ISSN 2321-659X
izkx~ leh{kk
PR ĀG SAMÍKSH Ā (A NATIONAL JOURNAL FOR HISTORY, CULTURE AND ARCHAEOLOGY)
VOLUME- 1 AUGUST- 2013 No. 1
laiknd % MkWMkW---- ’kkfUrnso fllkSfn;k
thokth fo’ofo|ky;] Xokfy;j e/;izns’k
PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013)
ISSN 2321-659X laikndh; loZizFke eSa mu fo}kuksa dk /kU;okn djrk gWw ftudk eq>s ’kks/k if=dk ds izdk’ku esa ekxZn’kZu ,oa lg;ksx feykA ;g ’kks/k if=dk bfrgkl ds fofHkUUk {ks=ksa ij dsfUnzr gSA vr% ;g bfrgkl ds ’kks/kkFkhZ;ksa ,oa fo}kuksa ds Kku esa vo’; gh o`f) djsxhA ’kks/k if=dk dks vkSj vf/kd mRd`"V cukus ds fy, vki fo}kuksa ds lq>ko vkefU=r gSaA lq>ko ,oa ’kks/k i= Mk- ’kkfUrnso fllkSfn;k] lgk;d izk/;kid] thokth fo’ofo|ky;]
Xokfy;j vFkok bZ&esy [email protected] ij Hkst ldrs gSA bl ’kks/k if=dk esa fofHkUu {ks=ksa ls vk;s ’kks/k i=ksa dks izdkf’kr fd;k x;k gS] tks vki dks vU; {ks= ds bfrgkl ,oa iqjkrRo dks ifjpr djrk gSA izLrqr vad esa tSu izfrek vfHkys[k] xzke cjklkSa] ftyk&fHk.M+] okjyh fp«k’kSyh &
,d izkphu yksd /kjksgj] Discrete Evidences of Buddhism in Gwalior Region, Ganapatya Cult in Jajpur District of Odisha: An Analytical Approach, Socio-Religious Dimensions of Votive Inscriptions on the Buddhist Sculptures from Early Medieval Jhewari, Chittagong , A Vajrayana Deity of Eastern India: A Case Study on Goddess Aparajita, Anantasayi/ Seshasayi Visnu Sculpture from West Bengal: An Iconographic Assessment, Rock Art of Hawatsu, Eritrea: An Ethno-archaeological Study, A note on Two Rare Shiva lingas, Study of prehistoric evidences through cultural diversity and its site Function in naliajhar region, jajpur district, Odisha ’kks/k i=ksa dks lfEefyr fd;k x;k gSA bu ’kks/k i=ksa ds ek/;e ls ,d vksj {ks=h; bfrgkl dh tkudkjh gksrh gS] rks nwljh vksj lHkh /keksZ dh tkudkjh izkIr gksrh gSA /kU;okn
laiknd MkMkMk-Mk ---’kkfUrnso’kkfUrnso fllkSfn;k lgk;d izk/;kid izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u’kkyk thokth fo’ofo|ky;] Xokfy;j] e/;izns’k
PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013)
ISSN 2321-659X laiknd e.M+y izks- ts- ,u- iky] izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u”kkyk] bykgkckn fo”ofo|ky;] bykgkckn] m- iz-A izks- ,l- ,u- feJk] izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u”kkyk] jkuh nqxkZorh fo”ofo|ky;] tcyiqj] e- iz-A izks- ,l- ds- f}osnh] izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u”kkyk] thokth fo”ofo|ky;] Xokfy;j] e- iz-A izks- ,l- ds- t;loky] izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u”kkyk] y[kuÅ fo”ofo|ky;] y[kuÅ] e- iz-A ijke’kZnkrk e.M+y izks- cS|ukFk ykHk] ckS) v/;;u dsUnz] tEew fo”ofo|ky;] tEewA izks- bZ”oj”kj.k fo”odekZ] nhu n;ky mik/;k; fo”ofo|ky;] xksj[kiqj ¼m- iz-½A izks- chjsUnz ukFk izlkn] bfrgkl foHkkx] MkW- Hkhejko vEcsM+dj dsUnzh; fo”ofo|ky;] y[kuÅA izks- ,e- ih- vfgjokj] izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u”kkyk] dk”kh fgUnw fo”ofo|ky;] okjk.klh] ¼m- iz-½A izks- jkgqy jkt] izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u”kkyk] dk”kh fgUnw fo”ofo|ky;] okjk.klh] ¼m- iz-½A izks- eqds”k dqekj] bfrgkl foHkkx] ex/k fo”ofo|ky;] x;k] fcgkjA izks- vodk”k tk/ko] bfrgkl foHkkx] lsaV tsfo;j dkWyst] eqEcbZ ¼egkjk’Vª½A izks- vkyksd Jksf=;] izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u”kkyk] MkW- gjhflag xkSj dsUnzh; fo”ofo|ky;] lkxj ¼e- iz-½ izks- vkj- ds- vfgjokj] izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u”kkyk] foØe fo”ofo|ky;] mTTkSu ¼e- iz-½ izks- jf”e tsVk] bfrgkl foHkkx] “kkldh; LukrdksÙkj egkfo|ky;] neksg] lkxjA laj{kd MkWMkWMkW-MkW--- ,l,l,l-,l --- dsdsds-ds--- f}osnh izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u’kkyk thokth fo’ofo|ky;] Xokfy;j] ee---- iziziz-iz---AAAA
PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013)
ISSN 2321-659X izkx~ leh{kk “kks/k {ks=& bfrgkl ¼izkphu] e/;dkyhu] vk/kqfud½] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRoA vkoj.k Nk;kfp= eq[kHkkx & cVslj ¼eqjSuk½ ls izkIr ekrk&f”k”kq ¼iq=oYyHkk½ dh ewfrZA i`’BHkkxi`’BHkkx& eksgt ekrk eafnj ,oa rksj.k] rsjgh] f”koiqjhA izdk’kd MkW- “kkfUrnso fllkSfn;k thokth fo”ofo|ky;] Xokfy;j e/;izns”k] fiu& 474011 nwjHkk’k % 0751& 2442720 eksckbZy % 9425742232 E-mail ID: [email protected] lnL;rk % O;fDrxr % 800 :- okf’kZd@ 450 :- ,d vad ¼dsoy Nk=ksa ds fy,½ % 4000 : vkthou laLFkkxr % 1500 :- okf’kZd % 7500 :- vkthou
© dkihjkbV lokZf/kd lqjf{krlqjf{krAAAA
Disclaimer: ° Editorial board/Editor retains the right to accept/decline the article/Research paper/note etc. for the journal. ° Plagiarism is illegal and editorial board/editor will not be responsible for any plagiarized matter used in the article. ° Editor will not be responsible for the views of the author expressed in the published research paper/article etc.
PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013)
ISSN 2321-659X
VOLUME- 1 AUGUST 2013 No. 1
vuqØef.kdk ys[kd ifjp; yYys’k dqekj dqN tSu izfrek vfHkys[k] xzke cjklkSa] ftyk&fHk.M+] ¼e- iz½ 01-05 izksizksizks-izks--- fouksn laHkkth lksuo.ks okjyh fp«k’kSyh & ,d izkphu yksd /kjksgj 06-12 J. Manuel Discrete Evidences of Buddhism in Gwalior Region 13-18 Dr. Brajabandhu Bhatta & Dr. Rekharani Khuntia Ganapatya Cult in Jajpur District of Odisha: An Analytical Approach 19-28 Birendra Nath Prasad Socio-Religious Dimensions of Votive Inscriptions on the Buddhist Sculptures from Early Medieval Jhewari, Chittagong 29-34 Pampa Biswas A Vajrayana Deity of Eastern India: A Case Study on Goddess Aparajita 35-47 Shubha Majumder Anantasayi/Seshasayi Visnu Sculpture from West Bengal: An Iconographic Assessment 48-56 Dr. D. B. Garnayak & Dr. N. K. Mishra Rock Art of Hawatsu, Eritrea: An Ethno-archaeological Study 57-61 Sachin. Kr. Tiwary & S. Krishnamurthy A note on Two Rare Shiva lingas 62-67 Soumya Ranjan Sahoo Study of prehistoric evidences through cultural diversity and its site Function in naliajhar region, jajpur district, Odisha 68-75 fp=lwph 76-92
’kks/k iz= izdk’ku gsrq vko’;d funsZ’k 93-96 lnL;rk izi= 97
PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013)
ISSN 2321-659X ys[kd ifjp; 1. yYys”k dqekj] “kkss/kkFkhZ Nk=] thokth fo”ofo|ky;] Xokfy;j] e/;izns”k] HkkjrA 2. izks- fouksn laHkkth lksuo.ks] bfrgkl foHkkx] dyk] okf.kT; ,oa foKku egkfo|ky;] vksans] rk-foØexM] ft- Bk.ks- egkjk’Vª] HkkjrA 3. J. Manuel, Asstt. Supdtg Archaeologist, ASI Museum, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh, India, 474008. 4. Birendra Nath Prasad, Assistant Professor, Deptt. Of History BB Ambedkar Central University, Lucknow, India. 5. Dr. Brajabandhu Bhatta & Dr. Rekharani Khuntia, Lecturers in History. Dharmasala Mahavidyalaya Jaraka, Jajpur, India. 6. Pampa Biswas, UGC Junior Research Fellow, Department of Archaeology University of Calcutta. India 7. Shubha Majumder, U.G.C Junior Research Fellow, Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta. India. 8. Dr. D. B. Garnayak & Dr. N. K. Mishra, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, College of Arts and Social Sciences, Adi- Keih, Eritrea. 9. Sachin. Kr. Tiwary & S. Krishnamurthy, Asstt. Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Patna Circle, J.C. Road, Anta Ghat, Patna- 800001 & Assist. Epigraphist, Archaeological Survey of India, Luck now Epigraphy Branch, Lukcnow. 10. Soumya Ranjan Sahoo Dept. of history, Ravenshaw University, Cuttack, Odisha.
PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013)
ISSN 2321-659X
dqN tSu izfrek vfHkys[k] xzke cjklkScjklkS]] ftyk&fHk.M+ ¼e¼e¼e-¼e --- iziziz-iz---½½½½ yYys”k dqekj cjklkS ftyk fHk.M+ ls yxHkx 25 fdeh nwj cslqyh ¼o`f”pdyk½ unh ds fdukjs fLFkr gSA orZeku fHk.M+ ftys ds vUrxZr cjklkS fdlh le; tSu /keZ dk izeq[k dsUnz FkkA cjklkS xzke tSu vfr”k; {ks= crk;k tkrk gSA yxHkx 2500 o’kZ iwoZ Hkxoku egkohj dk leo”kj.k ;gk¡ dqN le; ds fy;s :dk FkkA Dokj dh nkSt dks izfro’kZ ;gk¡ ,d esys dk vk;kstu fd;k tkrk gSA ;gk¡ ds tSu eafnj esa 100 ls vf/kd tSu rhFkZdjksa dh izLrj ,oa /kkrq izfrek;sa laxzfgr gSaA bu tSu izfrekvksa ij 11oha &16oha “krkCnh bZ- ds vfHkys[k mRdh.kZ gSA vfHkys[kksa ls Kkr gksrk gS fd bu izfrekvksa dks tSueqfu ,oa muds leFkZdksa us LFkkfir fd;k FkkA tSu/keZ ds vo”ks’k cjklkS ds vfrfjDr ykou] fcjxoka] flekj] tjlSuk] lk;uk] ikobZ] vVsj] fjnkSyh] nwYgkxu] cjgn] ckjkdyka] Mkax] Qwi] cjgh] fHk.M+ vkfn {ks=ksa ls izkIr gksrs gSaA fHk.M+ ftys esa yxHkx 60 tSu eafnj fLFkr gSA fHk.M+ ftys dk xBu 4 rglhyks fHk.M+] esgxkWo] xksgn rFkk ygkj ds lkFk 1 uoEcj] 1956 esa u;s e/;izns”k ds xBu ds lkFk gqvk FkkA blls igys lu~ 1948 esa cus iqjkus e/;Hkkjr ds la;qDr jkT; ds 16 ftyksa esa ,d FkkA e/;Hkkjr dk mn~?kkVu Hkkjr ds izFke iz/kkuea=h ia- tokgjyky usg: us fd;k vkSj egkjkt thokthjko flaf/k;k dks jktizeq[k rFkk egkjkt ;oUrjko gksYdj dks miizeq[k fu;qDr fd;k x;k FkkA orZeku fHk.M+ ftys esa 7 rglhys fHk.M+] esgxkWo] xksgn] ykgj] vVsj] jkSu rFkk fegksuk lkfey gSA ;g ftyk pacy laHkkx ds vUrxZr vkrk gSA ftys dk {ks=h; fOkLrkj v{kka”kh; 26 0-36* mÙkj rFkk ns”kkarjh; 78 0-46* iwoZ gSA bldk dqy {ks=Qy 4]459 fdeh gSA fHk.M+ ftys dh lhek ls yxs ftys mÙkj&iwoZ esa mÙkjizns”k ds vkxjk] bVkok] tkykSu rFkk >kalh] nf{k.k esa nfr;k rFkk Xokfy;j vkSj if”pe esa eqjSuk fLFkr gSA ftys dh feV~Vh mitkÅ ,oa pEcy] Dokjh] cslyh] igqt] dkyhfla/k vkfn ufn;ksa ls flafpr gSA izkphu bfrgkl ,oa fdonfUr;ksa ls Kkr gksrk gS fd fHk.M+ ftys dk uke fHk.M+h _f’k ds uke iM+k FkkA fHk.M+h _f’k dks foHk.M+d _f’k Hkh dgk tkrk FkkA dkykUrj esa foHkk.Md dk uke fcxM+rs&fcxM+rs **Hkk.M+o** **Hkk.M+h** vkSj **fHk.M+** iM+ x;k A 1 oSfnd dky ds nkSjku bl {ks= ij jktk ;;kfr ds iq= ;nq “kklu dj jgk FkkA egkHkkjr dky esa ;g psfn tuin ds vUrxZr Fkk] ftldk jkt f”k”kqiky FkkA dkykUrj ;g {ks= pansy] jktkor] pkSgku] ujofj;k] tkV] flaf/k;k jktoa”kksa ds v/khu jgk gSA izkphu dky esa fHk.M+ O;kikfjd ekxksZ ls tqM+k gqvk FkkA dkU;dqCt ¼dUukSt½ vkSj dkS”kkEch ls lkFkZokg vVsj] fHk.M+ gksdj in~ekorh rFkk xksiknzh vkrs FksA fHk.M+ fLFkr cgjh ml le; egRoiw.kZ O;kikfjd uxj Fkk vkSj bls cYyHk uxjh ds uke ls tkuk tkrk FkkA ;g lwrh oL= O;olk; dk izeq[k dsUnz FkkA 2 cjklkSa esa nks uohu tSu eafnj fn[kk;h nsrs gSaA ftuesa eafnj Ø-&1 dk dsoy cqtZ gh izkphu gSA “ks’k eafnj dk iqUkZfuekZ.k dj fn;k x;k gSA blh eafnj ds ,d pcwrjs rFkk vU; d{kksa esa ewfrZ;ka PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 1
ISSN 2321-659X laxzfgr gSA bl eafnj esa j[kh ewfrZ;ksa dks lqjf{kr djus ds fy, ,d u;k eafnj dk fuekZ.k unh fdukjs fLFkr igkM+h ij fd;k tk jgk gSA eafnj Ø- 1 ds ifjlj esa tSu loZrksHknz izLrj izfrek rFkk vU; uohu ,oa izphu izfrek;sa laxzfgr gSA ;s izfrek;sa tSu/keZ ds lEiznk; LosrkEcj rFkk fnxEcj lEiznk; ls lacaf/kr gSA 3 fHk.M+ ftys esa fLFkr fofHkUu tSu eafnj esa laxzfgr izfrekvksa ds v/;;u ls fHk.M+ ftys ds bfrgkl ij izdk”k Mkyk tk ldrk gSA vfHkys[kksa ls Kkr gksrk gS fd dbZ mikldksa us lk/kq ds vk”khZokn vkSj izsj.kk ls izfrekvksa dh LFkkiuk djok;hA 4 izfrekvksa dk nku iq:’k ,oa fL=;ksa nksuksa us fn;kA vfHkys[kksa ls tSu lekt ds fofHkUu la?k ¼ewyla?k] uafnla?k] dk’B la?k] nsolsu la?k½] xkS= ¼yks<+k xkS=] eyslwfj xkS=] xxZ xks=½] tkfr ¼gqcaM+ tkfr] vksloky tkfr½] x.k ¼cykRdkj x.k] iq’dj x.k½] oa”k ¼dkdfj;k oa”k] tSloky oa”k] okjgl.kh oa”k] ½ rFkk tSu xq:ijEijk dh tkudkjh gksrh gSA bu tSu eafnjksa esa jgus okys lk/kq ,oa lk/oh vius ifjokj ¼iRuh ,oa iq= vkfn½ ds lkFk jgrs FksA cjklkS esa tSu /keZ ds vfrfjDr ”kSo] oS’.ko vkfn ds vo”ks’k Hkh izkIr gksrs gSA ;gka ls f”ko izfrek;sa ,oa fofHkUu ÅapkbZ ds f”kofyax izkIr gksrs gS] tks xzke ds ckgj iM+s gq;s gSA bu f”kofyax ,oa “kSo] oS’.ko ewfrZ;ksa dks laHkor% tSu/keZ ds leFkZdksa us u’V fd;k gksxkA tSu rhFkZadjksa dh izfrek;sa lkekU;r% nks gh voLFkk esa ik;h tkrh gSa& /;kuLFk vkSj dk;ksRlxZA izFke izdkj ds tSu rhFkZadj ohrjkx dgykrs gSaA blfy;s mudh ewfrZ;k¡ /;kuLFk :i esa uXu “kjhj esa i|klu esa cSBh gksrh gSA o{k izns”k ij JhoRl fpUg rFkk ekFks ij ckyksa dk xqPNk gksrk gSA “osrkacj izfrek dks dPN dgrs gSA nwljs izdkj dh ewfrZ ri dk Hkko O;Dr djrh gqbZ dk;ksRlxZ ewfrZ gSA *c`gn~ lafgrk* esa dgk gS fd iSj dh xkaBksa rd igq¡ps gq, gkFk] Nkrh esa JhoRl dk fpUg] r:.k] lqanj] iz”kkar vgZr~ nso dh ewfrZ lkSE;] “kkar] /;kuLFk eqnzk dh cukuh pkfg,A 5 ftu izfrek dk cSBk gqvk Lo:i lHkh rhFkZdjksa dh ewfrZ;ksaa esa ,d lk gksrk gSA ysfdu mldh cSBd ij vafdr y{k.kksa ds vk/kkj ij tkuk tkrk gS fd og dkSu rhFkZadj dh ewfrZ gSA dq’kk.k ls xqIrksÙkj dky rd ykaPNu dh izFkk ugha FkhA ykaPNu uoha “krkCnh esa cuus yxs FksA xqIrdky dh izfrek dh xknh esa peZpØ eqnzk gksrk gSA izkphu vkfnukFk dh ewfrZ ds Lda/k ij nksuksa vksj cky dh yV gksrh gSA orZeku cjklkSa esa tSu lekt dk dksbZ Hkh O;fDr ugha jgrk gSA ;gk¡ dk izca/k fdlh vU; lekt ds O;fDr }kjk ns[kk tk jgk gSA ;gk¡ ds eafnj fHk.M+ ds tSfu;ksa ds v/khu gSA bu eafnjksa ds izeq[k ekxZ ij ,d cM+s njckts dk fuekZ.k fd;k tk jgk gSA vfHkys[k Øekad&1Øekad&1]] Pl. No (I) A, B ;g vfHkys[k egkohj izfrek ds ikn&ihB ij mRdh.kZ gSA vfHkys[k ukxjh fyfi ,oa laLd`fr Hkk’kk esa gSA vfHkys[k dqy 3 iafDr;ksa esa mRdh.kZ gSa] ijUrq ^^esa** dks vyx ls uhps mRdh.kZ fd;k gSA
PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 2
ISSN 2321-659X blesa v{kj **/k** dk Hkze **d** ls gksrk gSA ;g izfrek cjklkSa ds eafnj Ø- 1 esa lqjf{kr gSA vfHkys[kkuqlkj lk/kq UkkYg ds iq= fou;pUnz] ftupUnz vkSj mn;pUnz }kjk izfrek dks fo- la- 1207 ¼ bZ- 1150½ esa izlkn esa izfrf’Br djok;k x;kA
laor 1207 lk/kq ukYgukYgkAAkAAkAAkAA iq=iq=iq=%iq= %%% fou;pUnz ftupUnzA mn;pUnz Å¡* izlk ¼n½ esaAesaAesaA vfHkys[k Øekad&2Øekad&2]] Pl. No (II) A, B ;g vfHkys[k vjgukFk izfrek ds ikn&ihB ij mRdh.kZ gSA vfHkys[k ukxjh fyfi ,oa laLd`fr Hkk’kk esa gSA vfHkys[k dqy 4 iafDr;ksa esa mRdh.kZ gSa] ftlesa vafre iafDr {kfrxzLr gSA ;g izfrek cjklkSa ds eafnj Ø- 1 esa lqjf{kr gSA vfHkys[kkuqlkj iq= fou;pUnz] lgtukFk }kjk “kd la- 1207 ¼ bZ- 1285½ esa izfrf’Br djok;k x;kA
laor 1207 lkd lky’klky’kssss iq=iq=iq=%iq= %%% fou;pUnz lgt AAA ukFk ------likliklikylik yyy iziziz ¼iz.keafr½ AAA [ ...... ] vfHkys[k Øekad&3Øekad&3]] Pl. No (III) A, B ;g vfHkys[k in~eklu egkohj izfrek ds ikn&ihB ij mRdh.kZ gSA vfHkys[k ukxjh fyfi ,oa laLd`fr Hkk’kk esa gSA vfHkys[k dqy ,d ifDr esa mRdh.kZ gSa] tks egkohj ds okgu flag ds nksuks vksj mRdh.kZ gSA ;g izfrek cjklkSa ds eafnj Ø- 1 esa lqjf{kr gSA izfrek dh LFkkiuk lk/kq ikYg ds iq= ly[k.k ds iq= lk/kq ftupUnz ds vk”khokZn ls iq= izkfIr ds miy{; esa gfjpUnz] vkenso rFkk fuonsoflag }kjk fo- la- 1244 oS”kk[k lqfn 7 dks djok;h x;hA
Å¡Å¡Å¡* ukojkp;s lk/kq ikYgsizk;kZ ly[k.k lqr lk/kq ftupanzIrk;kZgksok iiq=gq=gq=g fjpanz vkenso fuaonsoflag irsfuR;a iz.keafrAA lalaor~or~ 1244 oS”kk[k lqfn 7 Mg
PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 3
ISSN 2321-659X vfHkys[k Øekad&4Øekad&4]] Pl. No (IV) A, B ;g vfHkys[k dkys jax dh dk;ksRlxZ eqnzk esa [kM+s “kkfUrukFk dh izfrek ds ikn&ihB ij mRdh.kZ gSA vfHkys[k ukxjh fyfi ,oa laLd`fr Hkk’kk esa gSA vfHkys[k dqy 4 iafDr;ksa esa mRdh.kZ gSaA ;g izfrek cjklkSa ds eafnj Ø- 1 esa lqjf{kr gSA izfrek dh LFkkiuk flf/k u{k= oS”kk[k lqfn 3 fnu cq/k fo- la- 1350 ¼ bZ- 1293½ dks djok;h x;hA vfHkys[k esa ewyla?k ds lk/kq okypUnznso rFkk xksyflag vkfn dk mYys[k gSA vfHkys[k dh vf/kdka”k ifDr;ka u’Vizk; gSaA
Å¡Å¡Å¡* laor~ 1350 oSlk[k lqfn 3 cq/kfnusAA flf/k u{ks& =s Jh ewyflagksa xqjKxqjK------okypUnznso xks& yflaxkjkUps lk vkls ------nsos bZ jk ------lkfoTr lkvR; ------AAA
PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 4
ISSN 2321-659X lUnHkZ xzaFk lwph ,oa ikn fVIif.k;ka
* Expressed by symbol.
1. feJk] jktho ,oa feJk] dqtk] e/;izns”k ds fHk.M+ ftys ds izeq[k f”ko eafnj] CIJHAR, Vol. I, No. 4, (Oct.-Dec. 2012), P. 155. 2. foey] lqjsUnz dqekj] mÙkjh e/;izns”k esa uxjhdj.k ,oa O;kikfjd ekxZ] CIJHAR, Vol. II, No. 5 (Jan.-March, 2013), P. 149. 3. Jain, Navneet Kumar; Jain Bronze Images from Baraso (M.P.), Kala-Vaibhav, No. 18-19 (2009-10/201-11), P. 198. 4. tSu] uouhr dqekj] Xokfy;j {ks= dh tSu dyk] “kks/k izca/k ¼vizdkf”kr½] thokth fo”ofo}ky;] Xokfy;j] 2006] i`- 218A vVsj dh ik”oZukFk izfrek] laor~ 1564 ds vfHkys[kkuqlkj ewyla?k ds HkV~Vkjd ftupUnz dh izsjkk ls lsB thojkt ikiM+hokys }kjk izfrek izfr’Bk dk mYys[kA 5. i|Jh izHkk”kadj vks- lkseiqjk % Hkkjrh; f”kYilafgrk] lkseS;k ikfCyds”kUl izk- fy-] ubZ fnYyh] 1975] i`- 112A
PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 5
ISSN 2321-659X
okjyh fp«fp«kkkk’kSyh’kSyh & ,d izkphu yksd /kjksgj izkizkizksizk ss--s-- fouksn laHkkth lksuo.ks izkphu dky ls gh gekjs iwoZtksa us viuh dykRed vfHk:fp;ka fn[kkrs gq, fofHkUu fo’k;ksa ij fp«k cuk;s tks vkt Hkh fofHkUu iqjkLFkyksa ,oa ns”k&fons”k ds laxzgky;ksa dh “kksHkk c PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 6 ISSN 2321-659X dyk dh miyfC/k % dyk dY;k.k dh tuuh gSA bl /kjrh ij euq’; dk mn;&osyk bfrgkl dyk ds }kjk gh :ikf;r gqvk gSA dyk bl fojkV~ fo”o dh ltZu “kfDr gksus ds dkj.k l`f’V ds leLr inkFkksZa esa O;kIr gSA og vuUr:ik gS vkSj mlds bu vuUr :iksa dh vfHkO;fDr ,oa fu”ifr dk vk/kkj dykdkj ¼ijes”oj½ gSA ftrus Hkh rRofor~] lkfgR; l`’Vk vkSj dykjk/kd gq, mu lcus fHkUu&fHkUu ekxksZa dk voyEc ysdj mlh ,deso y{; dk vuqlU/kku fd;kA fofHkUu ;qxksa esa dyk ds :Ik dh ifjdYiuk fofHkUu n`f’Vdks.kksa ls dh tkrh jgh gSA dyk dks vkt tks yksd lEeku izkIr gS vkSj lEizfr mldks ftl :i esa ifjHkkf’kr fd;k tk jgk gS] og vrhr dh vis{kk loZFkk fHkUu gSA dyk ds fy, ÞdkS”kyß tSlh l[r euksofRr dk izpyu rc gqvk tc mldk ,d ek= mÌs”; foykflrk rFkk euksjatu ekuk tkus yxk A bl izdkj ds lHkh dkS”ky dk laca/k euksjatu ls FkkA ;|fi dyk ds pkSalB ;k bllss Hkh vf/kd Hksn djds rc ;g ekuk tkus yxk fd dyk {ks= bruk O;kid gS fd mlds vUrxZr T;ksfr’k&n”kZu&O;kdj.k vkfn fo|kvksa dk Hkh lekos”k gks tkrk gS] rFkkfi okLro esa bl izo`fRr us dykeku vkSj dykos/k] nksuksa dh LoLFk xos’k.kk ,oa LFkkiuk dks O;FkZ ckSf/nd foykl esa [kks fn;kA dyk&fo’k;d bl foykflrk dh izo`fRr dk O;kid :Ik esa izpkj&izlkj jgkA dyk dh mRifRr esa /keZ dh izsj.kk % dyk dh mRifRr ds ewy esa gesa /kkfeZd Hkkouk dh iz/kkurk fn[kk;h nsrh gS] izkxSfrgkfld ;qx dh dykd`fr;ksa ds laca/k esa ;g ckr fo”ks’k :Ik ls pfjrkFkZ gksrh gSA ge ns[krs gSa fd vkfne ;qx esa euq’; us ikfFkZo oLrqvksa dks vk/;kfRed :i nsus ds fy, vkdk”k] i`Foh] xzg] u{k=] ufn;ksa] ioZr] _rqvksa vkfn ds jgL;ksa dks vkWaadus dk ;Ru fd;kA mlus mu lHkh oLrqvksa esa ,d vn`”; “kfDr dh dYiuk dh] ftu oLrqvksa dh og tkudkjh izkIr u dj ldk FkkA u dsoy Hkkjr esa] cfYd fo”o dh leLr tkfr;ksa dh laLd`fr ds ewy esa /kkfeZd Hkkouk dh iz/kkurk O;kid :i esa ns[kus dks feyrh gSA ;wuku] phu vkSj Hkkjr ds yksxksa dks dyk dh izsj.kk izd`fr ls feyhA izd`fr dks rc ,d vn`”; “kfDr ds :Ik esa Lohdkj fd;k x;kA osnksa ds _f’k;ksa us izd`fr ds vusd :iksa dh iwtk djds mUgsa nsoRo dk LFkku fn;kA /keZ ds izfr euq’; LokHkkfod :fp dks n`f’V esa j[kdj gh Hkkjrh; fp=dyk dk fuekZ.k gqvkA izkxSfrgkfld ;qx ds ftrus Hkh dyko”ks’k izkIr gq, gSa] mudk v/;;u&ijh{k.k djus ij Li’V :i ls ;g rF; izdk”k esa vk;k gS fd Hkkjr vkfne ekuo&lH;rk esa dyk dk l`tu ,sls lgL;ksa ,oa mRdaBkvksa dks vk/kkj ekudj gqvk gS] ftudk lEcU/k ikjykSfdd Fkk vkSj ftuesa fdlh loksZijh vn`”V “kfDr ;k fu;Urk dk vf/kf’Br gksuk Lohdkj fd;k x;k gSA vr,o] tkus ;k vutkus tSlk Hkh laHko gqvk gks] bl ns”k dh ekuo&lH;rk esa dyk] fo”ks’k :i ls fp=dyk dks] vk/;kfRed vkSj uSfrd mUufr ds :i esa Lohdkj fd;k x;kA PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 7 ISSN 2321-659X vkfnoklh % vkfnoklh lekt “kgjh laLd`fr ls dkQh nwj jgrs gSaA Hkkjr ns”k es vk;Z ,oa nzfoM ;s nks ekuo laLd`rh NksM ns rks izkjaHk ls Hkkjr ns”k esa jgus okys ,oa ijns”k ls vk;s lkekU; Lkekt tks ou ,oa ioZr ds lk;s esa jgrsa gSA bu tekrh ds yksxksa dks oU; tekr ,oa vkfnoklh lacksf/kr djrs gSA ;s vkfnoklh Hkkjr ds ewy jgoklh ekus tkrs gSA vkfnoklh ijEijk esa L=h dks ldkjkRed LorU=rk Hkksxus dk volj feyrk gS vkSj L=h o iq:’k ds e/; vlekurk dh Hkkouk ugha fn[krh A tokgj yky usg: us dgk gS Þvkfnoklk;ksa esa eq>s dbZ ,sls xq.k fn[kkbZ fn;s tks Hkkjr ds eSnkuh bykdksa] “kgjksa vkSj vU; Hkkxksa esa jgus okyksa esa ugha gSA bUgh xq.ksa ds dkj.k eSa vkd’V gqvkA QzsMfjd ,axsYl us cgqr igys ;g dgk Fkk fd Þvkfnoklh lekt dk oSHko vkSj ca/ku blh ckr esa Fkk fd mlesa dksbZ “kkld vkSj “kkflr ugha FkkA MkW- Mh- ih-pÎksik/;k; us izfl/n xzaFk Þyksdk;rß esa Li’V fd;k gS fd vkfnoklh esa lekurk ,oa lkewfgdrk ns[kusdks feyrh gSA Okkjyh oU; tutkfr %%% vkfnoklh Hkkjr ds egkjk’Vª jkT; ds dqN Hkkxksa esa ik;s tkrs gSaA okjyh ,d Lons”kh tutkfr ;k vkfnoklh gSaA ;s egkjk’Vª vkSj xqtjkr ds lhek ds rVh; {ks=ksa vkSj vklikl ds igkM+h esa jgrs gSaSA okjyh tutkfr dh viuh [kqn fganw ekU;rkvksa] ijEijkvksa rFkk laLd`fr&ladze.k gSa ftudks mUgksaus viuk;k gSA ;g yksx okjyh uke dh ,d vfyf[kr Hkk’kk esa ckr djrs gSaA tks fd nf{k.kh {ks= ds Hkkjrh;&vk;Z Hkk’kkvksa esa vkrh gSaA okjyh ,d cgqr cM+h tutkfr gS tks if”pe Hkkjr ds eqEcbZ “kgj ds mRrjh ckáapy esa clh gSA Hkkjr ds brus cM+s egkuxj ds bru fudV cls gksus ds ckotwn okjyh ds vkfnokfl;kssa ij vk/kqfud “kgjhdj.k dk dksbZ izHkko ugha iM+k gSA tks egkjk’Vª jkT; ds Fkkus ftys ds Mgk.kw] foØexM] rykljh ,oa tOgkj rkyqdk esa eq[;r% nwljh turkfr;ksa ds lkFk ik;h tkrh gSA ;s cgqr esgurh vkSj d`f’k iznku yksx gksrs gSA tks ckl] ydMh] ?kkl ,oa feÍh ls cuh VkbYl ¼[kIij½ lsa cuh >ksifM;ksa esa jgrsa gSA >ksifM;ksa dh nhokjs yky feÍh ,oa ckal ls cka/k dj cukbZ tkrh gSA egkjk’Vª ds Fkkus ftys es dqy vkfnoklh;ksa esa 60 izfr”kr vkfnoklh okjyh gSA okjyh “kCn dh mRifRr %%% okjyh tekr dk uke dSls iMk ;s tkuuk vR;ar egRoiw.kZ gSA MkW- foYlu ds vuqlkj ejkBh “kCn Þojkyß dk vFkZ gy ls tksrh gqbZ tehu vkSj gy pykus okys okjyh yksxA vkfnoklh;ksa dk dguk gS fd nf{k.k xqtjkr ,oa egkjk’Vª jkT; dh lhek ij /kjeiwj uke dk jkT; FkkA /kjeiqj ds egkjkt fHkYy dks LFkkuh; vkfnokfl;ksaus ;q/n esa enr dhA ml enr ds iz;kl esa vkfnoklh;ksa dks ohj ej.k izkIr gqvk A ejkBh esa ejs gq;s ekuo dks okjys dgrs gSA ejs gq, vkfnoklh;ksa ds fj”rs nkjksa dks okjyh lacksf/kr djus yxsA bfrgkldkj fo-dk- jktokMs us vkiuh efgdkorh c[kj esa Li’V fd;k Þo:Mß dh vuk;Z tekrh ls okjyh “kCn dh mRiRrh gqbZ gSA PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 8 ISSN 2321-659X okjyh fp=dyk % e/; Hkkjr dh foa/;ky; ioZr esa vkfn ekuo us ioZr dh danjkvks esa viuk fuokl cuk;k A bu “kSykJ;ksa ,oa danjkvksa dh fHkfRr;ksa dks lqanj rjhdksa ls fpf=r fd;k A e/; izns”k dh jkt/kkuh Hkksiky ls ipkl fdyksehVj nf{k.k esa fLFkr iqjkLFky HkhecsVdk ds xqgkvksa ,oa “kSykJ;ksa dk lewg gS A ftldk vFkZ Hkhe dh cSBd A HkhecsVdk ds xqgkfp= vkSj okjyh fp=”kSyh ds vkd`fr ,oa fp=”kSyh esa dqN lkE; gSaA blfy, izkxSfrgkfld ekuo dh fp=”kSyh ds cht okjyh fp=”kSyh esa ns[kus dks feyrs gSaA 19oha lnh ds izkjEHk esa igyh ckj okjyh dyk ds ckjs esa irk pykA gkykafd bldk dksbZ fyf[kr izek.k ugha feyrk gS fd bl dyk dk izkjEHk dc gqvkA ysfdu 10oha lnh bZ- ds vkjfEHkd dky esa blds gksus ds ladsr feyrs gSaA okjyh fp=dkjh esa] egkjk’Vª dh okjyh tutkfr dh jkstejkZ dh ftanxh vkSj lkekftd thou dk ltho fp=.k feyrk gSA ;g fp=dkjh os vius feÍh ls cus dPps ?kjksa dh nhokjksa dks ltkus ds fy, djrs FksA fyfi dk Kku ugha gksus ds dkj.k yksd okrkZvksa ¼yksd lkfgR;½ dk vke yksxksa rd igqapkus dk ;gh ,dek= lk/ku FkkA fp=dkjh dk dke eq[; :i ls efgyk,a djrh gSA bu fp=ksa esa ikSjkf.kd ik=ksa] vFkok nsoh & nsorkvksa ds :iksa dks ugha n”kkZ;k tkrk] cfYd lkekftd thou ds fo’k;ksa dk fp=.k fd;k tkrk gSA jkstejkZ dh ftanxh ls tqM+h ?kVukvksa ds lkFk&lkFk euq’;ksa vkSj i”kqvksaa ds fp= Hkh cuk, tkrs gSA tks fcuk fdlh ;kstuk ds] lh/kh&lknh “kSyh esa fpf=r fd, tkrs gSaA egkjk’Vª dh tutkrh; ¼vkfnoklh½ fp=dkjh dk ;g dk;Z ijEijkxr :i ls okjyh ds ?kjksa esa fd;k tkrk gSA feÍh dh dPph nhokjksa ij cus lQsn jax ds ;s fp= izkxSfrgkfld xqQk fp=ksa dh rjg fn[krs gSa vkSj lkekU;r% buesa f”kdkj] rkjik u`R;] Qly dh cqokbZ] Qly dh dVkbZ djrs gq, O;fDr dh vkd`fr;ka n”kkZ;h tkrh gSaA ;g dyk muds thou ds ewy fl/nkarks dks izLrqr djrh gSA bu fp=ksa esa eq[;r% Qly iSnkokj] _rq] “kknh] mRlo] tUe vkSj /kkfeZdrk dks n”kkZ;k tkrk gSA ;g dyk okjyh tutkfr ds ljy thou dks Hkh n”kkZrh gSA okjyh dykvksa ds izeq[k fo’k;ksa esa “kknh dk cM+k LFkku gSA “kknh ds fp=ksa esa nso] iy?kkV] i{kh] isM+] iq:’k vkSj efgyk,a lkFk esa ukprs gq, n”kkZ, tkrs gSA “kSyh dh n`f’V ls ns[ksa rks mudh igpku lgh gS fd lk/kkj.k lh feÍh ds csl ij ek= lQsn jax ls dh xbZ fp=dkjh gS ftlesa ;nk&dnk yky vkSj ihys fcUnq cuk fn, tkrs gSA ;g lQsn jax pkoy dks ckjhd ihl dj cuk;k x;k lQsn pw.kZ gksrk gSA jax dh bl lknxh dh deh blds fo’k; dh izcyrk ls ISSN 2321-659X cgqr ifo= ekuk tkrk gS vkSj blds vykok fookg lEiUu ugha gks ldrk gSaA ;s fp= LFkkuh; yksxksa dh lkekftd vkSj /kkfeZd vfHkyk’kkvksa dks Hkh iwjk djrs gSaSA ,slk ekuk tkrk gS fd ;s fp= Hkxoku dh “kfDrvksa dk vkOgku djrs gSaA Okkjyh ds fp=ksa esa lh/kh ykbZu “kk;n gh ns[kus dks feyrh gSA dbZ fcUnqvksa vkSj NksVh&NksVh js[kkvksa ¼Ms”k½ dks feykdj ,d cM+h js[kk cukbZ tkrh gSA gky gh esa f”kYidkjksa uas vius fp=ksa esa lh/kh js[kk,a [khpuha “kq: dj nh gSA bu fnuksa rks iq:’kksa us Hkh fp=dkjh “k: dj nh gS vkSj os ;g fp=dkjh izk;% dkxt+ ij djrs gSaA ftuesa okjyh dh lqUnj ijEijkxr rLohjsa vkSj vk/kqfud midj.k tSls fd lkbZfdy vkfn cuk, tkrs gSaA dkxt+ ij dh xbZ okjyh fp=dkjh dkQh yksdfiz; gks xbZ vkSj vc iqjs Hkkjr esa bldh fcØh gksrh gSA vkt dkxt+ vkSj diMsa ij NksVh&NksVh fp=dkjh dh tkrh gS A ij nhokj ij fp= vFkok cM+s&cM+s fHkRrh fp= gh ns[kus esa lcls lqUnj yxrs gSaA tks okjyh;ksa ds ,d fo”kky vkSj tknqbZ lalkj dh Nfo dks izLrqr djrs gSaA okjyh vkt Hkh ubZ ijEijk ls tqM+s gS ysfdu lkFk gh os u, fopkjksa dks Hkh xzg.k dj jgsa tks ckt+kj dh ubZ pqukSfr;ksa dk lkeuk djus esa mudh enn djrs gSaA Jh- thok lksek Egls] gjs”oj ouxk] nkek eaxGîk nsld] jkts”k pSR;k ckaxM] d`’.kk tsBîk iklkjh] ckGw ykMD;k nqekMk] uFkq nsÅ lqrkj vkfn okjyh fp=dkjksa us bl fp=”kSyh dks varjjk’Vªh; Lrj ij yksdfiz; cuk;k gSA fHkfHkfHkRrhfp=ksafHk Rrhfp=ksa esa yksddyk fuekZ.k % Hkkjrh; fp=dyk ds bfrgkl esa fHkRrhfp=ksa dk egRoiw.kZ LFkku gSaA fHkRrhfp=ksa dh Fkkrh ls gh Hkkjrh; fp=dyk ds thfor bfrgkl dk irk pyrk gSaA okjyh ,d ?kjsyw dyk ds :i esa o’kksZ ls gekjs tu ekul esa viuh yksdfiz;rk cuk;sa gq, gSaA yksddyk dh ;g Fkkrh Hkkjr ds fofHkUu tuinksa ,oa tkfr;ksa esa fofHkUu :iksa esa laiwftr ,oa lEekfur gksdj vkt Hkh gekjs yksdthou dk vax cuh gqbZ gSaA bl izdkj gekjh ;g yksddyk vkt vius xkSjo”kkyh vrhr ds dkj.k gh ugha] vfirq viuh orZeku yksdfiz;rk ds dkj.k Hkh mikns; rFkk egRiiw.kZ gSA gekjs yksdthou esa mldk ftruk izpkj&izlkj gS] mruk gh jk’Vªh; lq[k le`/nh ,oa lkaLd`frd psruk ds tkxj.k esa mlds }kjk lgk;rk gks ldrh gSaA rqyuk % ;wjksi esa yksx vkWLVªsfy;k dh vkfnoklh dyk dks rks le>rs gSa ysfdu Hkkjrh; vkfnoklh dyk dks de gh yksx le>rs gSaA elyu] fczVsu ds fyojiwy “kgj ds ckWc dkWyksuh ds yksx dgrs gSa] ÞeSus vkWLVªsfy;k dh dyk ns[kh gS vkSj ;s fp= eq>s oSls gh yxrs gSA tSls vke rkSj ij ns[kh tkus okyh Hkkjrh; dykd`fr;ksa dh rjg ;s fp= ugh yxrsAß nwljh rjQ+ vkWLVªsfy;k esa bu isafVax dks Hkh le> ikrk gWaw blesa dqRrs] i{kh gSaA isM+&ikS/ks gSa] ;s lc cM+k lqUnj yx jgk gSAß ysfdu dBukbZ ls tq>rs gq, flQZ+ vius dkS”ky ds cnkSyr okjyh tutkrh ds ;s dykdkj Hkys gh fons”kh PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 10 ISSN 2321-659X Hkk’kk ugha tkurs gks ij budh fp=dyk teZuh] bVyh] Qzkal vkSj fczVsu esa igqaWp jgh gS vkSj ljkgh tk jgh gSA e/kqcuh dh pVdhyh fp=dkjh ds eqdkcys ;g fp=dyk cgqr lk/kkj.k gSA fu’d’kZ % 1- HkhecsVdk ds xqgkfp= vkSj okjyh fp=”kSyh ds vko`fRr ,oa fp=”kSyh esa dqN lkE; gSA 2- izkxSfrgkfld ekuo dh fp=”kSyh ds fp= okjyh fp=”kSyh esa ns[kus dks feyrh gSaA 3- okjyh fp= dyk dh “kSyh dkQ+h izkphu izrhr gksrh gS fdarq bldk okLrfod Lo:i 19 oh “krkCnh ds ckn gh izkIr gksrk gSA 4- Okkjyh dyk tutkfr ds ljy thou dks Hkh n”kkZrh gSA 5- okjyh dykvksa ds izeq[k fo’k;ksa esa rkjik u`R; vkSj “kknh dk cM+k LFkku gSA 6- okjyh fp=dkjh vusd ifjokjksa dh vkenuh dk ,d eq[; lk/ku cu x;k gSA iwjs fo”o esa bl dyk dks ilan fd;k gSA 7- okjyh fp=dyk “kSfy;ksa esa vkd’kZd] fdQ+k;r nke] lknxh vkSj fp= cukuk vklku gSA 8- fiNys dqN o’kksZ ls dkxt+ ij okjyh fp= cuku “k: gqvkA dykdkjksa dks blls tknk Qk;nk gqvk ugha gSA exj dykdkjksa us vkaUrjjk’Vªh; Lrj yksdfiz;rk izkIr dh gSA 9- ;wjksi esa yksx vkWLVªsfy;k dh vkfnoklh dyk dks le>rs gS] ysfdu Hkkjrh; vkfnoklh dyk dks de gh yksx le>rs gSA 10- Fkkus ftys ds fiNMs+ bykds+ esa jgus okys v/kZf”kf{kr okjyh vkfnoklh dykdkjksa us iwjh nqfu;k esa viuh Nki NksM+h gSA PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 11 ISSN 2321-659X lUnHkZ xzaFk lwph ,oa ikn fVIif.k;ka 1- JhokLro] ds-lh-( izkphu Hkkjr dk bfrgkl] ;qukVsM cqd fMiksa bykgkcknA 2- ijekj] dhrhZ iky flag( izkphu Hkkjrh; fp=dyk dk bfrgkl] jek/ko vkVZ] ubZ fnYyhA 3- XkSjksyk] okpLofr(] Hkkjrh; fp=dyk dk laf{kIr bfrgkl] yksd Hkkjrh izdk”ku] bykgkcknA 4- xkjs] xksfoan( okjyh fp= laLd`fr] Jhfo|k izdk”ku iq.ksA 5- xkjs] xksfoan( lgîknzhrhy vkfnoklh] egknso dksGh lgk/;u izdk”ku] eqacbZA 6- n;kuan eqd.ks] ÞtOgkj n”kZuß] iz”kkar eqd.ks izdk”ku] ukf”kdA 7- laiknd ia- egknso”kkL=h tks”kh] ÞHkkjrh; laLd`rh dks”kß] [kaM 1 Hkkjrh; laLd`fr dks”k eaMG] iq.ksA 8- laiknd ia- egknso”kkL=h tks”kh] ÞHkkjrh; laLd`rh dks”kß] [kaM 3 Hkkjrh; laLd`fr dks”k eaMG] iq.ksA 9- laiknd ia- egknso”kkL=h tks”kh] ÞHkkjrh; laLd`rh dks”kß] [kaM 7 Hkkjrh; laLd`fr dks”k eaMG] iq.ksA 10- laiknd ia- egknso”kkL=h tks”kh] ÞHkkjrh; laLd`rh dks”kß] [kaM 8 Hkkjrh; laLd`fr dks”k eaMG] iq.ksA 11- Jh- g- “kgk.ks] ÞHkkjrh; dyspk bfrgklß] T;ksRLuk izdk”ku] eqacbZA 12- lair Bk.kdj] Þokjyh fp=dykß] jru fizUVlZ] Mgk.kwA PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 12 ISSN 2321-659X DISCRETE EVIDENCES OF BUDDHISM IN GWALIOR REGION J. Manuel INTRODUCTION The Gwalior region- pertinent to this article- includes the districts Bhind, Morena, Gwalior, Datia, Sheopur and Shivpuri. While it is acknowledged at the outset itself that the region does not boast of world renowned Buddhist sites, it nevertheless was not bereft of early sites that rhymed in unison with the grand network of the proselytizing Buddhist Community across most part of the Indian sub-continent from about 200 years before the advent of the Common Era. The region was under the multifarious influences from time immemorial which became more accentuated with the active functioning of the trade routes during Early Historic Period. This is reinforced by the Gujjara inscription in Datia district (Sircar in EI Vol XXXI: 205-209) which evidently was not inscribed in the wilderness. Further the presence of stupas dated to the Mauryan Period at Tumain the ancient Tumbavana (Bajpai & Pandey 1985: 1-18) in the nearby District Ashoknagar give evidence to the accessibility of this region across different regions of the country. It is understood that at Tumbavana routes led from Mathura to Vidisha while another route from this site led to Kausambi (Bajpai & Pandey 1985: 1) Evidence of the association of Buddhism and trade is the presence of the Buddhist complex near the ancient rock cut trade route at Tumain. There are other sites which show the civilizational antiquity of this region from the proto-historic period onwards, namely: Gilaulikhera (IAR 1981-82:33), Kutwar (IAR 1970-71:20; 1996-97: 64; 1997-98:103) in Morena Distt, Jaderua and Pawaya in Gwalior District besides other sites of later period in the region. BUDDHIST REMAINS FROM MORENA DISTRICT The site Kutwar (ancient Kuntalpur), famed as the home of Kunti the mother of Pandavas, was excavated by Archaeological Survey of India in the years 1997 and 1998 which revealed continued occupation from the Protohistoric times; marked by cord impressed BRW, PGW, and NBPW sherds, Maurya, Sunga, Kushana, Gupta remains. Pertinently, amidst the burnt down remains of the site, half portion of a miniature ivory stupa was recovered from the early Sunga levels when according to the excavators ‘the village was engulfed by a conflagration as seen by burnt wattle-and-daub walls noticed in KTR-3 and KTR-4’(IAR 1996-97: 65) sub-sites of this ancient habitation. A similar ivory miniature stupa albeit with its apical chattravali placed in the socket has been reported in the course of excavations at Antichak (Verma, 2011: 378,379; Pl. CLXI) Importantly balustrade members similar to those around Sramanical shrines datable to circa 1st Cent BCE/CE, now fixed in a modern temple built in the pump house area of this site also reinforce the possible existence PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 13 ISSN 2321-659X of early Buddhist community here. In the Bateshwar group of solely Brahmanical temples, lalatbimba of an early temple shows a Buddha figure (FIG-1) . It seems that Buddhism was yet a force to reckon with and therefore the advice of Varahmihira in Brahatsamhita, to install images of, besides other gods, goddesses and Jina, Buddha also, was being followed at Bateshwar. Banerjea (2002:230) expounds, besides the known principal sectaries others ‘had found their particular places under the ever-expanding shelter of composite Hinduism’. Evidently, Buddhism had not become a spent force during this period in this region, as understood by the attempts at assimilation in the larger Brahmanical framework as seen at Bateshwar. Further influence of Buddhism in the imminent region is also understood by the fact that the artisans working on Brahmanical deities were not averse to taking Buddhist works of art as prototype but also felt the need to carve out look alike of Buddhist deities. This is seen conspicuously at the otherwise purely Brahmanical site, Bateshwar, wherein, the form of Kubera is shown with mongoose which is much more readily identifiable with the Buddhist God of Wealth, Jambhala. Another example- although not rare- is of the Lakulisa images which bearing for the danda (mace/scepter) is a replication of the Buddha. Perhaps these figures are among the earliest of its type which is also seen from different parts of east India. The fact that Brahmanical images were carved with likeness to the Buddhist deities shows that either the Buddhist influence in art was yet strong or the artisans purposefully carved them so as to provide similar imageries for attracting the estranged section under the umbrella of composite Hinduism. Another image mentioned as Kubera is re-identified as Jambhala/Buddhist God of Wealth (Acc. No. 57). The image originally from Padhawali in District Morena, now in the Archaeological Museum, Gwalior, is dated to 10 th Cent. CE therefore hints the comparative late survival of Buddhism in this region. REMAINS IN OTHER DISTRICTS Gwalior district south of Morena has also yielded some evidence of the religion. From Pawaya (ancient Padmavati) an important town of the Naga dynasty, a centre of both Buddhist and Shaivite religion, a seated Buddha of about the eighth century CE was reported from Pawaya about six decades earlier (Garde 1952:15, 16). About two decades later Pawaya yielded a Gupta period image of Buddha in dharmachakra-pravartana-mudra (IAR 1973-74: 51) which is exhibited in the Archaeological Museum, Gwalior (Acc no. 1546). Sharma (1999:14,15) writes, that besides Manibhadra Yaksha, Nagraj and Buddha image, the earlier excavations had hinted towards the fact that Pawaya located on the grand trade route, was also a center of Buddhism. According to him, some other sculptures are also having possible Buddhist affinity as discernable on comparing with the known sculptures related to Buddhist ideology from Mathura. Sharma also called for a review of Padmavati excavation PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 14 ISSN 2321-659X report in the light of the new findings. It may not be out of context to mention the finding in Gwalior city, of a small figure of standing Buddha (Willis et.al. 2010: 3) carved out from spotted red sandstone typical of Mathura provenance which shows the links of this region further north. Mathura sandstone Buddhist images dated to the early centuries CE are also found at Sanchi in significant number to hint the active supply of such images from Mathura, obviously through the Gwalior region. The presence of a minor rock edict of Ashoka, at Gujjara, in Datia district, also attests towards accessibility of the region in ancient times. Significantly, the find spot of the inscription is known as Sidhon Ki Toriya ( the hillock of the accomplished persons) suggesting perhaps towards a monastery in the vicinity, during some period of time perhaps even much later than the inscription due to which the name survived. At Choti Badauni, in the same district, about 2 km. south of Badauni, stupas and many sealing having stupa figures in relief, were found. The latter are assignable from sixth to eighth century A.D. Incidentally, from Badauni, typical Gupta pottery and a few pieces of Roman pottery were also reported (IAR 71-72 :27). According to Dwivedi (1997:601) a Buddha image stuck within a tree was noted nearly 60 years back at Choti Barauni. He asserts that around 7th 8th Cent AD, Buddhism thrived in the region of Barauni, which was uprooted later by the Shaivites in the centuries that followed. A recent visit by the author in Feb 2011 has revealed the that the site has further degenerated and now not even the outlines of the brick built stupas are traceable although brick debris lies in heaps (FIG-2) at many spots in Choti Barauni. In effect, it is obvious that the ‘remains of three Buddhist stupas, each having a radius of about 16 m.’ reported four decades earlier (IAR 71-72:27) has been obliterated due to the ignorance of the local people. A stupa of bricks dated to 9 th - 10 th century CE reported from Rajapur (Patil, 1952 : 114) in the southern neighbouring Shivpuri District, and an image of Buddha from Kota (Dwivedi 1997:601) presently displayed in the Gujari Mahal Museum are the known Buddhist remains from the southern most parts of the region under scrutiny. Although continuity of the Buddhist network of pilgrimage sites continue across time and space further south, like at Tumain in Ashoknagar District, Kotra and Narsinghgadh in Rajgadh District and Sanchi in Raisen, to name a few these are not relevant to the particular region being looked into. SURVIVAL OF BUDDHISM IN THE REGION There are not many evidences which show that Buddhism survived much beyond 1 st millennium CE in the circumscribed region, yet the fact that it was creative till the beginning of the 2 nd millennium CE could be surmised by the presence of remains like those at Rajapur and the Kubera of Padhawali re-identified as Jambhala. The two examples may appear PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 15 ISSN 2321-659X isolated but in fact are not when one comes to note the many later evidences of Buddhism in near and far off districts surrounding this region. There are many sites with coeval or even one or two centuries later Buddhist remains surrounding this region for example: Buddhist sculptures of 10 th – 11 th century CE, reported from Suvarsa(IAR 1965-66:81) in Mandsaur District; five Buddhist sculptures dated to 11 th 12 th century CE discovered from Gopalpur not far from Jabalpur (Upadhyay 2005:147). Further North West in Chhattarpur Distt, the Khajuraho museum has a large image of Buddha replete with Buddhist mantra datable to 10 th century CE (Krishna Deva 1990: 391). While further north in Uttar Pradesh, 6 Buddhist sculptures were found near the Kirat Sagar Tank, at Mahoba which is dated to about 11-12 th century CE (Dikshit 1998:1). These are albeit only few of the many examples which could have been mentioned, which then would have enlarged the article to the larger central Indian region. Not only the architectural and sculptural remains, but even the presence of known teachers like Lui-pa, born in Ujjayine and Dhanapala, who lived in the court of Vakpati Munja in the 10 th century CE (Pahadiya 1976: 31) goes to show that Buddhism was a living religion in central India and therefore presumably in the Gwalior region also. Further even much later, inscriptions related to Buddhism, as from Mahoba dated to about 11-12 th century CE (Dikshit 1998:1); inscription dated 1193 century CE, from Rewa (Marshall, Original Edition 1923, reprint 2003: 37) and a copper plate dated between 1166-1202 CE (Sullery 2008: 121) of the Chandella ruler Paramardideva all shows the active existence of Buddhism in some restricted pockets and the extinction of Buddhism in Gwalior region could not have been centuries earlier. CONCLUSION In view of the fact that there are unconnected evidences of Buddhism surviving in the region under scrutiny; in no small measure corroborated by its presence in the larger region of central India a relook and active documentation of such remains has to be done. Considering the fact that a site like Chotti Barauni with three stupas has ceased to give any cogent evidence within forty years of it being reported hints to the possibility that many structures, brick stupas and Buddhist shrines/sculptures may have been well put into reuse failing none to prevent such utilization in the millennia that had passed by. However partial evidence of the same could yet be met in randomly lying brick rubbles in clusters, dilapidated temples shorn of its architectural and sculptural remains, presence of sculptures not identifiable or variant from the point of standard Brahmanical iconography and damage on inscription and portions of sculpture, which otherwise would have positively identified the sculpture as Buddhist. There is a need to review the earlier finding of excavated remains as called upon by Sharma (1999:14,15), albeit in the limited context of Pawaya, as well as relook the displayed PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 16 ISSN 2321-659X images in museums as done by Dwivedi (1994:34) wherein the said dwarapalas of Khairagadh Museum was re-identified as Buddhist deities. Similarly the Kubera in Archaeological Museum, Gwalior has been re-identified as Buddhist Kubera/Jambhala as another example cited, goes to show the possibilities of emergence of new data on conscious relook. Communal arrogance took its toll at Barauni (Dwivedi 1997:601) while community ignorance obliterated evidence of Buddhism there; such scenarios makes it very difficult for the present day scholars to search for evidences with objectivity that a complete picture emerges of the society before the Islamic incursions began to have impact in this part of the country. However, such documentations are necessary before the few sites and sculptural remains protected by the Archaeological Departments remain the only ones that survive, eventually. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 17 ISSN 2321-659X REFERENCES AND NOTES Bajpai, K.D & S.K. Pandey; Excavations at Tumain. Directorate Archaeology and Museums, Bhopal, 1985, P. 1-18. Banerjea. J. N.; The Development of Hindu Iconography, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt Ltd. New Delhi, 2002, P. 230. Dikshit K.N.; (Reprint) Six Sculptures from Mahoba, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, no 8, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, 1998, P. 1. Dwivedi, H.N.; Badauni May Diwakar Mitra Kay Ashram Ki Khoj (in Hindi) The Bounteous Tree (ed) Chakravarti, K.K. and Mishra O.P., Sharda Publications, New Delhi, 1997, P. 601. Dwivedi, S. K.; The Dwarpala images in Khairagarh Museum- an Observation, Puratan 9, 1994, P. 34. Garde, M.B.; Padmavati, Indian History Congress, Gwalior, 1952, P.15, 16. Indian Archaeology 1965-66: A Review, P. 81 Indian Archaeology 1970-1971: A Review, P. 20. Indian Archaeology 1971-1972: A Review, P. 27. Indian Archaeology 1973-1974: A Review, P. 51. Indian Archaeology 1981-82: A Review, P. 33. Indian Archaeology 1996–1997: A Review, P. 64, 65. Indian Archaeology 1997–1998: A Review, P. 103. Krishna Deva; Temples of Khajuraho, Archaeological Survey of India New Delhi,1990, P. 391. Marshall, J.; (ed) Annual Report of the Director General of Archaeology in India 1920-2, Original Edition 1923, reprint 2003. P. 37. Pahadiya, S. M.; Buddhism in Malwa, K. B. Publication, Delhi, 1976, P. 31. Patil, D.R.; The Descriptive and Classified List of Ancient Monuments in Madhya Bharat, Archaeological Department, Gwalior, 1952, P.114. Sircar, D.C.; Gujjara Inscriptions of Asoka, Epigraphia India, Vol. XXXI, P. 205-209. Sharma, D.K.; Pawaya kay Boudh Avshesh: Ek Vivechnatmak- Shoudhlekh (in Hindi) Masik Dhammsena, 1999, P. 14, 15. Sullery, S.K.; Significance of Candella Copper Plates, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Mumbai, 2008, Vol 81:121. Upadhyay, Madan Mohan; Inscriptions of Mahakosal, Resource of the History of Central India, B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi, 2005, P. 147. Verma, B.S.; Antichak Excavations-2 (1971-1978) Archaeological Survey of India. New Delhi, 2011, P. 378, 379; Pl. CLXI. Willis, M., Pukhraj Maroo, Mishra, O.P.; 2010 The Chambal Valley: A Heritage Treasure, Bookwell. New Delhi, 2010, P. 3. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 18 ISSN 2321-659X Ganapatya Cult in Jajpur District of Odisha: An Analytical Approach Dr. Brajabandhu Bhatta &&& Dr. Rekharani Khuntia Situated on the bank of river Baitarani and treated as a seat of ancient culture and a place of Pilgrimage Jajpur the ancient capital of Odisha and modern capital town of Jajpur district possess a unique cultural heritage of its own. Its antiquity goes back to the Mahabharat age. It is said that Brahma celebrated ten horse sacrifices at this place from which the name Yajnapura or the city of sacrifices was derived 1. Jajpur is known from ancient times as the holy destination of religious pilgrimage where the mother-goddess Viraja is worshipped. It is popularly known as Viraja Kshetra. This place is also known as Yajnagara, Yajnapura, Yajatinagara, Abinava Yayatinagara, Virajanagar, Gadaksetra, Varahakshetra, Vaitarani Tirta, etc. Many religious movements like Buddhism, Saktism, Tantricism, Saivism, Vaisanvism and Ganapatya cult have enriched the cultural heritage of Odisha in general and Jajpur in particular. Its geographical situation made it suitable to be the capital of several ruling dynasties of Odisha, who had made many attempts for the development of all these cults. They were Bhauma, Somavamsi, and Gangas etc. Hence, a number of monuments of different religious sects sprang up here due to the ungrudging patronage of various rulers, the traces of which may be found even today in the extent of ten miles 2. The existing temples at Jajpur are built according to the Odishan style of architecture which is a living art of Odisha. This ancient capital city is situated in between 20 0- 51” N and 86 0 – 20”E on the banks of the sacred river Vaitarani at a distance of 32 Kms, to the east of Jajpur – Keonjhar Road railway station on the East-Coast Railway. The climate of Jajpur is very healthy. A natural landscapic phenomenon, mountainous regions, coastal plains, average rainfall and moderated climate made it a densely populated area. Due to the suitable geographical factors and alluvial soil, jajpur occupied a prominent place in ancient Odisha. It remained as a capital city for at least one thousand years till the end of Somavamsi rule. On account of the physical feature, political patronization and religious zeal, this area flourished as a great center of different religions, philosophies, literature, art and architecture. The history of Jajpur was the nucleus of the history of Odisha from earliest times till the beginning of the 13 th century A.D, as the celebrated capital of the Bhaumakaras and Somavamsis till the transfer of the capital by Chodagangadev. Thus, it dominated the political and historical scene of Odisha and shaped the destiny of many dynasties for a considerable period of time. Although in course of time, the empire met its end, yet the Kshetra continued to influence the history of Odisha for a considerable period. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 19 ISSN 2321-659X Though, Jajpur is famous as the great Saktipitha, it is really a great Saiva pitha too because both the cults have remained together and in harmony with each other since time immemorial. We find references from the great epic the Mahavarata that Rudra-Siva worship had been accepted in the Vedic fold at Jajpur for the first time. There is a legend all round Odisha that Jajpur possessed a crore of Sivalingams less by one. This legend has also been corroborated by the Sthalamahatmya and the Virajakshetra Mahatmya in the later perods. 3 Though Bhubaneswar is accepted as the prominent Saiva-center in Odisha, Jajpur should have been regarded as the real Saiva center on account of the reason that Saivism flourished for the first time at Jajpur. Besides it, Kushana, and Puri-Kushana coins have been found from sitabinji 4, Kaima hill and Mugapada and some other places in the Vaitarani valley. Those coins reveal carved Sivalingams that indicate the prevalence of Saiva cult in the beginning of the Christian era. We also get references to the propitiation of three devas from the Bhadrakali Stone inscription of Maharaja Sri Gana in the 3 rd century B.C. The Asanpat stone inscription paleographically belongs to the 4th – 5th century A.D and the Mukhalingam belongs to the said period too 5. The existence of Nataraja carved in the Asanapat inscription seems to be the oldest manifestation of Siva worship in India. Maharaj Satrubhanja, the son of king Manabhanja, queen Damayanti of the Naga dynasty exposed himself as a great devotee of Lord Siva. This image is identified as the earliest Nataraj image which cointains thirteen lines of inscription 6 The Purna Chandra Odia Bhasakosa mentions about one hundred eight Sivalingams in Jajpur 7. A large number of Sivalingams are met within the premises of the Viraja temple, Akhandaleswar, Siddhewar, Someswar and Trilochanaswar. The number may be extent to five hundred if taken together. The viraja Kshetra mahatmya has mentioned that there were a good number of Siva shrines beside the Vaitarani stream and the devotees have been advised to visit them after taking bath in those streams to acquire merit. With these saivite cults many other deities are also related. These sculptures like Lakulisa images, Uma-maheswara images, parvati images, Kartikeya images and Ganapati images etc. are found in huge numbers in Jajpur. Our purpose of this study is to highlight the Ganapatya cult and sculptures which is related to Saivism in Jajpur district. From Sthalamahatmya, it is claimed that lord Ganesh has worshipped before 13 th – 14 th century A.D. in Jajpur. Ganesh or Vinayak is considered as “Adya Devata” in Hindu pantheon. All the rituals begin with the worship of Lord Ganesh .As per Hindu belief, Lord Vinayaka is “Siddhi Data”, “Buddhi Data” and “Bighna Nashana”. All the obstacles vanish only after worshipping Vinayak. Lord Ganesh is regarded as the fountain of knowledge, the symbol of all success. There are many meanings of the word “Ganapati”. From the word “G” gyana, moksha from PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 20 ISSN 2321-659X “N” and paramabrahma from “Pati” are imagine. He is also worshipped as gramadevata due to his big belly. There are many two handed big belly Ganesh images are worshipped in the villages of Odisha. From Agnipurana, it is known that the left sided tusk Ganesh icon is worshipped by the Hindu and right sided tusk Ganesh icon is worshipped by the tantric devotees.Due to his important quality, He is present in both Hindu, Jaina and Buddhist arts. From Siva Purana, Linga Purana and Skanda Purana, we know about the birth of Lord Ganesh. In Vedic mantras, it is said that “om Gananatwag Ganapatim Gumhuvamahe”. In Jajpur, Saivite monuments we found Ganesh as Parsvadevata along with Parvati and Kartikeya as they belong to Siva’s family. In a Saiva temple, Parsvadevatas like Ganesh and Parvati are housed in southern and northern sides respectively where as Kartikeya, the second Parsva devata is found mostly in the niche on the back side of the temple. These images are plentily available at Jajpur, a celebrated centre of Saivism where innumerable Saiva temples are existed. 8 Ganesh 9, the remover of all obstacles came to be regularly worshipped after the Gupta age 10 and is depicted generally as a parsvadevata in the raha niche on the southern sides. Besedes it, he may be found as an Avaranadevata i.e one of the subsidiary paga niches on the early temples, some times along with Virabhadra Ganesh also appears as the guardian deity accompanying with the Sapta Matrikas. But as a parsvadevata, he is most popular in odisha. In Jajpur there is not any separate temple for Ganesh. He is worshipped as parsvadevata, avaranadevata. So Jajpur can be regarded as the only kshetra where Lord Ganesh was worshipped as the main deity. In Odisha, we found different types of Ganesh. They have been worshipped at different places of Orissa like Ganjam, the south-east of Berhampur is located the shrine of pancama Ganesh. Here Ganesh is assoiciated with the tree (Bata). It acts as the aniconic symbol of Ganesh somewhat alike the Mahabodhi is among the Buddhist. Another Ganesh in tree form is also found at village Surangi,in the district of Ganjam where the local people imagined proboscis shaped natural bluge on the trunk of a mango tree member is locally called as Tree Ganesh (Gacha Ganesh) 11 . Then in some places, people worship elephant image as Lord Ganesh. On the biological evaluation cycle fauna follows flora. The elephant is very ancient member of the fauna. On the right bank of river Devi at village Naigunan in the Astaranga blockof puri district, a north facing monument of “Hati Ganesh” is located. Here he is worshipped as crouching monolith, baby tusker made of igneous rock. This ‘Hati Ganesh’ also worshipped which includes sandhyarati, asanasudhi, bhuta Sudhi and rigvedicmantra. We found one of the monolithic tusker of kaima (Dharamasala block of Jajpur District) which has stylistic PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 21 ISSN 2321-659X similarity with the monolithic pair affront Ganesh Gumpha 12 of Udayagiri and Dhauli monolith of Bhubaneswar. Here, the people, worship this monolith as “Gajaraja” because the terms Danti, Gaja, mahatakata, (tuskercult) as are relation to Ganesh traditions in Hindu theistic literature i.e. purana. In some places of Odisha, we found one type of Ganesh Known as Chintamani Ganesh. Art Historians have indicated that Chintamani icon hold a round object in the right palm and that it denotes withfulfilling gem, the gem of life symbolizes Siva and also Vinayak. 13 . In India, numerous specimens of Chinatamani Ganesh holding icons dated between 5 th – 11 th centuries A.D are noted. In Lingaraj temple complex, one independent shrine of Ganesh image is also worshipped. He is called as “Siddha Vinayak”. He is considered as Cintamani Bhakta- batsala and kratu (doer). This icon is also example of an early rudimentary art 14 . Besides it, we found cintamani Ganesh icon at Suvarnameru temple at Sonepur, Siddha Mahavir at puri etc. Somewhere we also found deity Ganesh in Siomhasana in Sukhasana pose and Kanci Ganesh and Natua Ganesh etc founded. There is another type of Ganesh also seen in Orissan temples i.e. called as sakti Ganesh who is worshipped with his wives siddhi, Riddhi, Bighneswari. The dancing Ganeshas are shown in six, eight and sixteen handed. This type of Ganesh basically we found in rare places in Madhapur of Jajpur district. Besides it, we found two and five faces Ganesh images in some places. There is in addition a rare example at charda where, he is riding on his mount and he has five heads and is accompanied by his Shakti who is seated on his left thigh. The motif of nratta Ganesh seldom appears on odishan temples prior to the 10-11 th Centuries suggesting it was probably popularized by the somavamsi kesaries moving into odisha from chhatisgarh. Basically, in Jajpur district Ganesh icon is always related with saivite cults. In Jajpur, many Saivite temples like Sidheswar, Trilochaneswar, Uttareswar, Laliteswar, Kusumeswar, Kilateswara, Mahavinayak, Pranayameswar, Gokarneswar, Bilveswar, Tilakeswar, Gangeswar, Someswara, Akhandaleswar etc. are existing. In those temples we found Ganesh images as Parsvadevata in different forms. The images of Ganesh can be grouped into three broad modes with variations in accordance with the (1) Seated, (2) Standing and (3) Dancing 15 and only the images representing the first two types are found in Jajpur. We do not find any dancing images from this region. Most probably this motive of Ganesh was not popular among the artists of Jajpur. In addition to these Chandikhole Mahavinayak presents a different iconographic feature with five god heads in one Lingam. It is one of the rare Ganesh images in India. There are 3 types of Ganesh images found in Jajpur.16 1. The image seated in Ardha paryankasana, PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 22 ISSN 2321-659X 2. The image in Lalitasana pose and these images are without mouse, they are seated rarelystanding, holding in the fourhands a radish, a japamala, an upraised kuthara and a bowl of sweets, the snakes are shown as the belt and the upavita. The head usually does not show any jatamukuta. The pedestal is either plain or occupies by a dish of flowers or fruits placed on a tripod, sometimes planked by two lions. 3. Standing images. These images are with mouse which is standing holding in the upper right hand a broken tusk, in the lower, a japamala the lower left land a Kuthara placed up side down. A snake is shown as the upavita and the head wears a jatamukuta. The pedestal consists of a full blown lotus; the mouse appears on the either side of the deity or on the pedestal below the feet of God. On the early temples, we found Ganesh in seated pose of ardhaprayankasana with yogapati of serpents. While accompanying the saptamatrikas, he is seated in lalitasana. 17 . But in the beginning of 10 th century, the seated pose is generally replaced by the image of Ganesh in standing pose. It is said that Dwadasa Ganeshas are existing in Jajpur district. Though, there are not any archaeological and puranic evidences about the identification of Ganeshimages in Jajpur but according to Baishnab Ch. Das, 18 that there are twelve famous Ganesh icons are existed in Jajpur. These are such as: - Ekadanta Ganesh icon in the right door of varaha temple, Mahakaya Ganesh in Rupeswar temple, Kapila Ganesh in varaha temple, Gajakarna near Saptamatrika, Lambodara near Agastiswara, Bikata near Brahmakundatank, Bighneswar on the right side wall of Biraja temple, Vinayak in Trilochaneswara temple, Dhumaketu in Kapileswar temple, Ganadhayaksha in Siddheswar temple, Bhalachandra in the village of Narasinghpur, and Gajanana in Vilveswara temple. But this identification of Ganesh is true of false, it is not proved. Among them Gajakarna near Sapatamatrika is called Siddha Ganesh or Buddha Ganesh. The seated images of Ganesh are found in good numbers and as dilapidated sculptures at Jajpur. In this respect, the image seated in Ardhaparyank is depicted in four hands with all usual attributes. The proboscis is generally curled up and placing a sweet in the mouth, where as in some places, the proboscis seems to pluck sweets from the modaka patra held by the deity in the left hand. We found one such image at Someswar temple. He has forehands of which the uplifted back right hand holds a rosary; the lower right hand being rested on the uplifted knee holds a radish. In the lower left hand is placed a modakapatra where as the uplifted back hand holds a kuthara. The deity is facing to the left which the proboscis curled up and placing a sweet in the mouth. The hair is arranged in a Karanda PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 23 ISSN 2321-659X mukuta. The image wears a naga yajnopavita and some ornaments. This image may be of 8 th century A.D. Another image with lalitasana pose is found with Saptamatrikas at Dasaswamedhaghat of Jajpur. Here, the image of Ganesh is found seated in Lalitasana pose. This may be assigned to 10 th century A.D. He is worshipped here as “Siddha Genesh” or “Buddha Ganesh”. This image is four-armed with a tusk in the upper right hand and a kuthara in the upper left hand. The lower right hand in Varadamudra holds a rosary where as the lower left hand hold a modakapatra forming the deity plucks sweet with the proboscis. The head is adorned with jata-mukuta decorated with a kirttimukha. He is adorned Yanjnopovita and ornaments like necklace, armlet and anklet. His mount is a big mouse carved under his seat. This huge Ganesh image is regarded as the biggest sitting Ganesh in Odisha. 19 We found the third type Ganesh i.e. in standing pose at the temples of Akhandaleswar, Siddheswar, and varaha and also in the Brahmakunda tank of Jajpur. This icon may belong to 10 th century A.D. These Ganesh images are depicted with all usual attributes and the head is generally facing forward with a proboscis extending to the left. It seems to pluck sweets from the modakpatra held by the deity in the left hand. His mount mouse is also beautifully carved. A beautifully carved image of Ganesh of 12 th century is found near the Garuda at Madhapur. The image is housed in a shrine where the main deity is an Ekamukha-linga being worshipped as Ardhanariswara. In this temple, the image of Ganesh stands in duibhanga pose with a broken proboscis. The figure is four-armed, but two hands have survived. The upper right hand holds a broken tusk and the lower left, a kuthara, and vidyadharas are present in upper corners of the back slab. The hair of the deity is arranged in jata-mukuta. He wears a naga-yajnopavita, a bell garland along with some ornaments like anklets, armlets, formed of serpents. His mount mouse is beautifully carved on the pedestal. There is an attendant on either side at the base. Two contemporaneous images are found depicted in the temples of Vilveswar and Gokarneswar at Dharamasala. In the District of Jajpur, Dharmasala P.S. is a vast area having rich cultural heritage. The Gokarneswar temple is situated on the bank of Brahmani River besides the N.H.5 near Jaraka in the Jajpur district. The Vimana of the temple possesses Parswa devatas belonging to Ganga period which are attached in the lower jangha of central raha. The southern Parswa Devata is a four handed standing Ganesh. He holds a sweet in upper left hand, the upper right hand holds conforming blessing form. The lower right hand holds an akshamala and the lower left hand holds a Kuthara, Iconographically they are very similar with each other inspite of all these differences. We found the depiction of mouse which divides the images of Ganesh into two broad categories PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 24 ISSN 2321-659X i.e. early and later. Because we found most of the images of early period are depicted without mouse where as in later Ganesh image in shown with vehicle mouse 20 . According to R.L. Mitra, The Mahavinayak or Barunibanta hill is included in the estate of killa Darpan or later called Darpana. It cannot be taken as an antiquity but this place attracts the Pilgrims because Lord Ganesh is worshiped here. This ancient temple is situated on the halfway of the hill having roof and walls of modern type. 21 The Jajpur district, one prominent place is also famous for Ganapataya cult known as Mahavinayak in Chandikhole. In the religious shrine, pancha kshetra occupies a prominent place. Out of which puri is known as Vishnu kshetra, Konark as ‘ArkaKshetra ‘, Bhubaneswar as ‘Saiva Kshetra,’ Viraja of Jajpur as ‘Sakti Kshetra’ and Mahavinayak of Chandikhole as ‘Siddhi Kshetra’. This place is famous as Siddhi Kshetra because people use to get Siddhi only after worshipping lord Ganesh. Chandikhole valley of the Mahavinayak hill is famous in Odisha on account of the existence of the famous temple Lord Vinayak (Ganesh) on its shape which is regarded as the first of Panchadevatas (five deities). The priests, local people and the visitors chant the following mantras during their visits. 22 “Gane Narayane Rudre Ambika Bhaskare Tatha Vinnavinna Na Kartavyam pancha Deva Namastute.” The distinct feature which singles out is worship of 5 deities in one icon. It is not found in any other place of India. All the deities found at Mahavinayak are source of ‘Sakti’. It is a rare combination of Lord Ganesh with the presence of his father Lord Mahadeva, and mother Devi Ambika, Vishnu the preserver of the whole universe and the Suryadevata, the source of infinite energy. The importance of this place is a large piece of rock of 3.6576 meters (12 feet) in circumference, oval at the top, and has three faces in front. The middle face bears a head trunk of an elephant. The portion where the out-crop elongates (towards NE) is imagined as Ganesh. He is beside Sakti. If the circle is completed, then he comes between Mahadeva and Durga.it is worshipped as Svayambhu. On the staylistic ground, it is compared with Raja Rani temple of late Somavamsi period. The plan is of pancharatha. The right face is revered as representation of Siva and knot over the left full face represents the bound up tresses of the Goddess Gouri. At a short distance of about 9.144 meters (30 feet) higher up from the temple, originates beautiful spring. A few steps above the waterfall are eight images of Siva called Astalinga. The temple built by Gajapati king Anangabhimadeva, fell into ruins and in 1860 A.D was partly restored by Baidyanth pandit, the ex-Zamidar of Darpani ex-estate. 23 In this way, we found different types of Ganeshas in all Saivite temples. There is no special temple for Ganesh in Jajpur district. Many special rituals are maintained on special occasions like Ganesh Chaturthi. Orissa also has a tradition of tusker bath (Gajaaviseka) known as Snana purnima . It is a story that one devotee of Ganapatya cult known as Ganapati Bhatta has come to puri has coincided with the PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 25 ISSN 2321-659X snana purnima tithi. To him, the triumverate did not look like Gaja or Ganesha. But with his prayer on revisiting the snanapurnima he saw that trinity in hattigaja besa. The snana purnima is a tithi in Madala panji, popularly, the Snana Purnima ritual is also known as Gajavesa. 24 Ganesh is pan-indo-Asian enigma. In all the pan-indo Asian monographs and puly- graphs ‘Ganesh in Odisha’ has not been dealt upon. Like many cults, Jajpur district also is very much popular for Ganapatya Cult. It is said that, at Jajpur proper there are eleven Rudras, thirteen Rudra. 25 Astabhairavas, Dawadasa Ganesha,Astasambhu etc, that manifest how saivism has vigorously spread in the whole region. Saivism at Jajpur was once at the pinnacle of its glory and it stands at per with the great Saiva Centre, Bhubaneswar. The only difference between the two temple cities is that Bhubaneswar survived through the ravages of time whereas Jajpur could not. During the external invasion, they have lost their original shrine and collected latter on in the process of survival. Hence, the Sivalingams and sculptures cannot be definitely ascertained to which period they belonged. Though the late medieval centuries Jajpur had experienced the vandalism of both human and nature as a result of which the city of temple has been reduced to ruins. CONCLUSION Form the above observation; it is proved that Jajpur is the prominent centre of Ganapatya cult. Though lord Ganesh is worshiped as the Parsa Devata in Odishan, temples yet at one places of Jajpur district, He is worshipped in the Linga symbol i.e. Mahavinayak temple of Chandikhole. Jajpur played a very important role in the spiritual, cultural history of Odisha. This district witnessed the rise and fall of different religions here. Different kings gradually patronized Saiva, Sakta, Vaishnab, Ganapatya, Buddha, Jaina cults. A number of stone temples on both sides of Vaitarani constructed mostly in a very respectable style of architecture speak of the glorious past of place and history informs us that is was formerly one of the capitals of Odisha. A Stirling, 26 noted scholar of British Odisha describes Jajpur as Biraja Kshetra. In his words, “the Biraja or Parvati Kshetra comprises the country which stretches for five cosas around the village of Jajpur (Yagyapura) on the banks of Bytarini. The sanctity of the place is found on a variety of fanciful notions and wild traditions which would be tedious to details at any length”. Though many Sculptural works were destroyed through the ravages of time, yet many more also exist till today by which we know Jajpur as a great centre of all the religions. According to K.C. Panigrahi, “As a major centre of art, it is only comparable to Bhubaneswar and had originally as many temples as the latter had”. But leaving only a few, the rest had been destroyed and their architectural and sculptural fragments are now found affixed to the monuments including modern temples. Some are still lying scattered in different places. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 26 ISSN 2321-659X REFERENCES AND NOTES 1. N. C. Behuria (Ed.); Odisha District Gazetteers , Cuttack, Gazetteers unit, Department of Revenue, Govt. of Odisha, Cuttack, 1996, P. 1043-1051. 2. A. K. Pattanayak; ‘Bhaumakars and Somavamsis (brief historical sketch)’ in Gopinath Mohanty and others (Eds), in Cultural Heritage of Jajpur , State Level Vyasakabi Fakirmohan Smruti Sansad, Bhubaneswar, 2005, P. 46-54. 3. Viraja Kshetra Mahatmya , Ch. IV, Vrs, 34 New Delhi, 1984. 4. The Odisha Historical Research Journal , Published by Odisha State Museum, Bhubaneswar, (1953-54), Vol-I I, P. 85. 5. Sri Asutosh Panda; “Saivism”, in Gopinath Mohanty (Eds), Op. Cit. P. 114. 6. Epigraphic Indica , Vol. XXIX, P. 169-174. 7. G. C. Praharaj; Purna Chandra Odia Bhasakosa , Cuttack, 1934, P. 6795. 8. T. E. Donaldson; Hindu Temple Art of Odisha , Leiden, 1985, Vol.1, P. 186. 9. Ibid. Vol. III, P. 1052. 10. R. G. Bhandarkar; Vaishnavism, Saivasism, and other Minor Religious Systems , Varanasi, 1965, P. 148-150, and J.N. Banerjea; Development of Hindu Iconography , Calcutta, 1956, P. 354. 11. D. Bhattachary; “Ganesh in Odisha:- Discussion II” in A.K Pattanayak (Ed ) Utkal Historical Research Journa l, P.G. Dept. of History, Utkal University, Vol.XX,2007, P. 14 & 15. 12. W. W. Hunter; Odisha Vol.1, Smith elder & Co, London, 1872, Illustration, No. XIII, P. 189. 13. D. Bhattacharya; Op.Cit . P. 17. 14. Ibid. P. 18 & 19 15. K. S. Behera and Thomas Donaldson; Sculpture Masterpieces from Odisha: Style and Iconography , New Delhi, 1998, P. 65. 16. A. Panda; Saivite Monuments of Jajpur , Unpublished Ph.D. thesis submitted to Utkal University for award of Ph.D. in History, 2007, P. 179 & 180. 17. T. E. Donaldson; Op. cit. P. 1053. 18. Ekadashi Padhi; Yuge Yuge Jajpur (O), Cuttack, 2002, P. 115. 19. R. P. Mohapatra; Archaeology in Odisha,(Sites and Monuments) , Vol–II, B.R. Publishing corporation, Delhi, 1986, P. 48. 20. K. C. Panigrahi; Archaeological Remains at Bhubaneswar , Culcutta, 1961, P.126 21. R. L. Mitra; the Antiquities of Odisha , Kolkata, 1880, P. 371 & 372. 22. The Dharitri (O) dated. 04.02.2006. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 27 ISSN 2321-659X 23. N. C. Behuria (Chief Editor); Op. Cit. P. 1017 & 1018 24. D. Bhatacharya; “Ganesh in Odisha, Discussion – IV” in A.K. Pattanayak (Ed.), UTKAL Historical Research Journal , Vol.XXII, P.G. Department of History Utkal University 2009, P. 66 & 67. 25. R. P. Mohapatra; Op. Cit. P. 45 26. B. Mallick; “Scholars Account on Jajpur” in G. Mohanty (Eds), Op.Cit. P. 318 & 319. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 28 ISSN 2321-659X SocioSocio----religiousreligious Dimensions of Votive Inscriptions on the Buddhist Sculptures from Early Medieval Jhewari, ChittagongChittagong.... Birendra Nath Prasad . INTRODUCTION In a significant section of Buddhological historiography, the preferred approach has been to study Buddhism through the prism of its textual tradition. This approach might be having its own advantages, but it has resulted into a gradual narrowing down of our understanding of complexities of ‘lived’ Buddhism in India. Texts, being monastically produced and controlled, offer us just one side of the complex picture. They reveal many things, but conceal much more. 1 One of the methods to unravel some aspects of these complexities is to study votive inscriptions on Buddhist images. This has indeed been attempted by G. Schopen in the case of early historical votive inscriptions on Buddhist images. 2 His findings have forced us to reconsider many generally held notions. This kind of study remains a sad desideratum for early medieval Indian Buddhism. In this paper, an attempt will be made to understand socio- religious dimensions of votive inscriptions that were discovered from Chittagong area. Our database is formed by votive inscriptions on bronze images discovered at Jhewari. They have been studied by R.P.Chanda, N.N.Law, K.N.Dikshit and Debala Mitra. We shall be basing our analysis on the basis of the data provided by them. Chittagong area offers some peculiarities which are generally not found in the rest of early medieval Bengal. Chittagong area formed a kind of conduit between Bengal and Burma’s Arakan coast where we have evidence of the existence of a Sanskritized kingdom by at least 6 th century AD. 3 Chittagong area, as noted by B.M. Morrison, was a part of the state of Samata or Harikela. It was less forested than Sylhet area, but more forested that Comilla, the heartland of early medieval Samata -Harikela. 4 It may also be noted that by 8 th -9th century AD, after the decline of the port cities of West Bengal (T āmralipti and Chandraketugarh), maritime focus of Bengal shifted to the east, towards the Chittagong coast. 5 We may reasonably assume that this area must have benefited from this shift. Yet, agrarian potentials of this area remained quite underutilized in the early medieval period and even beyond. Shifting agriculture has survived, not only in the hill tracts of this area, but also in the intervening zone between the hills and the coastal plains 6. This pattern has survived till the late 20 th century. The eventual result was late Sanskritization of native tribes – Moghas and Tripuris -- of this area 7. It may also be noted that in Chittagong area, Buddhism had a significant role in tribal state formation, their consolidation and legitimization during the early PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 29 ISSN 2321-659X medieval period. 8 This aspect is generally lacking for Brahmanism in this area. To sum up, Buddhism seems to have had a privileged role in this area, at least from the 8 th century AD. Buddhism has survived as a living religion in this area. 9 JHEWARI BRONZE IMAGES AND VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS ON THEM This long introduction was essential to understand the context of votive inscriptions on Buddhist bronze images from this area. Before we proceed to analyse the socio-religious dimensions of votive inscriptions on these images, it is pertinent on our part to give a grief description of the dating of these images and inscriptions on the same. These sculptures, though related to the general art historical trends of Bihar and Bengal, have an individuality of their own and they indicate the existence of a distinctly local school of art in Chittagong area. 10 The most flourishing phase of this school was the 9 th -10 th centuries AD, though images continued to be made long afterwards. 11 One will also agree with Debala Mitra that these images must have been donated to some Buddhist religious centre through the devotion and piety of the devout Buddhists. 12 D.C.Sircar’s analysis of the palaeography of inscriptions has suggested that these inscriptions are products of some one hundred years (850-950 AD). 13 To sum up, the most flourishing phase of this centre was the period when the marmite focus of Bengal has shifted to the Chittagong coast. Even a cursory look at the very geographical location of Jhewari – about 7KM east of the mouth of the Karnaphulli and 8 KM east of the Bay of Bengal -- will make us assume that this centre could have participated in the Indian Ocean network. It could have interacted with the hill tracts of Chittagong through the Karnaphulli River. These things shall be quite pertinent when we will study votive inscriptions on images from Chittagong area. One more thing needs to be noted here. Out of the 86 images from Jhewari, which were studied by Chanda, K.N.Dixit, N.N.Law and Debala Mitra, an overwhelming majority is formed by the images of the Buddha in Bh ūmispar śa mudr ā. Religious fervour of Jhewari bronzes appears to be predominantly Mahayanist. This is despite the presence of some typical Vajray āna deities (T ārā, Chu ṇḍā, Padmap āṇi Avalokite śvara, Vasudh ārā etc.).Similarity, many donors have claimed the status of great lay follower of Mah āyāna, but none has claimed the same for Vajray āna. In this pattern at least, Chittagong experience is similar to what we see in rest of early medieval Bihar and Bengal. BUDDHIST MONKS AS DONORS OF IMAGES Prominent role of the monks in the donation of images in this area is manifest in many inscriptions. Thus , an inscription on an image of the Buddha in Bh ūmispar śa mudr ā records that this image was the deyadharma of venerable ( Vandya ) Sthavira Śubhadatta , for the purpose of attainment of Anuttara J ňāna by all creatures , headed by his parents. 14 PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 30 ISSN 2321-659X Another inscription on an image of the Buddha in Bh ūmispar śa mudr ā records that this image was the deyadharma of the venerable ( Vandya ) Sthavira Kum ārabhadra , who was a follower of the great Mah āyāna ( Pravara-Mah āyāna- Yāyinah ) , for the purpose of attainment of Anuttara J ňāna by all creatures , headed by his parents and Ācārya. 15 Another inscription on an image of the Buddha in Bh ūmispar śa mudr ā records that this image was the deyadharma of Śā kyabhik ṣu Sthavira Gu ṇadatta .16 Similarly, an inscription on the on an image of the Buddha in Bh ūmispar śa mudr ā has a legend engraved on it, which reads ‘Subhadatta Sanghase ṇi. As per D.C.Sircar, they are the incorrect renderings of the names of two individuals – Śubhadatta and Sa ṅghasena – and this Śubhadatta was most likely to be the identical with the Sthavira Śubhadatta mentioned above. 17 So this is also a case of donation of an image by a monk, in the company of a person, who could well happen to be a monk. No motive (attainment of supreme knowledge by all creatures etc.) has been mentioned here. DONORS FROM UNSPECIFIED BACKGROUND A fragmentary inscription on an image of the Buddha in Bh ūmispar śa mudr ā records that this image was donated for securing Anuttara J ňāna by all creatures. 18 As this inscription is fragmentary, the name of the donor is lost ant it not possible for us to determine whether he was a monk or an up āsaka . Similarly, an inscription on an inscription on an image of the Buddha in Bh ūmispar śa mudr ā records that this image was the deyadharma of Vimala śī la. 19 We are not sure whether he was a monk or an up āsaka , but as the former has not been claimed in the inscription, so chances of the latter are higher. LAY DONORS AND THEIR DONATIONS We have evidences of donations by lay donors as well. Thus a fragmentary inscription on an image of the Buddha in Bh ūmispar śa mudr ā records that this image was the deyadharma of a person who has been described as Pravara-Mah āyāna- Yāyinah and son of Chandravijaya. 20 The name of the donor is lost, so are some of the portions of the passage which deals with the motive behind undertaking this gift. Available portions suggest that this image was granted for the religious merit of the parents of the donor. 21 This reminds us once again that as a religion, despite its emphasis on monkhood and renunciation, Buddhism did cater to the worldly spiritual needs of its followers. We have evidences of donations of some typical Vajray āna gods and goddesses as well but the inscriptions on these images are very short and they don’t provide any information regarding the social background of the donor or the aims behind the donation of that particular image. Thus an inscription on an image of Tārā, containing the usual Buddhist creed formula in the first five lines, records that this image was the religious gift of PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 31 ISSN 2321-659X Paramop āsaka Kadainda .22 We have two instances of donation of images of Padmap āṇi Avalokite śvara . The inscription on an image of Padmap āṇi Avalokite śvara records that this image was the deyadharma of Śrī Haritika .23 An inscription on another image of the same god records that this image was the deyadharma of Nagirika .24 No other detail has been provided in these inscriptions. CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS Our analysis of votive inscriptions on these images from Jhewari area of Chittagong has left us with some difficult questions. In a fundamental contrast to most of the votive inscriptions on images from early medieval Bihar and Bengal, in which we see the recording of the day and date of the donation of the image with reverence to the regnal year of the ruling king of that area, this aspect is simply lacking in inscriptions from Chittagong area. Coastal plains of Chittagong formed part of Samata ṭa - or Harikela , in fact they formed the core areas of different states of Harikela .Hence it is not easy to explain this absence of any reference to the ruling king in any of the inscription. Similarly, we don’t know why we don’t have a single example of mercantile patronage in the installation of Buddhist images. In a situation when the emergence of this school of Buddhist art flourishing at some Buddhist centre(s) of this area coincided with the shift of the maritime focus of Bengal to this area; and also in a situation in which Chittagong area was one of the most monetized parts of Bengal; we may legitimately expect a more active presence of merchants as the donors of Buddhist images. To our surprise, this is not the case. In the votive inscriptions on images from Comilla area, we have some instances of donation of Brahmnical images by merchants. In the case of votive inscriptions on images from Chittagong area, merchants are simply absent. In fact, the entire social spectrum of donors in this area appears to be quite narrow. It is apparent that society of Chittagong coast was less complex than what we have seen in the context of Comilla area. Most of the images were donated by the monks themselves. In contrast to Magadha, traders, royal officials, persons from Sāmanta background; rural notables ( Gr āmini and Mahattaras ) and their wives, housewives, artisans etc. are absent. Yet Buddhism continued to flourish without any kind of royal or mercantile patronage in this area. This could have been due to its intricate linkages with other sections of society. Proximity to the Arakan coast of Burma could have been another factor. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 32 ISSN 2321-659X REFERENCES AND NOTES 1. For some observations on limitations of a purely textual study of Indian Buddhism, see Gregory Schopen, ‘Archaeology and Protestant Presuppositions in the Study of Indian Buddhism’, History of Religions , 31 (1), 1991, P. 1-23; Idem, “On Monks, Nuns and 'Vulgar' Practices: The Introduction of the Image Cult into Indian Buddhism”, Artibus Asiae , Vol. 49, No. 1/2 (1988 - 1989), P. 153-168. Also see Birendra Nath Prasad , ‘Major Trends and Perspectives in Studies in the Functional Dimensions of Indian Monastic Buddhism in the Past One Hundred Years: A Historiographical Survey’, Buddhist Studies Review , Journal of the UK Association for Buddhist Studies, London, Vol. 25(1), 2008 , P. 84 ; Idem , ‘Patterns of Patronage and Societal Linkages : Buddhist Monasteries in Early Medieval Bihar and Bengal’ , Paper presented at the International Conference on Buddhist Heritage , Gujarat , organized by Deptt. of Archaeology , M.S. University, Baroda , January 15-17 , 2010 ; Idem , Monasteries , Shrines and Society : Buddhist and Brahmanical Religious Institutions in India in their Socio- Economic Context , Manak Publications , Delhi 2011 , P.15-20. 2. Gregory Schopen, “Filial Piety and the Monk in the Practice of Indian Buddhism: A Question of 'Sinicization' Viewed from the Other Side”, T'oung Pao , Second Series, Vol. 70, Livr. 1/3 (1984), P. 110-126 ; Idem , “On Monks, Nuns and 'Vulgar' Practices: The Introduction of the Image Cult into Indian Buddhism” , Artibus Asiae , Vol. 49, No. 1/2 (1988 - 1989), P. 153-168 3. For an analysis, see E. H. Johnston; ‘Some Sanskrit Inscriptions of Arakan’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , Vol. 11, No. 2 (1944), P. 357-385. 4. B.M. Morrison, Political Centres and Cultural Regions in Early Bengal , Jaipur, 1980 (Indian edition), P.38. 5. Ranabir Chakravarti; ‘Maritime Trade and Voyages in Ancient Bengal’, in his Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, Delhi, 2002, P. 135. 6. David E. Sopher; ‘The Swidden /Wet-Rice Transition Zone in the Chittagong Hills’ , Annals of the Association of American Geographers ,Vol.54 ,No. 19, March 1964, P. 124. 7. Ibid. P.121. 8. See G. Bhattacharya; ‘A Preliminary Note on the Inscribed Metal Vase from the National Museum of Bangladesh’ in D.Mitra (ed.), Explorations in the Art and Archaeology of South Asia: Essays Dedicated to N. G. Majumdar, Calcutta, 1996, P. 237-246. This inscription records the donation of land to a Buddhist monastery by PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 33 ISSN 2321-659X one Dev ātideva Bha ṭṭāraka (8 th century AD), who belonged to the non-Aryan Khasa tribe. He had embraced Buddhism (P. 239). Also see G. Bhattacharya, ‘An Inscribed Metal Vase, Most Probably from Chittagong’ in A.J. Gail and G.J.R. Mevissena (ed.), South Asian Archaeology , 1991, P. 323-338. Also see Birendra Nath Prasad, ‘Major Trends and Perspectives’, P. 81-83; idem, “Monarchs , Monasteries and Trade on an ‘Agrarian Frontier’ : Early Medieval Samata ṭa –Harikela , Bangladesh” , South and South -East Asia : Religion and Culture , Journal of South and Southeast Association for the Study of Culture and Religion , 2008, P. 160-177 . 9. For a survey of living Buddhism in this area, see Sukomal Chaudhury; Contemporary Buddhism in Bangladesh, Calcutta, 1982; A. M. Khan; The Maghs: A Buddhist Community in Bangladesh, Dhaka, 1999. 10. D. Mitra; Bronzes from Bangladesh: a Study of Buddhist Images from District Chittagong , Delhi, 1982, P. VII. 11. Ibid. P. VII. 12. Ibid. P. VII. 13. D.C. Sircar; ‘Inscriptions on the Bronze Images from Jhewari in the Indian Museum’, Journal of Ancient Indian History, Vol. X, 1976-77, P. 111-112. 14. D. Mitra, op.cit . P. 39. 15. Ibid. P. 43. 16. R.P. Chandra; Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1929-30 , Delhi, 1935 , P. 194-95. 17. D.C. Sircar; op.cit. P. 112. 18. D. Mitra; op.cit . P. 42 19. D. Mitra; op.cit. P. 45. 20. K. N. Dikshit; Annual Report of Archaeological Survey of India (ARASI), 1921-22, P. 81-83. 21. Ibid. P. 81-83. 22. Ibid. P. 81-83. P. 81-83. 23. D. Mitra; op.cit. P. 99. 24. K. N. Dikshit; op.cit . P. 81-83. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 34 ISSN 2321-659X A Vajrayana Deity of Eastern India: A Case Study on Goddess Aparajita Pampa Biswas The Vajrayana form of Buddhism, also known as Esoteric Buddhism or Tantric Buddhism is the latest of three major forms of Buddhism to have developed. This form of Buddhism expands more than Mahayana Buddhism and stresses the ability to attain enlightenment, and thus liberation from the endless cycle of rebirth, in just one lifetime. Although Vajrayana ideology may have originated in India as early as the third century C.E., it became more widely practiced only during the eighth and ninth centuries. After the eighth century, this was not only strongly entrenched in eastern India, it spread to Nepal and Tibet (which became a center for Vajrayana Buddhism as well as the major storehouse of its literature), flourished briefly in China, became highly influential in Japan, and would be the basis for a famous monastic university in Indonesia. The form of Buddhism was instrumental in the creation of a rich diversity in iconographic forms. It provides interesting evidence of religious competition, borrowing from other religions, adaptation and incorporation of iconographic symbols and integration of them in the Buddhist framework. This School of Medieval art consists of a considerable number of sculptures representing the Vajrayana forms. Aparajita is one of the major deities of this group and a good number of her sculptures have been recovered from different parts of Eastern India The present paper is to highlight the Iconoplastic art forms of Aparajita, in Eastern Indian sculptural art. This deity does not claim her origin from any of the five Dhyani Buddhas or any combination of them. As her nomenclature shows she has distinct Brahmanical association, however her adaptation came to have definite iconographic orientation. We will trace the iconographic developments of Aparajita, with reference to a few selected sculptures, stylistically assignable from the 7 th / 8 th century AD – 11 th / 12 th century AD. By Eastern India we mean the present states of Bihar, Orissa and West Bengal. Aparajita, the deity of Ratnasambhava group is an interesting creation of Vajrayana Buddhism though her first appearance is noticed in Mahayana Buddhist art. There she appeared as a vanquisher of obstacles ( Vighna s) that obstructed the Buddha from attaining bodhi . The Vajrayanists visualized the goddess Aparajita as an independent goddess having retained her basic characteristics. She delivers a blow against the Maras or Evil ones (aseshamaranirdalant) with her right hand, threatens them with tarjani in the left palm held PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 35 ISSN 2321-659X near the heart and if necessary, fastens them with the pasa. The maras always stood for the obstacles in gaining true knowledge. Aparajita therefore is a conqueror of maras. Through her appearances the Vajrayanists made an attempt to prove their superiority over the Brahmanical Hinduism. The presence of Ganesa in the images of Aparajita can be explained in this light. The appearance of Ganapati in Buddhism was considered as a vighna or obstacle. Regarding the origin of a Buddhist god; Vighnantaka, Benoytosh Bhattacharyya has referred to a 1egend. In the images of Aparajita, Ganesa is seen under the feet of the goddess while she tramples upon Ganesa, and one of her hands is raised in the attitude of dealing a slap. Her parasol is held by important Hindu gods perhaps Indra. The sadhana categorically describes these gods as wicked and ferocious. A very short Sadhana is devoted to her worship, and the Dhyana contained in the Sadhana describes the form of Aparajita thus: “Apar ājitã pit ādvibhujaikamukhl n ānāratnopasobhit ā Ganapatisa- Mākrant ā capeta-dānābhina-yadaksinakar ā, grhltap āsatarjanikahfdayasthi- tavamabhuj ā atibhayahkarakar ālaraudramukhl asesham āranirdalani Brahmadidust āraudradevataparikarocchritacchatr āceti. "1 Aparajita, is yellow in complexion, two armed, one-faced, is decked in various gems, and tramples upon Ganesa. Her right hand is raised, displaying the act of dealing a slap, while the left carries the noose round the raised index finger against her chest. Her face is awful, terrible and ferocious. She is the destroyer of all wicked beings, and her parasol is raised over her head by a host of wicked and ferocious gods, Brahma and others 2. Aparajita plays a significant role in the Buddhist pantheon especially in the story of Sakyamuni’s enlightenment. The concept of Aparajita has been convincingly traced by Janice Leoshiko. She published an article on this Buddhist goddess and tried to highlight the identity of the goddess, her origin and crucial function in the historical moment of Sakyamuni’s life 3. In an early stele from Sarnath depicting the Maravijaya scene (fig. I), there appear two other female figures besides Mara’s daughter 4. One holds a water pot while the other makes the gesture of warning. The figure with the pot is none other than the well known earth goddess. The other figure has been described by the 7 th century Chinese pilgrim Xuan zang as a second earth goddess who came running to warn Shakyamuni about Mara. According to Leoshiko this second earth goddess is no doubt Aparajita. She conclude 5 that, this angry and warning figure changed in the Pala period (c. 9 th century onwards) into an angry goddess trampling either an enemy or the obstacle ( Vighna ) in the shape of an elephant, holding a slapping gesture or chapeta-dana-mudra . From her work, it is evident that the angry goddess PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 36 ISSN 2321-659X Aparajita, originated in Bodhgaya itself and in the Pala period. Earlier scholars who investigated various aspects of this goddess include Benoytosh Bhattachryya 6; S.K.Saraswati 7; Debala Mitra 8; Marie Therese de Mallmann 9, and recent scholars like Janice Leoshko 10 , Anusua Sengupta 11 ; Mallar Mitra 12 ; Claudine Bautze-Picron 13 ; Mallar Mitra 14 ; Claudine Bautze-Picron 15 ; Gouriswar Bhattacharya 16 . They have mostly worked on images found from different sites of eastern India. In the famous 10 th century maravijaya scene the earth goddess is shown seated with a pot in her hands, while the second figure tramples the two armed elephant headed vighna in the pratyalidha attitude. On some of these maravijaya-depictions of the Pala period she is seen as whistling with her right hand and left hand is flung in the air as if waving. In an early Pala sculpture from Bodhgaya her attitude changes. Her right hand is raised in a threatening posture. This form is further developed on the other pedestal representations including two stone images, one from Kurkihar (now in the Indian Museum, Kolkata, and datable to the ninth tenth century A.D.) The other from Jagdishpur (now enshrined in a modern temple at Jagdishpur near Nalanda and datable to the tenth century A.D.) where the female is seen as trampling upon Ganesa. Bautze-Picron illustrates a depiction of bodhi from Ghosravan where Aparajita is shown trampling a male figure. She describes 17 , “Aparajita tramples also a human figure on a 9th c. image of the Buddha attaining the enlightenment still to be seen at Ghosravan, a site located to the east of Nalanda. But on all other known examples, staring (! starting) already from Pachar Hills, north of Gaya, up to the Jagdishpur image, it is a figure with elephant head which the goddess destroys.” In the following pages the representations and iconoplastic features of the Buddhist goddess Aparajita in Eastern India School of medieval art has been discussed. In this school of art we found three varieties of Aparajita images on the basis of her number of hands. This was Spooner, who first time discovers a stone image of Aparajita from Nalanda district of Bihar 18 , which is now housed in the Nalanda Archaeological site museum. Since then a number of images have been recovered from various sites. These images reflect not only the popularity of Buddhism and the transformation it (Buddhism) was undergoing but also the contemporary socio-religious atmosphere of India in general. TWO ARMED VARIETY APARAJITA IMAGES We got a large number of two armed variety Aparajita in this school of art. One of them is a slab depicting the figure of Aparajita was found from Badgaon, Nalanda 19 . The image (height 18"), made of stone, is particularly damaged. Aparajita is dressed in a sari stretched between her legs and tied by a girdle the ends of which hang down. She decked in PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 37 ISSN 2321-659X bangles, a necklace, an upavita, earstuds and perhaps a mukuta (damaged). The hair of the goddess is tied in a bun. The face is damaged. Hence the expression of her face cannot be determined. The goddess is two-armed. Her raised right hand displays the chapetadana- mudra and the left hand resting near the chest shows the tarjani . She stands in the alidha posture, trampling upon the pot-bellied Ganesa, who is lying on his left side. In this image also the parasol-bearer is not represented. The other specimen (fig. II) of this museum is also broken and only the upper portion is extant (Courtesy: Huntington, John C. and Susan L. Archive). The extant portion shows the deity (almost in a static nuance) wearing a mukuta, karnakundalas, hara, an ornamented katibandhani and other ornaments and sari. Her right hand shows the chapetadana gesture. Most probably a male attendant (its head is partially seen beside the right thigh of the goddess) holds the parasol above her head. The parasol bearer is probably a depiction of Indra, at least his facial features does not resemble that of Brahma. The apsidal stele of the image contain an inscription (Buddhist creed) and its edges decorated with an outer border of flame-like motifs followed by an inner scroll of floral motifs. Below the parasol are wave-like circular scrolls. Another image housed in the Nalanda Museum is very interesting (fig. III). It is fragmentary and its lower half (the upper half being unfortunately lost) represents the goddess in the pratyalidha pose, stepping out towards the right with the proper left knee advanced and the left foot trampling upon a prostrate figure of Ganesa, the elephant-headed Hindu god of wisdom. It is on the strength of the very distinct label ‘ Ganapatisamakranta’ that the figure has been identified to be that of the Buddhist goddess Aparajita The figure to the proper right of the principal goddess appears to be Indra and the rod held by him seems to be holding the parasol. Had it been complete, as remarked by Bhattacharya, it would have been possible to find the chapetadana-mudra in the right hand of the goddess and the noose with the raised index finger in the left, and a parasol over her head in continuation of the broken handle. This identification is further confirmed when compared to a traditional drawing of Aparajita, secured from the native painters of Nepal. To further confirm this image as that of Aparajita, there is another interesting image of a later period, slightly mutilated and housed in the Patna Museum of Bihar 20 (fig. IV), it resembles the Nalanda fragment in the lower portion, and the complete image exactly follows the directions as given in the canon. The goddess stands in the alidha posture with right foot placed on the pedestal and the left foot on the right leg of the pot-bellied two armed Ganesa, wearing a short cloth, anklets, bangles, armlets and a tiara. The goddess shows the attitude of giving a slap with the right hand and the tarjani mudra with the left hand. A male attendant PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 38 ISSN 2321-659X holds the umbrella above her head. She is draped in a sari and is adorned with different types of ornaments. The image was discovered from Pachar hill near Bihar. Another beautiful two-armed image of Aparajita now housed in Gaya Museum, Bihar (fig. V). This two armed deity is alike with the image of previous one, however, in this image the goddess shown trampling a male figure. The measurement of the image is about 65 cm.× 33 cm. ×18 cm. and ornamented in a very simple manner. The stele is beautifully curved on the edge. A limestone slab depicting the figure of Aparajita in a niche discovered at Antichak 21 , Bihar (fig. VI). The goddess is represented with heavy jata and wears ornaments like kundalas armlets and bangles. She is shown trampling upon a prostrate figure of Ganesa. She has two arms and a face. Her right hand is raised in the act of delivering a slap ( chapatadana- mudra ) to Ganesa while the left hand holds the hair of Ganesa who is shown half fallen with folded hands. At the Sarnath museum a fragmented image of Aparajita is also preserved belongs to 11 th century A.D (fig. VII). The upper part and lower part of the image is totally missing, only the bust portion of the goddess and the parasol bearer are exist. The Archaeological Site Museum at Ratnagiri 22 in Orissa has a stone image of Aparajita (fig. VIII). In this image the goddess is seated on a couch with her right leg tucked up on the seat and the left one hanging down and placed over the head of an elephant-headed figure shown crouching beneath the seat. She has her right hand lifted up in the attitude of delivering a slap, while her left hand is raised against her breast with some object, probably a noose. This figure was identified with the Buddhist goddess Aparajita, as the elephant – headed figure is evidently that of Ganesa, who, according to the Sadhana , is to be trampled upon by the Buddhist goddess Aparajita, A red sand stone image of Aparajita was discovered from the Lalitgiri monastery complex and now housed in the nearby sculpture shed (fig. IX). In this image the two armed goddess is standing in pratyalidha posture. The goddess most probably shows the attitude of giving a slap with the right hand which is unfortunately broken and the left hand is placed near the breasts with tarjani mudra . Her face is broad with half-closed eyes and bears a grave facial expression. She is dressed in a sari and a folded uttariya which passing across her back floats in front over the two arms. The goddess is bejeweled with anklets of two strings, a number of bangles joined by a double-stringed clasp, beaded armlets with a central ornate triangular projection, a necklace of two beaded strings and large ear-studs. She wears a jata like mukuta . PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 39 ISSN 2321-659X The right foot of the goddess is resting on an elephant like animal and her left foot bent at the knee, is placed over a crouching elephant. A female attendant holds a decorated parasol which is seen over the head of the goddess in the top of the back – slab. In the left corner of the upper part of the stele a flying Vidyadhara and near the left leg of the goddess a chowri bearer are seen. On stylistic ground this image may be assigned to 10 th – 12 th centuries C.E. Another image of Aparajita, is partially embedded (the pedestal portion) at Udaigiri 23 , Cuttack, Orissa (fig. X). The image (about 74 cm high and 68 cm wide) is damaged. The head along with the neck, a part of the right foot and the right arm of the goddess and the top of the back-slab are lost. With sturdy limbs and robust body, the image appears to be of a compelling forcefulness and vigorous energy. She dressed with a sari (with a part stretched between the two legs) and an uttariya the ends of which flutter by her sides. The goddess is standing in the alidha posture, her left foot trampling the back and head of Ganesa, holding possibly a dagger with his right palm. The right hand of the goddess presumably depicting the chapetadana mudra is missing. The damaged left palm resting against the breast shows the tarjani mudra. On the right of the main deity is a female draped in a sati clasped by a beaded band and bejeweled with anklets, valayas , a beaded hara and ear-rings. She is holding the long staff, presumably of the parasol which is supposed to be above the head of Aparajita. Below the feet of the parasol bearer is the upper portion of a human who is lying behind the right leg of the goddess. He may be an associate of Mara and the figure under the right foot of the goddess was possibly Mara himself. To the left of Aparajita, is a standing female companion, draped by sati and adorned with various ornaments. She is possibly holding a sack with its rope tied round hr left wrist; the object in her raised hand is not identified. It is ascribable to about the eighth century A.D. The Indian Museum also has two images of Aparajita originally discovered from Bihar Sharif 24 . One of the image (fig. XI) is only slightly mutilated but is complete, and resembles the Nalanda fragment in the lower portion, while the whole image follows with precision, the directions given in the Sadhana quoted above. This black stone goddess tramples a male figure holding a sword with a knife in sheath tied to his waist. The goddess shows the attitude of giving a slap with the right hand and the tarjani mudra with the left hand. A male attendant holds the umbrella above her head. The sculpture has been identified by scholars like Stella Kamrische 25 and others as representing Durga. But Sengupta rightly described the image as that of the Buddhist goddess Aparãjitã, because in Sadhanmala she is as ashesha – mara - nirdalani . The prostrate male figure below the feet of the goddess may stand either as a mara or a wicked enemy. The image is inscribed on the pedestal which PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 40 ISSN 2321-659X Sengupta has failed to notice. She finds the seventh century physiognominal feature in the image, while Bautze-Picron 26 dates the sculpture in the early 8 th c. and describes it as the “oldest independent representation of this deity in Bihar”, and gives the find-spot as Nalanda. Another image 27 is partially damaged and is also inscribed in the lower portion. This image was originally found from Nalanda. In this image the goddess is shown trampling a two armed, elephant headed male figure holding a knife in the right hand and she is in pratyalidha posture. A demonic figure to the proper right is holding the parasol over her head. According to palaeographic characters she dates the image in the 10 th century CE and after the description of Sadhanamala 204 calls the deity ganapata-samakranta i.e. one who tramples Ganapati. We are not sure if we would call this two-armed, knife-holding figure as ganapati 28 ? An image of Aparajita 29 presently in the Asutosh Museum of Calcutta University is carved on an architectural slab. In this image, the two armed goddess besides showing with her palms, the capetadanabhinaya and tarjani , is trampling upon Ganapati. Other iconographic traits are similar to the earlier ones. Similar to the Nalanda images is the lower part of an image of Aparajita, now preserved in the Akshyaya Kumar Maitreya Museum (fig. XII), University of North Bengal 30 . The measurement is about 33×32×12.5 cm. It is made of blackish grey stone and hails from English Bazar, Malda. It is datable to c. 10 th century CE. The deity is in Ganapatisamakranta pose, standing on a semicircular triratha pedestal having two mouldings at the base and top with a recess in between. Within the recessed part is a lotus-stem from which have issued stalks, each ending in a lotus. She wears a sari (folds marked by groups of double incised lines) decorated with incised flowers and fastened by a girdle of two strings (one beaded), from which hang down three strings (the central one chain-shaped, ending in a floral pattern and the flanking two, cable shaped, ending in bell-shaped buds) and semicircular strings (one plain and the other beaded) she wears anklets having two strings (one plain and the other beaded). The umbrella-bearer of the goddess is not visible in this image. Though the hands of this image are not available, it is very likely that the image was originally four-armed just like her companion and held the same attributes which have been found in the Patna Museum. The back side of the torso of the deity is cut out. The back-slab is unfinished. The goddess Aparajita stands in the alidha posture with her right foot placed on the pedestal and her left foot on the trunk of the pot-bellied four armed Ganesa, wearing a short cloth, anklets, bangles, armlets, a tiara and jatamukuta . His lower right palm with raised tarjani holds a plain rosary (?). In his upper right is parasu and in the upper left a radish, the lower left palm is broken. The proboscis is turned towards his left. A four armed female figure is standing in the left PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 41 ISSN 2321-659X side of the deity. She wears a sari held by a beaded band and a fold scarf, anklets, beaded upavita , a row of bangles, a necklace with a string and row of short petals etc. She also stands in alidha posture, holding a sword in her right hand while displaying the capetadantamudra with the upper right. The upper left hand holds a shield and the lower left displays the tarjani- mudra . Above the companion is the motif of a lion above an elephant. A blackish stone image of Aparajita is displayed in the Birla Academy of Art and Culture Museum, Kolkata 31 . The exact find spot of the image (fig. XIII) is not known but the artistic style of this image shows that it hailed from Eastern India. This ninth-tenth century image is in an excellent state of preservation. In this specimen, Aparajita is standing in the pratyalidha posture, her left foot resting on a visvapadma. Her right foot with leg bent at knee, is placed on a single-petalled lotus. She shows with her raised right palm (with a circular mark) the chapetadana-mudra and the left hand (thumb and little finger joined and the three other fingers raised) is placed near the breasts tied by a breast-band. With a circular mark on the forehead, a broad face and half-closed eyes she bears a grave facial expression. Between the two legs of Aparajita is the figure of the pot-bellied Ganesa who has apparently fallen down. His right hand and right leg are partly under the single-petalled lotus pressed by the right foot of the goddess. His facial expression shows helplessness. Draped in a dhoti, Ganesa holds with his right hand a hatchet and with the left hand a radish. By the left leg of the goddess is a male figure standing on a stand with a slight flexion, he is wearing a dhoti, tied by a belt of two strings and bejeweled in an udarabandha, valayas; armlets with a central triangular ornate projection and a Mala consisting of two strings (one beaded). His hair is tied in a bun. His left hand rests against the left knee and the raised right hand holds the stick of a parasol which is seen over the head of the goddess in the top of the plain back – slab. Aparajita is dressed in a sari, the folded end of which lies on her left thigh and a folded uttariya which passing across her back floats in front over the two arms. With incised lines indicating the folds, the sari is fastened by a girdle of two strings (one beaded) with a floral clasp, from which hang down three string-like tussles the plain central one ending in a leaf-shaped pendant and the beaded side ones in bells. The goddess is bejeweled with anklets of two strings (one beaded), valayas, a number of bangles joined by a double-stringed clasp, beaded armlets with a central ornate triangular projection, a necklace of two strings (one beaded) held together by a central clasp with floral design, large ear-studs and a two-stringed mukuta with three triangular upward projections (shaped like half -flowers). Her hair attached by a string, is display in a bun-shaped coiffure. A beautiful inscribed image of Aparajita 32 now kept in the Russel Collection of Switzerland (No. 821 I BIP) was probably found from South Bihar. The height is about 37 cm. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 42 ISSN 2321-659X in hight, 17 cm. in breadth and 7 cm. in width. This two-armed stone image stands in praty ālidha position, her right leg is bent and raised, the right foot being placed on the elephant-headed, two-armed, male figure, and the straight left leg is placed on the pedestal. The goddess shows the slapping gesture or chapata-dana-mudra with the raised right hand, her left hand shows the warning gesture or tarjani -mudra . She wears a long garment with folding marks is tied with a girdle of two pearl-strings and a blouse ( coli ) or the three lines below her breasts indicate the mark of youthfulness and beauty ( tri -vali ) (comparable to the damaged figure from Nalanda, Saraswati: 1977, fig. 185) and a scarf flows over her hands from her back. The goddess is adorned with large circular ear-rings, necklace, bangles, armlets and anklets. Her breasts are damaged and she has a large belly, which however does not find mention in her descriptions ( Sādhanam ālā, nos. 204, or 174, or 192). She stands against an oval-shaped, elongated back-plate which contains the engraving of dharma- pary āya or the so-called Buddhist creed. The deity is flanked by a male attendant holding a parasol with a fluttering ribbon above her head. It is quite interesting to note that the images of Aparajita as an independent deity are always associated with a parasol, which is a sign of sovereignty. According to Sādhanam ālā (no. 204) Brahm ā or Indra should be hold a parasol over Aparajita’s head. Here the bejewelled male figures is not of Brahm ā but may be of Indra. One of the important features in this image is the elephant headed male figure which holds a knife with his raised trunk to hurt the goddess. This is an unique illustration of Vighna or Ganapati (?) but a similar depiction in a stone sculpture of Gandhara, a wicked elephant carries a sword with his trunk to kill the Buddha (Monika Zin, 1996: figs. 1-4). The illustration of a bird on the top at the proper left of the Aparajita image is also a significant depiction. Recently, during the course of our field works in the South Bihar plain, we came across a plaque having the depictions of both Aparajita and Jambhala (fig. XIV). It was found from the site Rajauna, under Jamui jurisdiction, a well known archaeological site which has already yielded a substantial number of both Brahmanical and Buddhist sculptures. In the present image the two armed goddess is standing in pratyalidha posture. The goddess most probably shows the attitude of giving a slap by her right hand. The palm portion of the right hand is damaged. The left hand is placed near the breasts. In this image the goddess is shown trampling a two armed, elephant headed male figure. APARAJITA: FOUR ARMED VARIETY In this variety we got three images. The Patna Museum has an interesting four armed image of Aparajita (fig. XV) made of buff sand stone. It was found from Varanasi 33 . The goddess is draped in a sari and is four-armed with attributes. In her right lower hand she holds PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 43 ISSN 2321-659X the hilt of a raised sword and in the partly damaged upper right hand she holds a petal shaped spokes wheel. Her principal left hand, resting near the chest, shows the raised menacing tarjani and the other left palm holds the strap of a circular shield. The goddess stands in the alidha posture and her right foot rests on the badly-damaged pedestal or flaked visva-padma and the left, bent at knee, tramples upon the right cheek of Ganesa. The pot-bellied Ganesa, who has apparently fallen down, is lying in a partly turning position towards his left. He holds in his right hand the hilt of a dagger and his left palm is broken. Another four armed image of Aparajita is now preserved in a private collection of New York. The black basalt image originally belongs to the Gaya region of Bihar and measures 52 x 28.5 cm. In this image Devi stands in alidha position, trampling the two armed, elephant headed male figure who holds a knife in his left hand and stares at the goddess. Aparãjitã holds a sword in her back right hand, her raised front right hand is in the attitude of giving slap, her back left hand holds a shield and the front left hand is in a threatening attitude. The umbrella above her head is held by a male attendant. According to the inscription on the base the image was donated by a merchant’s son from Gaya in the twenty seven regnal year of the Pala ruler Vigraha Pala III, who ruled in 11th century A.D. In the Sadhanamala and Nispannayogavali there is no description of any four-armed form of Aparãjitã which corresponds to these images. But there is, however, one sadhana, the Astabhuja Kurukullasadhana (sadhana No. 174) , which describes two forms of four-armed Aparãjitã and these images are similar to the description. APARAJITA: SIX ARMED VARIETY Interestingly, a single six armed Aparajita image of grey stone has made its appearance recently. It is now housed in a private collection of New York. The stele is damaged but there can be little doubt that the parasol was represented at the top. Unlike the other two representations, here a female holds the shaft of the parasol. The figure is probably from Bihar perhaps the Gaya district and is to be dated to the 11 th century A.D. The goddess has three faces and her attributes are an arrow, a thunderbolt, a disc, a bow, and the gesture of admonition with a noose. She tramples a four armed, elephant headed male figure that lies under her left foot quite helplessly. The elephant headed figure holds perhaps a rosary in the lower right hand, a radish in the upper right hands, and an elephant goad in the lower left hand, the object in the upper left hand is not clear. There is some debate about the identification of this image. In the foregoing pages we have tried to give a brief idea about the distribution of Buddhist goddess Aparajita and her iconographic forms. All the images from various Museums of Eastern India, that has been discussed above, shows remarkable achievement in PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 44 ISSN 2321-659X terms of art, religious expressions and fluidity of imagination attained by the Eastern School of Art in manifestation of the form of Vajrayana Buddhist deity- Aparajita. Most of the images belong to the Pala period, but some of them undoubtedly bear unmistakable marks of Post-Gupta and Pre Pala Period. Huntington remarks that this Pala-Sena sculpture style evolved from a tradition popularly known as the Gupta tradition, but later on deviated from it. According to Asher, the local distinctions of style began to vanish in the threshold of Pala times. Probably during this time, artists who came from all parts of the realm have helped to stimulate the breakdown of long standing cultural confines. But as a later development of sculptural art in Eastern India, it bears the testimony of an exciting fusion of cultural mannerism of classical style of North India with its own distinct indigenous style. The images of Aparajita represent the contemporary socio-religious ethos present in Buddhism and they are the indicators of the contemporary cross connections between Buddhism and other religions. Thus there is an ample scope for future researches on the images of Aparajita and her stylistic evolution. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 45 ISSN 2321-659X REFERENCES AND NOTES 1. Bhattacharya Benoytosh; Sadhanamala, vol-I-II, Baroda, 1968, P. 204. 2. Bhattacharya Benoytosh; the Indian Buddhist Iconography, Calcutta, 1958, P. 246. 3. Leoshiko Jenice, “The case of the two witnesses to Buddha’s Enlightenment”, Marg, vol. XXXIX, no. 4, Bombay, 1988, P. 39-52. 4. Op.cit. P. 32. 5. Op.cit. P. 44. 6. Bhattacharyya, Benoytosh; 1958, op.cit. P. 151. 7. Saraswati S.K.; Tantrayana Art: An Album, the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1977, P. LXVIII. Pl. Nos. 184-187. 8. Mitra Debala; Ratn agiri (1958-61), vol-I, New Delhi, 1981, P. 28, 50, 140. 9. Mallmann Mari-Therese de ; Introduction a I ‘Etude du Tantrisme Bouddhique, Paris, 1968, P.103-104. 10. Leoshko Jenice; 1988, op.cit., P. 39-52. 11. Sengupta Anusua; “Note on a Buddhist Female Deity”, Indian Museum Bulletin, vol. XXVI, Kolkata, 1991, P. 26-27. 12. Mitra Mallar, Note on a Aparajita image, in Pratna Samikhya, (ed. Gautam Sengupta), Calcutta, 1992, P. 175-78. 13. Picron Claudine Bautze; “Sakyamuni in Eastern India and Tibet in the 11 th to the 13 th centuries”, Silk Road and Archaeology, 4 (Kamakura), 1995-96, P. 373-76. 14. Mitra Mallar; the Buddhist Goddess Aparajita: Four – Armed Form, Journal of Bengal Art, vol. -I, Bangladesh, 1996, P. 161-65. 15. Picron Claudine Bautze, “Between Sakyamuni and Vairocana: Marici, Goddess of Light and Victory”, Silk Road Art and Archaeology, 4 (Kamakura), 2001, P. 276-97. 16. Bhattacharya Gouriswar, An Inscribed Stone Image of the Buddhist Deity Aparajita, Journal of Bengal Art, vol. 8, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 2003, P. 95-101. 17. Picron Claudine Bautze, op cit, 1995-96, P. 355-408. 18. Annual Report, Archaeological Survey of India, 1917-18, Calcutta, 1920, Pl. XVI b. 19. Mitra Mallar “Four Images of the Buddhist Goddess Aparajita”, in Studies in Hindu and Buddhist Art (ed. P.K.Mishra), 1999, P. 95-98. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 46 ISSN 2321-659X 20. Saraswati S.K., Tantrayana Art: An Album, Calcutta. 1977, P. 184; Fredrick M. Asher, The Art of Eastern India 300-800, Oxford University Press, 1980, Delhi, P.45. 21. Mitra Mallar, 1999, op.cit., P. 95-98; Verma B.S., 2011, Antichak Excavations-2 (1971-1981), MASI, No. 102, New Delhi, P. 253. 22. Mitra Debala, 1981, op.cit., P. 28 & 50. 23. Mitra Mallar, 1999, op.cit., P.95-98. 24. Sengupta Anusua, 1991, op.cit., P. 26-27. 25. Kamrische Stella, “Pala and Sena Sculpture”, Rupam, No.40, P. 107-126. 26. Picron Claudine Bautze, 1995-96, op.cit., P. 374, 386, note 92. 27. Sengupta Anusua, 1991, op.cit., P.27. 28. Bhattachrya Gouriswar, 2003, op.cit. P. 95-101. 29. Mitra Mallar, 1996, op.cit. P. 163-164. 30. Bhattacharyya P.K, Akshaya Kumar Maitreya Museum Catalouge, Part I, Siliguri, 1981, P. 9. 31. Mitra Mallar, 1992, op.cit. P. 175-78. 32. Bhattachrya Gouriswar, 2003, op.cit. P. 95-101 33. Mitra Mallar, 1996, op.cit.. P. 161-162. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 47 ISSN 2321-659X Anantasayi/Seshasayi Visnu Sculpture from West Bengal: An Iconographic Assessment Shubha Majumder The present paper is an empirical attempt to explain the brief iconographic study of Anantasayi/ Seshasayi images of Visnu, found from the different parts of West Bengal. In West Bengal this form of Visnu is quite popular along with his other forms. During the early medieval and medieval period this form of lord Visnu started appearing in Pala and Sena School of art 1. Stone was the best medium for this. K.V.Sundarajan 2, mentioned three images of Anantasayi form of Visnu from north India, and subsequently such images were discovered from different parts of India. In West Bengal till date we have able to documented six images of Anantasayi form of Visnu. In this connection we should mentioned the work of Enamual Haque. He described four images of this form of Visnu found from different parts of Bengal however; all these sculptures should be studied with its iconographic details. In present paper we will describe the detailed iconic features of those images (found from the West Bengal). The popularity of this form of Visnu in West Bengal was also attested with some epigraphic sources. We have some epigraphic evidences related with the Anantasayi form of Visnu. The copper plate grant of c. 7 th century C.E. recovered from the Comilla district of Bangladesh 3 refers to one deity as Ananta-Narayana which may be identified as Anantasayana Visnu. Another interesting epigraphic 4 evidence is found from a terracotta Jorebangla type of temple of Kestori at Tehatta about 46 km north of Krishanagar, district Nadia. The inscription describes an act of goddess Laksmi where she massages the feet of Purusottama (Visnu). This act of Lakshmi may be related to the Anantasayi form of Visnu. The temple with the record was set up by one Sri Ramadeva, as mentioned in the epigraph. The temple is dated Saka 1600 equivalent to 1678 C.E. The depiction of Visnu as Anantasayi thus affords a rare example of this aspect of the god being the subject of worship in Late Medieval Bengal and the deity was perhaps installed at the temple. The figure, however, is not traceable now. Before going to the detail iconographic study of those sculptural specimens reported from the different parts of West Bengal here we also describe the literally as well as puranic details behind this form of lord Visnu. Anantasayi Visnu is one of the well-known forms of lord Visnu and it is represented by the reclining deity over the primeval serpent variously called as Adi, Ananta or Sesha. The seven headed serpent forms a canopy over the head of lord Visnu. The serpent floats on the endless waters of the shore-less primordial sea. It is generally assumed that this particular form of the deity actually represents the lord Visnu as creator, sustainer and destroyer, the three elements of the Ultimate Principle of this universe 5. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 48 ISSN 2321-659X This form of lord Visnu is popularly known as Adi-sayana, Ananta-sayana or Sesha-sayana in North India and Ranganatha or Rangasvamin in South India. In North India, Ananta-sayana images are represented only as a parsva-devata or subsidiary divinity on the wall of the shrine, whereas in South India it often forms the principal cult object enshrined in the sanctorum (garbha-griha). However, its extant artistic representations date from a rather late period in north India not earlier than the 5 th century C.E. and in south still later. The general impression among art historians is that this form can be dated to about the 5 th - 6th centuries CE 6. The concept underlying this icon goes back to a much earlier period, though initially it was not associated with Visnu. It is actually a mythological elaboration of the Rigveda, X.82.5-6, concerning Visvakarman, who is said to have been ‘beyond the sky, beyond the earth, beyond the gods and spirits, the earliest embryo, the waters contained wherein all the divinities resided’ 7. In the Manu-smrti (I.10) and the Mahabharata (XII.314) a slightly altered version of the same myth is applied to Prajapati 8. According to the Vaishnava mythology it is believed, when creation is withdrawn, the universe does not totally cease or is wiped out. The universe that was destroyed persists in a subtle form as a reminder of what once was; and as a germ of what will be the next universe. That potent reminder ( Sesha ) of the destroyed universe is embodied in Sesha, the serpent, which has coiled itself and floats upon the limitless ocean of casual waters. Sesha, the primordial serpent, whose other name is Anantha, represents the non-evolved form of nature (prakrti ).Vishnu sleeps in yoga-nidra on Sesha floating on water, until he wills the next cycle of creation. In this form the anthropomorphic figure of lord Visnu, the serpent coils that form his bed, and the water on which this serpent floats, are triune manifestations of the single divine, eternal, enormous substance, the energy underlying and inhabiting all the forms of life. 9 Detailed descriptions of Visnu reclining on the coils of the serpent appear in various religious as well as iconographic texts. According to the Vishnudharmottara 10 , the Sayanamurti is described by the name of Padmanabha. It states that Padmanabha lies on Seshanaga within the deep sea. One of the feet of the deity should be upheld by Lakshmi and the other one should be extended over the serpent bed. He should carry sanana-manjari in one of his hands, the second should be supporting the head, the third should be placed over the naval and the fourth should be resting on the knee. Brahma is to be seated on the lotus issuing from the navel of lord Visnu which indicated that he is the master of creation. Madhu and Kaitabha, the two demons stand near this lotus-stalk. The ayudhapurushas are to be shown near the serpent – bed. The Padma-Purana 11 has also mentioned somewhat similar PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 49 ISSN 2321-659X description about the Padmanabha . In this text, Visnu is represented as two armed. One of his arms extend along the right thigh while the other is placed over his head. The demons Madhu and Kaitabha stand entangled in the stem of the lotus springing from the naval of Padmanabha . The Agni-Purana 12 has also mentioned about this form of Visnu where he is described as a three eyed god lying on primordial waters turned to his left. On the lotus stemming out of the navel of the god the four faced and is Brahma should be shown in seated posture. Lakshmi should be depicted as massaging his foot. The Aparajitaprichchha, the Catyrvarga-cintamani, the Devatamurtiprakarana and the Rupamandana describe the deity by the name of Jalasayin. According to the Aparajitaprichchha , Visnu should be lying on Sesha-paryanka . He should carry a discus and mace in the upper and lower left hands, respectively. One of the right hands should be supporting his head and the other one resting on the chest. His head should be canopied by seven hooded Sesha. Near the feet of the lord there should be Lakshmi and Garuda, while on the lotus issuing from his navel there should be Brahma. The Dasavatara and other deities should also be sculptured 13 . The Rupamandana gives a somewhat similar description about the Jalasayin form of Visnu 14 . The text Devatamurtiprakarana (V: 86-90) also illustrate this unique form of lord Visnu and it is similar to the form described in the Vishnudharmottara 15 . In the Vaikhanasagama text, four form of the Anantasayi Visnu image has been discussed according to the meditative Yoga , materialistic Bhoga , heroic Vira, and tantric Abhicarikasayana, 16 and again divided into three subdivision uttam, madhyama, and adham based on the attributes and the number of parivara devatas depicted in the panel. Though the earliest representation of the Visnu image goes back to the Kushana period however, this particular iconic form of Visnu started as a sculptural representation during the Gupta period. The earliest depiction of Anantasayi is panel found in a Gupta period temple at Deogarh and Bhitargaon 17 depicting the plastic conception of the golden age, thereby illuminating all the figures with a calm-spiritual appearance and transforming them above the level of meager physical existence. These figures are very much similar to the iconic form of the Jalasayin form of lord Visnu mentioned in the Aparajitaprichchha and the Rupamandana . A notable figure of Anantasayi Visnu is also carved in one of the caves on the slopes of the Udyagiri hills of Madhya Pradesh. This form of Visnu image was popular in different parts of South India like the Badami caves, Aihole, and Mahabalipuram etc. Regarding the Anantasayi form of Visnu images in the sculptural art of eastern India, only one image from Visnupada temple of Gaya district of Bihar was reported and described by R.D.Benerjee in his famous book ‘Eastern Indian School of Medieval Art’. Later a good number of Anantasayi Visnu images were reported from Orissa by T.E.Donaldson. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 50 ISSN 2321-659X Apart from the available sculptural evidence some inscriptions of the Gupta period refer to this form of lord Visnu, i.e ., the four armed divinity lying on a multi hooded snake in the gigantic ocean before the formation of the present universe 18 . The Mandasor inscription of Naravarman 19 and Eran inscription of Budhagupta 20 has mentioned this form of Visnu. Among the stone images of Anantasayi Visnu from West Bengal, the most beautiful and well preserved specimen is now displayed in the Visnupur Sahitya Parisad Museum; Vishnupur district Bankura (Fig.1). The specimen represents a highly balanced style of execution. This image was actually collected from the nearby temple-site of Gokulnagar about 12 km away from Bishnupur town. The image (in relief) is made of chlorite stone and it measures 91.5 cm x 45 cm x 18 cm 21 . In this image the god is found recumbent on the folds of Adi or Ananta naga and his head is surrounded and protected by five serpent heads with expanded hoods. Here the four armed god, Visnu reclines on his left side, with his head supported by his upper left hand. The lower left hand holds the s ankha (conch), while the lower right lower hand is placed in the center of his chest and is without any attribute and the upper right hand is lost. He wears a kiritamukuta (crown), an elaborate hara (necklace), Vanamala (garland) extended upto the knees, yajnopavita (sacred thread), dhoti (cloth), udarabandhana (girdle), Keyuras (armlets) etc. His left leg is stretched on the lap of goddess Laksmi and she is massaging his feet. The facial parts of Lakshmi and the lord are badly abraded. The right leg of lord Visnu is bent and crosses the knee of the left leg and the image is placed on a coil bed near the image of Laksmi. Nine other figures most probably identified with the group of demons headed by Madhu and Kaitabha are shown in a row around the god. Among these demons from right to left, the first one holds a shaft (?) in his left hand and other eight demons hold a sword in their left hand and some unidentified object in their right hands. The figure of Brahma seated on a lotus rising from the navel of Visnu appears badly damaged with a very slender stalk indicating the connection. The nine demons with swords in their hands challenged Brahma and according to the texts, they were ultimately were killed by Visnu. This specimen is stylistically similar to the stone carvings of the Pala period. J. C. French 22 suggested c.1000 AD as the date of this image. This museum has another image of Anantasayana Visnu, which is small in size, measuring only 15 cm x 8 cm. The image is made of blackish stone. The figure is abraded. However, the depiction shows strong similarity in style with the above image. The image might have been carved during a later period. The execution is so crude that it is difficult to assign a specific date to the image. The find spot of the image is unknown. Another elegantly sculpted specimen (Fig.2) has been documented from the temple of Tripurasundari during the excavation at Boral, district South 24 parganas 23 . The image is PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 51 ISSN 2321-659X presently enshrined within a small structure near this area. The image, made of dark coloured basaltic stone shows a high standard of craftsmanship. Here the four armed god is shown reclining on the coiled serpent Ananta whose original stone hood is lost. He is adorned with a long vanamala reaching above the knees along with other ornaments. The god holds the usual attributes i.e., sankha, cakra, gada and padma The image is clad in a fine folded cloth ( dhoti ) that reaches up to the feet and the decorative uttariya falls from within the folded lower right and left hands of the image. The goddess Laksmi was seated near the feet of Visnu wearing sari and other usual ornaments but not massaging the foot of Visnu. Interestingly, Brahma is not depicted as seated on the lotus issuing from the naval of Visnu. The upper part of the stele is mainly plain but near the head of Laksmi three wavy lines are depicted which most probably shows the great ocean. In the pedestal of this image there is the depiction of a group of figures of which the central one is Garuda, the vahana of Visnu, in folded hands, and he is presented in a novel way. In the right and left corner of the pedestal two women are depicted in namaskara mudra and they may be identified as devotees. Another image of Anantasayi Visnu was recovered along with three other Visnu images from the Bishnupur area in the district of South 24 parganas. This image is abraded and is now lying near a pond of Sarder Para. Stylistically this image is same like the previous one and both the specimens may be the products of C. 12 th - 13 th centuries C.E. An extraordinarily small size black stone image of reclining Visnu (Fig.3) is preserved in the Asutosh Museum of Calcutta University 24 however, the actual find spot of this image is not known. The image measures 27 cm x 14 cm x 2 cm. In this image lord Visnu is shown as half-reclined on his right side on a decorated legged bed. The lower right hand of the god is damaged but it stretches upto the waist near which is shown a gada . The upper right hand is bent and the open palm with padmanka drawn near the head as if to support it. Unfortunately both the left hands of god are mutilated as well as his face. He is adorned with kiritamukuta, channavira, hara, yajnopavita and the vanamala reached upto his knee. A three hooded snake canopy is found over the head of lord Visnu. His right leg is stretched and is placed on the lap of a goddess who is seating near the feet of Visnu and massaging his feet while his left leg is bent at the knee and is placed on the bed. Interestingly, a snake hooded canopy is also found over the head of this goddess but the hoods of the snake as well as her face are badly damaged. She is bejeweled with different ornaments and wears a very fine sari which is finely executed by the sculptor. The goddess is identified as Laksmi by Enamul Haque in his book Hindu sculpture however, according to Gaurishankar Bhattracharya 25 this image is that of Ganga. He shows some textual evidence where the origin of Devi Ganga is traced from a legend of Visnu. In this connection one Anantasayi Visnu image from Biranci- PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 52 ISSN 2321-659X Narayana temple of Orissa should be special mentioned 26 . Here the four armed Visnu is lying on the serpent bed with knees slightly bent and his head supported by his front left hand. Interestingly there was no serpent canopy over the head of the lord. Whereas two male figures (only the upper part) with three hooded snake canopy, seem to be originated from this serpent coils, stands in pranam mudra one behind the head and other behind the leg of Visnu. So it is very interesting to study about the presence of snake hooded god or goddess associated with the figure of Anantasayi Visnu. It needs more detail study. In the Asutosh Museum specimens two standing female attendants, one on either side, are seen at the extreme ends of the Anantasayi panel. At the upper level of the composition, Brahma is depicted but without being connected with the navel of Visnu. Another four – armed seated figure, unidentified (Mahesvara) is on the left of Brahma. Garuda is kneeling on the right corner and a donor is shown seated in the kneel-down position at the extreme left of the pedestal. Sankha other pots for auspicious ritual are shown in the center of the pedestal in relief’s. A similar type of image (Fig.4) is now displayed in State Archaeological Museum of West Bengal 27 which was originally discovered from the village of Bamongola in the district of Maldah. In this image four armed lord Visnu with a graceful, relaxed posture reclines under seven-hooded snake canopy in slumber, as if absorbed in the dream of the universe inside him. Though it basically resembles the earlier one but in this case, Brahma sits on a lotus stalk connected to the navel of Visnu. A female figure with a three hooded snake canopy over her head sits near the foot of Visnu and massages his left foot. In this case Bhattracharya also identified the lady figure as Ganga 28 . Beside this one female figure with a lotus in her left hand is seated on the right. She may be identified as Bhudevi or Sridevi. In the pedestal of this image there are some floral designs along with one auspicious pot. On stylistic grounds the image is datable to c.13-14 th century C.E. A reclining Visnu image was reported from the village of Banyeswar in the district of Murshidabad by Mahimaniranjan Chakravartti in 1920 29 which are now not traceable. From his published report and picture about this Anantasayi image, the image was made of black basalt and very much similar to the above image. However, it shows a few uncommon features. An image of a female figure with a snake hood over her head (like the above mentioned two sculptures) sets on a lotus near the foot of lord Visnu and massaging his foot. Bhudevi and Sridevi, the latter with her vina , are shown on the right and left in the panel respectively. On the upper left part of the slab are depicted the figures of Astadipalas 30 among theme only image of Vayu is identified on the basis of a scarf above his head. Four armed Brahma seated in the center over a lotus connected to Visnu’s navel and the Navagrahas shown the right side of Brahma. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 53 ISSN 2321-659X A unique example of Anantasayi form of Visnu was discovered from West Bengal (Fig.5). This is not a sculptural representation, but a coin of the later Mughal emperor Shah Alam II, bearing a date of 1202 Hijri (1787 C.E.) and was issued from Bengal, The reverse (?) depicts the Anantasayi image of Visnu. It is a very interesting figure of Anantasayi Visnu with a legend Sri Narayana . In this figure Visnu is shown with four arms full of attributes, reclining on the coiled bed of Anantanaga whose hood is rising up over the head of lord Visnu from behind in a protective pose. He wears a crown like kiritamukuta and a necklace and the Vaijayanti mala . Lakshmi is seated near the feet of Visnu and is touching them with her hands. Brahma with four faces is holding his natural ayudhas and is seated on the lotus which issues from the navel of Visnu. On the obverse of the coin is the name of the king in Persian legend. In the forgoing pages I have briefly discussed the images of Anantasayi Visnu reported from the different parts of West Bengal. The early medieval Bengal is well associated with the popularity of the Vaisanava ideology and several forms of Visnu have been represented in the sculptural art of early medieval Bengal. It is apparent that the Anantasayi form also gained popularity along with other forms of Visnu. This particular form is especially noted long after the famed Pala rule i.e ., the well known period of sculptural activities. We have reported not only the stone sculptural specimens of this form of Visnu, there are some inscriptional as well as numismatic evidences associated with this form. However, it is interesting to note that Anantasayi form of Visnu were generally depicted as the decorative terracotta plaque in the late medieval temple complexes of West Bengal 31 and these traditions show the popular continuity of iconoplastic art tradition representing the Sayana posture of the Visnu in the region concerned. The studies on Vaisnavism became pan-Indian for the reconstruction of religious history of Ancient India. On its theology and its spread a good volume of research has appeared. However, there are few works which describe the historical background and the tradition of the icono-plastic art of West Bengal in which Vaisnavism has spread and modifications it underwent. The present attempt is the first of its kind on the evolution of Anantasayi Visnu images, though preliminary in nature however, the distribution of sites and characteristics of this particular type of icon did made an impact on the early medieval society, religion and Bengali literature in the Chaitanya-post-Chaitanya phase of Bengal. The present attempt is a stepping stone to further researches in this direction and future works will certainly elaborate the reason behind the origin, development and popularity of this particular form of Visnu in the concerned micro-region and obviously eastern India as a hole. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 54 ISSN 2321-659X REFERENCE AND NOTES 1. Banerjee, R.D.; Eastern Indian School of Medieval Sculpture (New Empirical Series, Vol. XLVII), Calcutta (rep. New Delhi, 1998): Archaeological Survey of India, 1933, P.108. 2. Soundara Rajan, K.V.; ‘The Typology of the Anantasayi Icon’ , Artibus Asiae , Vol. 29, No. 1, 1967, P. 67-84. 3. Haque, A.; Bengal Sculptures (Hindu Iconography up to c.1250 A.D.), Dhaka, 1992, P. 90. 4. Bhattacharyya, A.K.; A Corpus of Dedicatory Inscriptions from Temples of West Bengal , Calcutta, 1982, P. 105. 5. Rao, T.A.G.; Element of Hindu Iconography , Varanasi 1914, vol-I, part I, P. 110. 6. Shastri, A.M.; ‘Anantasayana Vishnu: Earliest Epigraphic Evidence’ , Visnu in Art, Thought and Literature, (ed.) by Dr. G. Kamalakar, Hyderabad, 1993, P. 1. 7. Banerjee, J.N.; Development of Hindu Iconography , Calcutta, 1956, P. 276. 8. Ibid. P. 277 9. Zimmer, H.; Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilization , Ed. By Joseph Campbell, Bollingen Serises VI, Washington, 1972, P. 61. 10. Shah Bala, P.(ed.) Vishnudharmottara Puran , Vols II, G.O.S, Baroda, 1958 & 1969. II, 81: 2-8. 11. Bhattacharya, B.C.; the Indian Images, vol. I, Calcutta, 1921, P. 6. 12. Agni Purana, Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, Poona, 1900, 49: 24-25 13. Bhattacharya, B.; Aparajitaprccha (ed.) Baroda, 1950, P. 219. 14. Srivastava, B.; Rupamandana (ed.), Varanasi, 1964, P. 29-30. 15. Desai, K.; Iconography of Visnu , New Delhi, 1973, P. 26. 16. Eliot, C.; Hinduism and Buddhis, London, 1921, P. 190 17. Banerjee; op. cit. P. 406-407 18. Shastri, A.M.; ‘Anantasayana Vishnu: Earliest Epigraphic Evidence’, in Visnu in Art, Thought and Literature , Ed. By Dr. G. Kamalakar, Hyderabad, 1993, P. 1-6. 19. Sircar, D.C.; Select Inscription , Vol.-I, Calcutta. 1965, P. 397 20. Ibid. P. 335 21. Chattopadhyay, R. K.; Bankura: A Study of the Archaeological Sources , Calcutta, 2010, P. 179. 22. French, J.C.; The Art of the Pala Empire of Bengal, London, 1928, P. xii-xiii. 23. Chakrabarti, D.K.; Archaeological Geography of the Ganga Plains: the Lower and the Middle Ganga , New Delhi, 2001, P. 142. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 55 ISSN 2321-659X 24. Haque, A.; op. cit. P. 90. 25. Bhattacharya, G.; ‘Ganga-Visnupadi-Nagini’ , 1 st Kumar Sarat Kumar Roy Memorial Lecture, organized by Center for Archaeological Studies & Training, Eastern India, Kolkata, 2004 26. Donaldson, T.E.; the Iconography of Vasinava images in Orissa , New Delhi, 2001, P. 47. 27. Haque, A.; op. cit. P. 91. 28. Bhattacharya, G.; op. cit. 29. Chakravartti, M.; Birbhum Vivarana , vol. 2, Calcutta, 1920. 30. Mevissen, J.R.G; Sculptures from Bengal Bearing Astadikpalas as Subsidiary Figures. Journal of Bengal Art, Dhaka, volume 7, 2002, P. 101-124. 31. Majumder, S.; Anantasayi Visnu in Medieval Art of West Bengal, in S.P. Gupta commemoration volume, IAS, New Delhi (forthcoming). PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 56 ISSN 2321-659X Rock Art of Hawatsu, Eritrea: An EthnoEthno----archaeologicalarchaeological Study Dr. D. B.B.B. Garnayak &&& Dr. N. K.K.K. Mishra ABSTRACT Hawatsu (Eritrea, north-east Africa) site is locally famous for the Aba-salama monastery, the sacred place of Chirstian community of the area. The area in and around the monastery is rich in archaeological vestiges. The rock art site situated behind the monastery was a unique shelter of the prehistoric men having arrayed with abstract symbolic motifs (non-thematic art). The ethno-archaeological study in the Hawatsu locality in search of such motifs reveals executed in the ceramic decoration and also in the house walls of the monastery closely located to the shelter, in the form of incisions or in paintings as surface decoration. Few patterns are still seen on female bodies as tattoo. Also the ethnographic records of the tattoos reveal that tattoos are more popular and some times more particular with women then the man. Basically the intricate patterns and dots as noticed in the rock shelters are also frequently noticed in such tattoos. Keywords: Rock art, Eritrea, North-east Africa, Aba-salam monastery. The Anthropology and Archaeology Department of College of Arts and Social Science, Adi-Keih, Eritrea (North-east Africa), under the supervision of the authors, discovered the new prehistoric rock art site in the Hawatsu locality in Zoba Debub. The archaeological site of Hawatsu (14 053’05’’ N to 39 020’21’’E, MSL-2357 mts) (Fig.1) is an important attraction with a vibrant, enchanting landscape in the valley, having a unique landmark with the nature gifted Sphinx shaped a rocky hill, located on the left side of the Adi Keih- Asmara road at a distance of about one kilometer west of the village Hawatsu and about 12kms from Adi Keih. The site is locally famous for the Aba-salama monastery, the sacred place of Chirstian community of the area. The area in and around the monastery is rich in archaeological vestiges. The sandstone formation rock art site situated behind the monastery at a distance of about 50 meters was a unique shelter of the prehistoric men. The rock art shelter is oriented east and west and facing towards south measures 21 meters in length, 3 meter in depth and 2.40 meters in height, preserves 24 specimens of paintings in ocher red colour on the back wall and ceiling of the shelter. Here the executions are completely of abstract symbolic motifs (non-thematic art) (fig.2, 3, 4) different from the rock art of Qohaito and Hishemele region (located in the southern part of Eritrea) where the executions are thematic in nature i.e, herding scene (thematic art). Cultural material like stone beads, PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 57 ISSN 2321-659X obsidian microliths, potteries, grinding holes (Fig.5) are found in and around the shelter, on the basis of which the site can be dated to the prehistoric period to the historic time. The Rock art is a term commonly used for the designs and other intentional marks that people have made in the past on natural geological surfaces of boulders, cave walls, rock- shelter walls and ceilings. Rock art is broadly divided into two categories: Painting (pictographs or the applied art) and Engraving (petroglyphs or the extractive art). Rock art is a global phenomenon, with the exception of a few countries in Europe, rock art is found around the world. Eritrea is also, one of the countries with largest concentration of the of rock art heritage of the world. In the history of mankind no work of fine art other than rock art has such a wide distribution lasting for such a long time. In countries like Australia it continued as a living tradition among the aborigines until a few decades ago. In South Africa, it survived with the Bushman until the first half of the Nineteenth century. Rock Art constitutes the earliest written and visual document of the mankind - a very powerful means of expressing ancient artistic sophistication. The assemblages of rock art are a storehouse of information for archaeologists and historians in their efforts to reconstruct the life style of the prehistoric man of the remote past. These works of art provide first hand information on society, beliefs, rites, rituals, costumes, tools and implements, technological attainments, means of subsistence, contemporary flora and fauna and above all man-nature relationship. They exhibit incredible artistic maturity, be it in selection of colours or articulation of a form or a pattern. Its antiquity ranging from the prehistoric to the historic period is an important evidence of human creativity through the vicissitudes of time and space. The study of the subject is fascinating as well as challenging: fascinating because it provides an unexpectedly rich, realistic and colourful insight into cultures of which otherwise we have only skeletal remains or a few bone or stone tools and implements, as everything else has perished since long; and it is challenging one because it is not easy to define them whether they are “art” from the view point of “art for art’s sake” or are “imageries” of functional significance from archaeological point of view. Western scholars have reservations in calling them art because the Western meaning of ‘art’ is one that specifically implicates aesthetics; i.e., art for art’s sake that the traditional cultures lack, leading to all sorts of speculative identification and interpretation. Rock art is a purposeful modification of rock surface to produce preconceived forms and images. Like all other art, rock art cannot be viewed and understood in isolation, but has to be intimately linked to the other traits of the culture that was responsible for its creation. However, unlike our contemporary art where art usually serves for aesthetics to adorn and decorate, rock art in ancient times was not simply for its own sake. Rather it was a product of the pervasive cultural fabric of the prehistoric society. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 58 ISSN 2321-659X Considering rock art as merely art for art sake would be to ignore the cultural insights inherent in such art. The discovery of rock art of Hawatsu has thrown a new light on the rock art research of the country in general and has a unique place in the rock art map of the southern Eritrea. The subject matter of the rock art shelter is completely symbolic, these are of both kind- geometric and non-geometric; and are so bewildering that no definite name or meaning can be given to these forms. They include a host of vertical or horizontal lines, or wavy lines within or without a geometric format; criss-cross, zigzags, curvylinears, rhomboids, series of dots (cupule), and so forth. It appears as if there is an overwhelming richness in the invention of symbols and men’s desire for creating such symbols in prehistoric time was inexhaustible. The symbols are so complex and enigmatic in their given context that they keep puzzling the mind of the serious researcher with an array of questions such as who made it? When was it made? Why was it made? What does it mean? And so forth. The histories of symbol in the rock art are dated back to the prehistoric time (from the upper-Paleolithic caverns of Franco-Cantabrian region to the early historic rock art in Africa, India or America). It existed throughout the long epoch of primeval art and reigned supreme towards the close of the pre-historic period. It appears that symbols appeared earlier than other forms of figurative art. They are found in all portable and parietal art of Paleolithic Europe. There is no standard or universally accepted method for decoding rock art symbols. Nor they are the words, syllables that can be read or even functional sounds that one can hear. Nor are they doodling – without any significance for its creators. The fact that the same designs and compositions and styles occur repeatedly on the rock surface like the prehistoric implements in an archaeological site and sometimes such designs spread over larger regions, no wonder inter-continentally clearly shows that the makers of rock art world over had something specific in mind to communicate. In this context the vast reservoir of rock art predominate with various symbols and motifs, both geometric and non-geometric needs to be looked at seriously to understand the cognitive developments with the prehistoric man. Identical symbols do appear all over in a given time whether in Australia or America or Africa or India. Animal and human forms may appear identical in their execution and depiction because of their standardized physiognomy, which is divine, or the law of the creation, but why and how such uniformity also exists in the composition of certain symbols, which is exclusive to human creativity. Is it because the PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 59 ISSN 2321-659X thought process of the mankind in a given time was alike everywhere wherever they roamed? Or since they shared a common level of subsistence economy of hunting-gathering, environment and insecurity of life, their cognitive development was identical irrespective of their area of operation. Scholars considered that such types of geometric intricate patterns as features of the early style comparatively to the thematic motifs. These motifs are known as intricate designs, as Labyrinthian or Phosphen motifs, are composed of rhombic meanders and honeycomb pattern along with their multiple derivatives and they cover large space of virgin surface of rock art. Some scholars held that the concept behind the pictographs on the whole is merely to satisfy the artistic urge of the dweller to decorate his dwelling place. According to some these patterns are metaphors of “trance experience” of the Shaman or experience of hallucination or signs executed by the Shaman. They may have something to do with visual hallucinations experienced in physically stressful state, already states of consciousness (drug induced or in a trance?). According to few scholars in certain altered states, the human nervous system produces both geometric and representational imagery. Therefore, their intimate association in shamanistic art throughout the world is not surprising. The ethno-archaeological study in the Hawatsu locality revels that many patterns executed in the rock art are noticed in the ceramic decoration and also in the house walls of the monastery (Fig.6) closely located to the shelter, in the form of incisions or in paintings as surface decoration. Few patterns are still seen on female bodies as tattoo . Also the ethnographic records of the tattoos reveal that tattoos are more popular and some times more particular with women then the man. Most of the motifs in tattoo that decorate the body of the woman remain unexplained. Intricate patterns and dots as noticed in the rock shelters are also frequently noticed in such tattoos. Surprisingly, when one observes these dots, they bring a kind of pattern or shape to the visual aspect of the observer. Although they might have had been done out of a particular kind of ethnic-culture or religious practice, which sometimes may be difficult for a foreigner to decipher its meaning and social value and as much as even to a person belonging to other ethnic culture and religion. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 60 ISSN 2321-659X REFERENCE AND NOTES Brandt, S.A. and Nanny Carder; ‘Pastoral Rock Art in the Horn of Africa: Making Sense of Udder Chaos’, World Archaeology, 1987, P. 194–213. Clark, J.D.; the Prehistoric Cultures of the Horn of Africa , Cambridge University Press, London, 1954, Garnayak, D.B.; Early Animal Domestication in Southern Eritrea: Perspectives of Rock Art and Archaeology, Purakala, 2012, Vol 22. Leakey, M.; Africa’s vanishing Art: The rock paintings of Tanzania ., New York: Doubleday and Co, 1983. Marshall, Fiona; Archaeological Perspectives on East African Pastoralism, in Elliot Fratkin, Kathleen A. Galvin, and Eric Abella Roth (eds)., African Pastoralist Systems: An Integrated Approach , 1994, P. 17–43. Smith, A.B.; Pastoralism in Africa: Origins and development Ecology , London: Hurst and company, 1992. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Thanks to the students and Graduate assistants of Anthropology and Archaeology Department of College of Arts and Social Science, Adi-Keih, Eritrea, for their sincere efforts to collect important information concerning the ethnographic data in the field. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 61 ISSN 2321-659X A note on Two Rare Shiva lingalingassss Sachin Kr.Kr ... Tiwary &&& SSS.S... Krishnamurthy INTRODUCTION An iconic form of worshipping God has been a popular tradition in India since immemorial times. The inspiration for this mode of worship can be assumed as the result of Man’s innate relationship with natural phenomenon. So we see that the so called primitive beliefs were associated with the worship of trees, mountains, rivers, stones, etc. Archaeological evidence also suggests great antiquity to Linga form of worship. Several conical objects and small ring stones have been found from the sites of Harappan civilization such as at Harappa, Mohenjadarao, and Dholavira etc. If these objects can be regarded as linga then its antiquity may be taken back to nearly 4500 years. Worshipping God in a formless state such as linga seems to the result of merging of non-Brahmanical beliefs prevalent among the tribal folks and the Brahmanical faith. The Rgveda refers to linga as Sisnadevata, and the Shvetasvatra Upanishad speaks of god Isana presiding over every yoni, thus suggesting a fertility cult to its origins. It will be of interest to note that this mode of worshipping the male fertility organ was also popular in several of the ancient civilizations such as Greece, Egypt, Rome, Assyria, Ancient tribes of America 1 and Philistine 2 as well. Sculptural representation of Shivalinga can be traced back to 3 rd -2nd century B.C. The earliest example of plain linga comes from Reh, with Indo-Bactrian inscription 3 and from the well known site of Gudimallam, datable to 2 nd century B.C. 4. Several lingas from the Pre-Kusana and Kusana period have also be known from Aghapura, Mathura, etc. The present paper deals with the following two unique kinds of Shivalinga , in Bihar: 1. Ekhamukha Shivalinga from Bhagawanpur block, Bhabhua, Kaimur District, Bihar 2. Pancayatana-linga from Rani Ghat, Patna, Bihar . DESCRIPTION 1. EKAMUKHA SHIVALINGA Location: The Ekamukha Shivalinga is situated in the Bhagawanpur block headquarters known by the same name about 13 km from the Bhabhua district headquarters in the Kaimur district of Bihar. The Linga has been enshrined in a newly built modern temple and was found while digging an irrigational canal some 50 meters away from the present temple. Uniqueness: The unique feature of this linga is, apart from the face of Shiva carved (fig.1) out of the Pujabhaga of the linga , is the presence of one female figure (with a pot in front) (fig.2) and a dwarf figure (holding a bowl) (fig.3) flanking on either side of the head of Shiva , towards the sides. The linga as a whole is seen placed on a circular pitha . According to the local people the topmost shaft part of the linga was chopped off by some miscreants and PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 62 ISSN 2321-659X hence the locals have replaced it by the use of cement. In this process it seems that the dwarf figure also got disfigured to some extent. SCULPTURAL DETAILS: An Ekamukha Shivalinga in general consists of the bust or head portion carved out in high relief out of the Pujabhaga or Rudrabhaga (i.e. the cylindrical shaft) portion of the linga . In this case the head portion of Shiva appears as if attached to the cylindrical shaft part with the shaft extending further above. Shiva is here seen having three eyes, with an elaborate jatamakhuta with jata hanging on to the either sides in beautiful spiral forms. The jata on the head is decorated with a diadem modeled in the form of chain of pearls. On the flat top portion of the jatamakhuta is seen a female head portion in horizontal position facing the sky, identified as that of the river goddess Ganga (fig.4) by the flow of river waters issuing from her mouth. Shiva as usual wears a rudrakshamala , a hara . A single hooded serpent is seen encircling his neck and further extending on to the trisula , which is seen to the left of Shiva . The female figure is seen exactly placed on the trisula concealing two of its three prongs. She is seen seated in profile probably in pralambapadha posture with anjali hasta having open palms pointing towards the pot. The pot is globular in shape with zigzag pattern on its neck portion appearing as leaf (mango?) design and is placed on a low two molded circular pedestal. At the mouth of the pot is seen around object probably a coconut. The total appearance of the pot appears as a purnakumbha. Thus it can be interpreted that the female figure is engaged in the act of worshipping Shiva most probably performing abhisheka to the lord. The hymns of Satarudriya bear testimony to the love of god Shiva to get immersed in abhisheka and the term abhishekapriyas sivaha is used. 5 Exactly on the other corresponding side of the linga and to the top right portion of the head of Shiva is seen a dwarf figure carved out in profile. This dwarf figure like his lord wears a jata and his hair is seen falling on to his left shoulders. He is heavy built with a potbelly and holds a bowl in his hands. The lower portion of the figure is not much clear but traces of his heavy thigh and legs are visible. COMPARATIVE STUDY: The problem in interpreting the exact meaning of the sculptural representations on this unique linga can be solved to certain extent by means of studying certain almost similar types, especially pertaining to the presence of associated female or dwarf figure. From Gudimallam in the Chittoor district of Andhra Pradesh we get the earliest representation of a gana on a Shiva linga. Here the gana is seen supporting the feet of Rudra-Shiva , who is shown carved in human form on the rudrabhaga portion of the linga. On PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 63 ISSN 2321-659X the basis of excavation on the site and comparative sculptural study it has been dated to 2 nd century B.C. A free standing linga having some resembling features with the present linga, especially with respect to the associated figures have been found from Cauma Bundapur (Mathura district), dated to the Kusana period. The linga here has four different configurations on the bottom of the shaft: an amrtaghata , a female head, a pot bellied gana or yaksha and a couchant lion. 6 Mahakavi Kalidasa in his work Raghuvamsa-mahakavya gives the name of the gana is Kumbhodhara (i.e. pot bellied), a friend of Nikumbha , who is an attendant of Shiva and he assumed the form of lion to test king Dilipa by attacking the cow, who in turn has saved the cow at the cost of his own life. From the village of Gamadi (Rajasthan) is a linga with representation of a two- handed standing Shiva on one of its side and on the other side stands a yaksha . 7 Comparative study with other sculptural forms of Shiva makes it clear that a gana or a dwarf with a bowl in his hand is normally associated with Bhikshatana form of Shiva . The female figure in the act of worshiping Shiva can be probably identified with Goddess Parvathi . But the kind of theme or story relating to the association of both the female figure and the gana with that of Shiva could not match sufficiently to give a correct interpretation to the icon. HYPOTHESIS: The Shiva is also known as God of medicine, here in iconographical description we have noticed one left side one women in anjali mudra worshiping over pot, actually that is a full of medicine pot in which a amrit like things having. After getting a medicine every ill and those human who is going dead can survive earth, in right side of the Shiva linga one man in happy and dynamic posture showing enjoy or dance, it means after getting medicine one man can feel easy. The feature of god Shiva in this iconography showing some different icon like: heavy chine, highly decorated neck with natural items. It means this particular Shiva linga was worshiped by local tribal peoples, as we know that this place is not so far from the Kaimur range, hardly 300 to 400 mtrs. far from the mountain of Kaimur. We have thought that this Shiva linga was a one time may be worshiped by tribal people. 2. PANCAYATANA-LINGA The Shiva linga is now enshrined in a newly built modern structure called as Bhuteswaranath (fig.5) temple and is located at Rani ghat, on the right bank of river Ganga, in Patna, Bihar. The unique feature of this Pancayatana- linga is apart from the presence of sculptural representations of Ganesha, Surya, Parvati and Brahma on the four sides of the square PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 64 ISSN 2321-659X Brahma -bhaga part is the presence of a figure of dancing Shiva on the top flattened portion of the cylindrical Puja -bhaga portion of the linga (fig.6). An inscription of probably Proto- Nagari script has been noticed carved on the octagonal Vishnu -bhaga portion. SCULPTURAL DETAIL: The Shiva linga was made of granite stone and it consists of a lower square part (Brahma -bhaga ) with the four sculptural representations as mentioned above, an octagonal middle portion referred to as Vishnu -bhaga and a cylindrical upper portion i.e. the Puja- bhaga or Rudra-bhaga portion of the linga . This part has all around it carved miniature representation of lingas numbering around hundred. Crowning the Puja -bhaga portion on its flattened top is another sculptural representation of dancing Shiva carved out in low-relief. The linga as a whole is placed within a circular yoni -pitha by fixing the Brahma -bhaga portion into it following the usual norms. The Shivalinga measures 49 cm in height. of this, the Brahma -bhaga part alone measures 23 cm in height and each image carved in high relief into it measures 24 cm. The linga has a circumference of 73 cm and the dancing Shiva crowning it is about 23 cm in dia. Owing to the continuous worship of the linga over the centuries all the relief-sculptures and the inscription over it got eroded and become difficult to identify their features in a satisfied manner. All the figures except the dancing Shiva are found to have enclosed within a niche. The niche is flanked by pilasters ( nakulapada ), one on either side and is provided by a trefoil arch above. The following is a description of the sculptures: Ganesha : The deity is in standing posture in tribhanga form with the right leg firmly planted and the left leg with a slight bent at the knee. He has four hands, pot-belly and wears a conical crown like thing. His trunk is turned to his left. Probably the lower right hand is in abhaya- hasta and the lower left is in varada-hasta . No other details could be clearly seen. (fig.7) Brahma : He stands in Samabhanga form having four hands, a little protruding belly and three out of the four faces were visible. Of the four hands in the lower left hand he holds a kamamndala . Of the three heads the central one wears a comparatively longer jatamakuta than the other two. A banded necklace with floral decoration could be seen closely adoring his neck. (fig.8) Parvathi: She was portrayed standing in tribhanga form and has two hands, with the right one placed in the waist in katihasta and the corresponding left hand is not clearly visible. No other details could be made out. (fig.9) Surya: He stands in samabhanga form having four hands with the two upper hands holding lotus. Other details could not be satisfactorily described. (fig.10) PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 65 ISSN 2321-659X Dancing Shiva : The entire figure of Shiva probably was carved inside a floral medallion as could be seen from the petal like designs all along the edges. The image is in a poor state of preservation and from what remains, it could be said that he has four hands with the upper right hand raised and touching his head while the other hands were placed to the sides with the fore arm raised above. (fig.11) COMPARATIVE STUDY: Similar type of lingas have been found from different parts of Northern India, especially more profusely noticed from Bihar in the east to Rajasthan in the west and were datable from Gupta period to 11 th century A.D. From several places such as Nand (24 Km west of Ajmer, dated to Kusana period) 8, Kaman (Bharatpur district; now in Ajmer museum, dated to 9 th century A.D.), Chauma (near Bharatpur, Rajasthan) Kalyanpur (Udaipur district) 9, Osian (Jodhpur distirct, Rajasthan), Deo Barunark (Bihar), Gyaraspur (Vidisha district, M.P.), Mundesvari temple (Bihar), etc., similar types of Pancayatana linga have been reported. Among these the one from Deo Barunark has on the linga along with sculptures of Ganesa, Vishnu, Surya and Parvathi, figures of eight grihas and dikpalas as well, where as the linga from Kalyanpur has along with the Chaturmukhas of Shiva , images of Vishnu, Surya, Brahma and Shiva on it 10 . Several opinions have been put forth by various scholars regarding the significance of this type of linga . Scholars like Shri. J.N. Banerjea, prefers to call such linga the by the term of Pancayatana . This term has been connected by him to the worship of the five principle deities Vishnu, Surya, Shiva, Ganesa and Parvathi by the Smarta Brahmins who worship these deities by placing five stones representing each deity 11 . It has been observed that in the western parts of India the images on the four sides of the linga were those of Vishnu, Surya, Brahma and Shiva whereas in the eastern part of India they were of Vishnu, Surya, Ganesa and Parvathi . The present linga under study also agrees very well with this tradition. However, in addition it also has an image of dancing Shiva and thus it may symbolize the superiority of Shiva as a cosmic creator, sustainer and destroyer and the intention could be to show clearly his superiority over other deities. Doris Srinivasin prefers to call such type of linga as Sadasiva, and describes the term as to represent a partially exposed anthropomorphic form of Shiva , situated between his transcendent undifferentiated form as linga and the differentiated fully anthropomorphic form. The Agita Agama , a Saiva text explains the manifestation process, Sadasiva stems from the highest formless Shiva and from Sadasiva arose Maheshvara , from Maheshvara arose Rudra, from Rudra arose Vishnu and from Vishnu arose Brahma . Thus, the Saiva agamas regard Shiva as the Supreme deity governing this world with all other deities as his subordinates. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 66 ISSN 2321-659X REFERENCE AND NOTES 1. Gopinatha Rao, T.A.; Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol.2, Part.1, Delhi, P. 70-71. 2. Biblical Archaeological Review, vol.34, no.30, may/June 2008 issue, P. 49-51. 3. Sharma, G.R.; Reh Inscriptions of Menander and the Indo-Greek invasion of the Ganga valley, Allahabad, 1980, P. 7. 4. Sharma, I.K.; Parasurmeswara Temple at Gudimallam (A probe into it origins), Dattsons, Nagpur, 1994, P. 1-19. 5. Sivaramamurthi, C.; Forms of Siva in Sanskrit Sources, in Discourses on Siva, Michael.W.Meister (ed.), Vakils, Fefer and Simons Ltd. Mumbai, 1984, P. 184. 6. Srinivasan, D.M.; Significance and Scope of Pre-Kusana Saivite Iconography, in Discourses On Siva, Michael.W.Meister ( ed.), Vakils, Fefer and Simons Ltd. Mumbai, 1984, Pl.40, P. 38. 7. Joshi, N.P.; Early forms of Siva, in Discourses On Siva, Michael.W.Meister ( ed.), Vakils, Fefer and Simons Ltd. Mumbai, 1984, P. 49. 8. Agrawal, R.C.; “Chaturmukha Siva linga from Nanad, near Pushkar, Rajasthan ” in Puratattva no.2. 1968, P. 53-54. 9. Cynthia Packert Atherton, The Sculpture of early medieval Rajasthan. BRILL. New York, 1997, P. 2. 10. Joanna Gottfried Williams, Kaladarsana: American Studies in the art of India, 1981, P. 1-4. 11. Banerjee, J.N.; Development of Hindu Iconography, Calcutta, 1956, P. 544-545. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I am heartily thankful to Amitabh Kr. Tiwary for guidance in the preparation of this paper. In addition, I sincerely like to thank the editor of the journal who takes keen interest in the publication of this article. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 67 ISSN 2321-659X STUDY OF PREHISTORIC EVIDENCES THROUGH CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND ITS SITE FUNCTION IN NALIAJHAR REGION, JAJPUR DISTRICT, ODISHA Soumya Ranjan Sahoo Though human nature and behavior remain unchanged throughout time, but it fluctuates along with the situations and necessities. Both clandestine and normal behavior depends upon the human belief and for food economy. Identifying features and artifact functions in a particular site may be easier, but to interpret the data retrieved from the prehistoric site is refractory. But by determining the functions that have taken place at a site is the way that archaeologist have incorporated human behavior into their interpretations of archaeological sites. Though most of the explored prehistoric site does not have well preserved features, but through the recognition of the archaeological functions archaeologist can interpret the site function. The most important point is to remember that the function of various artifacts, particularly the stone artifacts is not easy to interpret and many of the traditional interpretations of stone artifact functions not necessarily hundred percent correct. The logic behind the interpretation for the site function of a particular area falls upon the accurate interpretation of artifact functions, technological aspects and probable area along with the site catchment analysis. To understand the site function of the region the most important point is the proper study of the geo-morphology. Basically chipped or polished stone artifacts are multifunctional tools. In a certain tool assemblage we may get a large variation of tools, but that does not mean every single tool having different functions. One tool may use for multi-purpose or an assemblage of tools may use for a single function. So the associated problem for the interpretation of the site functions depending upon the tool assemblage. However in Odisha there are abundantly available evidences are indicating the Stone Age cultures flourished in different parts. But unfortunately except the reporting of few sites nothing more has been done by scholars as far as the technological and site function aspects are concerned. Till the date we have not sufficient data to interpret the earliest human culture flourished in Odisha in a proper way. So we need more and more sites which can link the gap between different cultural traditions at different places. In this regard here the 3 rd phase of exploration work has been taken place in December 2012 by the present author and the result of the work brought enough mental satisfaction due to the rich findings.Here present author trying to focus a new light on the previously reported site Naliajhar in Jajpur district (Sahoo 2008) from the techno-typological aspect and from the site-functional aspect. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 68 ISSN 2321-659X GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION The site named Naliajhar (Lat.20 0 54’ 26” N, Long.85 0 57’ 24” E) is located on the bank of a small perennial stream named Naliajhar, which leads towards the Pandara, a curvature of river Brahmani in Hatibari G.P. of Sukinda block of Jajpur district in Odisha. The present site is located over the sloppy surface of lateritic bed on the southern bank of the stream near to the newly made embankment on the same stream. Vegetation growth near to that area is very scanty, but cultivable lands are there surrounded. Only very few small bushes can be noticed there around the site. Though the elevation of the area shows a large sloppy valley, but the present stream is flowing in between two small lateritic hillocks on both sides on one end. The north hillock is near to Naliajhar village (of tribal inhabitants) and under illegal laterite mining whereas the southern side is open, but under private occupation. The site is 3kms away from the Brahmani river on southern side, 3 kms away from Sunajhar hill on northern direction, 2kms away from the Nandei hudi (a granite hillock) on eastern side and western side having extensive rugged lateritic bed along with few vegitational growth. This whole area is a valley approximately 9 square kms (fig.1). Except the perennial stream Naliajhar there are other 5 small water resources and a quite big stream named Tamara nala are seasonal, becomes dry during summer season. STRATIGRAPHY The surrounding area is shown three layers of soil deposition. The lower is laterite, succeeded by sandy clay mixed with small cobbles and the upper is loose gravels. The second is implementeferous, and the upper having the scattered out implements as well. The tools and cores along with flake are abundantly scattered on the surface and some are embedded in the layers also. From this site upper Palaeolithic blades, flakes, cores, microliths and cores, Neolithic implements along with huge amount of flakes are noticeable (fig.2). Small fragments of cryptocrystalline rocks and flakes are lying on the laterite surface, which are easily come to our notice. After a close observation we can assume the site is an industry site having continuous habitations up to Neolithic phase. The upper Palaeolithic implements are very scanty. But both microliths and neoliths are scattered abundantly. MICROLITHIC INDUSTRY Availability of huge amount of microliths, cores and flakes of semiprecious stones are indicating the industry site here. Few discarded tools are available, but cores and the flakes are much in number. Fluted cores of both black and greenish chert and few of chalcedony are available here. Fluted cores are different in sizes, some are cylindrical in shape and some are flat, but all are bearing the platforms with fluting marks except few broken pieces. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 69 ISSN 2321-659X Besides this site there are few other locations in the same valley which contains few microliths, but very less in number and denoting the progeny to the nearby industry. The striking platforms of the core are almost irregular and small chips make the platform uneven in shape. The feather of termination and the steps of termination are very clearly visible on the fluted cores. Though the nature and quality of the rock is playing a vital role in the making of the terminations on the core, but simultaneously the given force having a great importance. The quartz veins inside the rock type are responsible for different type of terminations. The fluted core indicates the detachment of the thin and elongated blades. Some are regular and some are irregular. Few fluted cores bearing the multi platforms. The length of the cores varies from 2cms to 4cms. Tools of microlithic industry have been classified into a variety of forms based upon overall size, number of edges, and location of retouch. Basically these are not more than 1cms wide nor are they more than 4/5mm thick. Micro blades are profuse in number. Besides those triangles, trapezoids, lunates are available along with a huge collection of non-geometric typologies. But these tools having the projectile points. Most probably those tools were made up for the composite tool by slotting or hafting on bone, wood or bamboo. Very few scattered microliths have been noticed from the upper reaches of Tamara nala, on the foot hill of Nandei hudi and from the western rugged area as well. It denotes probably these microliths might have migrated from the industry site on Naliajhar to other places for the hunting, graving, cutting, drilling or shaving purpose, and in subsequent period after getting success or due to any other cause those became missing. About the particular function of these tools cannot be postulated. The function of individual microlithic may vary depending upon the context, shape, size and wear of the specimen (Andrefsky 1998:195). NEOLITHIC COMPOUND Again from the same locality above the implemeniferous level along with the loose laterite few Neolithic implements have been reported. The chipping, pecking marks on the shaped out and broken out stone pieces denoting a flourishing Neolithic industry (Singh 2000:111) here. Though large numbers of flakes are visible on the site but very less shaped stone pieces have been recovered. Among them three polished stone pieces are included among which two are broken and the other is complete. One is finely polished but broken from its half; only the working end is available. Other polished stone is un-finished. Other stones are indicating different stages of Neolithic celt making (Behera 1992:57-63). One heavy stone piece has been roughly shaped by using stone hammer technique is the most important among the findings. Another broken piece (which is broken from its half, but having the shape of axe without bearing the polish) is providing us valuable clue about the PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 70 ISSN 2321-659X making of edge before going for polishing. The ‘U’ shaped working edge is very sharp and devoid of grinding. From the site total 3 axes have been collected which are complete (fig. 3). Almost all celts having the ‘U’ shaped working edge except the polished and intact axe which having a broad and rectangular face. The chisels and axes or adzes reported from Odisha have been classified on the basis of the shape of butt. So all over Odisha we are getting the celts having trigonal, arch, trapezoid, parabolic, rectangular or square butts (Dash 2008:28-42). But here the complete Neolithic specimens are different from those specified classes. Only one celt having the rectangular butt where as other two having angular butt (different from triangular and arch butt). And this typical feature to the tools brought intentionally. The polished but unfinished celt having the butt made out elegantly. IRON INDUSTRY Abundantly scattered out iron slag are being noticed on the northern side laterite hillocks and adjoining areas near to the dyke. The amount is huge, at places these are accumulated in hoards. The huge concentration of iron slag near to the stream is covering around 5000 square meters. Definitely these are belonging to Iron Age cultures. But problem is the dating. Though the evidence of two furnaces (fig.4) in ruined state and few potsherds embedded to the wall have been recovered, but for fixing the chronology is very difficult. Again from the surface level one grinding stone and few microliths along with the huge quantity of iron wastages have discovered. Most probably the iron industry flourished during early Christian era and the microliths and Neolithic implement have been come here accidentally from the other side of stream. Except this important site there are few other localities of the Naliajhar valley reveals the evidence of iron slag along with the remnant of furnace. But these are not well preserved as the above discussed site. INTERACTION OF PREMITIVE MAN IN THAT LOCALITY Human activity in a particular area is directly depending upon the geographical locations. The catchment area of a man is not always confined in a diameter of 10 kms per day. Exceptions must be there. Before going to study about the human activity we have to trace out few points. First question is what was the necessity to come out from a secured place ? Second is how far he was able to wander safely ? Third is what about the shelter ? Now we have to discuss about the necessity for coming out. The main reason is to collection food, collection of raw material and social exchange. Collection of food- though during Neolithic period and Iron Age human was acquainted with cultivation and settled life but could not able to leave the age old habit for hunting and PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 71 ISSN 2321-659X gathering. Ethnographical data of that particular region shows that the tribal people even today going for hunting of wild animals to the nearest forest Sunajhar. Most probably during Mesolithic and Neolithic phase human was doing the same. The whole area must have full of jungles and near the water sources primitive man was waiting for the wild animal along with his bow and arrow and loops. Collection of raw material- during Stone Age the raw material indicates the suitable rock or stone, which had been changed during Iron Age to iron ore. Varieties of crypto crystalline rocks as chert, chalcedony, agate, quartz are profusely available on the foot hill of Sunajhar in the form of large small nodules. The black and greenish chert are more common. From the collected microliths it is clear that the use of black and greenish chert must have been retrived from the nearest source. The dolerite and granite used for making out the Neolithic celts are now available at Nandei hudi, just 2kms away from the industry site. Granite might have collected both Sunajhar and Nandei area. Besides these two sites there are other small granite hillocks in the valley from where they might collect. But the predominant variety is the dolerite, which is available at Nandei hudi region. The most important raw material for iron producing community is the hematite. It is very easily available in that locality. But from the slag it seems that those people were collected the iron rich laterite blocks from the hillock and producing iron by smelting it. For that they had to go nowhere. From the site only they were collecting it by digging selected places and on the top of the hillock made the furnaces, where air is passing continuously towards north. Still some of the slag from the site bears the laterite nodules in it. SITE FUNCTION OF DIFFERENT CULTURES In general artifact assemblages used to site function through site type analysis (Andrefsky 1998:209). But everywhere it is not mandatory to get tool assemblage because of the huge time gap between that day and present time. Many agents may involve transferring the artifacts from the original place. But the probable place where the artifacts were expected to be we have to assume, otherwise we would fail in the interpretation of site function. Charter(1987:356) recognizes three site types: winter base camp, winter hunt camps and spring residence camps. Again Charter suggests that tool diversity should be high at base camps and residence camps compare to field camps. In his interpretation he is hundred percent correct. But he is silent about the industry site. Here in the case of a large valley the importance should be given on the permanent camp site or the residence site. From the point of climatic fluctuation in this region summer is severe, but whole year beasts are available. Only the place of water source has been changed. Except one stream others become dry in summer. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 72 ISSN 2321-659X As far as the site function is concerned the whole study can be divided into three on the basis of cultural diversity. The Mesolithic, Neolithic, Iron Age. In this whole valley there was no necessity of changing of frequent camp sites. Most probably they were coming out for their expedition from the residence area. It is applicable for both Mesolithic and Neolithic phase. During the Mesolithic period, primitive man usually selecting the rock shelters as their residence. In the whole valley there are two rock shelters. The largest having more than 10 shelters formed by the irregular placing of huge granite boulders as well as containing few dolerite boulders. Other is a small granite hillock, situated towards extreme southern side, near to Brahmani and it having only one large shelter in which more than 50 people can take accommodate. But unfortunately the way into the shelter has been blocked by putting a modern laterite wall and it is not possible to penetrate into it. But the first one called as Nandei hudi might be the suitable rock-shelter for primitive man during the Mesolithic period. From here the application of haematite above few stone blocks are clearly visible along with one large miscellaneous rock painting on a huge boulder (fig. 6), which directly evidences the presence of human culture here, though the particular time is unknown. Unfortunately no microliths has been noticed by the author, but the flaked out quartzite pebble and few flakes have made the hope stronger about the prehistoric existence inside the rock shelter. But few dimple marks on few stone boulders are being noticed. But the interesting matter is the location of the industry site near the Stream. Raw material were being collected and prepared here. Both fine tools and debitage are lying scattered. Most probably this site was using a hunting site during the summer season, because only in dry period water is available here, where animals might gather to drink. Again during Neolithic phase the same site was used as the industry site. Most probably this was the residence of Neolithic people. The plain and fertile land, a beautiful water resource might induce the man to settle down here. Again from the point of age old love towards hunting would have satisfied during extreme summer, when no grain could produce. About the rainy camp nothing can be assume. As an area of tropical region rain fall is very high during rainy season. It is not possible to hunt wild animals by entering in the dense forest. It seems that primitive man might engage himself for food gathering. By utilizing the opportunities rarely might have hunted the animals. Nandei hudi was the paradise for the prehistoric man for hunting and residing safely. The interesting findings from the rock shelters of Nandei hudi are the miscellaneous rock painting on the huge detached boulder (fig. 6) and evidence of flaked out pebble tool and few quartzite flakes (fig 7). The collection of few microliths from the Tamara nala region focuses light on the winter camp during PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 73 ISSN 2321-659X Mesolithic people. In winter this nala bearing water in patches and now days also it attracts the wild animals to consume water. For Neolithic and the Iron Age people of this region nothing can presume properly. Though the prosperous land was available here, but where the settlement might be. There is more chance to get the evidence of the residential area of these cultures from the adjoining area to the stream due to the suitable locality. The early residence of Mesolithic people became the place of raw material extraction for Neolithic people. It may confess that Neolithic people were in seclusion, which is evidenced by their typical tool type (fig. 3) and they might confined in a small area. During Iron Age period definitely the settlement was extremely large due to the spread of slag in a large area. And it can be presume that the continuation of the culture was for a long time. It is evidenced by the huge deposition of wastage. Uniqueness of this site is the continuity of culture in a single place from Mesolithic to Iron Age. Though very few miscellaneous pebble types have been noticed, but evidence is very scanty. It needs further and extensive exploration along with few trial excavations to establish the palaeolithic culture. The missing link between Neolithic and Iron age can be traced out by further work, from which we can study the artifact diversities, human mobility in and around that particular area as well as its link with other places of Odisha and abroad. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 74 ISSN 2321-659X REFERENCE AND NOTES 1. Andrefsky, W.; LITHICS , Cambridge University Press, London, 1998, P. 40-57. 2. Behera, P. K.; The pebble tool component of the Banaigarh Neolithic complex, Orissa, Man and Environment, xii(2), Deccan college, Pune, 1992, P.57-63. 3. Bhattacharya, D. K.; Old Stone Age Tools, Calcutta, K.P. Bagchi & Company, 1979, P. 3-54. 4. Charters, J. C.; Hunter-gatherer adaptations and assemblage structure: journal of Anthropologicl Research, 1987, 6:336 -75. 5. Chauley, M. K.; Prehistory and Protohistory of Eastern India, Agam Kala Prakashan, New Delhi, 2008. 6. Dani, A. H.; Prehistory and Protohistory of Eastern India , Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyaya, Calcutta, 1960, P. 17-105. 7. Dash, R. N.; Archaeology, History and Culture of Orissa, Pratibha Prakasan, Delhi, 2008, P. 1-111. 8. Datta, A.; Neolithic Culture in West Bengal, Agam Kala Prakashan, New Delhi, 1992, P. 99-119. 9. Joukowsky, M., Field Archaeology, Tools and Techniques of Field work for Archaeologists, Prentice Hall Press, New York, 1986, P. 309-331. 10. Mahapatra, G. C., Stone Age Cultures of Orissa, Poona, Deccan College, 1962, P. 175-178. 11. Sahoo, S. R., Lithic Tradition near Kalinganagara on Brahmani valley, Orissa Historical Research Journal, vol. XLIX, no.1-4, Bhubaneswar, Orissa State Museum, 2008, P. 147-150. 12. Singh, P. K., Stone Age cultures of central Orissa, Archaeology of Orissa, vol.i, pratibha Prakashan, Delhi, 2000, P.102-113, 13. Tripathy, K.C., Lithic Industries in India, Leeladevi Publications, Delhi, 1979, P. 61-145. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 75 ISSN 2321-659X tSu izfrek vfHkys[k] xzke cjklkS] ftyk&fHk.M+ yYys’k dqekj Pl. No (I) A Pl. No (II) A Pl. No (III) A Pl. No (IV) A PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 76 ISSN 2321-659X tSu izfrek vfHkys[k] xzke cjklkS] ftyk&fHk.M+ yYys’k dqekj Pl. No (I) B Pl. No (II) B Pl. No (III) B Pl. No (IV) B PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 77 ISSN 2321-659X DISCRETE EVIDENCES OF BUDDHISM IN GWALIOR REGION J. Manuel FIG-1 BUDDHA ON LINTEL AT BATESHWAR FIG-2 SPOT OF EARLIER REPORTED STUPA, CHOTI BADOUNI DATIA PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 78 ISSN 2321-659X Ganapatya Cult in Jajpur District of Odisha: An Analytical Approach Brajabandhu Bhatta & Dr. Rekharani Khuntia PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 79 ISSN 2321-659X anapatya Cult in Jajpur District of Odisha: An Analytical Approach Dr. Brajabandhu Bhatta & Dr. Rekharani Khuntia PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 80 ISSN 2321-659X Ganapatya Cult in Jajpur District of Odisha: An Analytical Approach Dr. Brajabandhu Bhatta & Dr. Rekharani Khuntia PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 81 ISSN 2321-659X A Vajrayana Deity of Eastern India: A Case Study on Goddess Aparajita Pampa Biswas Fig. I Sarnath Museum Fig. II Nalanda Museum Fig. III Nalanda Museum Fig. IV Patna Museum PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 82 ISSN 2321-659X A Vajrayana Deity of Eastern India: A Case Study on Goddess ApaAparajitarajita Pampa Biswas Fig. V Gaya Museum, Bihar Fig. VI Antichak, Bihar Fig. VII Sarnath, U.P. Fig. VIII Ratnagiri PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 83 ISSN 2321-659X A Vajrayana Deity of Eastern India: A Case Study on Goddess Aparajita Pampa Biswas Fig. IX Lalitgiri Museum Fig. X Udaygiri Museum Fig. XI Indian Museum Fig. XII Akhayaya Kumar Maitraya Museum PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 84 ISSN 2321-659X A Vajrayana Deity of Eastern India: A Case Study on Goddess Aparajita Pampa Biswas Fig. XIII Birla Academy of Art and culture Fig. XIV Rajauna, Jamui Jurisdiction Museum, Kolkata Fig. XV Patna Museum PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 85 ISSN 2321-659X Anantasayi/Seshasayi Visnu Sculpture from West Bengal: An Iconographic Assessment Shubha Majumder Fig.1. Anantasayi Visnu, Vishnupur Sahitya Parisad Fig. 2.Anantasayi Visnu, Boral, South 24 Museum, Bankura Parganas Fig. 3.Anantasayi Visnu, Asutosh Museum, Calcutta Fig.4. Anantasayi Visnu, State Archaeological University Museum, Kolkata Fig.5. Anantasayi Visnu, Coin of Shah Alam II PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 86 ISSN 2321-659X Rock Art of Hawatsu, Eritrea: An EthnoEthno----archaeologicalarchaeological Study Dr. D. B. Garnayak & Dr. N. K. Mishra Fig. 1. Location of the site from the satellite image. Fig.2 Fig.3 Fig.4 Fig.5 Fig. 6 Aba-salama monastery, wall painting PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 87 ISSN 2321-659X A note on Two Rare Shiva lingalingassss Sachin.Kr.Tiwary & S.Krishnamurthy FIG. 1 Front view of Ekamukhashiva linga, A note FIG. 2 Side view of the linga and Female figure, on Two Rare Shiva lingas A note on Two Rare Shiva lingas FIG. 3 Figure of dwarf, A note on Two Rare FIG. 4 Head figure of Ganga, A note on Two Rare Shiva lingas Shiva lingas PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 88 ISSN 2321-659X A note on Two Rare Shiva lingalingassss Sachin.Kr.Tiwary & S.Krishnamurthy FIG. 5 The Modern Temple, A note on Two Rare FIG. 6 Shiva lingas inside the temple, with the rare Shiva lingas linga (3rd from left), A note on Two Rare Shiva lingas FIG. 6 The Shivalinga, A note on Two Rare FIG. 7 Ganesha, A note on Two Rare Shiva lingas Shiva lingas PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 89 ISSN 2321-659X A note on Two Rare Shiva lingalingassss Sachin.Kr.Tiwary & S.Krishnamurthy FIG.8 Brahma, A note on Two Rare Shiva lingas FIG.9 Parvathi, A note on Two Rare Shiva lingas FIG.10 Surya, A note on Two Rare Shiva lingas FIG.11 Dancing image of Shiva, A note on Two Rare Shiva lingas PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 90 ISSN 2321-659X STUDY OF PREHISTORIC EVIDENCES THROUGH CULTURAL DIVERSITYDIVERSITY AND ITS SITE FUNCTION IN NALIAJHAR REGION, JAJPUR DISTRICT, ODISHA Soumya Ranjan Sahoo Fig. 1-Area of study Fig. 2- Neolithic Axe along with microliths and flakes Fig. 3- Neolithic tools reported from Naliajhar PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 91 ISSN 2321-659X STUDY OF PREHISTORIC EVIDENCES THROUGH CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND ITS SITE FUNCTION IN NALIAJHAR REGION, JAJPUR DISTRICT, ODISHA Soumya Ranjan Sahoo Fig. 4-Remnant of Iron furnace along with slag Fig. 5- Nandei hudi (Granite and dolerite hillock) Fig. 6-Miscellaneous rock painting on a stone Fig. 7-Flaked out pebble and chips on the cave bolder floor PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 92 ISSN 2321-659X ’kks/k i= izdk’ku gsrq vko’;d funsZ’k ∑ “kks/k&i= 20 i`’Bksa ls vf/kd dk u gksA “kks/k i= esa ekufp= rFkk Nk;kfp= dk mi;ksx vko”;drk vuqlkj fd;k tk ldrk gSA ∑ ftu “kks/k&i=ksa esa fp=ksa dk mi;ksx fd;k x;k gS] os fp= vyx ls vfuok;Z :i ls HkstsA ∑ “kks/k&i= fgUnh vFkok vaxzsth Hkk’kk esa ,e-,l- oMZ esa VkbZi gksuk pkfg,A fgUnh QkUV d`frnso 10] lkbt 14 rFkk vaxzsth esa TIMES NEW ROMAN lkbZt 10] ykbu Lisl 1-5 gksuk pkfg,A ∑ “kks/k&i=@vkys[k esa lanHkksZ dk mi;ksx djuk vko”;d gSA lUnHkksZ dk mi;ksx “kks/k i= ds vUr esa Li’V :i ls djsA “kks/k&i= esa izekf.kd lUnHkksZ dk mi;ksx djsA ∑ lanHkksZ esa *ogh* vFkok *mijksDr* vkfn dk mi;ksx fd;k tk ldrk gSA ∑ ys[kd dk uke]] iqLrd dk uke] izdk”ku LFky] izdk”ku o’kZ i`’B Øekad ds Øe djuk pkfg,A f}osnh] ,l- ds- vkSj dqyJs’B] e/kqckyk( Xokfy;j] e/;izns”k fgUnh xzaFk vdkneh] Hkksiky] 2011] i`-A ∑ “kks/k @vkys[k lUnHkZ dk mi;ksx fuEufyf[kr QkWesZV esa fd;k tk ldrk gS& dqekj] MkW- czts”k( cq) izfrek % mn~Hko vkSj fodkl] laLd`fr] vad& 17] ubZ fnYyh] 2009] i`-A ∑ “kkldh; izdk”ku] izfrosnu ls lacaf/kr lUnHkZ& lh- bZ- yqvMZ] lqijMsUV xtsfV;j] xtsfV;j fj;klr Xokfy;j] xtsfV;j vuqHkkx jktHkk’kk ,oa laLd`fr lapky;uky;] e- iz- “kklu Hkksiky] 1907] i`-A ∑ laikfnr iqLrd esa v/;k; vFkok vkys[k laca/kh lanHkZ dk mi;ksx& deyfxfj ,oa d:.kk fxfj( vIljk ewfrZ;ksa dh ijEijk vkSj eks PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 93 ISSN 2321-659X ∑ izpfyr “kCn&la{ksi dk mi;ksx fd;k tk ldrk gS] tSls& EI, IA, ASI, AR, ASIR, , CII, IAR, IHQ, JAS, IC vkfnA ∑ osc ,Mªsl dk mi;ksx & http://asi.nic.in/asi_exca_imp_bihar.asp ∑ “kks/k&i= ds “kh’kZd ds lkFk “kks/kkFkhZ dk uke] inuke] iw.kZ irk] eksckbZy ua] bZ&esy ,Msªl vkfn dh tkudkjh gksuh pkfg,A ∑ “kks/kkFkhZ }kjk izLrqr “kks/k i= dk “kh’kZd ,oa fo’k;&oLrq ekSfyd ,oa vizdkf”kr gksuh pkfg,A “kks/k i= esa izLrqr fo’k;&oLrq dh ekSfydrk ds fy, ys[kd Lo;a ftEEksnkj gksxkA ∑ “kks/k&i=@vkys[k dk p;u ijke”kZnkrk e.M+y }kjk “kks/k&i=@vkys[k dh ekSfydrk ds vk/kkj ij fd;k tk;sxkA ∑ iqLrd leh{kk gsrq iqLrd dh nks izfr;k¡ jftLVMZ Mkd ls vfuok;Z :i ls Hksth tkuh pkfg,A leh{kk dh fLFkfr esa “kks/k&i= dk vad lacaf/kr ys[kd ds irs ij Hkst fn;k tk;sxkA ∑ “kks/k&i=] bZ&esy ,Msªl [email protected] ij izsf’kr dj ldrs gSaA PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 94 ISSN 2321-659X IMPORTANT RULE OF RESEARCH PAPER PUBLICATION ∑ Research papers should not exceed 20 pages. In the research paper maps and photographs can be used. ∑ The pictures used in research papers, they essentially send pictures separately. ∑ Research paper should be typed in Hindi Script KRUTIDEV 10 size 14 font and English TIMES NEW ROMAN size 10 font with 1.5 line space. ∑ Research paper must use references, references at the end of research paper to use. Authentic references should be used in research paper. ∑ Ibid and Op.cit can use recommended for saving space. ∑ In references to printed books, the system should be used under which the name of author, the title of the book, the place, year of publication and come in that order. Sodhi, Jiwan; A study of Bundi School of painting , Abinav Publishers, 1999, P. ∑ Articles may be cited thus. Kumar, Lallesh; Role of heroine in Indian art, Prag Samiksha, Vol. I, No. 1, (August 2013), P. ∑ Government publications, reports related to the use of references. Annual Report (2011-2012), University Grants Commission, Government of India, P. Twelfth Five Year Plan (2012-2017), Planning, Economics and Statistics Department, Government of Madhya Pradesh, Volume – I, P. ∑ In references to edited books, the system should be used. R.P. Panday (1994); Rock art discoveries around Gwalior, P.K. Mishra (Ed.); Heritage of India: Past and Present, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, P. ∑ References for Dictionary. Fredrick w. Bounce (2001); A Dictionary of Buddhist and Hindu Iconography, D.K. Print world, New Delhi, P. ∑ Reference for Dissertation or Dissertation Abstract. Kumar, Lallesh (2012); Batesara: Temple architecture and Iconography, Unpublished Master of Philosophy dissertation, Jiwaji University Gwalior, P. ∑ Reference for newspaper article. Bhargva, D. (2012, December 28), Temple architecture of Padavali. “City Bhaskar, Gwalior” Dainik Bhaskar, P. ∑ Well know abbreviations for journals e.g. EI, AI, ASI, AR, ASIR, CII, IAR, IHQ, JAS, IC etc. PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 95 ISSN 2321-659X web addresses should be referred in research paper in following manner http://asi.nic.in/asi_exca_imp_bihar.asp ∑ The cover page should contain title of the research paper, Author’s name, designation, official address, full contact address, mobile no. and Email address. ∑ Authors are responsible for making subs that they have not duplicated the paper already published or accepted. ∑ Research papers will be selected for publication on the basis of merit by the editorial board and copyright will of Prag Samiksha. ∑ Book Reviews for the book as a compulsory two copies should be sent by registered post. In the case of book reviews related issue of the journal will be sent to the address of the author. ∑ Research paper should be mailed on [email protected] . PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 96 ISSN 2321-659X izkx~ leh{kk PRAG SAMÍKSH Ā lnL;rk izi= 1- uke % ------ 2- inuke % ------ 3- foHkkx@fc’k; % ------ 4- i=kpkj dk irk % ------ 5- LFkk;h irk % ------6- bZ&esy % ------7- eksckbZy@nwjHkk’k % ------8- lnL;rk fooj.k % okf’kZd@vkthou % udn@cSad Mªk¶V@euhvkMZj % cSad Mªk¶V Øekad ------% fnukad ------% cSad “kk[kk ------ fnukad % ------gLrk{kj lnL;rk “kqYd cSad Mªk¶V] euhvkMZj vFkok O;fDrxr :i ls fn;k tk ldrk gSA “kqYd jk’Vªh;d`r cSad dk cSad Mªk¶V vFkok euhvkMZj] laiknd MkW- “kkfUrnso fllkSfn;k] thokth fo”ofo|ky;] Xokfy;j ds uke gksuk pkfg,A lnL;rk % O;fDrxr % 450 :- ,d vad O;fDrxr % 800 :- okf’kZd % 4000 : vkthou laLFkkxr % 1500 :- okf’kZd % 7500 :- vkthou PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 97 ISSN 2321-659X izkx~ leh{kk PRAG SAMÍKSH Ā VOLUME- 1 AUGUEST 2013 No. 1 QkeZ&4 if=dk e.My 1- izdk”ku LFky % Xokfy;j 2- izdk”ku dh vof/k % v)Zokf’kZd 3- eqnz.k dk uke % yYys”k dqekj 4- izdk”kd uke % MkW- “kkfUrnso fllkSfn;k 5- laiknd uke % MkW- “kkfUrnso fllkSfn;k lgk;d izk/;kid] izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u”kkyk] thokth fo”ofo|ky;] Xokfy;j ¼e- iz-½ 6- laj{kd dk uke % izks- ,l- ds- f}osnh foHkkxk/;{k] izkphu Hkkjrh; bfrgkl] laLd`fr ,oa iqjkrRo v/;;u”kkyk] thokth fo”ofo|ky;] Xokfy;j ¼e- iz-½ 7- LokfeRo % MkW- “kkfUrnso fllkSfn;k PRAG SAMIKSHA VOLUME- I, NO. 1 (AUGUST- 2013) 98