30: from $14o,ooo,ooo to $62,ooo,ooo, the Bahia tobacco region and the Sao or more than 50 per cent. Paulo cotton districts. The Nazis are by no means the ECONOMIC PENETRATION BY United States' only trade rivals in FASCIST POWERS Latin America. The Italians in Peru, It was then, in the face of a market for instance, aided and abetted by that was at once sluggish and accentu­ Benavides, are in textile, oil and util­ atedly competitive, that the fascist ities. The Banco Italiano of Lima powers, driven by severe economic does 50 per cent of the country's bank­ pressure at home, began increasing ing business, and Italian business in­ their efforts at trade expansion in terests as a whole amount to more Latin America, through the sale of than $wo,ooo,ooo. The Japanese are cheaper articles of special appeal, the in truck farming and cotton in Peru, deft popularization of trade marks, and are very much interested in the and other means. Thanks to the brutal fishing rights of the Galapagos Islands suppression of labor by the fascist po­ off the coast of Ecuador. They are litical regimes and the starvation also, steadily and shrewdly, building wages paid to workers, Germany, Italy up a trade with Chile and Brazil. and Japan were enabled to undersell But it is in battleships and bombing democratic England and America. In planes that both Mussolini and the general, the fascist nations were much Japanese are at the present time do­ more patient, thoroughgoing and sub- ing their most spectacular business / THE COMMUNIST with Latin America. While the Nazis Condor covers the Brazilian coast and are selling and smuggling arms to serves points far inland. At Recife, nearly every South American nation in Brazil, the Nazis have acquired a (Hasenclever, Stoltz and the Stahl base in the Jequia aerodrome, and union are extremely active in this they have also obtained a government trade in Brazil), while they are com­ lease on the aerodrome of Bartholo­ pleting arrangements for the construc­ mey de Gusmao. As for Mussolini, his tion of a Krupp munitions factory at aeronautical plans are ambitious ones. Rio de Janeiro and are supplying Negotiations have already been con­ Chile with bombers, Mussolini is do­ cluded for a Rome·Gibraltar-South ing the same; he is marketing his America line, taking in Brazil, Uru­ Caproni planes far and wide-and a guay and Argentina. new $17 5,000 Caproni plant, capable INTENSIVE FASCIST PROPAGANDA of large-scale production, with a han­ gar of 7,ooo square meters, was recent-· Once again it may be stressed, the ly opened at Las Palmas, just outside economic penetration of South Amer­ of Lima. (It is interesting to note ica is closely bound up with political that the steel of which this plant was and cultural factors and manifesta­ built came from Germany, and that a tions: Full-fledged fascist groups and Nazi engineer was in charge of con­ parties are to be found not only in struction.) In addition to their Peru­ Brazil but in Chile, Argentina and vian plant, the Italians have another, elsewhere. The Chilean fascists even strategically located one midway down call themselves "Nacistas," or "Nazis," the west coast. The degree of com­ and are backed by German commer­ petition they are giving United States cial firms doing business in the coun­ aircraft manufacturers is to be seen try. The Brazilian Green Shirts num~ from the fact that, following the Inter­ her a million or more. Foreign fascist American Technical Aviation Confer­ propaganda is disseminated, not onlr ence at Lima, in September, 1937, the from embassies and consulates, but by Italians sold six planes, the North a host of commercial and other agents, Americans none. including journalists, scientists, profes­ A good deal has been made of the sors, technicians, army officers, and United States Pan-American Airways plain spies and provocateurs. and their predicted influence in bring­ German news agencies and the fif­ ing the two Americas closer together. teen or more German-owned newspa­ The extent of Italian and German pers in Rio de Janeiro and other cities penetration in this field seems to have play their part in Brazil; and all over been overlooked or its importance the continent, the papers are kept sup­ minimized. Pan-American Airways, plied with news items and news fea­ as a matter of fact, are_ inferior in tures, often elaborate ones, from facilities to the German commercial Rome, Berlin, Tokio and Burgos, set­ line known as the Condor Air Service ting forth the "ideology" of the "total­ or Condor Syndicate, with its 39 land­ itarian" state and making a plea for ing fields and its 4,5oo-mile operating fascist "culture." The radio is another range, affording direct communication propaganda means of which extensive between Germany and Brazil. The use is made, with regular short wave FASCISM IN LATIN AMERICA broadcasts from Berlin and Rome that newspaper, El Comercio, now runs are said by United States experts to protracted instalments on the beauties be the best on the air from a technical of life in Japan, alongside features point of view. There are four Ger­ dealing with "Fascist Italy's Cultural man broadcasting stations in Brazil. Empire."· There are books, lectures, visiting Italian and German fascists alike celebrities and pseudo-celebrities, in­ are building huge cultural organizt­ terviews, public addresses and the tions in South America. Mussolini's like. Italian professors are furnished followers are there spreading the gos­ free of charge, and scholarships in pel of "Pan-Latinism," one calculated German and Italian military acade­ to appeal to the prevailing racial mies are generously handed out. Even stock, and in this they are supported the police of Rio and Sao Paulo are by the Catholic Church. There is a sent to Berlin to absorb the brutal Pan-Latin "Cultural League," direct­ methods of the Gestapo and learn how ed by Nicola Pende of the University to turn Brazil into the Nazi dream, of Rome, and claiming a membership an "Antarctic Germany." Dictator of half a million; and preparations are Benavides of Peru does not have to being made for a "Latin Cultural Con­ send his police abroad; Mussolini gress," to be held in Buenos Aires. sends "instructors" to Lima. The object is to exalt Rome as the As a basis for cultural penetration "head of the Latin cultural world." the fascists, in Latin America as in Mussolini's propagandists seem to be the United States and other coun­ especially active in the Argentine, tries, rely upon a high-handed regi­ which was visited not long ago by the mentation of their "nationals," the president of the Italian Senate, Luigi Germans being supervised by Nazi Federzoni. agents and "missionaries," along the As for the Germans, they have line of Goering's recently announced 1,400 schools in Brazil, with the Ger­ "four-year plan." There are, in all, man language sometimes employed to between five and six million Italians the exclusion of the Portuguese. They in South America, and at least fifteen also have innumerable physical cul­ million more with Italian blood. In ture and other clubs and youth organ­ Peru there has been a thorough inter­ izations. In the Rio Grande do Sul mingling of Italian and Spanish there are 6o Turnerbund groups, with strains, which facilitates Mussolini's headquarters in Berlin. The League present objectives. There are from of German Unions in 1935 comprisec;l Soo,ooo to 1,ooo,ooo Germans in 52 organizations, with a membership Brazil, 100,000 or more in Argentina, of 15,ooo. There are the German Cul­ etc. In 1926 there were 15,000 Japa­ tural Union, the German-Brazilian nese in Brazil; by 1935 there were Institute for Higher Education, etc. 2oo,ooo; there are now probably not It is not surprising, in view of all less than 250,ooo. In Peru there are this, if South America is now being 22,500 Japanese, 10,000 having enter­ swept by a wave of vicious anti-Semit­ ed during the last decade. There was ism of the Hitlerite brand. Books a time when Peruvians spoke of the slandering the Jews, based upon such "Japanese peril"; but Lima's leading sources as the "Protocols of Zion" and THE COMMUNIST the articles in Henry Ford's Indepen­ from the U.S.A., but that all possible dent, a~ constantly published. Mexico support must be extended to the op­ is Hooded with anti-Communist and posing democratic forces to prevent anti-Semitic leaflets, while the press the consolidation of fascism in Brazil carries articles eulogizing Hitler, Mus­ and to defeat the fascist offensive in soHni, Franco and the Japanese war­ other Latin American countries. makers, and denouncing the Loyalists. The most hopeful feature of the sit­ The Trotskyites play their part by uation as a whole is the growing crys­ slandering the Soviet Union and do­ tallization of popular front forces in ing their best to hinder the mobiliza­ the two Americas. As forecast by tion of the People's Front forces. The Comrade Hernan Laborde, General Trotsky nest in Mexico continues to Secretary of the Communist Party of be a source of danger to the entire Mexico, in The Communist for last hemisphere, and' Trotskyite organiza­ December, the Mexican People's tions are active in Brazil. Front in lh:e last weeks of 1937 began definitely taking shape within the ANTI-FASCIST FORCES framework of the National Revolu­ If, in this study of fascist penetra­ tionary Party. The provocative up­ tion in Latin America, so much space rising that was recently staged (early has been devoted to the negative side in February, 1938) from across the of the picture, it is for the reason that Texas border merely served to show the danger is an imminent one, and that the Cardenas government can be one whose gravity hardly could be overthrown only by direct interven­ overstressed. On the other hand, it tion on the part of Wall Street, backed must be emphasized that the fascist by the pro-fascist elements within our peril in the Western world is not in State Department. The workers, peas­ any sense an unavoidable one. It ac­ sants and the army are with President cordingly becomes important to visu­ Cardenas; the Mexican people abhor alize clearly the positive factors upon fascism. Our business is to see that which a program of popular struggle President Roosevelt's "good-neighbor" and democratic mobilization may be policy is given positive meaning, that based. the anti-fascist forces shall be given In the first place, there is that lack full suppport in combatting the efforts of consolidation and stabilization of of the fascist aggressors to establish a the fascist forces which has been men· war base in South America. tioned. This is true, not alone of In Brazil, apart from the unsettled Brazil, but of Mexico, Cuba and other rivalries between Vargas and his po­ countries. And it is a prime task of litical opponents of the Right, the liberty-loving citizens of the United continued life and increasing strength States to cooperate, to the fullest ex­ of the National Liberation Alliance tent of their powers, with the peoples spirit and of the movement behind of the southern continent in seeing Prestes contributes a positive factor that such a consolidation and stabili­ of great significance. zation are not effected. This means Yet another cause of encourage­ that not only shall Vargas or other ment is the definite weakening of late Latin American fascists receive no aid of Dictator Batista's grip on Cuba, the FASCISM IN LATIN AMERICA marked resurgence of popular feeling allies in the form of settlers on the that is taking place in the island, and Haitian border. the breaking through of democratic From this it may be seen that there rights and liberties-including the lib­ is ample basis for a resistance to fas­ erty of speech in behalf of Loyalist cism in the Western hemisphere. Spain. It was North American sugar Standing solidly behind President interests that were responsible for the Roosevelt's declaration for quarantin­ riveting of Cuba's yoke; and it now ing the aggressor, we in the United becomes our duty to see that the weak­ ening chain is smashed. As for the States must labor unceasingly in estab­ Dominican Republic, it appears as lishing a collaboration of the peace­ this is written that an armed uprising desiring peoples of the Americas with of the people is imminent, with the all the democratic countries, in sup­ object of overthrowing the bloody port of the Soviet peace policy, for tyrant Trujillo and his 40,000 Nazi halting the fascist war drive. PHILOSOPHIC NIHILISM SERVES REACTION

BY MORRIS CHILDS and FRANK MEYER

ROM the earliest days of our coun­ ward as the last dispensation of po­ F try, we Americans have been litical science, are only outstanding known as preeminently a "practical" examples of this tendency. people. That practicality, when it Pragmatism, the most widely ac­ means efficiency, when it means hard­ cepted philosophical point of view in headed realization of the importance America, reflects this pseudo-scientific of testing theories in practice, is a attitude. In its various forms, prag­ great and useful quality. But when it matism is an attempt to escape solv­ leads to contempt for all theory, to ing the most important of theoretical narrow smugness and self-satisfaction, problems, that of the nature of exist­ its usefulness ceases; it become dan­ ence. When the pragmatist denies the gerous to the development of scien­ importance of the struggle between tific understanding of the problems idealism and materialism, he is sim­ facing us. ply doing on a more "learned" level Such underestimation of theory what the ordinary citizen does when leads at the same time to gullibility he scoffs at theories in general and for any kind of quack cure-all which then accepts the first bogus theory pretends to give the concentrated that comes along. As Lenin showed, knowledge of the world in a few the pragmatises refusal to consider pages. When a situation arises in this vital struggle leads him straight which hand-to-mouth thinking be­ into the camp of idealism. comes clearly inadequate, the natural This tendency of American think­ reaction, due to contempt for real ing is a serious matter for the Ameri­ theoretical understanding, is to wel­ can working class. Only by theoretical come eagerly any savior who comes understanding through which it along with a patent medicine cure. makes a thorough analysis of society Like the synthetic products that and plans the future, can the working crowd the drug store counters, a series class break through the accumulated of synthetic books, philosophies, and pressure of the existing system. Prop­ movements have been exploding with erty relations must be understood to dull thuds across the American scene be broken through; class forces must throughout the past few years. he evaluated, for capitalism 'to be de­ Durant'S' canned philosophy, Lipp­ stroyed and socialism established. mann's old wives' tales brought for- Society cannot be transformed by PHILOSOPHIC NIHILISM SERVES REACTION spontaneous action and day-to-day and fail-then many a piece of nonsense may thinking. · However much capitalism be avoided and the process considerably may develop the spontaneous energy shortened." (Correspondence of Marx and F.ngels, p. 451, International Publishers.) of revolt, so long as that revolt is not organized by theoretical understand­ THE BOGEY OF WORDS ing which reaches beyond the narrow limits of the capitalist horizon, it can The latest example of this anti­ only attempt changes within capital­ theoretical attitude is a series of arti­ ism itself. And, further, without this cles in Harpers Magazine by Stuart wider view, it becomes impossible Chase, and his recent book, The Tyr­ even thoroughly to understand how anny of Words. to wring concessions from the exploit­ Chase has for years been appalled ing class, to bring about reforms today by the waste and misery of our society. under capitalism so as to lay the base The rottenness of capitalism in decay for the transformation of society. has impressed him with the necessity Lenin's famous statement that of looking for a way out of the morass "Without revolutionary theory there in which he saw civilization. He be­ can be no revolutionary practice," came for a while the champion of warns against underestimating scien­ ideas closely akin to technocracy. Like tific, revolutionary theory and urges us many of the cure-ails for capitalism to. combat-as strongly as we combat which base themselves on some sur­ false theoretical positions-all anti­ face aspects of the system, technocracy theoretical attitudes, which reduce held that the mechanism of exchange, themselves to a defense, whether con­ the "price system" was the root of the scious or not, of the existing order. trouble. In the youth of the American labor The inadequacy of this approach movement, during the great strike became apparent to everyone within wave of 1886, Engels already saw the a few years. Chase himself examined special danger of this tendency in the that failure and attempted to learn United States. Writing to Sorge in from it. But he has learned the wrong November of that year, he said: lessons. He does not see his mistake in the shallow nature of the analysis, the ". . . from good historical reasons, the lack of basic study of the society he Americans are worlds behind in all theoret­ ical things and while they did not bring was attempting to cure. Rather he has over any medieval institutions from Europe, now constructed an elaborate apology they did bring over masses of medieval tradi­ for making no basic analysis at all, tions, religion, English common (feudal) law, bolstering his position with an attack superstition, spiritualism, in short, every kind upon all theoretical thinking. He has of imbecility which was not directly harmful to business and which is now very service­ become acquainted with tile work of able for making the masses stupid. And if men who can be classed broadly as there are people at hand there whose minds pragmatic-positivists-F. W. Bridge­ are theoretically clear, who can tell them the man, C. K. Ogden, I. A. Richards, and consequences of their own mistakes before­ Count Alfred Korzybski. From their hand and make it clear to them that every writing he developed his present posi­ movement which does not keep the destruc­ tion of the wage system in view the whole tion, that the futility of our thinking time as its final aim is bound to 30 astray and that of the classics arises from be- THE COMMUNIST wilderment by words; We construct jected the possibility of ever know­ words for which there are no "refer­ ing the real nature of the world (the­ ents" (things to which the words re­ thing-in-itself), upon the grounds that fer) in the world, we identify the all we can ever know is our own ex­ existence of these words with the ex­ perience. istence of things, and then we develop The answer to this agnostic position our thinking on the basis of these arises out of the fact that we live and words. work in the world and are continu­ Thus, the whole trouble in the ously changing it through our under­ world today becomes a mere misunder­ standing and our practice based upon standing between people who are that understanding. using words with different meanings. That, even if they understood each "The most telling refutatioq of this, as of other, Tom Girdler and a worker in all other philosophical fancies, is practice, viz., experiment and industry. If we are able Republic Steel might have different to prove the correctness of our conception of interests, does not seem to enter a natural process by making it ourselves, Chase's head. The way out for him is bringing it into being out of its conditions to reject any word for which he can and using it for our own purposes into the find no direct "referent," to reject all bargain, then there is an end of the K.antian incomprehensible 'thing-in-itself.' The chemi­ generalizations, and, therefore, all cal substances produced in the bodies of scientific laws. He attacks such terms plants and animals remained just such a8 "unemployment," "fascism," "class­ 'things-in-themselves' until organic chemistry struggle," "capitalism," "proletariat," began to produce them one after another, maintaining that these words bring whereupon the 'thing-in-itself' became a thing for us, as for instam;e, alizarin, the misunderstanding and failure to solve coloring matter of the madder, which we no our problems. Instead of making our longer trouble to grow in the madder root11 task examination of the world around in the fields, but pr~uce much more sim· us and on that basis formulation of ply and cheaply from coal tar." (Frederick generalizations, conclusions with Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach, p. 51, Interna­ tional Publishers.) which to attack in practice the prob­ lem of changing what we find,· the task Alizarin existed in coal tar long be­ for Mr. Chase is simply to put our fore human beings knew it, had "ex­ words in order. perienced" it. It was not an unknow­ The starting-point of pragmatic· able "thing-in-itself"; it was simply a positivist thinking in general is refusal not-yet-known thing. As Lenin said: to face the basic philosophical conflict between idealism and materialism, "There is absolutely no difference between which leads them to rejection of ma­ the phenomenon [the thing known] and the terialism. Reality is, by such reason­ thing-in-itself, and there can be none. The difference is only between what is already ing, only the direct experience of known and what is not yet known.'' (V. I. human beings. The pragmatists state Lenin, Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, either that experience itself is all that p. 77• International Publishers.) exists, or that anything beyond that "pure" experience is irrelevant to Kant's position can only lead to the science and knowledge. Their theories idealist conception that matter is non­ derive from Immanuel Kant, who re- existent, that everything except our PHILOSOPHIC NIHILISM SERVES REACTION thoughts is only a false appearance representations to the objective nature of derived' from them. the things we perceive." (Ibid., p. 111.) At the end of the last century, Recently the "logic~l positivists" Mach and Avenarius put forward a have given rebirth to the general po­ version of this position called Empirio· sition of which we are speaking and Criticism, which became popular in which Chase's authorities share. They Europe. It penetrated Russian So­ differ from the earliest groups largely cial-Democratic circles, and Lenin at­ in that instead of saying experience is tacked it from the viewpoint of dia­ all that exists, they "merely" say that lectical materialism: it is impossible to know what is be­ hind experience, therefore we must "The difference between materialism and Machism in this particular question is thus act as if experience alone existed. reduced . to the following: Materialism in Since they reject the scientific, materi­ full agreement with natural sciences takes alist view that our experience reflects matter as the prius [the starting-point] re­ a real, material world, they, too, like garding consciousness, reason, and sensation the pragmatists and positivists, are as derivative, because in a well expressed form it is connected only with the higher constantly constrained to consider forms of matter (organic matter).... Mach­ everything as the product of our ism clings to the opposite, idealistic view­ minds. This means that I must con­ point, which at once leads to an incongruity sider everything as the product of my · since, in the first place, sensation is taken mind; for, if all that exists is merely as the primary entity, in spite of the fact that it is connected with particular kinds of my experiences, my sensations, my processes (in matter organized in a particu­ thoughts, then I have no more reason lar way), and, in the second place, the hy­ to believe in the existence of other pothesis that bodies are complexes of sensa· people, of other minds, than of ma­ tions is here destroyed by the assumption of terial objects. This solipsism, as the existence of other living beings, and, in general, of other 'complexes' besides the Lenin pointed out, is the only possible given great Self." (Ibid., p. 26.) conclusion if the material, external world is denied. Lenin's criticism applied also to the All non-materialist thinking is non­ American school of pragmatism which scientific. It is the basis for every kind was developing at the time. For Wil· of reaction; for progress and the revo­ liam James, leader of the pragmatists, lutionary transformation of society the test of a statement's validity was are built upon a scientific understand­ its "usefulness" to the believer. In ing of the world. this, of course, he proceeded from the premise that since we can only know "Amongst the varieties of idealism there may be thousands of peculiar shades and things through our own experiences, kinds and it is always possible to add a they are the only reality. But Lenin thousand-and-first shade. To the author ot .wrote: this thousand-and-first puppet system (em­ pirio-monism, for example) its difference ·"Knowledge may be biologically useful, from all other varieties will seem to be very useful in human practice, in the preservation momentous. From the point of view of ma­ of the species, but it is useful only when it terialism, however, these distinctions are reflects an objective truth, independent of totally unimportant. Important only is the man. For a materialist, the 'success' of human point of departure. Important only is that practice proves the correspondence of our the attempt to conceive motion without mat- THE COMMUNIST ter, smuggles in thought separate from concrete simple designations. At first matter-that is idealism." (Ibid., p. 227.) sight this looks like a praiseworthy / attempt to avoid mysticism and ideal­ Chase has suddenly discovered what ism. But actually, the assumption that is wrong with the world. He is full no words which do not refer to a of the crusader's spirit. The great series of isolated objects have mean­ leaders of human thought of the past ing implies that we can speak only of become for him ·misguided and mis­ things we have directly experienced. guiding babblers, creators of "a sol­ emn procession of verbal ghosts." CATS VERSUS CONCEPTS There was once another man who knew the secrets of the universe so Chase relies much on the physicist, thoroughly that all the classics were S. W. Bridgeman, who invented the to him the wor~ of children; Marx so-called "operational method": "The was one whose "works and achieve­ true meaning of a term is to be found ments in the general history of intel­ by observing what a man does with lectual tendencies can take their place it, not what he says about it.... The at most as symptoms of one branch concept is synonymous with the cor­ of modem sectarian scholastics." No responding set of operations." one remembers that man today except This means that only words which as part of a book by Engels. denote direct experiences can have meaning, for the operations to which "When a man is in possession of the final Bridgeman reduces his concepts are and ultimate truth and of the only strictly scientific approach, it is only natural that he nothing but his own experiences and should have a certain amount of contempt sensations. His operationalism is for the rest of erring and unscientific human­ ultimately trapped in solipsism, to ity. We must therefore not be surprised that which anything convenient or "use­ Herr Duehring should speak of his predeces­ ful" to the subject becomes true. (If sors with the utmost disdain, and that there Trotsky's "innocence" is convenient are only a few exceptio~al cases, admitted by him to be great men, who find mercy at or "useful" to Dr. Dewey, then Trot­ the bar of his deep-rooted principles." (Fred­ sky is innocent.) Operationalism, like erick Engels, A.nti·Duehring, p. 56, Interna­ pragmatism, by darning the purely tional Publishers.) relative character of all truth, denies Chase might well learn modesty the objective validation of our from the fate of Herr Duehring. thoughts. But what have the pragmatic-posi­ Marxism sets forth the scientific in­ tivists given him that enables him to ter-relationship of the absolute and throw over all the thinking of the the relative in the realm of human past? He takes no position on the knowledge. nature of the world. He apparently "The materialist dialectics of Marx and admits the existence of a material Engels certainly does contain relativism, but world; but he says that the only words it is not reduced to it, that is, it recognizes which have real "referents" are simple the relativity of all our knowledge, not in the sense of the denial of objective .truth, but designations of objects-and that any in the sense of the historical conditions which abstraction or generalization to be determine the degrees of our knowledge as valid must be reducible to a series of it approaches this truth." (V. I. Lenin, Me- PHILOSOPHIC NIHILISM SERVES REACTION 473

terialism and Empirio-Criticism, p. 108, In­ transforming the world. Dialectical ternational· Publishers.) materialism is true because, in the Lenin states further: words of Engels: "The success of our actions proves the agreement of our "Human reason then in its nature is capa­ ble of yielding and does yield the absolute perceptions with the apprehensible truth which is composed of the sum total of objective truth of things." If our relative truths. Each step in the development theories guide practice which success­ of science adds new fragments of truth, and fully changes the objective world, from this the absolute truth is constituted, then our theories are true of the ob­ but the limits of the truth of each scientific jective world. statement are relative, now expanding, now shrinking, with the growth of science." For this reason Marx's analysis (Ibid., p. to6.) of society in 1848 is still our guide to­ day. While we recognize, with Chase, This materialist-dialectic principle, that the world of today differs in many which, as Lenin points out, shows the respects from the world of 1848, we distinction between the relative and also recognize that basically we are the absolute to be itself relative and living in the same world of capitalist which reveals the absolute in the rela­ exploitation. Marx's analysis was not tive-this principle proceeding from rigid. In the epoch of imperialism, the basis of the material world-be­ the higher stage of capitalism, it was comes for us a guide to transform further developed by Lenin; but that world. Leninism is the Marxism of today, as Chase's rejection of theory leads imperialism is present-day capitalism. him to the rejection of materialism, Chase sees only the differences. and, as we shall see below, to a reac­ Each event must be handled as a sep­ tionary political position. arate one. In an early chapter he Like all the pragmatic-positivists, speaks of his cat which is not led he tries desperately to escape (in astray by abstractions, and in his arti­ words) from his idealist position. He cle in Harpers Magazine for Novem­ writes: "The road to understanding ber, 1937, he says: ... is through experience of the out­ side world." (P. 358.) Yet on the next "Man is the one creature who can alter himself and his surroundings. • • . Yet • • • page we read: no other animal creates verbal monsters in "For those who have followed Einstein and his head and projects them on the world Bridgeman in their destruction of the con­ outside of his head." cepts of 'absolute substance,' 'materialism' is Yet it is precisely man's ability to a foolish symbol. We are done with rigid create concepts and project them on principles which exist only in the brain." the world which enables him, through The teachings of Marxism are not the unity of theory and practice, "to rigidly fixed principles created by the alter himself and his surroundings." subjective whims of an individual, on The animal that does not creatively the authority of his mind and per­ change th~ world does not use gen­ sonality alone. They are scientific eralizations. All that Chase can learn &"eneralizations based upon observa­ from his cat is how to lap milk. tions and practice in a material world, "A spider conducts operations that re­ tested by their power to aerve for MIJlble tha.e of a weaver, and a bee putll to 474 THE COMMUNIST shame many an architect in the construction economic cnsts and its political ac­ of her cells. But what distinguishes the worst companiments will drum into his architect from the best of bees, is this, that head that there exists in the material the architect raises his structure in imagina· tion before he erects it in reality. At the end world such a system as capitalism, of every labor-process, we get a result that that fascism is a menace to him as well has already existed in the imagination of the as to the rest of humanity, that the laborer at its commencement." (Karl Marx, class struggle is a reality. Capital, Vol. I, p. 198, Charles H. Kerr &: Co.) UNEMPLOYED-BUT NO UNEMPLOYMENT Chase would throw aside man's Chase's method of treating social power consciously to change his en­ and political problems is developed vironment, by denying the validity of from his philosophical thinking. Let the only method by which he can do us consider his approach to the prob­ so, that of liv.ing concepts derived lem of unemployment. The test of his from the material world, concepts methOd, as of any method, can be only which can never become rigid and in the social practice which results doctrinaire and out of date because from it. Let us apply that test: materialistic dialectics- "Unemployment is not a thing. You can­ ". . . includes in its comprehension and not prove its existence or non-existence ex­ affirmative recognition of the existing state of cept as a word. The validity of the concept things, at the same time also, the recognition rests upon the shoulders of millions of your of the negation of that state, of its inevitable fellow-citizens." (Tragedy of Waste, p. 249·) breaking up; because it regards every histori­ cal social form as in fluid movement, and Unemployment as an actuality can­ therefore takes into account its transient not be proved. It is "only" millions of nature not less than its momentary existence; men and their families. Chase does because it lets nothing impose upon it and not set out to· make light of their is in its essence critical and revolutionary." (Ibid.., p. 26.) suffering; but in rejecting the validity of the concept "unemployment," he Perhaps the impact of the matter removes the possibility of understand­ which Chase denies will some day con­ ing and fighting it as a social problem vince him of its existence and wake chargeable to capitalism. He demands him rudely from his word-fenced that each one of the millions of un­ dream. In his 1873 preface to Capital, employed should be treated as a sepa­ Marx said: rate problem. By denying unemploy­ "The [periodic economic] crisis is once ment, he leaves no solution but that again approaching, although as yet but in which the Duke of Windsor, then its preliminary stage; and by the universality Prince of Wales, proposed years ago of its theatre and the intensity of its action in England: "Break up the problem it will drum dialectics even into the heads of of the unemployed into little pieces" the mushroom-upstarts of the new, holy, Prusso-German empire." (Ibid.) -that is, no government assistance, but throwing the unemployed mil­ As we examine Chase's treatment of lions and their families upon the economic and political questions, it mercy of private charity and local seems almost as if that passage had hunger doles. This ia the policy of the been written in 1938 with Mr. Chase Liberty League and the Vandenburg for its subject. Perhaps the developing Republicans, of Mr. Hoover's "rugged PHILOSOPHIC NIHILISM SERVES REACTION 475 individualism" which would allow the Hegel as reflections of existing reality, unemp!'oyed to starve. distorted by the limitations of their If there is only unemployed Jack, historical position, yet historically im­ unemployed Jim, unemployed Tom, portant contributions to knowledge. up to 17,ooo,ooo, no real unemploy­ The test of the validity of Marx's ment with a common cause and a theories today stands clearly forth to common solution in a real material be seen by anyone whose vision is not world, how can the people of America restricted to the narrow limits of his carry out an attack upon the economic own personal experiences. From his royalists and fight against unemploy­ solipsist viewpoint, Chase cannot un­ ment? How can they struggle for so­ derstand how Lenin and Stalin based cial security provisions? themselves on Marx's theories and de­ When he comes to analyze . the veloped them. Since reality is the world in which we live today, Chase material world of which minds them­ likewise rejects the lessons that can be selves are only the most highly de­ learned from the past. Marx lived in veloped part, reflecting it and laying 1848 and since he did not experience the basis for action to change it, what is happening today, he cannot, Lenin and Stalin are not dogmatists according to Chase, contribute to "changing this great scholar into a solving the problems of today. kind of a demigod," but scientists using theories tested constantly in "Marx's philosophy was the first compre­ hensive statement of the theory of socialism. practice. The successful construction As an offset to the classicists, it was badly of socialism in the Soviet Union is the needed. As a contribution to knowledge, the verification of these theories. The case is more dubious. In drawing inferences guidance which Marxism-Leninism from the facts which he so conscientiously gives to the world struggle for social­ collected, he mixed in Ricardo's labor theory of value, Hegel's interpretation of history ism today, the complete bankruptcy (thesis, antithesis, synthesis), and a large and of all other "socialist" theories, is the very human dose of emotional sympathy for test of their truth. That only the the downtrodden, together with hatred for theories of Marxism-Leninism can product was their exploiters. So the final give consistent leadership to the demo­ part scientific observation, part classical theory, part contemporary philosophy, part cratic forces of the world today good rousing propaganda. demonstrates Marx's importance for "The followers of Marx, by and large, have every anti-fascist, for every lover of dropped the scientific observation overboard, peace. and clung to the theory, the philosophy, and Against these triumphs of Marx's the hatred." (Tyranny of Words, p. 265.) understanding, Chase presumes to Chase does not see how a man can measure his eclectic emptiness. When build upon the contributions of a Marx's theories are being proved in predecessor and yet make them his the practice of hundreds of millions own; develop his theories from what of human beings, when one-sixth of is correct in a number of previous the earth's surface is being trans­ theories, while at the same time trans­ formed under the guidance of his cending those theories. Marx demon­ teachings, when in every corner of the strated this scientific attitude in re­ world his scientific leadership carried prdini the workJ of Ricardo and forward by the Communist Interna- THE COMMUNIST donal gives hope to the oppressed, to ships which I give would contain the proof every fighter against reaction; when and the demonstration of the real value re­ Marxism is vanquishing in practice lation. The nonsense about the necessity of proving the concept of value arrives from every hostile ideology, Chase's pigmy complete ignorance both of the subject dealt challenge is like the picture of a pea­ with and of the method of science. Every cock preening himself against a bat­ child knows that a country which ceased to tleship. work, I will not say for a year, but for a few weeks, would die. Every child knows too that AN ACCOUNTANT MEASURES VALUE the mass of products corresponding to the different needs require different and quan­ The theory of value and the theory titatively determined masses of the total la­ of the class struggle are foundation­ bor of society. That this necessity of dis­ stones of Marxism, a key to the under­ tributing social labor in definite proportions standing which h!J.S guided the work­ cannot be done away with by the particular form of social production, but can only ing class to the victories of twenty change the form it assumes, is self evident. years of Soviet power and construc­ No natural laws can be done away with. tion. Let us see how Chase measures What can change, in changing historical cir­ himself and his petty, self-centered cumstances, is the form in which these laws philistinism against the greatness of operate. And the form in which this propor­ tional division of labor operates, in a state scientific socialism and its founder. of society where the interconnection of social "The labor theory of value was a concept labor is manifested in the private exchange which could not be adequately verified even ef the individual products of labor, is pre­ in Marx's day, when industrial undertakings cisely the exchange value of these products.'' were relatively simple..•• No scientist would (Correspondence of Marx and Engels, p. 246, waste five minutes attempting to verify this International Publishers.) 'law.' What are the referents for 'value,' The proof of the correctness of the 'labor-time,' 'production'? Today the concept is even further from being verified.'' (Ibid., labor theory of value rests upon its p. 1117.) ability to help understand and so With the pedantic pride of an "ex­ change for the better the society in pert," he goes on to show how impos­ which we live. It is correct if it is the sible it would be to measure the labor correct reflection of the material, so­ in an individual commodity, and cial relationships in the capitalist sys­ triumphantly concludes: tem. It does not depend on the pos­ sibility of performing an "operation," "But exact measurement of man-hour cost, internal to the "experience" of the including both capital and operating factors, is too complicated to perform. I know where­ operator, upon this or that sector of of I speak, for as an accountant I have tried the system. to measure it more than once. So there is no The bankruptcy of the "opera­ operational foundation to prove the labor tional" method is precisely that it can theory of value." (Ibid., p. 268.) make no such analysis of the system Marx long ago answered this criti­ as a whole, failing, in fact, to recog­ cism. In a letter to Kugelmann, in nize that such a thing as the system 1868, referring to an early critic of the as a whole exists. It is not surprising labor theory of value, he stated: that Chase finds the concept of "capi­ "The unfortunate fellow does not see that talism" also one for which he chal­ •ven if there were no chapter on value in lenges us to "find the referents." my !took, t&e analyaic of the r.U relation- The labor theory of value doe~ not PHILOSOPHIC NIHILISM SERVES REACTION

assert that the value-determining But the matter has also another background. labor is directly measurable· in the in­ When the inner connection is grasped all theoretical belief in the permanent dividual, isolated commodity. necessity Thus, of existing conditions breaks down before Lenin said: their practical collapse. Here, therefore, it is in the interest of the ruling class to "We can only understand what value is perpetu­ ate this unthinking confusion. And when we consider it from the point of view for what other purpose of a system of social production relationships are the sycophantic babblers paid, who have no other scientific in one particular historical type of society; trump to play, save that in and, moreover, of relationships which present political economy one should not think at all?" themselves in a mass form, the phenomenon (The Correspon­ dence of Marx and Engels, p. 247, of exchange repeating itself millions upon Interna­ tional Publishers.) millions of times." (Y. I. Lenin, Marx-Engels­ Marxism, p. 16, International Publishers.) CHASE "ANNIHILATES" THE Value is a social phenomenon. Any CLASS STRUGGLE method which makes impossible the generalization necessary for the under­ Having "annihilated" the theory of standing of a phenomenon manifested value, Chase turns to the class strug­ only in multitudinous appearances gle. One would think that here at can penetrate neither to the under­ least he could find his "referent." But standing of value, nor of any other no. It appears that "the term is with­ social or natural law. out tangible validity"; there are clas~ This insistence that there is no law struggles but there are also other eco­ of value, that the social relations nomic struggles; "the term 'class strug­ which exist between men (expressed gle,' by giving an incorrect picture of in the law of value) are only relations the world as it is, hinders the strategy between things (expressed in Chase's of those who want to improve eco­ accounts)-this mystic confusion Marx nomic conditions." (Tyranny of called the "fetishism of commodities." Words, p. 273.) Chase is an outstanding victim of Because the struggle between work­ this fetishism. He has the same mis­ ing class and capitalist class takes a . conceptions as the vulgar economist thousand different forms, the class whom Marx discussed in the letter struggle does not exist for Chase. quoted above, who Marx and his followers have taken a hypothesis based on conditions of " ... has not the faintest idea that the 1850 and erected it into an absolute. actual everyday exchange relations need not He cannot see that through the thou­ be directly identical with the magnitudes of value. The point of bourgeois society con­ sand forms of social conflict, the class sists precisely in this, that a priori there is no struggle is in class society the basic conscious, social regulation of production. struggle, showing itself in the thou­ The reasonable and the necessary in nature sand different forms. Lenin answers asserts itself only as a blindly working aver­ him: age. And then the vulgar economist thinks he has made a great discovery when, as against "That in any given society the strivin~ of the disclosure of the inner connection, he some of the members conflict with the striv­ proudly claims that in appearance the things ings of others; that social life is full of con­ look different. In fact, he is boasting that he tradictions; that history discloses to us a holds fast to the appearance and takes it for suuggle among the nations and societies, and the last word. Why then any science at all? also within each nation and eadt soeiety,

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widest widest the the of of participation participation the the reply reply world, world, them them of of most most Because Because is. is. cism cism

the the in in democracy democracy of of form form highest highest fas­ what what people people hundred hundred a a asks asks He He

the the signalizes signalizes Constitution, Constitution, Stalinist Stalinist evils. evils. these these of of cause cause the the bare bare lay lay would would

the the with with Union Union Soviet Soviet the the state, state, rian rian which which analysis analysis scientific scientific the the make make not not

h proleta­ the that that understanding understanding from from can­ he he but but aggression; aggression; war-like war-like tators, tators,

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governments." governments." one-man one-man for for names names and and fascism fascism to to aid aid objective objective lending lending

"different "different merely merely are are communism communism and and straight straight him him to to leads leads idealism idealism his his

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understand understand to to unable unable equally equally is is Chase Chase im­ the the considers considers he he when when even even yet yet

fascism, fascism, understand understand to to unable unable being being progressive, progressive, be be to to want want may may Chase Chase

And And "experiences." "experiences." separate separate merely merely class'?" class'?" 'master 'master and and class' class' 'working 'working

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material material no no is is There There warnings." warnings." "dire "dire (America (America turmoil turmoil this this in in "Where "Where

and and dangers dangers these these all all come come whence whence asks: asks: and and "experience" "experience" pragmatic pragmatic

out out find find not not Do Do it. it. about about nothing nothing do do his his of of sands sands the the into into head head ostrich ostrich his his

you, you, hits hits force force the the until until short, short, In In sticks sticks Chase Chase action; action; political political pendent pendent

inde­ toward toward advancing advancing and and unions unions

193.) 193.) p. p. Words, Words, of of (Tyranny (Tyranny date." date." ture ture

industrial industrial progressive progressive in in

organizing organizing

fu­ unnamed unnamed some some at at him him

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class; class; capitalist capitalist and and class class working working seizing seizing to to devoted devoted societies societies secret secret of of informed, informed,

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Publishers.) Publishers.)

International International 13-14, 13-14, ism, ism, pp. pp.

be be to to

menace menace a a

not not is is it it course, course, of of

Marx-Engels-Marx­

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arises arises strivings strivings of of conflict conflict the the Now, Now, fails fails strivings. strivings. Chase Chase what what and, and, fascism, fascism, of of ness ness

these these of of result result the the of of definition definition

scientific scientific vicious­ the the recognize recognize cent cent per per go go but but

the the to to lead lead can can societies, societies, of of group group or or society society

vary, vary,

quotes quotes

Chase Chase

which which

statements statements

given given a a of of

members members all all of of strivings strivings the the of of

The The capital." capital." finance finance of of elements elements istic istic

totality totality the the of of study study the the but but 'Nothing 'Nothing gle. gle.

imperial­ most most and and chauvinistic, chauvinistic, most most strug­ class class the the of of theory theory the the chaos; chaos; and and rinth rinth

laby­ seeming seeming this this in in law law of of reign reign the the reactionary, reactionary, most most discover discover the the of of dictatorship dictatorship

to to us us enables enables that that clue clue a a

provides provides Marxism Marxism terrorist terrorist open open "the "the as as fascism fascism define define

known, known, generally generally are are facts facts decline-these decline-these or or

scientifically scientifically

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hand. hand. at at is is

answer answer

progress progress rapid rapid and and stagnation stagnation war, war, and and peace peace

the the But But term. term. the the to to corresponding corresponding

reaction, reaction, and and revolution revolution of of periods periods tween tween

reality reality no no is is there there concludes concludes he he it, it, of of be­ alternation alternation an an addition addition in in manifesting manifesting

478 478 COMMUNIST COMMUNIST THE THE PHILOSOPHIC NIHILISM SERVES REACTION -479 don, the development of every poten­ Union, p. 1-i. Weekly Masses Co., Inc., New tiality of humanity, the championship York.) of world peace; while the dictator­ This is the position of a progressive ship of fascism means denial of who, whatever his doubts or reserva· democracy, the brutal dictatorship of tions, understands that fascism is re­ the most reactionary monopolists, the action and war, and that socialism is strangling of every potentiality of peace and progress. But to Chase, they humanity, the death of culture, the are both "different names for one­ armed invasions of weaker lands and man governments." the drive towards a new world war. Of course, if there is no fascism. At a time when the Soviet Union has there is no need to fight it, there is internally succeeded in the main in no need for the People's Front, there building a socialist society, but is still is no need for collective security, there faced externally with the danger of is no need for anything but sitting intervention, when, in Stalin's words, back and waiting till a storm-trooper "the serious assistance of the interna­ walks up your porch and kicks the cat tional proletariat is a force without Hobie Baker (the object of Chase's which the problem of the final victory observations) in the tail. Then you ate of socialism in one country cannot be semantically permitted to tackle this solved," when the Soviet Union stands "referent" single-handed. forth as the strongest bulwark of The pragmatic-positivist denial of a world peace, Chase permits himself criterion of objective truth is denial of to write: the possibility of understanding what is happening around us. Every form of "Sympathizers with the Russian form of dictatorship are afraid of attack by the so­ idealism is a weapon against progress, called fascist dictatorships. Naturally they a weapon of reaction and barbarism. desire all the help they can get. So they make Even those who are fighting with us statements about democratic governments in the struggle against fascism often supporting one another. Such statements are bring with them ideologies .inimical loud noises to me." (Tyranny of Words, p. 339·) to this struggle. We s

Compare this stat~ment with what "We grant you non-socialists the right to Upton Sinclair, who is far from being believe that the ultimate outcome will not be socialism, but in the meantime only our a Communist, states: unity and common front will prevent fascism from being the immediate outcome; there­ "I watched Gorky all through this period, fore it is better if we continue our debate and I know how he suffered and how more on this question behind the common lines of than once he wavered. But in the end he defense we set up against fascism which made up his mind that the Soviet regime was would stop all our discussions." (Earl Brow­ the best hope for the workers of Russia, and der, The People's Front, p. 147, International that is my conclusion today. I do not think Publishers.) it is going to change so long as Mu5solini, Hitler, Franco, and Araki continue to menace We will work with all progressives the world with a return to the middle ages, on every issue for peace and democ­ and so long as the Soviet Union continues to hold out to America, Britain, and France racy, but we must remember that our the invitation tD join her in standing against Party is based upon the firm rock of this mt!na~." (UptOn Sinel4ir on the !dvitll Marxism-Leninism. Study, under-

if if its its path path is is not not ist ist illumined illumined Library, Library, by by International International revolutionarv revolutionarv Publishers.) Publishers.)

practice, practice, just just as as Stalin, Stalin, practice practice Foundations Foundations gropes gropes in in the the of of dark dark Leninism, Leninism, p. p. Marx­ ll6, ll6,

sence sence if if it it is is not not connected connected with with revolutionary revolutionary in in the the present present and and near near future." future." (Joseph (Joseph

all all countries. countries. It It naturally naturally loses loses its its very very es· es· the the process process and and direction direction of of class class movements movements

of of the the experiences experiences events; events; of of the the it it labor labor alone alone movement movement can can help help in in practice practice to to clarify clarify

standing standing of of the the inner inner "Revolutionary "Revolutionary relations relations theory theory between between is is the the generalization generalization

confidence, confidence, guidance, guidance, strength, strength, and and under­ the the battle. battle.

tice,· tice,· for for it it alone alone can can give give to to the the movement movement

ment. ment. So So

equipped, equipped, we we cannot cannot lose lose

solubly solubly bound bound up up with with revolutionary revolutionary prac­

ideas, ideas, are are vital vital safeguards safeguards of of the the move­

force force in in the the labor labor movement movement if if it it is is indis­

standing, standing,

vigilance vigilance

against against hostile hostile theory. theory. But But theory theory can can become become the the greatest greatest

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