Bronze Age Fortified Settlements in Central Europe

Polskie Towarzystwo Historyczne

Mateusz Jaeger

Wydawnictwo Nauka i Innowacje In Kommission bei Dr Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn

Poznañ 2016 Studien zur Archäologie in Ostmitteleuropa Studia nad Pradziejami Europy Œrodkowej Band / Tom 17

Herausgegeben von / Redaktorzy Johannes Müller, Kiel

Janusz Czebreszuk, Poznañ

S³awomir Kadrow, Kraków

The publication was financed by National Science Center of Poland – project no. 2012/05/B/HS3/03714

Publikacja dofinansowana przez Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wy¿szego oraz Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu

Distribution Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn

Translation Ryszard J. Reisner, Tomasz ¯ebrowski, Zofia Zió³kowska, Mateusz Jaeger Editor Mieczys³awa Makarowicz Technical editor Aldona Najdora Graphics Mateusz Stró¿yk Cover design Holger Dietrich und Ines Reese, Kiel

ISBN 978-3-7749-4019-2 (Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn) 978-83-64864-29-2 (Wydawnictwo Nauka i Innowacje Sp. z o.o.)

Printed by Uni-Druk, Luboñ, Poland

No part of the book may be, without the written permission of the authors: reproduced in any from (print, copy, CD, DVD, the Internet or other means) as well as working through, reproduced or distributed CONTENTS

Preface from series’ editors ...... 7

Acknowledgements ...... 9

Introduction ...... 11

CHAPTER 1. History of Research ...... 13

CHAPTER 2. Source Criticism ...... 19

CHAPTER 3. Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups ...... 25 3.1. Natural environment and economy ...... 25 3.2. Inner layout ...... 28 3.3. Fortifications ...... 32 3.4. Metallurgy ...... 36 3.5. Chronology ...... 38 3.6. Summary: role and function of fortified settlements in the Alpine area ...... 40

CHAPTER 4. Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Koœcian Group of Úne¢tice culture ...... 43 4.1. Natural environment and economy ...... 44 4.2. Inner layout ...... 48 4.3. Fortifications ...... 51 4.4. Metallurgy ...... 57 4.5. Chronology ...... 58 4.6. Summary: role and function of the Bruszczewo settlement in the Koœcian group of the Únìtice culture ...... 61

CHAPTER 5. Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture ...... 69 5.1. Natural environment and economy ...... 69 5.2. Inner layout ...... 77 5.3. Fortifications ...... 84 5.4. Metallurgy ...... 87 5.5. Chronology ...... 92 5.6. Summary: role and function of Vatya culture fortified settlements ...... 99

CHAPTER 6. Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture ...... 101 6.1. Natural environment and economy ...... 101 6.2. Inner layout ...... 104

Contents 5 6.3. Fortifications ...... 113 6.4. Metallurgy ...... 119 6.5. Chronology ...... 129 6.6. Summary: role and function of Otomani-Füzesabony fortified settlements 131

CHAPTER 7. Comparative analysis of research areas ...... 139

Conclusion ...... 151

Bibliography ...... 153

6 Contents Preface from series’ editors

Th is volume is yet another publication conducted at the site in Bruszczewo (vol- in the Studien zur Archäologie in Ostmit- umes 2, 13 and 14). Th is publication off ers teleuropa/Studia nad Pradziejami Europy a comparative study of four areas in Central Środkowej series. It is based on the author’s Europe: the Alpine region, south-western doctoral dissertation concerning defensive Wielkopolska, the Middle Danube Basin settlements in Central Europe. Th e latter and Upper Tisza Basin, outlining a com- is one of the major focus areas in the ar- prehensive panorama of the phenomenon chaeology of the period around 2000 BCE, and demonstrating regional variations. Th e encompassing numerous issues relating to author delivers a well-ordered disquisition the key phenomena of the Early Bronze concerning chief aspects of the function- age, such as social stratifi cation, trade and ing of settlements in the aforesaid cultural- exchange, warfare and metal production. -geographical regions, supported by abun- At the same time, the book contributes to dant data. Given the shortage of mono- the broader discussion on Bronze Age de- graphic studies on the addressed issue, fensive settlements presented as part of the this book constitutes a signifi cant building SAO/SPEŚ series, supplementing general block in our knowledge about Bronze Age studies (volume 5), aspectual monographs settlement forms, and compellingly sug- (volume 9) and the fi ndings from research gests future directions of research.

Johannes Müller • Janusz Czebreszuk • Sławomir Kadrow

Acknowledgements

Th is publication is based on a doctoral within the walls of that university that dissertation defended at the Adam Mic- I spent a long time taking advantage of the kiewicz University in Poznań in 2011, with abundant resource of its libraries. A group only minor revisions and updates. Th e dis- of friends made me feel in Kiel at home. sertation was draft ed at the AMU Institute For that I wish to thank Jutta Kneisel, of Prehistory, under the supervision of Pro- Georg Schaff erer, Martin Furholt, Robert fessor Janusz Czebreszuk to whom expres- Hofmann, as well as Doris and Carsten sions of gratitude are due in the fi rst place Mischka. – not only for the sound advice and hints, I would like to thank everyone and as- but also for all the moments of frustration sure those whom fallible memory might and arguments. I am convinced that the have omitted of my gratefulness. Th ere- latter also contributed to my formation as fore I extend my expressions of gratitude an archaeologist. to colleagues from Poznań: Józef Bed- Th e dissertation was reviewed by Profes- narczyk, Piotr Chachlikowski, Mateusz sors Arkadiusz Marciniak (AMU Poznań) Cwaliński, Marcin Ignaczak, Iwona Hilde- and Kristian Kristiansen (University of brandt-Radke, Mariusz Kufel, Przemysław Gothenburg). Presented version of the Makarowicz, Mirosław Makohonienko, Ja- text was reviewed by Professors Aleksan- kub Niebieszczański, Łukasz Pospieszny, der Kośko (AMU Poznań) and Sławomir Mateusz Stróżyk, Paulina Suchowska-Dücke Kadrow (Institute of Archaeology and and to fellow researchers from other sci- Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences, entifi c institutions: Peter Ettel (Jena), Kraków). Th anks to their critical feedback, Klara P. Fischl (Miskolc), Anthony Har- the text in its present form is free from the ding (Exeter), Tünde Horváth (Budapest), many shortcomings it might have had. Tobias L. Kienlin (Cologne), Viktoria Naturally, I bear the sole responsibility for Kiss (Budapest), Gabriella Kulcsár (Bu- any fl aws that may still be found. dapest), Klara Marková (Nitra), Justyna Th is work would not have been accom- Molak (Kraków), Marcin S. Przybyła plished if not for the support of many of (Kraków), Tomáš Nováček (Brno), Ladis- my colleagues. I am particularly grateful to lav Olexa (Košice), Vajk Szeverényi (Buda- Professor Aleksander Kośko, who made it pest) and Claes Uhnér (Gothenburg). possible for me to present the progress I had Last but not least, I would like to thank made to a circle of experts and kindly critics my parents Henryka and Marek, as well as from the Poznań archaeological milieu. my wife Katarzyna for the years of ceaseless I am much indebted to Professor Johan- support. nes Müller, director of the Institut für Ur- I dedicate this book to two special per- und Frühgeschichte, Christian-Albrechts sons, without whom everything I do would Universität zu Kiel, whose boundless hos- be pointless – my son Aleksander and pitality was tremendously helpful. It was daughter Nina.

Acknowledgements 9

Introduction

Th e available literature on this particular and related Otomani-Füzesabony culture subject in the last half century or so would (chapter 6). appear to indicate that the issue of fortifi ed Th e choice of specifi c research areas was settlements in the Bronze Age is one of the dictated by the acceptance of defi ned cri- key and relatively well researched questions teria. First, regions were selected, in which (see chapter 1). In reality, however, the li- the subject of fortifi ed constructions has terature at large oft en is of a general nature, a long-standing research tradition. Th is rarely concerning itself with the appropri- guaranteed the access to a subsequently ate source texts that contain fi rst-hand data broad collection of professional literature. recorded during the course of excavations. At the time this study was commenced, in It can be clearly see that European prehis- all the regions concerned, excavation work tory would seem to make use of a particu- was being conducted, planned for the next lar canon of literature in this respect that several years. Th is has created the possi- bears little critical value. bility of fi nding new, up to date informa- It is in fact on the basis of such texts that tion that is oft en (though not always, see a homogenous picture of fortifi ed settle- chapter 2) in accord with the systematically ments and their inhabitants was created. raised standards of methodology (such as Th e fortifi cations around settlements were interdisciplinary research with the partici- to be a physical proof of the deepening pation of the natural sciences in the various social stratifi cation process and growing phases of locating and analysing fi nds). complexity of settlement hierarchy. Th ese Th e methodology of the study therefore very processes took place in every one of takes the premise that the communities of the regions where the rise of fortifi ed set- fortifi ed settlements in terms of their cul- tlements was observed. Finally, a series of ture refl ect the most important pro cesses cultural traits of the settlements themselves taking place at this period during the would become proof of the close genetic Bronze Age, such as the intensifi cation of ties with the Aegean-Anatolian zone. long-distance and inter-regional exchange, Although fortifi ed settlements were social stratifi cation, the rise of elites and built in the majority of developed Euro- the boom of artisan craft s with metallurgy pean regions of the Bronze Age, it was de- of bronze at the forefront. cided to base analysis on fi nds related to Such phenomena should therefore mani- specifi c, chosen research areas. Th is work fest itself in particular archaeological fi nds therefore will devote itself to four principle retrieved in fortifi ed settlement research. chapters, each refl ecting a chosen point of So as to verify current views relating to for- study: the Alpine area and associated in- tifi ed settlements, it was decided to base the ner-Alpine Bronze Age groups (chapter 3), structure of this study on an outline of the south-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo main aspects and in what follows, a criti- and related Kościan Group of the Únětice cal analysis of chosen research areas. Th us culture (chapter 4), middle Danube Ba- each chapter has the following sequence sin and Vatya culture (chapter 5) and last, of discussion: natural environment and the upper Tisza Basin in eastern Slovakia economy, inner layout, fortifi cations, me-

Introduction 11 tallurgy and chronology. A detailed outline to the case of inner layout elements, as in of particular fortifi ed settlement elements fortifi cations, a verifi cation was made of on the one hand aims to demonstrate the the view that proposed eastern Mediter- basis of documenting fi nds at our disposal ranean origins (Vladár 1973: 280-293; and on the other, represents a collection of Krause 2007b). the most vital information relating to the Further, fi nds relating to metallurgy level of social organisation for the commu- were analysed. Th ey are known from all nities analysed. the regions under analysis, the vast major- Th e above fi ve principal aspects under ity of settlements also yielded evidence of research in this work and subject to discus- a local ‘fi nishing’ of these. In each of these sion, relate to the key questions hitherto areas, however, the new raw material was only dealt with in general terms in the treated diff erently. Th e fi nds from fortifi ed professional literature. Th ey are presented settlements indicate that various means of therefore as below. adapting bronze and associated strategies First, the particular characteristics of the of application took place. natural environment and economy provide Finally, as far as chronology is con- an opportunity for archaeologists (and cerned, data were collected and analysed other scholars) to follow the local cultural in terms of absolute dating and to a lesser patterns of how fortifi ed settlement soci- extent, relative chronology. eties adapted to the conditions present at Every chapter relating to one of the that time, an issue which has been some- above mentioned study areas is completed times ignored in the research on fortifi ed by a summary relating to the role and func- settlements. tion of fortifi ed settlements in the given re- Next, the analysis of fi nds relating to the gion. Moreover, in this context, currently inner layout is a useful basis for verifying held views in the literature were subjected views on the existence of evidence in regard to critical analysis on the basis of research to particular forms of spatial organisation discussion for each aspect. in fortifi ed settlements, in part related to Th e aspectual outline of study areas the infl uences of the urbanised Aegean- therefore was the basis of comparative -Anatolian area (among others the exist- analysis (chapter 7), which contains con- ence of delineated artisan zones and the di- clusions also confi rming the comparability vision into the acropolis and the outskirts; of certain elements of fortifi ed settlements Bóna 1975: 146; Kadrow 2001: 83, 87). in particular regions of central Europe and Fortifi cations are the fundamental ele- data corroborating the existence of local ments that distinguished the above men- culture traditions. tioned sites. Assessment of the level of Th e conclusion completes this work, technological complexity, building materi- summarising data and views drawn from als and size of fortifi cations was an impor- the discussion and in so doing, provides tant element allowing to defi ne their func- some answers to the respective research tionality and eff ort in their making. Similar questions.

12 Introduction CHAPTER 1 History of Research

Th e fortifi ed settlement is one of the most Bronze Age and Early Iron Age whilst the important and characteristic traits of the latter detailed information summarising central European Bronze Age. Th e emer- the knowledge extant in respect to forti- gence of such structures took place for the fi ed settlements in Poland and to a lesser most part in regions with developed cul- extent, the issues pertaining to regions tures and the growth of fortifi cation sites more geographically removed. Recently, had its own internal dynamic, reaching two works has been published, containing a zenith in two periods. Th e fi rst stage of several studies on the broader geographic their rise was at the turn of the Early and map of Europe in the context of the fi rst Middle Bronze Ages, the second a period half of the 2nd millenium BC (Czebreszuk, that witnessed the domination of the Urn- Kadrow, Müller 2008; Jaeger, Czebreszuk, fi eld cultural circle (Jockenhövel 1990). In Fischl 2012). the context of this study, however, there Th e history of studies into fortifi ed set- shall be a discussion in brief relating only tlements in all the areas under research to the earlier period, with a particular fo- (with the exception of Bruszczewo micro- cus on selected research areas. region) date back to the 19th c. when his- Fortifi ed settlements, their role, chro- torians and archaeologists began to take nology, formal features and even issues particular notice of sites that suggested relating to terminology are a constant sub- a certain specifi city of terrain forms, which ject of discussion in European prehistory. intimated the existence of prehistoric rel- Th e list of research monographs relating ics. In many places at that time excavations to particular sites is, however, a very short were conducted (Kovács 1988: 17-18; Lip- one (Točik 1964; 1981; Shennan 1995; Rind pert 1992: 12; Shennan 1995: 20; David 1999; Poroszlai, Vicze 2000; Olexa 2003; 1998a: 231; Olexa 2003: 19; Gogâltan 2008: Czebreszuk, Müller 2004; Poroszlai, Vicze 44, Fig. 4.1). 2005; Müller, Czebreszuk, Kneisel 2010). In the Alpine area, particular in terest Th ere is a sizeable store of research dealing in the above mentioned types of settle- with particular aspects, mostly in the form ment goes back to the beginnings of the of summary reports of excavation research 20th c. (Shennan 1995: 20). Already in progress, general studies that in part relate this early period the potential connec- to the subject area of fortifi ed settlements tion was pointed out between settlement and a plethora of post-conference publica- growth and local deposits of copper ore tions such as the noteworthy Beiträge zum (Zschocke, Preuschen 1932). Th e fi rst ex- bronzezeitlichen Burgenbau in Mitteleu- cavation research was undertaken, among ropa (Chropovský, Hermann 1982) and others, at the sites of Götschenberg and Frühbronzezeitliche befestigte Siedlungen St. Veit Klinglberg (Lippert 1992: 13; Shen- in Mitteleuropa (Gedl 1985). Th e former nan 1992: 13-14). Some of the settlements to a large extent was devoted to the Late were identifi ed under the programme of

History of Research 13 survey research conducted by Hell (Hell ginnings and development in ore extrac- 1921; 1924; 1927, quoted in Shennan 1995: tion, as well as identifi cation of potential 20). In addition, during Second World War in local deposits is related rather to simpler these sites continued to be the subject of social systems such as pastoral. At the same archaeological interest. From this period, time, Kienlin and Stöllner dispute that hie- among others, come the preserved ar- rarchical societies needed to exist in order chival plans of excavation sites of Fellers that copper mining develop at the turn of in Switzerland (Krause 2008: 77-78, Fig. the Early and Middle Bronze Ages (Kien- 14.1, 14.2). In later periods, interest in Al- lin, Stöllner 2009; Kienlin 2010). pine settlements went hand in hand with Th e second of the areas under research research into their potential ties with lo- is one of particular note. In contrast to the cal copper ore deposits and the existence others it mainly relates to one settlement of a hypothetical production chain that associated with the Únětice culture, Brusz- would link fortifi ed settlements with open czewo. Th e fi rst references to discoveries ones, at the foot of the Alps (Wyss 1971; of archaeological relics in the immediate Menke 1982). In the present discussion vicinity of the site are to be found already this issue still dominates. Of particular in the 17th and 18th c., the oldest such docu- note is the research and publication record mentation in Polish lands (Czebreszuk, of Krause, who proposes fortifi ed settle- Müller, Silska 2004: 13). Later, in the 19th ments played a key role in the control and c., a chance discovery was made of a de- growth of copper extraction in the east Alps stroyed ‘princely grave’ of the Únětice cul- and the existence of complex social structure in Przesieka Polska (Schwenzer 2004: tures among the communities engaged in 317). It was not until 1943 that Bruszczewo mining. In several publications in recent (site 5) was subject to surface analysis and years the above researcher bases his thesis some two decades later in 1964 aft er sur- on research results of excavations at the face verifi cation surveys that a decision Friaga Wald settlement (Bartholomäberg) was undertaken to commence excavation (Krause 2002; 2005; 2007a; 2008; 2009). (Czebreszuk, Müller, Silska 2004: 14) by Th is site is one of the elements of the wider Pieczyński and his team in 1964-68, un- HiMAT research project Th e History of der the aegis of the Poznań Archaeological Mining Activities in the Tyrol and Adjacent Museum. Areas: Impact on Environment and Human Both the results of this research stage Societies created by the University of Inns- and subsequent analysis of excavation be- bruck, which is concerned with the docu- gun in 1995 by the Institute of Prehistory, mentation of the processes in the rise and Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, fall of mining areas in the eastern alps. were discussed in detail in the literature Krause’s arguments have called forth (Czebreszuk, Müller, Silska 2004: 14-26). a robust debate, in the main from Bartel- An important turning point in the Brusz- heim, Kienlin and Stöllner. Th e fi rst con- czewo excavations was the commencement tends that it is possible to overrate the role in 1999 of Polish-German collaboration of metallurgy in the Bronze Age, emphas- that continued (with a break in 2002) un- ing the importance of fertile soils and salt til 2007 (fi rst the Free University of Berlin, extraction as far more crucial factors for the then the University of Bamberg and fi nally, formation of the settlement network dur- Kiel University). Th ereupon research was ing that period, as well as the phe nomenon begun in the peat zone of the site, which of accretion in prestige and power (social produced a series of important and unique stratifi cation) in the Early Bronze Age fi nds. From 2003 the author took personal (Bartelheim 2002; 2007; 2009). part in excavation work, and from 2005 Kienlin and Stöllner on the other hand, led work in particular trenches at the site’s diff er primarily in their views on the de- mineral zone (non-peat, sandy soils). gree of complexity in social structures re- Th e results of work to date have provid- lated to the extraction of copper ore in the ed the subject matter for a series of schol- Alps, and propose an alternative scenario arly works from which the most impor- of mining societies. In their view, the be- tant are recent publications (Czebreszuk,

14 History of Research Müller 2004; Müller, Czebreszuk, Kneisel ihre Südöstlichen Beziehungen, published 2010), which primarily embraced special- nearly two decades later in 1975 (Ko- ist studies to a large extent related with the vács 1984a: 217). Th e typo-chronological peat zone of the site. Moreover, only just scheme (Bóna 1975) for the Vatya culture recently, few studies have been published, to this day remains the basic taxonomy relating to the subject of the Bruszczewo for Hungarian archaeologists (Poroszlai settlement and its function, as well as the 2000; Kreiter 2005; Kreiter 2007: 19). At the extent of its social organisation (Jaeger, same time, Mozsolics began researching Czebreszuk 2010; Kneisel 2010e; Kneisel, Dunaújváros-Koziderpadlás sites (Kovács Müller 2011). 1984a: 217; Bóna 1992d). Also, very crucial In the case of the two remaining re- data was produced by land surveys con- search areas, in the context of the 19th c. ducted by Nováki, subsequently bearing geopolitical situation in Europe, a decided fruit as published location plans for a se- majority of the sites not only in Hungarian ries of Vatya culture fortifi ed settlements areas but also in Slovakia, were discovered (Nováki 1952). by Hungarian afi cionados of antiquities. A signifi cant intensifi cation of research Th e settlements in the Carpathian Basin, towards identifying Vatya culture defen- oft en tell in formation, stood out boldly sive structures took place in the 1960’s. Se- in the passing landscape. In the nascent veral excavation works began, among oth- beginnings of archaeology proper, these ers in Aba-Belsőbárándpuszta-Bolondvár, enigmatic formations oft en were given Százhalombatta (Kovács 1963; 1969) and names suggesting ties with the early his- Lovasberény-Mihályvár (Petres, Bándi 1969). tory of particular regions, such as ‘Avar However, as in many Vatya culture sites sconces’ (Vicze 1992: 146). As mentioned (not only settlements) like the aforemen- above, it was already in the 19th c. that the tioned, research was not completed. One fi rst research was carried out and it should of the few published studies was that of the be noted that the Alscút-Göböljárás (Vatya Alpár site, which apart from a full presen- culture) site map was drawn up by Arch tation of archaeological research results, Prince Joseph of Habsburg, who also led provided specialist documentation such a dig over several seasons on the settlement as that of animal remains (Bóna, Nováki (Kovács 1988: 23, foot. 5). Th is would seem 1982). to indicate the elite nature at that time in In the above context the number of re- Europe of interest in prehistory. gistered Vatya culture sites has not been At the beginning of the 20th c. tell set- refl ected in the research literature. To the tlements in the Great Hungarian Plain 90 sites referred to by Bóna in 1975 (his were subject to a considerable amount of research, dated 1959), some 220 would interest. V. G. Childe, among others, was be added several years later (Kovács 1982: involved in researching these sites as well 280). Th e present number is diffi cult to es- as the broader subject of the Bronze Age timate and the recent literature relies on in this part of Europe. He led excavation the estimates of Kovács (Vicze 2000: 120). work at Tószeg-Laposhalom and was the One relatively recent and important fi rst to identify the collection of relics relat- research project is the joint Hungarian, ed to the Vatya culture, giving it the name Swedish and British SAX ongoing excava- of Lovasberény-Vatya (Kovács 1984a: 217; tion work (Százhalombatta Archaeological 1988: 18-19; Bóna 1992c: 104; Kreiter 2007: Expedition), which published two mono- 18). Th e network of Vatya culture sites was graphs and briefer studies documenting refi rst presented as an independent culture search completed thus far (Poroszlai, Vicze by Patay in 1938 (Kovács 1984a: 217). 2000; 2005). Th e 1950’s are witness to the start of Th e most recent projects concerning research activity in Hungarian archae- Vatya culture are being carried out in by in- ology on the part of future leading fi g- ternational teams in the valley of the river ures of European prehistory. During this Benta (Earle et al. 2012) and in the Kakucs time in 1959 Bóna produces his classical microregion. In the latter, researchers work Die Mittlere Bronzezeit Ungarns und reanalysed archival excavation studies

History of Research 15 (Kakucs-Balla-domb settlement; Jaeger, Kovalčík 1967: 26-27). During this time Kulcsár 2013) and an interdisciplinary ar- various fi nds (in part tied to the Púchov chaeological research in the defensive set- culture) from local villagers’ collections tlement of Kakucs-Turján was launched by began to reach nearby museums (Novotný, a Polish-Hungarian-German team (Kul- Kovalčík 1967: 25-27, with footnote 5). Th e csár et al. 2014; Pető et al. 2015). present store of knowledge of this in the Otomani-Füzesabony fortifi ed settle- recent literature was formed as a result of ments were fi rst analysed in detail in the excavation works conducted in 1968-1975 middle of the 20th c. although the site of by Vladár. In the process of research, stone Nižná Myšl’a was already referred to in 1892, fortifi cations were partially revealed along and its plan published six years later (Olexa with unique ramparts, as well as numer- 2003: 20, Fig. 8). In 1919 the fi rst excava- ous goods out of bronze, gold and amber tions were conducted, which took on a par- (Vladár 1973; 1975). ticular form, taking over from previously Th ese fi nds were interpreted as mate- abandoned Hungarian (war) trenches. Th at rial evidence of Aegean (early Mycenaean) year the excavation work yielded the fi rst infl uences on local Otomani-Füzesabony fi nds, which were deposited in the National communities. Vladár devoted a series of Museum in Prague (Olexa 2003: 19). publications to this subject matter (Vladár Th e interest of archaeologists was only 1973; 1974; 1979; 1982; 2012; Vladár, awakened by a chance discovery in 1948 Bartonĕk 1977). Th e comprehensive col- of fi nds from this cemetery. Th e resultant lections of materials discovered during brief documentation was, however, never excavation work lasting several years unpublished (Olexa 2003: 20-21). Th e new ex- fortunately was never researched in full or cavations, which continues to this very day, published. Apart from any question marks began in 1977 (Gašaj, Olexa 1992: 13). At that may arise in respect to the chronology present, the eff orts of the researchers focus of stone settlement construction (to be dis- on publishing the fi ndings from excava- cussed in a subsequent part of this study), it tions in the burial site associated with the should be emphasised that to some extent earlier fortifi ed settlement (Olexa, Nováček the work of Vladár proved to be signifi cant 2013). Various authors also present studies in arousing research interest in central Eu- highlighting selected aspects, based on the ropean fortifi ed settlements, as well as the results of new, specialized analyses (e.g. Otomani-Füzesabony culture itself. Ole xa, Nováček 2012; Jaeger, Olexa 2014). At the turn of the 1960’s and 1970’s Th e sites of Košice-Barca and Spišský in Czechoslovakia, research into fortifi ed Štvrtok have been responsible for a growth constructions of local cultures of the Ear- of interest in fortifi ed settlements of the ly Bronze Age increased markedly. Apart Early Bronze Age in the regions of Czecho- from Otomani-Füzesabony sites, there slovakia at that time. Th e former was re- were also identifi ed signifi cant Mad‘arovce searched in 1951-1954 during which exca- culture sites of Veselé and Nitriansky Hrá- vation work revealed a series of spectacular dok (Točik 1964; 1981). discoveries as well as documentation on the Th e recent period has not produced regular layout of 23 huts, which went on to meaningful progress in research in the be published without challenge or revision above discussion. Nonetheless it is worth (Kabát 1955a; 1955b). Th e documentation noting work on the open settlement at of sites and their materials, however, has Včelince (Furmánek, Marková 1992; 2001). not to date been published in full. In 1994 Excavation has revealed one of the few ra- an alternative interpretation of the site’s diocarbon datings related to the cultures of stratigraphic layout and construction was the Otomani-Füzesabony, Hatvan and Pili- presented premised on a partial documen- ny in Slovakia (Görsdorf, Marková, Fur- tation of the settlement (Točik 1994). mánek 2004). In the case of the Spišský Štvrtok set- On the other hand, progress should be tlement, the history of excavation work noted in the case of polish research on the began without any fanfare, beginning in Otomani-Füzesabony culture. In the past 1962, then subsequently in 1966 (Novotný, 15 years settlement enclaves have been

16 History of Research identifi ed and documented in the Lower refl ected in our present store of knowledge Beskids (Gancarski 1994; 1999; 2002; Gan- of this area. Th e majority of sites has not carski, Ginalski 2001; Przybyła, Skoneczna been researched comprehensively in the 2011; Przybyła, Skoneczna, Vitoš 2012). context of interdisciplinary projects and In conclusion, it is important to note the at present the professional literature is long research tradition of fortifi ed settle- but a dispersed collection of texts, lacking ments in the Bronze Age. Th e comprehen- monographic studies. Th ese and other is- sive and rich collection of fi nds is alas, not sues will be discussed in following chapter.

CHAPTER 2 Source Criticism

Although each of the regions where sin (and further central Europe) and the fortifi ed settlements have been discovered Aegean-Anatolian area (Bader 1990: 181). has a long research tradition, our present Th is rather particular research trend in knowledge is as yet signifi cantly limited. fortifi ed settlements, especially in sites re- Th is is due to a number of factors. lated to the Otomani-Füzesabony culture, First, it needs to be pointed out that the resulted in archaeologists concentrating research of fortifi ed settlements, as sites of their eff orts only on the search for, and signifi cant size and complexity in respect to documentation of, chosen categories of archaeological remains, represents several material culture that could testify to the challenges of an organisational and logis- existence of the above mentioned long- tical nature. Long-term and interdiscipli- distance contacts (Vladár 1973; Vladár, nary research projects, oft en going beyond Bartonĕk 1977). A large number therefore the context of traditionally understood of attractive discoveries absorbed schol- archaeology, require sizeable fi nancial sup- ars’ attention throughout this period. Th e port and collaboration with the natural richness of fi nds discovered became the so sciences. Th ese are factual diffi culties that called bedrock of many well known pub- have and will continue to bear upon the lishing houses and archaeological exhibi- quality of research conducted at fortifi ed tions. Alas, at the same time, these sites settlements and consequently, how much overshadowed the research gaps in other, the relevant data can reveal. oft en much more signifi cant though less In the context of this study of particu- spectacular, issues such as chronology or lar importance therefore are lacunae in economy (Jaeger 2012c). As a result we the knowledge of various aspects of how know of a rather impressive number of as- fortifi ed settlements functioned in the re- pectual publications in respect to particular gion of the Carpathian Basin. It can be said discoveries and features (e. g. Hájek 1954; that the number of known and researched Olexa 1987; 1992; Jakab, Olexa, Vladár Otomani-Füzesabony and Vatya fortifi ed 1999; Olexa, Pitorák 2004), which in sum settlements is in great contrast to the qual- do not, however, bring much to the discus- ity and number of available research pub- sion on more fundamental issues. lications. In the context of supposed genetic rela- In the 1970’s and the 1980’s the issue of tions between the Otomani-Füzesabony fortifi ed settlements served as one of the and Mycenaean architecture there arose central themes undertaken by Czechoslo- also many myths (see comments on the vak scholars. On the wave of spectacular construction of the Košice-Barca settle- sites found such as Spišský Štvrtok (Vladár ment and fortifi cations of the Spišský 1975) or Nitriansky Hrádok (Točík 1981), Štvrtok site; chapter 6. 3.) based on meagre a wide-ranging discussion began on pos- data provided by scholars, which is now in sible relations between the Carpathian Ba- fact diffi cult to verify (Jaeger 2014: 301).

Source Criticism 19 Despite the long list of the Otomani-Fü- On the other hand, one of the most zesabony culture settlements in north-east oft en cited examples of Otomani-Füzes- Slovakia that include also the most impor- abony fortifi ed settlement that is discussed, tant and spectacular fortifi ed sites such as Spišský Štvrtok, is known to its many read- Košice-Barca, Nižná Myšľa and Spišský ers from only a brief work of less than Štvrtok, the level of knowledge in regard twenty pages (Vladár 1975). In eff ect this to the Otomani-Füzesabony communi- work is a vade mecum on archaeologi- ties is still insuffi cient, primarily a result cal sites visited by guests at archaeological of the meagre publication record of exca- congress in Bratislava in 1975. In spite of vation research1. Although these sites were the obvious limitations in research value analysed over many seasons, no complete and extent of information presented, the research was published. One of the main, data has become part of the research canon oft en quoted sources is publication Między and is a reference point for discussion on Mykenami a Bałtykiem (Gancarski 2002), the above site. which boasts among others, plans of the It should also be emphasised that in the Košice-Barca, Nižná Myšľa, Spišský Štvrtok context of Otomani-Füzesabony culture re- and Rozhanovce settlements. Th ese do not, search, it has only to a small extent drawn however, provide information on research attention to the important issue of fi nding methodology and legend, which would en- sources in the natural sciences. In the case able a correct interpretation. of archaeozoological data, all that is known In the case of Nižná Myšľa, the published at present are general data relating to the research refers mainly to the cemetery as- occurrence of particular wild and domes- sociated with the older fortifi ed settlement ticated species, which are, however, de- (Olexa, Nováček 2013). Th e outcome of ex- void of information on the size of samples cavations published at the beginning of the and methodology of plant macro-remains. 1980’s is refl ected in actually the same text, Th e lack of excavation techniques focused this time published in German and Slovak, on their retrieval (rinsing of archaeologi- with minor changes in data (Olexa 1982a; cal features and their contents) has meant 1982b; 1983a). Th e main collection of pub- that to a large extent there are only avail- lications relating to the rich history of re- able analyses of particular groups of fi nds search are reports published in the Slovak such as seed prints in clay (mainly pieces archaeological bulletin Archeologické Vý- of daub). skumy a Nalezý na Slovensku. In addition, In the case of the Vatya culture the situ- popular science publications have reached ation is similar, as far as the extent of fi eld the general public, providing an outline of work, excavation and presentation of re- the site (Olexa 2003). Th e above limitations search is concerned, with considerable la- notwithstanding, the Nižná Myšľa settle- cunae in these aspects. ment is still the best known sites of the Out of approximately 302 fortifi ed set- Otomani-Füzesabony culture in Slovakia. tlements, only 14 were excavated3 (Vicze

2 In the analysis of bone remains and bone 1 As in the case of Vatya culture settlements tools from the Bronze Age, Choyke (1979: 10; discussed in another place and the Bronzezeit in 1983: 23) mentions 26 fortifi ed settlements, citing Ungarn (Frankfurt am Main 1992) catalogue, sim- older work (Nováki 1952; Petres, Bándi 1969). In ilarly in the case of the Otomani-Füzesabony cul- the more recent literature, however, other fi gures ture guide to the Między Mykenami a Bałtykiem. in this respect are given; 30 (Vicze 2000: 120; Po- Kultura Otomani-Füzesabony exhibition, it is one roszlai, Vicze 2004: 231) and 28 (Poroszlai 1996: of the key publications on the Otomani-Füzes a- 5). Kovács also mentions 28 settlements, though bony fortifi ed settlements. Moreover, it should be highland ones, emphasising that only some were noted that up to recently, the main publication on fortifi ed (Kovács 1984a: 219; 1998: 489, Fig. 7). research at Nižná Myšľa was the exhibition cata- 3 Th is issue is not exclusive to Vatya culture set- logue in Wuppertal (Gašaj, Olexa 1992). Further, tlements but in general to those sites with tell for- the settlement in Trzcinica also had a guide pub- mations in the Carpathian Basin (Kovács 1988). lished, largely devoted to the open-air museum Out of the 188 tell and tell-like settlements cata- project in which most of the research fi ndings are logued by Gogâltan (2008: 42), only 28 boasted placed (Gancarski 2006). excavation work in respect to fortifi cations.

20 Source Criticism 2000: 121, Table 1). In some cases, analy- observation impossible, as well as limiting sis was devoted to the identifi cation of the the quantity and quality of retrieved fi nds. stratigraphical layout in the settlement Th is is for example, visible in the case of interior. Fortifi cations were analysed only bone remains. Most oft en therefore only the in instances (Kovács 1984a: 219; Poroszlai most obvious bone tools were collected as 1988: 31; Endrődi, Gyulai 1999: 8). On ac- well as those well preserved and large frag- count of the tell formation of settlements ments of bone (Choyke 1979: 10; Choyke, and associated degree of complexity in Vretemark, Sten 2003: 179). It is for this stratigraphy, the surface area of trenches reason therefore that archaeozoological was signifi cantly limited, reaching from analyses are laden oft en with a large margin more than a dozen meters to, in some ex- of error. Th e principle sources in this work ceptional cases, several hundred square and its conclusions are those concerned metres4 (Vicze 2000: 122; Poroszlai, Vicze with particular aspects of the issue in gen- 2004: 233). eral or broad-ranging studies by Choyke Apart from the relatively small scale of and Bartosiewicz, as well as monographic excavations, it could be said that method- studies of settlements by Százhalombatta ology was also a vital problem. Th is is well (Poroszlai 2000; Poroszlai, Vicze 2005) and exemplifi ed by the Bölcske-Vörösgyűrű Alpár (Bóna, Nováki 1982), which include site, at which various research methods research on osteological animal material were used. Apart from the most contro- (Hartyányi 1982; Choyke 2000). versial, the so called Spatenstichtechnik, In turn, archaeological research projects digging to a depth defi ned by the length of on the environment conducted recently in a spade (about 20 cm; Choyke, Vretemark, Hungary did not relate to the oecumene Sten 2003: 179), without taking into con- of the Vatya culture (Gál, Juhász, Sümegi sideration the cultural and natural strata, 2005; Zatykó, Juhász, Sümegi 2007). In the a division was also made of digs measuring context therefore of a region such as the one square metre lots. Carpathian Basin (Sümegi, Bodor 2000: In the area of the lots, digging still went 84) that is clearly heterogeneous from on without consideration of the respective a natural sciences point of view, there is divisions of particular layers and features. practically no possibility of extrapolating Both methods resulted in the mixing of the results of the above publications. relic materials and meant in fact that the Under the SAX project a number of spe- correct identifi cation of the chronology of cialist environmental analyses were con- stratigraphical formations was impossible. ducted, including a palinological profi les. Th e third method to be used was based For a number of reasons, however, they on digging lots within a band measuring represent a less than credible source for 1 meter in width and 5 m in length. Th is they carry errors both in the presentation allowed the documentation both of the of research results and their respective in- profi le and fl at plans of particular sections, terpretation. Th ese problems shall be dis- but at the same time, made impossible the cussed in detail in a subsequent part of this research of large surface areas and the ob- study where the issues of the environment servation of larger structures in the terrain and economy are raised (chapter 5.1). – oft en visible only aft er putting together One general and highly signifi cant prob- all the illustrative documentation from all lem is the lack of complete publications the lots (Poroszlai 2000: 113). of Vatya culture sites not only fortifi ed). In this context, digging down to the One of the few exceptions in this context length of the spade not only made work are the previously mentioned analyses of diffi cult but in fact made stratigraphical Százhalombatta and Alpár. Th e remaining are known only from brief reports that have 4 In the case of the Lovasberény-Mihályvár set- few illustrations, do not provide enough 2 tlement, an area of 3000 m was excavated. In spite (or no) detail on the scale of research, of all the work invested into excavation research, the subsequent documentation was not complet- trenches location and plans (profi les) of ed and only brief reports published (Petres, Bándi archaeological features – including even 1969; Choyke, Bartosiewicz 1987). the most important such as fortifi cations

Source Criticism 21 and elements of construction. Information Th e traditional division among Slo- in respect to the form and size of the latter vak, Hungarian and Romanian scholars are, in several cases, only based on fi eld ob- is refl ected in the nomenclature of these servation, which signifi cantly limits their cultures; Otomani [Romania, Slovakia], verifi cation. Ottomány, Gyulavarsánd and Füzesabony On account of the subject matter of this [Hungary] (Bader 1998). Importantly, study one very crucial issue is the almost some of the above in the research tradition, non-existent documentation on the abso- mainly Hungarian and Romanian, repre- lute chronology of the Bronze Age in the sent a particular means of documenting Carpathian Basin. At present there is only the chronology (relative) of the Otomani- very little in the way of radiocarbon dating -Füzesabony culture development phases. records – which in addition for the most It should be noted here that to date, the in- part do not provide reliable data relating to dependent nature of chronology and cul- context, nature of materials analysed and ture of highlighted Otomani-Füzesabony even at times, location of research (cf. re- ‘branches’ in Hungary and Romania has marks in Jaeger, Kulcsár 2013). as yet to be convincingly justifi ed (Bader Typochronological categorization of ce- 1998: 74). ramic artefacts of the Vatya culture relies In Slovakia, research on the Otomani- on the now classic study by Bóna (1975). -Füzesabony culture has seen at least sev- Correctness of the framework developed eral typo-chronological systems proposed by that author has recently been validated – none of which has as yet to be clearly de- as part of studies of a very extensive col- fi ned and presented in a coherent publica- lection of pottery from the burial site in tion (Bader 1998: 67-69). Similarly to the Dunaújváros-Duna-dűlő (Vicze 2011; case of the Vatya culture, the number of ra- Laabs 2014). At the same, the performance diocarbon datings is very small and only in of the typological paradigm relative to a few instances can one observe that these the scale of absolute chronology remains are well documented for their context. an open question (see below, chapter 5.5; Some of the above mentioned issues also Jaeger, Kulcsár 2013). relate to the Alpine area. Th ough the sites Th e case of the Otomani-Füzesabony under discussion were registered already at culture in regard to the present discussion the beginning of the 20th c., to date, how- is indeed a complex one, for its territorial ever, only one monograph study on a forti- range is partitioned in the present day by fi ed site has appeared (St. Veit Klinglberg; various contemporary nations, which has Shennan 1995). Although it is as yet only resulted in the practice of diff ering re- one such, this work represents an impor- search cultures (strategies) developing, tant part of the discussion devoted to the each at their own pace (and direction). relation of fortifi ed settlements to the min- Th us research in Romania, Hungary and ing and processing of copper ore from lo- Slovakia was conducted independently of cal deposits. Th e publication on the St. the other in each case, which led among Veit Klinglberg settlement has provided others, to a great number of diff ering ‘chro- also a number of animal bone remains and nologies’ (Bader 1998: 76, Tab. 1) and the plant macro-remains. Th eir research did view that the Otomani-Füzesabony culture not, however, document clearly the means was not homogenous but rather a group of of economy organised by the autochthons. communities where various archaeologi- Nonetheless this became the basis of a hy- cal units functioned, oft en within clearly pothetical model of economic dependency defi ned territorial boundaries (Fischl 2006: at fortifi ed settlements on settlements in 207, foot. 192) 5. the valley region. Confronted with the lack of comparable natural environment data 5 For the purposes of the present study the term from other fortifi ed sites in the area un- Otomani-Füzesabony culture is used, based on an existing tradition in the nomenclature of prehistory in Poland (Gancarski 2002). It is not meant to underscore the need to view this, diff erences not- negate in any way the polymorphic nature of the withstanding, as a larger whole that decidedly goes Otomani-Füzesabony culture phenomenon but to beyond the borders of present-day countries.

22 Source Criticism der discussion, this hypothesis has as yet cal and natural fi nds in the peat zone of the to be fully verifi ed. Th is issue moreover, is site. Th e long-standing interdisciplinary not clarifi ed either by hitherto mentioned programme of research concerned with palinological profi les, which demonstrate foremost the identifi cation of the fortifi ed the presence of Bronze Age communities settlement at Bruszczewo, as well as its en- in the Alpine area and their impact on vironmental and cultural background, has their immediate environment. Th ey cannot, provided many detailed records. however, provide a defi nitive answer to the Bruszczewo is moreover, diff erent from question of the particular model of economy other sites in its highly informative level of functioning at fortifi ed settlements or their research in the cultural context. Th e issue social stability, at present a point of wide- of the Únĕtice culture represents one of the ranging discussion. key problems raised in studies on the Early Some of the data at our disposal more- Bronze Age. Further, it is also the only area over, comes the presentation of research from which information has been gained results in archaeology and environment on so called open settlements. Th e above around the region of Montafon, foremost factors signifi cantly increase the possibi- the Friaga Wald settlement (Krause 2005; lity of comparing particular aspects of how 2007a; 2008; 2009). settlements in Bruszczewo functioned in Th e last of the areas to be discussed in relation to other sites from the oecumene this work is south-western Wielkopolska of the Únĕtice culture. It ought to be em- and Bruszczewo settlement, which is clear- phasised, however, so far it has not been ly diff erent from others in the context of possible to indicate an analogical fortifi ed the degree of archaeological identifi cation. settlement, even in such signifi cant re- First, this site is unique for the European gions as central Germany or Bohemia (Et- Lowland in its preservation of archaeologi- tel 2008; 2010).

CHAPTER 3 Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups

Th e Alps, divided today among several existence of open pasture areas. Also, the modern countries, saw intensive settle- fi rst cereal pollen is encountered then. Th e ment processes already in the very early periods when anthropopressure was at its times. Th ey were driven by varied natural strongest occurred, however, in the middle conditions that supported specifi c sub- of the 4th millennium BC and, even more sistence strategies (e.g. pastoral economy, evidently, aft er ca. 2000 BC (Lippert 1999: transhumance; Primas 1999: 2-4; Spindler 142, Abb. 1; Primas 1999: 4; 2009: 190-191). 2003) and off ered abundance of natural Both periods of intensive deforestation and resources (Della Casa 2003; Krause 2005: anthropopressure can be related in part to 391). the exploitation of local copper deposits. Th e fi rst to make use of the resources of Th ey diff ered in their geological character- the Alpine Area were Mesolithic societies istics, which was refl ected in their varied seasonally migrating between subAlpine availability (Lippert 1992; Shennan 1992: lowlands and mountain valleys (Lippert 535; Bartelheim et al. 2002; Stöllner 2003: 1999: 142; Della Casa 2002: 68, fi g. 4. 3; 420, Fig. 2; Bartelheim 2007: 190-193). 2003: 203-204). To their presence testify All these facts make it obvious that by no assemblages of fl ints. In the light of paly- means the societies of the Early Bronze Age nological studies, the fi rst traces of groups were the fi rst to subdue the Alps. Nonethe- of humans refer to the 6th millennium BC. less, owing to a considerable acceleration Th e next phase of settling the Alps wit- of the settlement process in comparison to nessed the development of Neolithic socie- the preceding periods, it is the Bronze Age ties, beginning with the middle of the 5th that must be associated with the early ‘con- millennium BC. It is also at that time that quest of the Alps’ (Wyss 1971; Krause 2005: the fi rst settlement indicators appeared, 390; for an opposite view see Primas 2009: accompanied by others attesting to the 190) (Fig. 1).

3.1. Natural environment and economy

Th e Alpine area off ers diverse settlement comes in the fi rst place from palynological conditions, supporting thus many diff erent studies and analyses of macrobotanical re- subsistence strategies. Next to numerous mains. lakes and mountainous regions, valleys and Th e investigations of the settlement at lowlands were settled as well (Müller 2002: Friaga Wald included collecting a series 281; Krause 2005: 390). What informa- of cores from fi ve bogs (Garsella, Tschu- tion we have on environmental conditions ga, Brannertsried, Wildes Ried and Mat-

Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups 25 Fig. 1. Fortifi ed settlements in the Alpine area: 1 – Friaga Wald, 2 – Sotćiastel, 3 – St. Veit Klinglberg, 4 – Bischhofshofen, schwitz; Krause, Oeggl, Pernicka 2004: were found in soil samples collected from 5 – Buchberg, 9-10). A profi le from the Tschuga bog the remains of two huts and the cultural 6 – Savognin-Padnal, (Krause 2007a: 129-130, Fig. 14, Fig. 15) layer surrounding them (Schmidl, Oeggl 7 – Gschleirsbühel, allows one to trace the sequence of envi- 2005: 304). Th e principal cereal was barley 8 – Mutta, 9 – Patscherhügel ronment changes brought about by the whose share in the identifi ed macrobo- (after Krause 2005) presence of man. Th e fi rst traces of an- tanical remains amounted to 67.5 per cent thropopressure, namely the thinning of the (Schmidl, Oeggl 2005: 305). A lesser role primeval fi r-spruce forest including some was played by emmer and spelt while the beech and the appearance of the plantain shares of small spelt, common wheat and can be seen ca. 3000 BC. A clear decline true millet were very small indeed. Other in the share of fi r and spruce pollen, and crop plants included legumes: peas and the appearance of the plantain, cereal pol- broad beans. Identifi ed in the soil samples len and coprophilous fungi are related to from the site, wild fruits such as hazel nuts, another phase of anthropopressure which blackthorns, dog rose and elder fruits bear took place about the middle of the 3rd mil- out conclusions following from the paly- lennium BC. nological studies, namely, that the forest Th e most conspicuous changes in the cover thinned in the immediate vicinity of environment are visible aft er 2100 BC. the settlement (Schmidl, Oeggl 2005: 305; Around 1800 BC, there is a sharp decline Krause 2007a: 129). Th e sample content in the share of pollen of the coniferous did not show any diff erences that could be trees accompanied by a steep climb of linked to their origin from specifi c archae- the cereal pollen curve (Krause, Oeggl, ological contexts, for instance from the in- Pernicka 2004: 10-11). More informa- terior of huts (Schmidl, Oeggl 2005: 309). tion on the shares of individual species of Similar results were rendered by the crop plants at the site was supplied by the analyses of macrobotanical remains from analysis of macrobotanical remains. Th ey other sites in the Alps. Th e investigations

26 Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups of the fortifi ed settlement at Sotćiastel in- vides little explanation why this is so, ei- cluded the taking of 38 samples from dif- ther. Perhaps some sites did not yield any ferent parts of the site. Th e samples were sources in this category. Other possible ex- related to structural remains, fortifi cations planations could include specifi c soil con- and the cultural layer. In this case barley ditions unfavourable to bone preservation was the best represented cereal species as or post-deposition processes, in particu- well – its share in the samples was 59.7 per lar strong soil erosion, which frequently cent. Emmer and spelt had a smaller share. destroys most of cultural strata. It must Th e other species were only marginally be observed, however, that in such a case represented. As in the case of the settle- these processes should have unfavourably ment at Friaga Wald, at Sotćiastel pea was aff ected the state of preservation of the recorded. Wild plants whose remains were macrobotanical remains as well. Hence, it identifi ed included raspberry, stone bram- is possible that small amounts of osteologi- ble and elder (Swidrak, Oeggl 1998). cal material refl ect the original scarcity of Th e study of bog profi les collected in the livestock raised at individual settlements. vicinity of today’s Bischofshofen yielded In the case of St. Veit Klinglberg, rely- consistent data pointing to the thinning of ing on a small assemblage of osteological forests and the presence of settlement in- material, a conclusion was drawn that set- dicators and cereal pollen (Krause, Oeggl, tlement inhabitants must have bred pigs. Pernicka 2004: 12-13). Against the possibility that pork alone was Th e upland settlement at Savognin- obtained through exchange testify the fi nds -Padnal, probably surrounded originally of teeth and skull bones of pigs. Next to the by artifi cial fortifi cations too (Rageth 1986: pig, other remains that could be identi- 63; Shennan 1995: 293), rendered fi nds refi ed included cattle and a small amount of lated to the cultivation of cereals: a sickle, wild species. Th is picture corresponds to sickle fragments, quern stones and grind- the general information on the structure ers. In addition, remains of barley, emmer of animal breeding in the discussed period and small spelt as well as pea and oats were of the Bronze Age (Legge 1995: 233). recovered but have not been comprehen- By contrast, the settlement at Sotćiastel sively analyzed yet (Rageth 1986: 83-84). supplied data indicating the presence of Th e settlement at St. Veit Klinglberg all the principal breeding species of the (Shennan 1995) must have been surround- Bronze Age, i.e. cattle, goat, sheep and pig. ed by a coniferous forest typical of higher Cattle remains were the most numerous. altitudes of mountain landscapes. Excava- Th e assemblage of remains of small rumi- tions at the site yielded charcoals of other nants witnessed a strong domination of the tree species too, which could have grown sheep over the goat. Th e breeding of small close to the settlement; they were chiefl y ruminants had a mixed character as it was broad-leaved ones such as hazel, maple, partially aimed at producing milk and wool. beech and elm (Gale 1995: 235-236). Th e Of marginal signifi cance must have been most important macrobotanical remains the pig; its remains made up only 4 per cent for interpreting the function of the set- of all osteological material. Few remains of tlement are the fi nds of charred barley wild species (red deer, Alpine ibex, brown and wheat grains. Th e absence of any evi- bear) do not refl ect, in the opinion of the dence of grain being processed locally (e.g. authors of the analysis, a planned hunting glumes) may indicate that threshed grains economy, primarily because of their very were used at the settlement (Green 1995: small amounts (Riedel, Tecchiati 1998). 229). Th is led the author of the research to Remains found at the Buchberg site forward a hypothesis that settlement in- were chiefl y those of domesticated ani- habitants either produced little cereals in mals: cattle, pig, and goat, sheep. As at the nearby fi elds or they obtained them ready settlements mentioned earlier, wild species for consumption through exchange (Shen- must have had little economic signifi cance. nan 1995: 285). Cattle and small ruminants were slaugh- For animal breeding there is little source tered at a mature age, which suggests that material. Th e literature on the subject pro- they were raised mainly for dairy products

Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups 27 (cattle, goat, sheep) and wool (sheep). Pigs many authors, a special case is posed by were of course sources of meat and were the settlement at St. Veit Klinglberg. Th e slaughtered at the age of about 2 years. discovery of threshed grains within its pe- Strangely enough, remains of females were rimeter supposedly indicates a kind of eco- not distinguished in the osteological mate- nomic dependence on lowland settlements rial; in the assemblage of cattle bones, in (Shennan 1995: 285; Bartelheim 2007: 201- turn, remains of females dominated (Pu- -202). cher 1986). What is worth stressing is the frag- Rich bone remains from Savognin-Pad- mentariness of available natural-scientifi c nal have not been analyzed in full (Rageth sources. On the one hand, the paucity of 1986: 84-85). Judging by the names of spe- information is probably caused by special cies, there is no doubt that there too do- post-deposition factors, on the other, the mesticated animals clearly dominated over discussion of the fortifi ed settlements of wild ones. Th e most numerous were the the Alpine area focused chiefl y on social remains of cattle, next were those of goats, issues and the signifi cance of local copper sheep and fi nally those of pigs (Rageth ore deposits (Krause 2002; 2005; Bartel- 1986: 93-94). heim 2007: 204-205) at the expense of Th ese modest natural-scientifi c data a thorough exploration of the natural con- clearly show that the inhabitants of the text of the settlements and their economic Alpine settlements had an agro-breeding foundations. economy of their own. In the opinion of

3.2. Inner layout

For several investigated settlements of the placed along the wall in a line and close to Alpine area information on their inner lay- each other (Krause 2007a: 125) (Fig. 2). out is available. Frequently, however, the Th e area encircled by a stone wall at the information is fragmentary and concerns Buchberg site did not yield any informa- either particular parts of a settlement or tion on the layout. Relying on the distribu- certain elements of recorded structures. tion of pottery fragments and the discov- Th e meagre information concerns the ery of a cultural layer in the north-eastern settlements at Sotćiastel, Friaga Wald and portion of the landform, the researchers Buchberg. In the case of the fi rst of the came to the conclusion that the settle- named settlements, investigators point ment proper was located there, i.e. outside only to a possibility that fi ve hearths were the area fortifi ed with a wall (Sydow 1986: in use at the same time (Tecchiati 1998: 188). Th is hypothesis was refuted later. 384). Th e hearths are treated as remains of Further excavations supplied a rich collec- fi ve houses (Krause 2005: 397). tion of pottery, bones and bronze artefacts An artifi cial terrace built by the inhab- but no remains of settlement features could itants of the settlement at Friaga Wald be recovered (Sydow 1996). provided enough surface to hold from six Th e best-known of the Alpine settle- to eight huts of 20 sq. m each (5 × 4 m) ments – St. Veit Klinglberg – because of (Krause, Oeggl, Pernicka 2004: 7; Krause the advanced destruction of its surface due 2005: 406). Th e only recorded remains of to erosion – can off er only general infor- the huts were stone foundations linked mation on the type and scale of structures. to the older (Early Bronze) and younger A large number of postholes of irregular (Middle Bronze) periods of the settlement shapes were recorded on the site; most of use (Krause, Oeggl, Pernicka 2004: 9, Abb. them, however, did not form any compact 8:7) as well as two hearths dating back to arrangements that would allow investiga- the younger settlement phase (Krause tors to reconstruct houses. An exception 2007a: 125). Th e structures must have been was postholes located in the south-west-

28 Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups Fig. 2. Friaga Wald. Reconstruction of the inner layout of the settlement (after Krause 2007a).

Fig. 3. Gschleirsbühel. Plan of the settlement with location of the excavated remains of the inner layout and fortifi cations (after Zemmer-Plank 1978).

Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups 29 ern portion of the site that were arranged Detailed data concerning the form, scale in a way suggestive of a dwelling struc- and changes of settlement layout are avail- ture measuring 7 × 3 m, however without able for the settlement at Savognin-Padnal. a hearth. Th e other features did not per- Although, as it has been mentioned earlier, mit any certain reconstruction of build- it is not certain that the settlement was ing forms, although it is suspected that fortifi ed, owing to the quality of informa- log houses once stood on the site. Th ey are tion that can make the above picture fuller, younger than post houses (Shennan 1995: a decision was made to discuss the settle- 85-90, 282). ment in greater detail. A more complex and fuller picture of At Savognin-Padnal, the settlement settlement layout is shown by the investi- process went through several phases in the gations of the settlement at Gschleirsbühel Bronze Age and was divided by the author (Fig. 3). Used at the site, the system of probe of the research into fi ve horizons desig- trenches and the rescue character of the ex- nated with letters beginning with E (late cavations (Krause 2005: 395) prevented the BA1/A2) and ending with A (youngest/ investigators from exploring the whole sur- /HaB) (Rageth 1986: 64-75; 1997: 98-99). face of recorded structures. Hence, the lay- Th e discussion shall focus on horizons D out published by the principal investigator and E linked to the Early Bronze Age and contains a clear element of interpretation the onset of the Middle Bronze Age (Rageth (Zemmer-Plank 1978: 176, 178, Abb. 19). 1986: 76-77, Abb. 13). What could be partially explored was the Because of a hollow in the landform on remains of four houses. Th ree of them had which the settlement was founded, prior a characteristic hearth built of fl at stones to any construction, the inhabitants of Sa- and clay (houses no. 1, 2 and 4). Th e ab- vognin-Padnal had levelled the area. It was sence of a hearth from one of the houses on this level that the fi rst huts were built (no. 3) was not interpreted in any way (an- in a line stretching north – south for topo- other function? granary?) (Zemmer-Plank graphic reasons. A northernmost group of 1978: 181). Th e houses had irregular lay- houses consisted most likely of two huts. outs and concealed remains of small stone Th e fi rst of them measured 5.5 × 3 m, em- walls that must have originally divided ployed a post construction and had a stone inner space into smaller rooms (Zemmer- hearth. Next to it, possibly making use of -Plank 1978: 184-185, Abb. 25). Th e walls the same wall, another structure was raised of at least some houses (no. 2, 3 and 4) measuring 4-5 × 6 m. It also had a hearth formed also part of the wall surrounding but the techniques used to build it were the settlement (Zemmer-Plank 1978: 182- mixed: in part a post construction and in -184). Discovered at Gschleirsbühel, a pe- part a dry wall stone underpinning were culiar rectangular structure, almost square, employed. Another group of huts, located was called tower by the author of the inves- more to the south, was separated from the tigations. Its walls were massive up to 2 m huts described earlier by a street 3 m wide. thick while its overall dimensions were ap- Th e ‘southern’ group was made up of three prox. 5 × 5 m (Zemmer-Plank 1978: 179, huts, which also stood in a line. Th eir di- 181; Krause 2005: 395, 397, Abb. 6). Th e mensions were as follows: 3.5 × 3.5-3.7 m, structure, unlike the other houses, did not 4.5 × 4 m and 4.6 × 4.8 m. yield any artefacts. Th e remains of all re- Among the remains of one of the huts corded houses had the form of stone un- a discovery was made of timber elements derpinnings of the dry wall type. Th ey must of a fl oor (Rageth 1986: 66, Abb. 3). Th e have supported timber structures proper southernmost hut had been partially dam- (Zemmer-Plank 1978: 205). Th e settlement aged by the structures of horizon D and at Gschleirsbühel shows traces of destruc- held sources related to metalworking (see tion by fi re. Aft erwards, the site was used below). Individual houses of horizon E var- as a burial ground, with individual crema- ied in size and construction techniques. All tion burials being placed in niches made the huts, fi ve to six altogether, burnt down. in the wall (Zemmer-Plank 1978: 173, 182, Th e next phase witnessed the construc- 184, Abb. 14). tion of 8-9 huts in two groups separated

30 Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups by a street 2.5 m wide. In the centre of the Th e examples of structures discussed fi rst group there stood two huts measuring above which were found at Alpine area set- 5 × 9 m and 4.5 × 5.5 m, respectively. Both tlements have several common characteris- had hearths. Th e more southern hut again tics following certainly not only from simi- supplied sources related to metalworking, lar natural conditions and available building which may testify to a certain continuity materials but also from a common cultural of placing this craft within the settlement tradition (inneralpine Bronzezeit, Rageth (Rageth 1986: 68). Another group of houses 1986; Primas 2008: 25-26). Above all, a con- had been raised west of the previously de- stant element is the use of stone material scribed ones, across a street about 0.9-1.3 m for building dry wall foundations on which wide. Th e houses have not been preserved timber wall constructions were raised later. well enough to make any educated guesses Th e settlement layout (likewise settlement about their full dimensions. What could be fortifi cations, see below) was always adjus- recorded only was the lengths of their walls ted to local topographic conditions, which which measured 9 and 6.5 m. In one of the frequently naturally limited construction houses a hearth was discovered. Next two options. Another common element in the houses were built east of the hut with metal- discussed examples is the use of similar working remains. Th ey were separated only stone hearths inside huts. Due to the fact by a narrow space of 0.3-0.5 m interpreted that it is hard to detect archaeologically log as a drainage ditch. Also in this case, in one constructions resting on stone foundations, house only the remains of a hearth were it cannot be assumed with absolute certainty unearthed. However, the most interest- that this type of construction was common ing structure belonging to horizon D was, to a majority of Alpine area settlements. Th e without question, the so-called cistern. It same is true for the development process was located south of the huts and was made from post to log constructions observed on of a wooden box measuring 4.8 × 3 m (ori- particular horizons at Savognin Padnal. Th e ginally up to 2 m high), which sunk into a pit available sources, however, let us cautiously 8-10.5 m in diameter and 2.5-3.3 m deep. assume that both hypotheses are plausible Th e box was built of 10 vertical poles joined (cf. Shennan 1995: 282). by wooden planks inserted into grooves Relaying on settlement layout data and made in the poles (Rageth 1986: 68, Abb. 7). amount of space used for economic pur- Th e cistern must have been a receptacle of poses, many hypotheses have been put rainwater. Unlike the houses of the previous forward concerning the demographic po- horizon, all the houses of horizon D were tential of Alpine settlements. It must be built on stone dry wall foundations. Im- emphasized, however, that the basic condi- pressions of large beams (15-25 cm in dia- tion of such estimations, i.e. a full excava- meter) in the unearthed fragments of daub tion investigation of the whole settlement were interpreted as evidence for the use of area, has not been met in any of the dis- log constructions. Th e structures belonging cussed examples. to horizons D and E burnt down. Th e settlement at Savognin-Padnal, dur- Horizons C and B, linked to the fi nal ing Early Bronze Age horizon E, could have part of the Middle and Late Bronze Age been inhabited at any one time by 40 to 50 (Rageth 1986: 76-77, Abb. 13), show many people. Th e number rises slightly in some characteristics that are similar to those of calculations to about 60-70 for horizon D the older settlement layout. What had not (Rageth 1997: 98-99). Similar estimates, changed includes orientation along the arrived at by multiplying the supposed north-south axis, the dominant log con- number of huts by the presumed number struction of houses and similar hearth of inhabitants of a single hut (4-5 people; cf. constructions. Th e youngest, Late Bronze remarks by Rageth 1997: 98, including foot- horizon A yielded little information. What note 5), resulted in a group of 16-20 people is important, however, is the fact that lay- in the case of the settlement at Sotćiastel out orientation had changed. In this case (Krause 2005: 397) and 24-35 people for houses were built along the southeast – the site at Friaga Wald (Krause 2005: 406). northwest axis (Rageth 1986: 70-75). Relying on the published plan of the set-

Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups 31 tlement at Gschleirsbühel (Zemmer-Plank nan in the case of the settlement at St. Veit 1978: 178, Abb. 19), it can be assumed that Klinglberg. With the estimated number of the four unearthed huts were inhabited by houses sized 7 × 3 m, this author arrived 16-2- people (Rageth 1997: 98, including at a number of 30-40 up to 100-110 people footnotes 5 and 6). As it is unclear what the inhabiting the settlement at any one time purpose of the so-called tower was, it was (Shennan 1995: 283). It is worth empha- not included in the calculations. A higher sizing that the estimates of the numbers of number of potential inhabitants of a single inhabitants living in the settlements at any hut, i.e. 4-7 people, was assumed by Shen- one time are relatively low.

3.3. Fortifi cations

Owing to their location, all the settlements was 70 m long and 2-3 m wide (Krause, had natural advantages making them easy Oeggl, Pernicka 2004: 8; Krause 2005: to defend. Th e settlement at Gschleirsbühel 396). was founded on a hill rising to an altitude Owing to favourable defensive condi- of 1.073 m. Th e rescue character of the in- tions provided by the topographic situa- vestigations permitted to explore only in tion, settlement fortifi cations were oft en part the structure of the settlement and its limited to the most easily accessible parts fortifi cations. In her report on the excava- of a site. tions the author uses the term Ringmauer A stone rampart divided into sections is (e.g. Zemmer-Plank 1978: 182, 186) sug- known from the site at Patscherhügel. Built gesting that a wall encircled the whole set- at an altitude of 860 m, the settlement was tlement. Th e wall, in some of its sections, fortifi ed with a wall 25 m long and around incorporated walls of several huts (Fig. 3). 3 m wide supported by additional timber Th e wall, whose exact dimensions are un- elements (Krause 2005: 396, Abb. 5, 399, known (on the average 0.9 m wide in the Abb. 9). south-west portion of the settlement, Zem- Th e investigations of the settlement at mer-Plank 1978: 182), had been built of lo- Sotćiastel exposed preserved remains of cal stone, using the dry wall technique. In a stone rampart divided into sections. Th e the north-east portion of the investigated rampart was 70 m long and 2-3 m wide area, three regularly arranged postholes and protected only the east part of the site. were identifi ed which most likely are re- Due to poor stability, it must have been mains of a timber structure supporting the reinforced too with timber structures, for stone rampart (Zemmer-Plank 1978: 178, instance, a palisade (Tecchiati 1998: 91-92; Abb. 19, 186). 388). A closed stone wall is also known from A palisade, being in his opinion one of the settlement at Buchberg located at an the hypothetical elements of fortifi cations altitude of 620 m (Sydow 1986: 181, Abb. at Savognin-Padnal, was discerned by 3; Krause 2005: 396). Th e wall marks off Rageth (Rageth 1986: 63). Th e hypothesis, a rectangular space of approx. 30 × 25 m however, was not borne out by excavations; (Sydow 1996: 567) (Fig. 4). Th e structure it was not entirely disproved either as not of the Bronze Age fortifi cation had been the whole site was explored. distorted in part by building a similar, big- At St. Veit Klinglberg, at a site situated ger rectangular wall in the La Tène period about 50 m over the valley of the Salzach (Sydow 1986: 182). Th e technique used is River, at an altitude of about 700 m, a ram- again that of dry wall reinforced perhaps part was built aft er the settlement had ex- with some timber structures. Its width was isted in an open form for some time (Shen- estimated at 2-2.5 m (Sydow 1986: 188). nan 1995: 74) (Fig. 5). It crossed the south A wall surrounded also the whole area portion of the site thus cutting the settle- (60 × 43 m) of the settlement at Mutta. It ment off from the most easily accessible ap-

32 Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups Fig. 4. Buchberg. Plan of the site with reconstructed course of the walls (Early Bronze Age and La Tène period) (after Krause 2005). proach. Th e width of the rampart, relying their fortifi cations one may observe a strik- on the preserved fragments of its dispersed ing homogeneity of techniques used to build debris, was estimated at about 2 m while defensive structures. Stone dry walls, when its height was put at 2-2.5 m. Indentifi ed in inhabitants desired to raise them higher, several diff erent excavations, the fragments must have been given supplementary tim- of the rampart in aggregate suggest that it ber elements to make them stable. What all was about 100 m long (Shennan 1989: 37, these settlements have in common is un- Abb. 2; 1995: 75, Fig. 5. 1; Krause 2005: questionably the use of local rock material 393, Abb. 3). to raise ramparts. Although this seems en- Th e site at Friaga Wald is situated about tirely understandable and environmentally 240 m over a valley, on an elevation ris- justifi ed, the origins of this construction ing to an altitude of 940 m (Krause 2005: technique were sought on the Adriatic. Th e 403). Th e elevation was modifi ed by mak- origins of the stone structures of the Alpine ing an artifi cial terrace for building houses area are traced to settlements of the castel- on (Krause 2007a: 123). Th e terrace wall lieri type, which are found on the Istria pe- (Krause, Oeggl, Pernicka 2004: 9, Abb. 7) ninsula (Krause 2007b; 2008: 79-82; 2009: joined a segmented stone rampart about 80 63). Th eir best-explored example is the set- m long and 2-3 m wide. It cut off the settle- tlement at Monkodonja (Hänsel, Matošević, ment from an easily accessible slope lying to Mihovilić, Teržan 2009). Mentioned idea the north of the settlement (Krause, Oeggl, refers to the Adriatic-Ionian zone of inter- Pernicka 2004: 7) (Fig. 6). Loose stones of action presented by Maran (1998). From which it was composed formed a typical there, some elements could have reached dry wall (Krause, Oeggl, Pernicka 2004: 12, the Alpine area (Krause 2007b: 62, Abb. 14). Abb. 12; Krause 2007a: 125, Fig. 9). Considering that the settlements cursorily As in the case of structures recorded in- discussed above have not yielded any direct side Alpine settlements, also in the case of evidence of contacts with the Adriatic coast,

Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups 33 Fig. 5. St. Veit Klinglberg. Plan of the site with reconstructed course of the wall and location of trenches (after Krause 2005). one should be sceptical about the theory. It stance, from the settlement at Monkodonja. seems that so simple architectural solutions, Stone was used there to build a settlement which we deal with here, without any other of a complex structure with a clear division elements that would join the two regions, into the so-called acropolis and suburbium do not provide on their own suffi cient (Krause 2007b: 61, Abb. 13), and elaborate proof of a genetic relationship. In addition, architectural elements (e.g. an entrance it is worth noticing the motive of extraction built in many stages and a cist grave; Hänsel, and processing of copper ore, specifi c to the Matošević, Mihovilić, Teržan 2009) that are Alps and diff erent from that on Istria, which not known from any Alpine settlements. was oft en the raison d’être of some of the Th e fact that ramparts were built in settlements or even the reason, as it seems, places that were most easily accessible and why they came into being in the fi rst place. unprotected by terrain topography may Furthermore, the very stone structures of suggest their defensive role. It is worth the Alpine area by no means reproduce considering, however, whether actually the complexity level that is known, for in- most defences were large enough and had

34 Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups necessary characteristics to eff ectively ful- less (Avery 1993: 59). Houses that formed fi l their defensive role (Shennan 1995: 75). portions of ramparts (see above) must have Th e particularly modest size of the wall been particularly vulnerable. In case that at Gschleirsbühel raises serious doubts they were higher than walls making them (0.9 m wide, Zemmer-Plank 1978: 182). an easy, because well visible, target for po- Even in the case of walls with a wider base tential attackers. and estimated height of 2-3 m, however, Th e stone structures surrounding the (Shennan 1995: 282) they could provide settlements are without doubt examples eff ective protection only when weapons of ramparts. Th is does not mean, however, requiring people to fi ght at close quarters that they played a military role. Th eir char- were used (Ivanova 2008: 114). For de- acteristics justify calling them curtains, i.e. fenders to take advantage of height, walls structures that always formed a barrier had to be build in such a way so that they but not always had a military signifi cance. could be used as so-called ‘fi ghting stages’ Th eir purpose could have been above all to (Ivanova 2008: 114). One way of achiev- protect both people and property as well as ing this was adding platforms that enabled privacy. What they enabled was to control defenders to move along the inner side of the access to the settlement space and limit a wall at a specifi c height or along its top. the visibility of its interior (Keeley, Fon- No Alpine settlement rendered remains of tana, Quick 2007: 57-58). such additional structures. When weapons Th ese doubts are certain arguments in of a greater range were used, as for instance the discussion of the signifi cance and man- bows, a wall of such a height proved use- ner of use of the Alpine settlements. With Fig. 6. Friaga Wald. Plan of the site with reconstructed course of the stone wall and location of trenches (after Krause 2005).

Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups 35 respect to St. Veit Klinglberg, Shennan put lated to, say, marking off and securing the forward a hypothesis about seasonal occu- rights of a group to a piece of land, pro- pation of the settlement or its permanent tecting livestock and better controlling habitation but only by few inhabitants. a walled space by providing a single guard- Th e number of inhabitants would grow ed entrance (Avery 1993: 65). In the case in wintertime when there was no need to of the Alpine settlements, perhaps due to tend animals or cultivate crops and when the fragmentary nature of the excavations, low temperatures were conducive to min- however, no remains of entrances could be ing works (Shennan 1989: 45-46). Further uncovered. investigations at the site revealed that its A considerable eff ort put into the con- inhabitants were self-suffi cient when it struction of stone walls does not have to comes to animal breeding. Th is may bear be an argument against the seasonal use out the hypothesis that the settlement was of particular settlements. Th ere are many inhabited all year round by at least a small sources showing that even seasonal work group of people (Shennan 1995: 285). Next related to the extraction of raw materials to a defensive/military function, walls, it may entail extensive infrastructure (Stöl- can be assumed, had also other roles re- lner 2003: 432).

3.4. Metallurgy

Th e basic category of sources, underpinning Langquaid II type as well as lumps of black the discussion of fortifi ed settlements in the copper and slag, a pin of Scheibenkopfnadel Alpine area, is made up of artefacts relat- type and fragments of a vessel interpreted ing to metallurgy in the broad sense of the to be a crucible (Martinek 1994; 1996: 576, word. It is in reliance on such sources that 583; Krause 2003: 40, Abb. 14). In 1994, the conclusions are drawn concerning the so- site was excavated again. Th is time, next to cial structure of the inhabitants of the set- more slag lumps, a discovery was made of tlements (Shennan 1995: 289; Krause 2002; a tuyère (Martinek 1996: 582--583). Min- 2005; Bartelheim 2007: 195-209). eralogical and chemical analyses of the ar- Th e features discussed here, located in tefacts showed that fahlores, characteristic a region rich in mineral deposits (Günther of the eastern Alps, underwent the whole 1995: 254-255; Krause 2003: 37, Abb. 12), production cycle at the site (Martinek 1996: have, indeed, yielded fi nds that can be 576-584; Krause 2003: 39--40). A radiocar- linked to some of the stages of copper ore bon date (1955-1885 BC), obtained for the processing (Eibner 1982) and a few ready- site, belongs to the earliest ones testifying made bronze objects as well. to the metallurgy of copper in the region Th e least information is available for the (Martinek 1996: 584). From the point of settlement at Gschleirsbühel. Th e author of view of social signifi cance of metallurgy, the investigations mentions only two small the most important fi nd made in Buchberg fragments of socketed spear (Zemmer- is a dagger with a solid handle (Fig. 7:1). It -Plank 1978: 186). must be stressed, however, that the fi nd is Th e fi rst excavations at Buchberg, bean isolated one. sides characteristic pottery thinned with Th e settlement at Sotćiastel is known for slag (Sydow 1986: 186), did not render ini- a large assemblage of about 50 metal ob- tially any evidence, either, of local copper jects (Tecchiati 1998: 230-235, Tav. 42-47, (ore) processing. Th e fi rst unequivocal evi- 272) predominantly dated to the beginning dence was obtained in 1992. A survey of the of the Middle Bronze Age. site yielded lumps of slag and black copper Within the alleged fortifi ed settlement and more fragments of pottery thinned in at Savognin-Padnal, in horizons E and D, a characteristic manner (Martinek 1994). discoveries had been made of houses, men- Another survey yielded a fi nd of an axe of tioned already earlier, which were inter-

36 Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups Fig. 7. Daggers with solid hilts and a halberd from the Alpine area: 1 – Buchberg, 2 – Patsch-Mülthaler Tunnel, 3 – Aham, 4 – Brünnthal (after Bartelheim 2009).

preted as huts/workshops of a metallurgist. mit trompetenförmigen Kopf type and two In the older of the houses, fi nds included heads of similar pins dated to ca. 1500 BC copper ore lumps, metal droplets, mould (Krause 2005: 405-406, with footnote 61; and crucible fragments and remains of ore 2007a: 123, Fig. 4. 1). Th e project, focused roasting (Rageth 1979: 51, Abb. 27. 1, 67, on early metallurgy in the region of Mon- Abb. 50. 1; 1986: 67). Whereas, the younger tafon, included taking a number of samples house yielded only metal droplets (Rageth of minerals for the purpose of comparing 1986: 68). them with artefacts originating in the re- As far as the region of Montafon is con- gion. Analyses were made of the trace ele- cerned, the investigations of a fortifi ed set- ments of lead, which is found in copper as tlement at Friaga Wald are one of the argu- an impurity whose isotopic composition is ments making a case for the fundamental specifi c to individual ore deposits. Th e re- role of the extraction and processing of search further consisted in comparing the copper ore in the life of Alpine area com- pattern of trace elements in copper with munities, a view shared by Krause (2002; the isotopic values of lead in the Montafon 2005). Th e site rendered a single com- ores and metal artefacts (Romanow 1995: plete specimen of a pin of Lochhalsnadel 264; Krause, Oeggl, Pernicka 2004: 14-17,

Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups 37 Abb. 20). Th e results, although they do not lumps of copper with a high content of ar- exclude a possibility that the raw material senic, antimony, iron and sulphur. Unsuit- for the making of some objects originated able for producing metal objects, they had with the ores found in Montafon region, to be refi ned fi rst (Eibner 1982; Romanow are by no means conclusive because of too 1995: 264). In the region in question, ‘cast- small a selection of copper ore samples ing cakes’ may have been a semi-product subjected to analysis from the eastern part exchanged for other goods (Menke 1982: of the Alpine area (Krause 2007a: 132). It is 214-215; Romanow 1995: 265). worth noting that the investigations at the A peculiar source, testifying to the inhab- settlement at Friaga Wald, underpinning itants’ connection to the extraction and pre- Krause’s project aimed at obtaining source liminary processing of copper ore, is local materials that would directly link the forti- pottery. Without any technological reason, fi ed settlements of the Alpine area to the as a temper meant to thin the ceramic body, extraction of copper ore and metallurgy, slag was used here. Th e same practice was have not supplied so far any evidence of the followed, for instance, at the settlement at local production of metal or any form of Buchberg. Th is type of temper is character- ore processing (see comments by Kienlin, istic only of settlements in the Alpine area Stöllner 2009: 71). (Lippert 1999: 114). No shard originating In St. Veit Klinglberg, among the sources elsewhere has this characteristic. Since this forming direct evidence of metalworking, kind of temper does not improve the dur- a mention should be made of only two ability of vessels, attempts were made to tuyère fragments (Shennan 1995: 175). seek an explanation for this practice in the Th ere is, however, a group of sources that sphere of beliefs. Th e pottery makers must permits scholars to link the inhabitants have been convinced that in this way they of the settlement to particular stages of imparted metal characteristics to the pot- copper production (Shennan 1989: 41). tery (Shennan 1995: 283-284). In total, the investigations yielded about Th e sources related to the extraction 150 objects related to metallurgy, mostly and processing of copper, originating with small lumps of black copper (Shennan Alpine settlements, make a rather modest 1995: 242-243). Th e assemblage includes assemblage sharply contrasting with the also fi ne fragments of ready-made goods signifi cance mining and metallurgy sup- and complete artefacts. One should men- posedly played in the life of local commu- tion, above all, a dagger blade, twisted wire nities (recently: Krause 2009). However, in- (probably, a pin fragment), chisel and ar- tensive research into early metallurgy in the rowhead (Shennan 1995: 245, Fig. 10. 1). Alpine area witnessed in recent years may Th ese objects may be dated, with consid- provide us with new information sources. erable certainty, to the late period of the Particularly meaningful in this context, the Early Bronze Age (Shennan 1995: 244). case of the Buchberg settlement shows that It cannot be ruled out that some of them a return of archaeologists to a site aft er al- were made locally. An important category most 30 years may produce a broad gamut of fi nds from the area of St. Veit Klinglberg of artefacts testifying to the existence of the are the so-called ‘casting cakes’. Th ese are whole chain of fahlore processing.

3.5. Chronology

Th e chronological position of the settle- tery is very oft en simply included in an ments is oft en discussed leaving out their appropriate section of the inner-Alpine cultural attribution. Any fi ndings refer to Bronze Age (inneralpine Bronzezeit, in the the general characteristics of pottery or sense of Rageth 1986). Only some publica- metal goods that permit scholars to place tions indicated the typological links of pot- them within Paul Reinecke’s system. Pot- tery to the south German Straubing cul-

38 Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups Fig. 8. The sum of the probability distribution of radiocarbon datings from fortifi ed settlements in the Alpine area (after Shennan 1995; Martinek 1996; Tecchiatti 1998; Krause 2005).

Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups 39 ture1 (Zemmer-Plank 1978: 204; Shennan in the early section of the Middle Bronze 1989: 44). Others do not refer precisely to Age (BA2/BB1; Krause 2005: 396, Abb. 5). typochronological units in the traditional Only the dates from Savognin-Padnal mark meaning of archaeological culture (Shen- an earlier period. In the case of horizon E, nan 1995; Krause Oeggl, Pernicka 2004; they are spread from the end of the 22nd ‘inneralpine Gruppen’ Krause 2005: 392, century BC to ca. 1800 BC, while in the Abb. 2), relying solely on absolute age de- case of horizon D they are distributed from terminations using the 14C method. ca. 1700 to 1400 BC (Krause 1996: 80)2. In the light of available data, fortifi ed settlements developed in the Alpine area in 2 In a publication devoted to the chronology the late section of the Early Bronze Age and of southern Germany, Switzerland and Austria (1996), Krause gave a list of dates from Savognin- -Padnal that did not correspond exactly to a list of 1 Taking into account the number of ceramic dates made by the author of the study Rageth. Th e sources found at St. Veit Klinglberg (approx. former designated some dates determined in the 40,000 fragments), their role in the strategy of re- laboratory in Bern as ones determined in a Berlin search into the settlement’s chronology was mar- laboratory (see Rageth 1986: 95-96; Krause 1996: ginal (Shennan 1995: 35-48). 82-83, Liste 1).

3.6. Summary: role and function of fortifi ed settlements in the Alpine area

Observed in the fi nds from St. Veit Klinglberg) occupied themselves with the Klinglberg, the simultaneous presence of extraction of raw material which then trav- cleaned cereal grains and artefacts related elled upstream (along the Salzach River) to to copper ore processing triggered discus- other settlements where it was processed sions of the model of circulation of metal (refi ned) and from where it reached suc- and metal semi-fi nished products in the cessive recipients (Menke 1982: 120; Ro- Alpine area. For it is assumed that ‘casting manow 1995: 265; Shennan 1995: 308, cakes’, a raw material for the production 295, Abb. 12.1). It is presumed that in set- of copper obtained from nearby deposits, tlements, in the valleys of the Saalach and were the basic products exchanged by in- Salzach rivers, a special kind of copper was habitants for other goods (Menke 1982: produced to be later distributed as ingots 218; Shennan 1995: 307-308; Krause 2005: known as Ösenringbarren and Spangen- 395). What were these other goods? Rely- barren (e.g. Menke 1982: 13, Abb. 4, 68, ing on the fi nd of an amber bead in St. Veit Abb. 45) across the vast areas of the Alpine Klinglberg, it was suggested that it was piedmonts, southern Bavaria, Lower Aus- amber that was used in the exchange of tria, Moravia, and southern and northern goods (Shennan 1995: 242). Other sources Bohemia (Junk, Krause, Pernicka 2001; from the settlement, however, indicate that Moucha 2005: 25-42). Th e ingots were sup- goods obtained by exchange could have posedly a form of commodity money of included farm produce, above all cereals. specifi c quality and value (Lenerz de Wilde Another possibility is the exchange of the 1995; Pernicka, Krause 1998: 223) that was raw material for ready-made bronze goods frequently valorised in deposits of a ritual manufactured in valley settlements or tin character (Innerhofer 1997). necessary to produce bronze alloys. Avail- So far, the social interpretation of the able maps indicate that roles in the chain of fortifi ed settlements of the Alpine area production and distribution of copper and was dominated by two radically diff erent bronze may have been divided between views. In the conclusion of the report on the mountain zone and the piedmont of investigations at the settlement at St. Veit the Alps. It is suggested that settlements Klinglberg, Shennan claimed that there located in the mining region (e.g. St. Veit was no convincing evidence of a central

40 Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups settlement in the region in question nor ions of the cited author. Specifi cally, in the were there any sources that would point to diff erent aspects of fortifi ed settlements the existence of a separate social stratum or described above, one can hardly fi nd any elites (Shennan 1995: 289). Relying on eth- conclusive evidence testifying to the social nographic observations from Cameroun diff erentiation of their inhabitants. and the 19th century ‘theory of comparative Among structures located within set- advantage’ formulated by David Ricardo, tlements, there are no houses that could he pointed to a model in which the extrac- be assigned a special position, because of tion and preliminary processing of copper their dissimilar form or a special inven- ore by specifi c communities were simply tory. A central house, set apart from oth- elements of a local economic system and ers by its size and a number of hearths, is a result of the calculation of relationships known from Savognin-Padnal. However, it holding between costs, profi ts and values was built in horizon B linked to the Late (also in the social sense) (Shennan 1999; Bronze Age (Rageth 1986: 71-73). Also, Kadrow 2001: 151-152). According to this the main characteristic of the settlements – model, the community of St. Veit Klingl- their defences – cannot be treated by itself berg was an underprivileged group in the as evidence of the existence of a settlement exchange system, sustaining relatively hierarchy in the Alpine area (Krause 2005: high production costs of their commodity. 408) for the simple reasons that their func- However, the fact that they occupied a spe- tional nature is not absolutely clear and our cifi c niche resulted in their remaining part knowledge of other, so-called open, settle- of a larger system, permitting them to gain ment forms is inadequate3. Th e invento- some advantages (Shennan 1999). From ries of artefacts obtained from the settle- this perspective, the inhabitants of St. Veit ments do not meet the traditional criteria Klinglberg were not local elites – quite on of sources, testifying to the existence of the contrary, they were a group dependent separate social groups or elites (Bartelheim on the recipients of the eff ects of their work 2007: 201, 203, Abb. IV. 10). Such sour- who supplied the settlement with necessary ces include above all objects made using farm produce (Bartelheim 2007: 203). a complex technique or from an exotic raw A completely diff erent view was pre- material. As such they directly testify not sented by Krause. Relying on the analysis only to the existence of private property, of the settlement at Friaga Wald (Krause, but also to the possibility of acquiring them Oeggl, Pernicka 2004) and others in the re- through exchange with remote areas. In all gion, he attributed to them a similar role the research areas discussed here there are to that of Medieval fortifi ed enclosures many examples of such fi nds (see below). (Burgen) (Krause 2005: 408). Th ey were, in An exception here is the settlements of the his opinion, seats of local leaders control- Alpine area (Fig. 7). Th ey yielded a very ling the raw material and a given territory modest inventory of fi nds of a special sta- (Krause 2005: 390, 408-409). Th is view had tus. Th is overall picture is not changed by been presented already earlier with respect the amber beads from St. Veit Klinglberg to the region of Saalfelden in which exist- (Shennan 1995: 242) and Savognin-Padnal ing settlements were assigned a task of not (Stahl 2006: 147) or the dagger with a solid only guarding the places where ores were handle from the settlement at Buchberg mined and processed but also control- (Pöll 2014). For the presence of amber is ling a route along the valley of the Saalach observed in the region as early as the late River (Moosleitner 1991; Shennan 1995: the 3rd millennium BC. Whereas daggers 21, Fig. 1.1). Th e major criteria that Krause with solid handles, apart from the excep- adopted while formulating his hypothesis tion mentioned earlier, are known, above were stone defences around settlements all, from fi nds of single specimens oft en and fi nds of prestige objects (halberds and made high in the mountains (Kienlin, daggers with solid handles) (Krause 2002; 2005: 391-392, Abb. 2). In the light of our 3 Located in the Bartholomäberg district, the knowledge on the settlements in the re- site at Boda Weg is dated only to the 14th and 13th gion, one can hardly agree with the opin- centuries BC (Krause 2007a: 127-128).

Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups 41 Stöllner 2009: 88). Hence, there is no direct made bronze goods and decorating them evidence that would justify linking them to were valued higher than procuring raw the fortifi ed settlements. material itself in the general central Euro- To the fact that the fortifi ed settlements pean context. Th is opinion may be borne were part of a broader cultural circle could out by inventories found in so-called met- testify fragments of Brotlaibidole unearthed allurgists’ graves of which few are known at Sotćiastel and Gschleirsbühel (Zemmer- (Bartelheim 2007: 205-207). -Plank 1978: 206, Taf. 14. 5; Tecchiati 1998: Another problem, faced by those who 193, Fig. 29a-32b). Th ese objects are found search for elites and evidence showing how above all in two clusters. Th e fi rst is asso- intensive social processes were, is posed ciated with the Polada culture in northern by a virtually total absence of sepulchral Italy while the other stretches from the sources in the region (Bartelheim 2007: drainage of the middle Danube to the west- 201). Rich ‘princely graves’, burials whose ern portion of the Carpathian Basin (Rind grave goods included daggers, and single/ 1999: 92, Abb. 15). Since we do not know /collective fi nds of, for instance, halberds the function and signifi cance of these ob- are all connected to areas lying north of the jects, it is hardly possible to assess their po- Alps (e.g. Bartelheim 2007: 200, Abb. IV. 8; tential ‘prestige’ or social value. Weinberger 2008: 47, Fig. 5, 49, Fig. 6). Th ey Even if it is assumed that at least some are yet another proof that metallurgical proof the settlements of the Alpine area were duction was easier to monopolize and that related to the mining of local copper de- distribution of the new raw material in areas posits, there is no reason to see behind distant from its mining centres off ered pre- them complex social structures usually viously unknown advantages (Jaeger, Cze- manifested by the presence of, at the least, breszuk 2010). Th e diff erence could have prestige objects (Kienlin, Stöllner 2009). been a result of the way metal was treated. Th e picture of the settlements lacking any In the regions located closer to the places of clear evidence of social hierarchy seems to its procurement, it could have gone through, agree with the opinion of Bartelheim who to some extent, the stage of ‘turning into pointed out that manufacturing ready- a commodity’ (Shennan 1992: 539).

42 Research Area I. Alpine Area: inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups CHAPTER 4 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture

Th e settlement at Bruszczewo, situated in carried out in recent years led to a revision southern Wielkopolska (Fig. 9), is a ma- of this view. In the light of absolute chrono- jor element of a relatively small enclave, logy, the Pudliszki settlement must be as- but signifi cant owing to the abundance sociated, without any doubt, with the Late of sources, of the Únětice culture known Bronze Age and the Lusatian culture (Jae- as the Kościan Group (Szydłowski 2003; ger, Czebreszuk, Müller 2008; Jaeger 2010). Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010)1. Although its In the case of the Słopanowo settlement, geographical range has not been clearly a mistake was made in determining both determined (Szydłowski 2003), the group the age and function of unearthed ditches. should be associated in the fi rst place with In reality, they were remains of a barrow of the settlement at Bruszczewo, a unique the Wielbark culture (Jaeger, Czebreszuk, cemetery of ‘princely graves’ in Łęki Małe Müller 2008: 152, with footnote 5). (Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010), an alleged bar- Next to the investigations of the settle- row at Przysieka Polska (Schwenzer 2004), ment at Bruszczewo, signifi cant informa- single graves, numerous hoards and iso- tion on the local Únětice culture enclave is lated fi nds of bronze objects (Czebreszuk, supplied by the excavations of barrows at Müller 2004: 41-42). Łęki Małe and a survey programme system- For a long time, the Bruszczewo settle- atically carried out within the Bruszczewo ment had been treated as an element in the project (Czebreszuk, Szydłowski 2010). existing network of Wielkopolska’s forti- What all these eff orts revealed is the inten- fi ed settlements. Among features similar to sity of the settlement process in the Early Bruszczewo had been counted settlements Bronze Age. Its scale can be compared to at Słopanowo and Pudliszki (Gedl 1982: the periods when the Lusatian and Prze- 205; Gediga 1983: 51, Abb. 1; Kłosińska worsk cultures dominated (Czebreszuk, 1997: 104; Czebreszuk, Müller 2004: 43, Szydłowski 2010: 87-88, ryc. 5). Abb. 16). However, verifying investigations Th e Bruszczewo settlement has a long record of investigations (Czebreszuk, Müller, 1 Th e Bruszczewo site was used also by the Silska 2004). Particularly interesting and societies of the Lusatian culture and, albeit less unique information was obtained from the intensively, in the Middle Ages. Th e Late Bronze Age stage of settlement occupancy may be linked peat zone of the site where a part of wooden to a number of pits, timber structures preserved defences, remains of houses and a single in the western peat zone and a ditch. burial with timber elements survived.

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 43 Fig. 9. South-western Poland. Early Bronze Age fortifi ed settlements: 1 – Bruszczewo, 2 – Radłowice, 3 – Jędrychowice, 4 – Nowa Cerekwia.

4.1. Natural environment and economy

In the case of Bruszczewo, the fund of analyzed (Klichowska 1971; Makowiecki, available information on the natural con- Drejer 2010: 288). text and subsistence strategies of settlement Th e research project launched in the inhabitants is relatively the largest and 1990s had an interdisciplinary character. most specifi c. Already the investigations During excavations, next to bone remains, carried out in the 1960s produced animal a large number of soil samples were col- and macrobotanical remains, which were lected. Some of them were washed (fl oated)

44 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture at the site (Kroll 2010: 250). Samples were real concentration discovered in trench 52. taken from units of vertical stratigraphy, iso- An analyzed sample (20 litres of sediment lated natural strata and features considered with cereal from an area of 3 sq. m) yielded particularly interesting. Th e samples were virtually barley only and practically with- collected in both settlement zones (Kroll out any impurities – the grain must have 2010: 252, Fig. 3). Th e results of the analy- been made ready for consumption (Kneisel sis of macrobotanical and animal remains 2010a: 146; Kroll 2010: 260). Th e presence were supplemented by conclusions follow- of a specifi c weed – black bindweed – may ing from palynological profi les. Th e latter indicate the method of harvesting and stor- were collected both from cultural layers and ing barley. It can be safely assumed that in the immediate vicinity of the settlement. grain was harvested still in ears and it was Th e list of crops draft ed in the wake of in this form that it was stored (Kroll 2010: the fi rst excavations (Klichowska 1971: 94) 264). was confi rmed by the analysis of natural Next to cereals, the analysis of macro- layer 35 from the peat zone of the site. Th e botanical remains revealed the presence of layer was found to contain the remains of a number of other plants both domesticated barley, emmer, small spelt and spelt. In ad- and wild. Pit fi lls in the mineral zone of the dition, there were found young off shoots site and the peat zone yielded the remains and leaf fragments, which may testify to of poppy, dill, pea, lentil and bitter vetch. the use of leaf-hay (Karg, Bauer, Fingerhut In the last-mentioned case, we are dealing 2004: 264, 266). Layer 35 was interpreted with the oldest trace of the plant in the east- as manure (Haas, Wahlmüller 2004: 275). ern portion of central Europe (Kroll 2010: Th is view is supported by the presence 260, 264, 274). In all probability, specialized of maggot sheaths, shed by the fl y spe- varieties of legumes, dill and poppy were cies that naturally lay eggs in animal dung grown in gardens (Kroll 2010: 264). (Karg, Bauer, Fingerhut 2004: 265), spores Owing to the already mentioned specifi c of coprophilous fungi and parasites (Haas, conditions prevailing in part of the site, bo- Wahlmüller 2004: 275-276). Th e analysis tanical samples yielded large amounts of of macrobotanical remains shows that bar- remains of aquatic vegetation (Kroll 2010: ley and wheat were cultivated separately in 257, Fig. 8). Bruszczewo. Th e latter was not just an ac- Th e knowledge of resources and values companying cereal. Whereas oats, found (not only nutritional ones) of wild plants in the macrobotanical remains as well, was growing around the settlement is evidence a weed in the Early Bronze Age. Millet, in by a broad spectrum of macrobotanical turn, is known to have been grown there remains. What was gathered included not because its impressions were found on pot- only fruit (e.g. apples, raspberries) but tery and it was discovered in single pits lo- also plants of potential medicinal proper- cated in the central mineral part of the site ties (e.g. hop, henbane) and technical ones (Kroll 2010: 260-262). Th e cereals that were (e.g. linden as a source of fi bres). Th e pres- found at Bruszczewo were by no means ence of hazel nuts and acorns is strongly winter crops. Th is means that fi elds were attested. Archaeological sources found at cultivated from early spring to late summer. other Bronze Age sites show clearly that When crops were not grown on them, they acorns were above all part of human diet could have been used as so-called stubble (Hajnalová, Furmánek, Marková 1999: 231). meadows. For this reason, they must have Th is is evidenced by the fact that acorns been ‘naturally’ fertilized with animal dung. were roasted and heating is the easiest As a result, grains recorded at Bruszczewo way of removing bitterness from them. reached a relatively large weight (Kroll In Bruszczewo, acorns were found in the 2010: 226). Within the mineral zone, in grain deposit associated with the burial a close stratigraphic relationship to the (Kroll 2010: 266, 274). burial (Kneisel 2010d: 718), a large amount Th e study of macrobotanical remains of grain was unearthed. Th e deposit con- from Bruszczewo allowed Kroll to draw sisted of barley and wheat (Kneisel 2010a: a number of conclusions concerning the 146). Its composition diff ered from the ce- type of landscape and vegetation in the

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 45 surroundings of the settlement and the rate corded in profi les BK 2005/1 and 16/5/5. they changed. What he chiefl y relied on was Arable fi elds must have been located in the the remains of pasture weeds indicative of immediate vicinity of the settlement. Th e the gradual eutrophication and opening landscape was ‘subdued’ by burning sur- of the landscape around the settlement due rounding forests. Animal breeding was to animal grazing (Kroll 2010: 268-270). important. In the next period (1750-1650 Th e process is also evidenced by the analy- BC), a clear change must be presumed in ses of the sediment from layer 35. Th e ma- the strategy of the agro-breeding economy. nure content is in this case related to the Th is is refl ected in the pollen infl ux value presence of herds of cattle on the lakeshore that shows that settlement inhabitants gave (a watering place) (Kroll 2010: 258). up burning forest and tilled the fi elds locat- Th e conclusions drawn from the analy- ed at a considerable distance from the set- sis of botanical samples are borne out by tlement. Th e next period (1650-1000 BC) palynological studies. Altogether, we have is characterized by a steep fall in human four profi les2. Th ree of them come form impact indicators. Th e economic activity the peat zone of the site. Th e fi rst is a box of Early Bronze Age societies was far more profi le taken from quadrat 2 (north pro- intensive than that recorded for later times, fi le of quadrat 2, trench 30) (Diers 2010: including the period of Roman infl uence. 342). Next two profi les come from cul- In the latter period, the impact of man on tural layers (profi les Qu-9 and BK 2005/1). the local natural environment seems to Profi le 16/5.5 was taken from a place lo- have been rather limited. Neither the re- cated about 200 m away from the site. Th e gion’s vegetation nor its landscape under- drilling was done in the deepest place of went then any major change. Surprisingly, the lake that originally surrounded the an increase in aff orestation is recorded and settlement (Haas, Wahlmüller 2010: 54, a clear spreading of the oak, birch and pine Fig. 1; 56, Fig. 2; 58). Th e profi les record- (Haas, Wahlmüller 2010: 78). ed anthropogenic processes related to all Extrafossils, found in palynological pro- the periods of major settlement activity in fi les collected from both cultural layers and the region known from archaeological data the original lake area, confi rmed that part (Czebreszuk, Szydłowski 2010; Diers 2010: of accumulated sediment was made up fae- 364; Haas, Wahlmüller 2010). Th e profi les ces (human or animal). Th e waters of the were analyzed in accordance with the most lake must have contained excrements. Th is recent standards that next to pollen grains could have adversely aff ected water quality also stress the need to identify extrafossils in the lake and resulted in its periodic tox- (locally grown cysts, fungal spores, algal icity (Haas, Wahlmüller 2010: 78-80). remains, charcoal bits, aquatic insect eggs, Next to lake contamination indicators, parasites) (Haas, Wahlmüller 2010: 56, 58), on the same stratigraphic level (only in the which off er greater possibilities of recon- Early bronze Age), the presence of mistle- structing the former natural environment. toe and ivy was recorded (Haas, Wahlmül- Both archaeological and palynological ler 2010: 80). A possible explanation of the data tend to show that fi rst societies pene- presence is the use of the twigs of these trating the area of the site and its surround- plants as cattle fodder (Karg, Bauer, Fin- ings were Neolithic groups (Czebreszuk, gerhut 2004: 266). However, a correlation Szydłowski 84, Fig. 1-4; Haas, Wahlmüller between the fi nds of mistletoe and human 2010: 70-78). However, a continuous and whipworm eggs allowed the researchers to intensive use of the area began only in the put forward another interpretation pro- Early Bronze Age. posal. Relying on ethnographic sources, Th e most intensive deforestation of the they pointed to the potential signifi cance area took place in the period from 2050 to of the plant as a cure for the parasite living 1750 BC. Th is is shown by indicators rein the water of the lake (Haas, Wahlmüller 2010: 80). At the present stage of research, 2 For a detailed description of the method of however, this is only a working hypothesis. profi le collection and analysis see Diers 2010: In the light of the investigations de- 342-346; Haas, Wahlmüller 2010: 58-64. scribed above, the local natural environ-

46 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture ment was strongly aff ected by the intensive used in many diff erent ways. For the analy- animal breeding practised by settlement in- sis of mortality did not reveal any specifi c, habitants. Th e investigations at Bruszczewo one-track breeding strategy. Even in the yielded a large amount of animal bone re- case of pigs, carcasses were of varied qual- mains. Th e remains from both the fi rst and ity, and nutritional and culinary values as second stages of the investigations were sub- animals were slaughtered at diff erent ages jected to a partial archaeozoological analy- (Makowiecki 2004: 284, 290). sis (Makowiecki 2004; Makowiecki, Drejer When the chronology of the site could 2010). Moreover preliminary taphonomical be made more specifi c, the osteological investigations were carried out on animal material coming from the 1960s was re-an- bones from pit no 150 (Marciniak 2010). alyzed. Two ‘pure’ sets of animal remains Th e osteological material collected be- were separated and a third, mixed one. Th e tween 1995 and 2001 was made up of two fi rst two were linked to the Únětice and Lu- bone assemblages3 built up using two dif- satian cultures, respectively, while the third ferent techniques. Next to the traditional one combined the two phases of settlement manual collection of animal remains, the at the Bruszczewo promontory and the fl otation method was taken advantage of Early Medieval times. Next, the three sets using sieves of 3 mm mesh size. Th is had of chronologically ordered remains were a considerable impact on the analysis re- subjected to a spatial analysis within zones sults. What changed most was the repre- (A-E, S) marked off following the form and sentation of individual species. Th e wash- location of pits (Makowiecki, Drejer 2010: ing revealed the presence of so-called small 288-290; Fig. 1). animals (mud turtle, pike, sheatfi sh) and Th e most interesting for this work, the birds4 (mallard), and raised the share of set associated with the Early Bronze Age wild species remains (for instance, by 10 contained altogether 3,500 bone remains in per cent rose the number of deer bone frag- 49 features. Over a half (54 per cent) could ments and by 15 per cent climbed those of be identifi ed. A vast majority of them (89 the roe deer) (Makowiecki 2004: 283-285). per cent) belonged to domesticated species At the settlement cattle breeding clearly (Makowiecki, Drejer 2010: 290-292). Th is dominated over the raising of sheep, goats tendency could be seen in all the zones, al- or pigs, which is seen in the number of though percentage ratios within them var- bone fragments of individual species. Little ied (Makowiecki, Drejer 2010: 294). represented in the material studied were A spatial analysis allowed to capture the bones of the horse or the dog (Ma- a cluster of Early Bronze features contain- kowiecki 2004: 283, Fig. 133; Makowiecki, ing animal bones in the northeastern por- Drejer 2010: 292; Table 1). Th e wild species tion of the settlement, in zones A, B, and that were indentifi ed were mostly large an- D. In terms of numbers, however, zones imals such as, above all, the deer and wild C, A and B stood out (Makowiecki, Drejer boar followed by the roe deer and aurochs. 2010: 294). What seems to be particularly Among small animal bones, the most nu- signifi cant, however, is the conclusions merous were those of the beaver. Th e rest following from the spatial distribution of of remains belonged to the brown hare, remains of wild species. Th ey were par- brown bear, (pine?) marten and wildcat. ticularly densely concentrated in zones B Apart from mammals, the assemblage con- and C, with their share in the former zone tained bird remains (Makowiecki, Drejer reaching 22.5 per cent. A tentative assump- 2010: 292). tion can be made that this fact refl ects Individual domesticated species, being a special manner of distribution of food and the chief source of animal proteins, were raw materials obtained by hunting. Th e researchers pointed to a possibility that wild 3 Th e analyzed assemblage consisted in total animals could have been diff erently valo- of 2,486 bone fragments of which 1,859 or 74.8% rized because they belonged to the natu- were identifi ed Makowiecki 2004: 283). 4 Fish remains were not represented at all in ral world (Makowiecki, Drejer 2010: 294, the assemblage of bones collected in the 1960s 300). Th is suggestion agrees with the view (Makowiecki 2004: 282). that hunting grew in social importance in

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 47 the Bronze Age as illustrated by a rich col- den growing of specialized plant varieties. lection of fl int points discovered at Brusz- However, the most signifi cant outcome of czewo and attesting to the popularity of the the research is a unique possibility of de- bow – a hunter’s attribute. termining the scale of human impact in the Th e above information paints a picture region. It is this impact that, hypothetically, of a well-organized society engaged in an led to an extensive degradation of the natu- intensive agro-breeding economy supple- ral environment and contributed to the fall mented by gathering, hunting and gar- of the Bruszczewo settlement.

4.2. Inner layout

A fundamental problem facing research- the Bruszczewo use (Czebreszuk, Ducke, ers in the case of the Bruszczewo settle- Müller, Silska 2004: 74). Th e arrangement ment is determining how its interior was of the postholes revealed in the course of laid out. Th e site has been an arable fi eld excavations is insuffi cient to reconstruct for decades. Long years of ploughing, in- unequivocally the remains of huts. Quite cluding particularly deep and destructive possibly, some postholes that are regularly steam ploughing in the 19th c., and other arranged along an E-W axis are relics of agrotechnical measures resulted in great Early Bronze Age structures (Czebreszuk, destruction of strata from the Early Bronze Ducke, Müller, Silska 2004: 74, Abb. 28). Age. Th e magnitude of the problem may be How the huts looked we can presume only illustrated by the fact that only in trench indirectly relying on information from 47/05 a cultural layer linked to the Únětice other sites of a similar chronology. settlement survived in fragments (Czebre- In the case of sites located in Poland, our szuk, Suchowska 2010: 545, Fig. 2). Next knowledge is excessively modest as a result to contemporary destructive processes, of the absence of planned excavations (Sar- some elements of the Early Bronze Age set- nowska 1969: 16; Butent-Stefaniak 1997: tlement must have been destroyed during 166-171; Lasak 2001: 249-253). A major- the younger phases of the site use. Th is is ity of Early Bronze Age settlements were well illustrated by the fact that the Lusatian only fragmentarily investigated, oft en as ditch was in part dug into a ditch from the part of excavations of multicultural sites. Early Bronze Age. Th ey rendered above all discoveries of dif- In consequence, little data is available ferent types of storing pits. In several cases, on the inner layout of the Bruszczewo features of exceptionally large size were settlement (Müller, Kneisel 2010: 762). interpreted as remains of dwelling struc- What was nevertheless recorded is a large tures – semidugouts (Sarnowska 1969: 14; number of storage pits and postholes (Cze- Butent-Stefaniak 1997: 167). Relics of Early breszuk, Ducke, Müller, Silska 2004: 73; Bronze Age structures were unearthed at Kneisel 2010a: 94, Abb. 1) (Fig. 10). In ad- a fortifi ed settlement in Radłowice (Lasak dition, excavations and geomagnetic in- 1988; Butent-Stefaniak 1997: 169). Th ey vestigations support a view that between included postholes left behind by both the most densely settled part of the settle- overground huts and dwelling structures ment and the defences there was an empty partially sunk into the ground (Lasak, Fur- space about 20 m wide (Czebreszuk, Ducke, manek 2008: 124-125, 130, Abb. 3). Post Müller, Silska 2004: 73). Certainly, some of huts were small structures measuring from the postholes must be relics of Early Bronze 9 to 25 sq. m and may have had a similar Age post houses. What is not certain, how- form to hut remains known from Germa- ever, is their chronology. For the most part, ny and Moravia, of which more is known these features are deprived of any archaeo- (Stuchlík 2000: 221-229; Schefzik 2006: logical artefacts that would allow research- 154-155; Abb. 11-12). For the latter area, ers to attribute them to a specifi c period of four types of post houses occurring at Early

48 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture Fig. 10. Bruszczewo. Plan of the settlement with excavated elements of the inner layout and fortifi cations: 1 – ditch, 2 – palisades, 3, 4 – fascines, 5 – wooden wall, 6 – pits, 7 – excavated area, 8 – houses in wet area, 9 – probable course of EBA ditch (after Kneisel et al. 2008).

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 49 Bronze Age settlements were distinguished: at the site. Next to defences, in the oxygen- small overground houses, houses sunk into free environment, discoveries were made the ground, hall houses and circular ones of fragments of structural elements of (Stuchlík 2000). At the Bruszczewo site, in buildings, possibly of dwelling character. none of the investigated settlement parts, Excavations of peat layers call for a specifi c can one fi nd a circular arrangement of methodology. One of its more important postholes at a relatively small area, which precepts is that trench size be kept rather typical of houses built on a circular plan small (Kneisel 2010a: 140). For this reason, (see Velešovice; Stuchlík 2000: 237, Obr. the structural elements of houses described 13). Neither are there any regularly spaced below, situated at the shoreline of the origi- postholes, typical of hall structures (see nal lake, have been explored only in part. Šumice; Stuchlík, Stuchlíková 1999: 178, In total, fragments of four wooden struc- Abb. 8; Eching/Öberau type; Schefzik 2006: tures were discovered and interpreted as 140, Abb. 1). I believe it can be tentatively remains of huts. assumed that rather small overground post Th e fi rst structure was unearthed in houses provided shelter to settlement in- trench 30. It was situated west of an inner habitants. Such structures are known from wattle. It was made of a cluster of 26 piles, many Únětice culture sites in Moravia (e.g. which, unlike defence posts, had been Sedlec, Holubice, Moravská Nová Ves; halved. Th e structure was accompanied by Stuchlík 2000: 224-226, Obr. 3-6). the remains of a hearth (Kneisel et al. 2008: Next to postholes, the mineral part of 157, 162; Kneisel 2010a: 104). the Bruszczewo settlement yielded a single Another structure, in trench 31, could feature which is probably a relic of a house be seen in geomagnetic plan as a roughly sunk into the ground. Feature 78, only par- rectangular anomaly (Ducke, Müller 2004: tially explored, was trapezoidal in shape, 63, Abb. 23). Located north of the structure measured 4.4 m in length and 2.4 to ap- described earlier, its elements were un- prox. 4 m in width, and held a stone hearth covered simultaneously in two quadrats (5 (Czebreszuk, Ducke, Müller, Silska 2004: and 7) (Kneisel 2010a: 115, Abb. 24). Th ese 75, Abb. 29). Dwelling features partially were two perpendicular and two longitu- sunk into the ground are known from other dinal beams. Th e end of one of the beams Únětice culture settlements (Lasak 1988: 48; was fastened with large stones. In the case Stuchlík 2000: 235-236). However, feature of this structure, an unusual detail could 78 diff ers signifi cantly from huts described be recorded, namely, one of the beams by the quoted authors – in both Radłowice was placed on piles which were mortised and Moravian Budkovice, recorded post- in purpose-made openings in the beam holes were traces of structural elements (Kneisel 2010a: 118, Abb. 32) (Fig. 11). of houses (Lasak 1988: 48; Stuchlík 2000: Between the beams, birch bark, clay and 236, Obr. 12). Moreover, feature 29 from twigs were recorded which must have been Radłowice yielded daub fragments bear- remains of a fl oor (Kneisel et al. 2008: 162; ing twig impressions showing the way walls Kneisel 2010a: 126). had been built (Lasak 1988: 48). Whereas in West of the fi rst described structure, in the case of Bruszczewo no postholes were the area between the mineral and peat zones found to be related to feature 78. Perhaps of the site, poorly preserved remains of an- an explanation should be sought in another other structure were unearthed. What was type of structure used to build the house. left included a single massive post, a large Next to post structures dating to the Ear- number of small-diameter postholes and ly Bronze Age, we know of log structures the so-called ‘shadows’ left behind by the as well. For instance, log huts were found wood that had rotted away in the mineral at a fortifi ed settlement in Jędrychowice layer (Kneisel et al. 2008: 163). (Butent-Stefaniak 1997: 171). Th e remains of the last house were dis- Owing to the specifi c conditions pre- covered in trench 52 (quadrat 11), placed vailing in Bruszczewo’s peat layers, helping on the slope of the promontory and joining to preserve organic materials, numerous both zones of the site. Only a part of the elements of wooden architecture survived house was explored including the remains

50 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture Fig. 11. Bruszczewo, trench 31. Construction detail of the remains of dwelling no 2 (after Kneisel et al. 2008).

of a collapsed wall in the form of layers of the settlement bounds. In Poland, we know burned and unburned clay (Kneisel 2010a: of examples of the co-occurrence of graves 137-138, Abb. 64). Close to the house, and economic features on Únětice culture a large deposit of charred grain was found sites (e.g. Radłowice, Wrocław-Oporów, (Kneisel et al. 2008: 163). Domasław; Sarnowska 1969: 226; Butent- Additionally, quadrat 8 in trench 31 -Stefaniak 1997: 169-170). yielded a characteristic concentration of Summing up, it is quite clear that the small twigs. It is highly probable that these state of preservation of the mineral part of are remains of a destroyed wattle wall or the Bruszczewo settlement largely prevents fence (Kneisel et al. 2008: 162, Fig. 6; Knei- any reconstruction of houses. Nevertheless, sel 2010a: 128-130, Abb. 51). it can be tentatively assumed that mainly While discussing the inner layout of the small post huts were built within the settle- settlement, it is worth noting that the only ment bounds. In one case, there is evidence grave discovered in Bruszczewo until now of another type of structure: a hut partially was located a short distance from the above sunk into the ground, possibly built of logs. structures. A grave of a man wrapped Fortunately, special data were supplied by in a willow twig mat was uncovered in the peat zone of the site. Relying on them, quadrat 2 (Kneisel 2010d; Jaeger 2012b) it can be claimed now with certainty that (Fig. 12). Th e current knowledge on the along the shoreline of the original lake layout structure in this part of the site sug- there stood buildings of which some at gests that we deal here with a burial within least were dwelling structures.

4.3. Fortifi cations

Th e fi rst information on the defences on three occasions (Pieczyński 1985; Cze- the Bruszczewo promontory referred to breszuk, Müller, Silska 2004: 20). Th e in- a stone-earthen rampart topped by a tim- vestigations carried out in the 1990s made ber structure, which had been rebuilt on it possible to verify the information. Th e

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 51 Fig. 12. Bruszczewo. A burial in the eastern part of the settlement (after Kneisel 2010d).

stratigraphy interpreted by Pieczyński as ing place in the 2006-2007 seasons, encom- rampart remains was actually a mixed ma- passed defences, including the ditch, in the terial, including stone clusters, connected entrance area. to the Early Medieval and modern periods Th e drillings and aerial photographs were of site use (Czebreszuk 2004: 83). supplemented by geophysical prospection Th e new stage of research, involving drill- in the 2003 season (Ducke, Müller 2003). ing and aerial photography, produced the It helped to make comprehensive visualiza- fi rst information on a ditch surrounding the tion of the structure of archaeological re- settlement. Th e ditch was excavated in two mains of which part can be unequivocally phases of excavations. During the fi rst one, called fortifi cations. in the 1990s, ditch profi les were uncovered Generally, it must be stressed that the in trenches no. 7 (northern portion of the very location of the settlement was cho- site), no. 10 (northeastern portion) and no. sen taking into account strategic consider- 16 (western portion) (Müller, Czebreszuk ations. For the settlement stood on a small 2003: 451, Abb. 6). Th e second phase, tak- promontory jutting out into the valley of

52 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture the Samica River. Hence, the site was origi- meter. Next to a small number of stake im- nally surrounded by water5. Th e north- pressions having about 5 cm in diameter western part of the promontory was cut off there is a large number of impressions of by a ditch (Fig. 10). In eff ect, the settlement small branches only about 1,5 cm in dia- was a completely isolated, almost circular meter. Th e arrangement of impressions space 120 m in diameter measuring about – frequently parallel (possibly vertical) 1.5 ha (Czebreszuk, Ducke, Müller, Silska clusters of three elements (two next to each 2004: 71). other with the third protruding forward) Th e ditch varied in width. In trench 7 – does not provide enough information to it was 20 m wide while is depth was up to draw any conclusions as to the construc- 4.5 m (Czebreszuk, Ducke, Müller, Silska tion of the gate. What is certain, however, is 2004: 71-72, Abb. 26). In the entrance area the fact that in the entrance area there was (trench 51) the ditch was much narrower a structure built of wooden elements of dif- as it must have measured only approx. ferent sizes additionally secured with clay. 10-12 m6. Considering the relationship Unique information on the structure, between the depth of the ditch and that of sizes and construction of defences at Brusz- the body of water, and the nature of strata czewo was supplied by investigations in the recorded in the bottom of trench 7, it can peat zone of the site. In the oxygen-free en- be safely assumed that originally the ditch vironment prevailing there discoveries were was fi lled with water (Czebreszuk, Ducke, made of excellently preserved fragments of Müller, Silska 2004: 71). Apart from the wooden structures designed to protect the ditch, another obstacle barring entrance settlement’s shoreline. to the settlement was three palisades made Th ere were three lines of defences of rows of massive halved oak trunks up stretching roughly along the N-S axis: two to 30 cm in diameter (Jaeger 2012b: 397, wattle structures and a timber wall. Th e Fig. 5). former consisted of piles intertwined with Obtained radiocarbon datings show branches (Müller 2004: 125-133, Abb. 64- that individual sections of the palisade -78) (Fig. 10; 14). In 2005, excavations in were regularly repaired for about 200 years quadrat 4 (trench 30) supplied fi rst clear evi- (Czebreszuk, Ducke, Müller, Silska 2004: dence of diff erences between the two lines 71-73, Abb. 27). of wattle. Th e inner structure was built of In the entrance area, in the inner pali- thinner branches measuring 2-4 cm in dia- sade row, a breach was recorded in which meter while the outer wattle, closer to the a dark streak of charcoal and burned clay lake, consisted of thicker branches measur- could be discerned. Th e streak formed ing 6-8 cm in diameter (Kneisel 2010a: 112). a crescent about 4 m long while its width Relying on the length of collapsed piles, varied from 0.1 to 0.2 m. Th is layer is pre- found in diff erent quadrats, which once sumably what remained of a burned gate were elements of the wattles, their original (Kneisel 2010a: 96-98) (Fig. 13). minimum height can be roughly estimated In trench 51 a large assemblage of daub at about 3 m (Kneisel 2010a: 114). fragments was recovered showing how cer- In front of both wattles, looking from the tain elements of the entrance area had been lake, there stood a massive timber wall. It built. A large part of the daub fragments was built of beams inserted between double bear wood impressions which diff er in dia- posts. Th e excellent state of preservation of timber structures in the peat zone of the site 5 At present, specialists involved in the Brusz- helped to determine tree species in many czewo project, continue to discuss the issue of the instances (Kneisel, Kroll 2010). Th e most type of the body of water that once neighboured widely represented species in examined the settlement. Th e prevailing view is that it was piles was the oak. Its share amounted to 62 an oxbow lake (Haas, Wahlmüller 2010; see Bork per cent (Kneisel, Kroll 2010: 567, Abb. 2). 2010 for opposite oppinnion). In some excavations, the oak was the only 6 Th e uncovered profi le showed the structure of the Early Bronze Age ditch. Its northern slope was species used for building all or certain de- damaged by another ditch dug in the Late Bronze fence elements. Next to the oak, a relatively Age (Hildebrandt-Radke 2010: 25, Fig. 11). frequent use was made of the ash and al-

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 53 Fig. 13. Bruszczewo, trench 51. View of the burned palisade and gate construction (photograph: M. Jaeger). der. Other species identifi ed at the site were tion of the environment (seen in the defor- clearly far less important. Th e dominance estation of the surrounding area in the late of the oak suggests that it was carefully se- phase of the settlement’s life) might have lected. Undoubtedly, the specifi c properties resulted in making use of more easily avail- of the oak played a role. Oak is a particu- able but less suitable tree species (Kneisel, larly desirable building material because of Kroll 2010: 570). Th ere are still too few its fl exibility, durability and cleavability as dendrological studies available to consider well as resistance to water and, at a specifi c this hypothesis the only plausible explana- age (60-70) years, to fi re (Romanowska- tion. To some extent it is supported by sev- -Grabowska 1991: 221). Also ash and alder eral recorded instances of secondary use of make a good building material suitable for older pieces of timber, originally serving a damp environment (Kneisel, Kroll 2010: undoubtedly another purpose, to construct 566, 568). Th e use of other tree species, individual fortifi cation elements. For ex- less suitable for building purposes, may be ample, in fortifi cations from trench 31/6, tentatively explained by chronological dif- a beam was used bearing characteristic tool ferences, i.e. the fact that the defences were marks, made from a tree cut down 10 years built in phases, or by reparation of the de- earlier than other trees recorded in the same fences. Well established by the study of the structure (Kneisel, Kroll 2010: 574). original natural environment surrounding Th e good state of preservation of timber the settlement, the process of slow degrada- fortifi cation elements allowed researchers

54 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture to study how individual posts had been was made of log structures (probably huts), worked. A considerable number of them strengthened on the ditch side with a grav- were sharpened (for excellent illustrations el-loess bank lined with a stone wall (Cho- see Kneisel, Kroll 2010: 587-651). A close chorowski 1985). Reconstructed in the scrutiny of fi ve examples of tool marks left course of excavations at the site, the system on posts from Bruszczewo showed remark- of defences is a unique example of a com- able coincidence between the width of the bination of diff erent elements, unknown at tool marks and that of the cutting edge of Bruszczewo. a bronze axe found at the site (Kneisel, Kroll Th e eponymous settlement in Nowa 2010: 570-572, Abb. 5). In the case of a site Cerekiew is known from the reports of the of a unique character on a regional scale, rescue excavations that covered only a small that Bruszczewo unquestionably is, this area when compared to the potential area fi nding is of crucial importance. Not only of the site (Kunawicz-Kosińska 1985: 111, the monumentality of Bruszczewo fortifi - Fig. 2). In the light of the reports, it was cations, but also the way they were built – suggested that there existed two ditches using widely available bronze tools – sent which protected two separate settlement people a clear signal how advanced the so- zones – an inner stronghold and an outer cial organization of settlement inhabitants enclosure. Th e outer ditch was about 6 m was (Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010: 220-221). wide and 3.6 m deep (Kunawicz-Kosińska Th e high complexity and size of the for- 1985: 115). Th e inner ditch, in turn, was tifi cations of the Bruszczewo promontory about 14 m wide and 3.5 m deep and had have found no analogy so far among the a V-shaped cross-section. In front of it, other fortifi ed settlements associated with there was a gravel-clay rampart (Kunawicz- the Únětice culture. Located in Silesia, the -Kosińska 1985: 112). Th e hypothesis about site at Radłowice, unlike Bruszczewo, was the existence of a rampart has not been sup- surrounded by two rather small ditches (La- ported by any sound arguments nor has it sak, Furmanek 2008: 130, Abb. 4), the size been properly documented (see comments of which questioned their military or de- by Butent-Stefaniak 1997: 173). Moreover, fensive character. Th e defences of the settle- the general structure of defences described ment were explored in a selective excavation above is an interpretation of a selective pic- project and by no means do they resemble ture obtained by excavations. A probe into any structures known from Bruszczewo. the course of ditches and a small space in- Located in Silesia too, fortifi ed settle- vestigated within possible bailies, without ments belonging to the so-called Nowa recourse to other methods (e.g. magne- Ce rekiew group, are traditionally viewed tometry), do not provide suffi cient data to as a product of elements originating draw any conclusions, in particular on the with the Únětice culture and the circle of complex inner division of the settlement Mad’arovce- Věteřov-Böheimkirchen (Gedl suggestive of the existence of separate so- 1985)7. One of such settlements located at cial groups among its inhabitants. Th e weak Jędrychowice had defences comprising source base for some of her hypotheses has many complex elements. Th e outer line been conceded by the research author her- of defence was made of a rampart whose self (Kunawicz-Kosińska 1985: 124). Tak- width at the base varied from 6 to 16 m. ing into account the selective nature of the On its inner side, there was a ditch 10 to investigations of the settlement in Nowa 13 m wide, 3 to 4 m deep with a V-shaped Cerekiew and the kind and combination of cross-section. Th e inner line of defence the defences discovered there, the site cannot be considered an object for any com- 7 On re-analyzing the results of excavatio ns at the parisons with the Bruszczewo defences. settlements in Nowa Cerekiew and Jędrychowice, Due to insuffi cient research, in the case the share of stylistic elements of pottery linked to of settlements located in today’s Germany, the circle of Mad’arovce-Věteřov-Böheimkirchen Bohemia and Moravia, it is only possible to has been estimated to be much less signifi cant that it had been believed so far. It is with high probabili- ascertain the presence of diff erent fortifi ca- ty that these settlements should linked to the classic tion elements such as ramparts or ditches. stage of the Únětice culture (Molak 2008). In a vast majority of cases, little is known

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 55 Fig. 14. Bruszczewo, trench 30. At the top – reconstruction of three lines of fortifi cations in the eastern peat part of the site; at the bottom – the outer fascine and wall of beams (graphics M. Stróżyk; photograph J. Kneisel).

56 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture of specifi c construction details (Stuchlík to both cultural circles. A comprehensive 1985; Simon 1990; Novotná 1999: 102-103; look at the settlements reveals a number Ettel 2008; 2010). Gathering such infor- of diff erent characteristics, which are far mation is oft en prevented by the fact that more signifi cant. Th e Slovak settlements settlements, founded at strategic locations, mentioned by the quoted authors consid- were used and re-used in many later peri- erably diff er in size from the Bruszczewo ods (Ettel 2008: 11). settlement (Czebreszuk, Müller 2004b: Suggested in the literature, a similarity in 312, Abb. 147). Next to ditches, major de- size between the Bruszczewo ditch and the fences consisted of ramparts having a com- ditches surrounding Otomani-Füzesabony plex structure of timber and earth, not in- culture settlements in Slovakia (Czebre- frequently reinforced with stone elements szuk, Müller 2004b: 313) is only a seem- (see below, chapter 6.3). ingly signifi cant characteristic common

4.4. Metallurgy

Already the fi rst investigations at the ment (trench 24), an awl/punch (a loose Bruszczewo settlement, carried out in the fi nd from a ditch fi ll layer representing the 1960s, produced a number of fi nds attest- Late Bronze Age; trench 51), a pin (quad- ing to the local working of metals. rat 11, trench 52), an awl and another pin One report on Pieczyński’s investiga- (quadrat 12, trench 52) in the peat zone. tions contains information that all objects To the local production of at least some of related to metalworking were discovered these objects, apart from the metallurgist’s on a single occasion when the so-called tools, testify minute but signifi cant fi nds of ‘founder’s workshop’ was unearthed (Pie- metal droplets and scrap metal (Rassmann czyński 1985: 167-168, Fig. 1). Actually, 2010: 711-712, Taf. 1-2). Some of them these objects come from diff erent contexts come from the surface soil which is regu- uncovered in trenches designated by let- larly surveyed with a metal detector. ters Y and W (Czebreszuk, Müller 2003: Despite a large number of fi nds related to 482; Czebreszuk, Müller, Silska 2004: 15, metallurgy, it is hardly possible to identify Abb. 2). In 1967, in trench Y, a hoard was any places and their number where bronze found consisting of two axes and a dam- could be worked. It must be emphasized, aged dagger blade (Czebreszuk, Müller, Sil- however, that most sources of this category ska 2004: 19, Abb. 4:4-5, 10) while in trench were located along the edge of the area where W metallurgist’s tools were found: a ladle, pits and postholes were particularly densely tuyère, crucible, three clay pads, and a part distributed (Czebreszuk, Müller 2003: 451- of sandstone mould (Czebreszuk, Mül- -452, Abb. 6). It cannot be determined, ei- ler, Silska 2004: 19, Abb. 4:2, 6-9, 11-12). ther, whether in Bruszczewo ready-made A third axe was probably found at the site objects were manufactured by melting old in the layer of humus, while another dagger damaged ones or metallic pieces of tin and blade and more tuyères were discovered in copper were combined in a crucible (see pits 19 and 67, respectively (Czebreszuk, comments by Kuijpers 2008: 19-20). Müller 2003: 452; Czebreszuk, Müller, Sil- A vast majority of Bruszczewo fi nds re- ska 2004: 18) (Fig. 15). lated to metallurgy can be associated with Th e second stage of excavations at the the Early Bronze Age period of the settle- site also brought a number of fi nds of ment life. Th e artefacts dating to this period ready-made bronze goods and objects at- include unquestionably the dagger blades. testing to the local working of metals. Th e Th e axes, too, display forms characteristic fi rst group comprises among others a char- of the Únětice culture environment. Two acteristic damaged bronze disc (trench 22), of them can be included in the Wrocław- a dress pin (trench 23) and a dress pin frag- -Szczytniki type (variety B), while the third

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 57 specimen is an example of a Bennewitz cibles lasted at best fi ve castings (Kuijpers type axe (variety B) (Rassmann 2004: 262). 2008: 86). Th e tuyères known from the Early Bronze Age provenance is shared also settlement are very popular over vast areas by the two pins discovered in the eastern of Europe (Jockenhövel 1985) occurring peat zone. Th e characteristic specimen of in diff erent cultural contexts (Bátora 2006: an Ösenkopfnadel (quadrat 12, trench 52) 55-94). In the milieu of the Únětice cul- and the more common pin of the Rollen- ture they are found in both graves (Bátora kopfnadel type (quadrat 11, trench 52), 2006: 78-80, Obr. 55-57) and settlements because of their stratigraphic position, are (Moucha 2005: 474, Taf. 180:12). Th e last linked to the fi rst stage of settlement at the element of the assemblage is a mould for Bruszczewo promontory. Also small tools, casting massive bracelets. Such objects such as awls and punches, from Brusz- are characteristic of western Poland and czewo have close analogies in Únětice cul- middle Elbe drainage (Blajer 1990: 46-47). ture assemblages. Th e form of punch8 from From the area of Kościan Group of Únětice trench 51 is known, among others, from culture we know of deposits from Gra- a grave in Skarbienice (Sarnowska 1969: nowo, Kokorzyn, Piotrkowice and Poniec, 139, Fig. 36:b). In turn, the type of awl dis- which comprise massive bracelets (Blajer covered in quadrat 12 is recorded in a set of 1990; Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010: 223) loose fi nds from the Vraný settlement in Bo- Th e analysis of the raw material compo- hemia (Moucha 2005: 164, 474, Taf. 251:9). nents of some objects found in Bruszczewo Th e dress pin (double knob/doubleheader) permits to assign them to two copper types: and the fragment of a dress pin mentioned Bennewitz and Bresinchen. According to earlier are artefacts typical of the Únětice the divisions developed by Rassmann, ar- culture. In Poland, one could mention in tefacts from the settlement concentrate the fi rst place an analogous object forming chiefl y within horizon III (2000-1850BC) part of a hoard from Wrocław-Gądów Mały and horizon IV (1850-1650BC). A single (Sarnowska 1969: 220, Fig. 76:c). In turn, analysis only can be related to horizon II the characteristic disc from Bruszczewo (2100-2000 BC) (Rassmann 2005: 470, could have been a semi-product of a disc- Abb. 4). Regardless of the results of fur- like ornament. Such objects are known ther planned metallographic studies of from deposits found above all in Bohemia Bruszczewo artefacts, it can be observed (Moucha 2005: 53-55, 326, Taf. 55). already now that the origins of metallurgy Th e assemblage of metallurgical tools are relatively early and, equally important, comprises a crucible, tuyères and a sand- metalworking was practised at the settle- stone casting mould (Fig. 15). Th e crucible ment throughout its lifetime. from Bruszczewo has a small handle mod- Next to the sources coming from the elled in clay and, apart from that, has a rath- Bruszczewo settlement itself, valuable in- er common form determined by function. formation can be obtained from numer- It is worth noting that the life of such cru- ous hoards unearthed in Kościan Group of Únětice culture. Th e most numerous ar- tefact in them was massive open rings (35 8 Th e term ‘punch’ has been adopted instead of specimens), followed by necklaces with loop ‘awl’, which is found in the literature (for a broader discussion of the function and signifi cance of endings (17 specimens), daggers (14 speci- these objects see Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010: 225- mens), axes (13 specimens) and ear wraps -226). (10 specimens, including 6 gold ones).

4.5. Chronology

In the case of Bruszczewo we possess an ex- 2004; Kneisel 2010a: 148, 150). Th e specifi c ceptionally large (over 80) set of radiocar- conditions of wood preservation in the bon determinations (Czebreszuk, Müller peat zone have also provided dendrologi-

58 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture Fig. 15. Bruszczewo. A selection of bronze objects and items connected with metallurgical production (after Müller, Czebreszuk 2003).

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 59 cal datings. Analyses of the data obtained period of the 17th and 16th c. BC (Pieczyński during years-long excavation campaign are 1985: 169; Czebreszuk, Müller 2004b: 297, still being continued. Within the compass 303, Abb. 144), indicative of a relatively of that work more datings will probably be late period of the decline of human settle- obtained for both categories. ment in Bruszczewo. Next two radiocar- So far, research into the chronology of bon dates were obtained from the entrance the site has been directed not just towards zone (trench 51). Th ey are connected with defi ning the temporal framework within the burnt construction of the gate and the which the fortifi ed settlement had func- adjacent palisade, and their values are evi- tioned; it has also attempted a detailed dently concurrent: 1740-1630, 1740-1610 reconstruction of its development. Com- BC respectively (Kneisel 2010a: 150). Th e bination of radiocarbon and dendrological late dating of the decline of the settlement datings has made it possible now to defi ne is further supported by datings obtained the age of particular elements of the settle- from the fi ll-in of the Early Bronze Age ment. Th e information concerns specifi c ditch in the entrance zone (trench 51). In parts of the fortifi cations, the zone of en- this case the analysis based on fragments trance to the site, remains of dwellings and of charcoal still sunk in the pieces of daub a burial in the mineral zone. from the gate structure. Only impressions Th e oldest radiocarbon datings in the of small wood fragments not more than 5 pool come from a palisade discovered in cm in diameter were found in the daub. Th e trench 7. Two dates obtained for the outer datings cover the period of 1921-1503 BC tree rings of a pole indicate the turn of the (Fig. 16). Taking into account the consider- 21st and 20th c. BC as the period when the able number of objects in the mineral zone tree was felled (Czebreszuk, Müller 2004: of the site, it must be made clear that the 294-295, Abb. 135). Th e palisade was con- assessment of the chronology of this part of stantly repaired for ca 200 years. Th is is the site and the decline of the Bruszczewo confi rmed by the dates obtained from the settlement is by no means defi nite. successive strata of its conservation (Cze- Th e peat zone revealed remains of dwell- breszuk, Ducke, Müller, Silska 2004: 73, ings and elements of fortifi cations. For the Abb. 27; Czebreszuk, Müller 2004b: 297). former, radiocarbon datings point to end Objects from the mineral zone have of the 20th down to the turn of the 18th yielded only 6 radiocarbon datings. Th ey and 17th c. BC (Kneisel 2010a: 134, 136, Fig. 16. Bruszczewo. show concurrent values contained in the Abb. 63). Th e dendrological data for the The sum of the probability distribution of radiocarbon datings from the fi ll-in of the ditch (trench 51, plot 51/3).

60 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture fortifi cations reveal a relatively short period objects in a specifi ed relation to the grave over which they were constructed (Kneisel suggest the 1880-1780 BC time bracket as 2010b: 212). Th e dates from the outer fas- the most probable time of the man’s burial cine are contained within 1797-1790 BC (Kneisel 2010d: 718). time bracket, and for the inner one within Further research will undoubtedly re- 1793-1787 BC. Th e wall made of beams quire an explanation of the discrepancy was probably erected in 1787 BC (Kneisel between the youngest datings from the 2010b: 224; Ważny 2010). Th e youngest peat zone, mainly contained in the 17th c. dendrological date from Bruszczewo dis- BC, and the mineral zone dates which go covered so far was obtained from a pole of back to the 16th c. BC: it must be borne in the beam structure in quadrat 5. Its value mind that alike to the peat zone datings, indicates 1779 BC (Kneisel 2010a: 148). expert palynological and geomorphologi- Th ree radiocarbon datings were done for cal data indicate an earlier (17th c. BC) end the grave discovered in the peat zone. Th eir of human activity (Müller, Kneisel 2010: analysis and the data established for the 762).

4.6. Summary: role and function of the Bruszczewo settlement in the Kościan group of the Únětice culture

Th e geographical location of the Brusz- local and supralocal scale. In this connec- czewo settlement – and putting it more tion far more important for the settlement’s broadly the Kościan Group of the Únětice continuance was mastery over the two ba- culture – has made authors refer to it as sic raw materials of the times: tin bronze periphery. Th e cultural phenomena illus- and amber. It is only through the prism of trated by Bruszczewo and its region have the analysis of their importance that the been treated as subordinate to the compo- geographic distance from the Únětice oe- nent elements of the core of Únětice set- cumene acquires any sense. Th e distance tlement in central Germany (Zich 1996; appears, paradoxically, as a basis of success Makarowicz 1998: 295). I believe, however, and the chief reason for remaining in the that the available archaeological data show mainstream of the most momentous cul- that the view of Bruszczewo as a periphery tural phenomena of the Early Bronze Age is not correct. Th e aspects of the settle- (Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010; Müller, Kneisel ment’s life discussed above make it appear 2010: 756-759). as a rather complex entity and give us an As mentioned earlier, the investigations insight into the historical context in which of the Bruszczewo settlement carried out it thrived. A high degree of social organiza- so far have supplied many sources, attest- tion allowed the local community not only ing to the working of metals. In the context to raise robust defences but also to main- of the signifi cance of Bruszczewo’s metal- tain and repair them over many years. Th e lurgy for the region, among the published inhabitants of the Bruszczewo promon tory fi nds, notice should be given to the stone completely subdued its vicinity as well: mould for casting massive bracelets (Mül- natural scientifi c studies showed that in- ler, Kneisel 2010: 757) (Fig. 15:9). Such or- tensive and varied use had been made of naments are characteristic of western Po- natural resources. land and the middle Elbe drainage (Blajer In my opinion, however, an eff ective use 1990: 46-47). Next to necklaces with loop made of local ecological conditions is not endings and Salez type axes, the bracelets the only key to the understanding of the could have formed a group of standardized stability and continuance of settlement at objects circulating as commodity money Bruszczewo and to proper assessment of the or raw material ingots (Lenerz de Wilde role the fortifi ed settlement played on the 1995; Krause, Pernicka 1998; Müller 2002:

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 61 272, Abb. 6; Pare 2000: 27-29). Next to the stressed, however, that a distinction should shape, standardization applied also to the be drawn between the knowledge of the raw material used for manufacturing mas- metallurgical process and skills necessary sive bracelets. In this way what could be as- to manufacture specifi c objects (Kuijpers sessed was not only the weight but also the 2008: 32). Such skills were acquired by quality of goods (Pare 2000: 27-28; Krause experience and were largely dependent 2003: 188-189). Th e inclusion of the brace- on personal predilections. Th e distinction lets in many Kościan Group hoards (e.g. could have hypothetically resulted in the Poniec, Kokorzyn) and the fact that such parallel development of metallurgy (Row- bracelets were made at the Bruszczewo lands 1971; Levy 1991). Th e fact that se- settlement testify to the local community’s crets how to manufacture simple tools (e.g. being part of a specifi c network of cultural axes) were widely known does not exclude patterns (Müller, Kneisel 2010: 759). In ad- a possibility that some areas of metallurgy dition, it can be tentatively assumed that the were monopolized, for instance those re- Bruszczewo settlement was a centre from lated to individual stages of the produc- which spread knowledge related to the sys- tion process (e.g. ornamentation) or to the tem of weights and measures coming into making of special objects calling for spe- being in the Bronze Age (Pare 1999). cial skills (e.g. halberds). With the techno- Many Kościan Group deposits can logy becoming more and more common counted among the so-called Barrenhorte and the growing amount of raw material (e.g. Poniec; Blajer 1990: 109-110). On the in circulation, the signifi cance of manipu- one hand, the number and standardized lation of added value – meaning – could form of objects make it more probable that have grown if only by practising elaborate they served as commodity money/ingots of rituals. I believe that it is in this context raw material, on the other hand, the condi- that the role of the Bruszczewo settlement tions in which they were hidden, which left should be discussed. them irretrievable, and the very fact of re- Th e metallurgy of the Únětice circle has moving them from circulation suggest that stable special stylistic and formal traits. they were oft en a kind of ‘off ering for gods’ Despite regional diff erences, the most sig- (Junk, Krause, Pernicka 2001). Another nifi cant elements, such as production of group of objects deposited by Kościan halberds, daggers and a number of orna- Group populations, above all because of ments remained unchanged. An impor- their high cultural valorisation, are hal- tant trait attesting to the cohesiveness of berds and daggers (Hansen 2002: 156-160), Únětice metallurgy was also similar tech- known from, among other places, ‘princely nology manifested in the use of a constant graves’ in Łęki Małe and Przysieka Polska set of metallurgical implements. Particu- and a hoard in Poniec (Blajer 1990: 125- larly meaningful in this connection, an -126, 228). Hence, the metallurgical pro- object found at the Bruszczewo settlement duction in Bruszczewo was not only an in 2007 is a small tool having one sharp important economic factor but also played end and the other shaped like a spatula a signifi cant role in the ritual life of the set- with a boss in between (Fig. 17). Th e func- tlement and its vicinity. tion of such objects is still unclear, which In the light of the metallographic analy- is refl ected by diff erent names applied ses of bronze axes performed by Kienlin, it to them. Next to the term ‘awl’ (Moucha can hardly be claimed that a monopoly on 2005: 128, 164), the tool is called ‘punch’ bronze production by the Bruszczewo set- (Sarnowska 1969: 139). Th e terms sug- tlement was suffi cient to ensure local elites gest that the tool was applied to diff erent success. Metallurgical technology in the raw materials – leather or metal. Taking younger period of the Early Bronze Age into account the context of an analogous (BA2) must have been quite common and fi nd from Skarbienice (Fig. 17), the latter the number of objects in circulation could possibility seems to be very probable. In provide enough raw material for home pro- the deposit, the tool was accompanied by duction not subject anymore to the control gold and bronze ornaments, a chisel with of local elites (Kienlin 2007). It must be parallel ends, a fl at axe, spoon-like axe and

62 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture Fig. 17. On the left – Skarbienice, burial furnishings; on the right – Bruszczewo, punch from trench 51; not to scale (after Sarnowska 1969; photograph S. Jagiolla).

a bronze rod. Th e circumstances of the dis- of the deceased. Th e discovered objects covery indicate that the deposit was more (a punch and semi-fi nished bronze orna- likely a set of grave goods than a hoard ment) may indicate that the deceased had (Sarnowska 1969: 139-140). Th e metal rod some connection to metallurgy. Th e pres- was taken by Sarnowska to be a ‘straight- ence of a chisel does not necessarily un- ened out bronze bracelet’. However, in the dermine this hypothesis. Th e analysis of light of current fi ndings it should be con- sources related to pottery, carpentry and sidered rather a semi-fi nished necklace metallurgy, made for the settlement of the with loop endings or a specimen of an Vatya culture at Százhalombatta, contra- Ösenringbarren9. Th e relatively rich grave dicts the view that individual craft s were goods of the alleged burial from Skarbie- always kept apart (Sofaer 2006)10. What is nice, seen in the presence of gold ear wraps extremely important, the punches in all and a spoon-like axe, interpreted as a status symbol known in the Early Bronze Age 10 (Hafner 1995), point to the special status It can be assumed that woodworking was one of the craft s having rich cultural associations. Metal axes allowed people to successfully open 9 Th e so-called Ösenringbarren had been per- up new land for cultivation. In the case of chisels, ceived as a semi-fi nished product for manufactur- a certain insight how important skilful use of them ing other objects for a long time. Metallographic was is off ered by sources coming from other areas. studies indicated, however, that a surprisingly For instance, in the Nordic Area we know of spe- large number of specimens had survived in the cial campstools and wooden cups decorated with archaeological material. Furthermore, it was tin nails which have been traditionally attributed pointed out that a vast majority of such objects to higher social strata (Kristiansen, Larsson 2005: had been deposited in, at times, very numerous 57-58). We also know of large objects, attested to assemblages. Hence, two hypotheses were put in rock art, such as boats and chariots, the pro- forward. Th e fi rst maintains that Ösenringbarren duction of which called for great skill (Lars son could have been used for making a specifi c type 2004). In the case of the Únětice culture, we do of objects, having specifi c raw material properties, not have such clear reference material, however, and thus special value, for the purpose of ritual the fact that chisels were deposited in special rich depositions. Th e other suggests that Ösenringbar- contexts, as for instance the ‘princely grave’ in ren be treated as commodity money (Krause, Per- Leubingen, justifi es the analogy (Hansen 2002: nicka 1998). 152, Abb. 1)

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 63 cases, regardless where found, are highly through many symbolic eff orts. In eff ect, standardized. If it is assumed that they economic capital (e.g. a surplus or part of served as metalworking tools, used above production) is transformed into political all to mark ornaments on metal goods, one (Earle 1997). Under this system, pres- we must ponder what made them look so tige is not accumulated by raising produc- alike. Tool functionality does not seem to tivity (i.e. increasing the amount of luxury be here a decisive criterion. I believe that goods), but by improving their quality and the most important reason was something value by restricting access to them. Bene- which can be called principles of metallur- fi ts from a prestige economy are not direct- gical art. Th e making and using of a proper ly proportional to a growth of surplus or tool could be decisive in successful object the amount of production that can be ex- decoration. Th e ornamentation of ‘Únětice’ changed. What they depend on instead is objects (the spectrum of forms alike), de- the success of eff orts in the area of meaning spite a long development tradition and the manipulation, development of added value existence of local traditions, always has of prestige goods and search for the new a special trait to it. Th e ornamentation of ways to capitalise prestige. Th e last-men- metal objects could not have been a questioned aim may be attained by introducing tion of fashion, but rather, similarly to pot- new prestige objects and also, even more tery style, it carried a number of symbolic importantly, by imparting new informa- meaning, raising it to the rank of socio- tion to them or developing a new ideology cultural self-identifi er (Hodder 1982). Th e altogether (Kim 2001: 463-464). Hence, possession of knowledge about the prin- the power of elites in a prestige economy ciples of making special objects and deco- is based not only on the production of rating them must have been an important prestige goods but, fi rst and foremost, on element which, under limited availability, the prerogative to bestow an added value – may have become a source of power and meaning – on them. might. A key term here is meaning, i.e. the Th e model of prestige economy entails characteristic that imparts a proper value the existence of a social stratum – elites to an object (Fontijn 2002: 23)11. in control of the system. In the case of the From this point of view, the economy of Kościan Group of the Únětice culture and the Bruszczewo settlement can be defi ned the Bruszczewo settlement itself, one can in terms of prestige economy (Friedman, easily point to archaeological sources be- Rowlands 1977)12, i.e. a system that for ing a manifestation of cumulated power a large part relies on symbolism and ma- and prestige. Next to the construction and nipulation of social relationships, and in maintenance of massive defences around which actions in the ritual sphere and in the settlement, they include ‘princely the broad realm of the sacred are an inher- graves’ known from the region (Fig. 18) ent element of the economy (Kim 2001: (Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010; Jaeger 2012a; 462-463). A prestige economy is controlled Jaeger 2012b: 393-395). In the Únětice culture oecumene, we 11 Fontijn, considering the question of meaning know only of single instances of this type of specifi c objects, used an analogy of a modern of barrow graves (Höfer 1906; Grössler wedding ring, which illustrates the problem ex- 1907; Schmidt, Nitzschke 1980; Sarnowska tremely well. Besides the value of precious metal 1969: 292-315; Schwenzer 2004), while in expressed in money, a wedding ring has no special the Kościan region, next to a single grave signifi cance and remains, as a mass produced arti- cle, one of many similar objects until a special sta- in Przysieka Polska, we are dealing with tus is bestowed on it during a wedding ceremony a unique funerary complex in Łęki Małe, (Fontijn 2002: 25). consisting of several barrows standing in 12 Th e work quoted here (Friedman, Rowlands a line (Kowiańska-Piaszykowa, Kurna- 1977) is a starting point in the long history of the towski 1954; Czebreszuk 2001: 87)13. Th e concept of ‘prestige economy’ and development of its applications in prehistorical studies, particularly in the studies of the Bronze and Iron Age 13 Four of the barrows have been excavated. (Marcoux 2007: 232-234; Barrett 2012; with fur- Th ey yielded a rich inventory of pottery and nu- ther literature). merous bronze, gold and amber objects. Th e age

64 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture Fig. 18. Łęki Małe, barrow no 1. At the top – view of the barrow after reconstruction; at the bottom – burial furnishing (photograph: M. Jaeger; after Czerniak 2008).

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 65 Bruszczewo settlement can be directly tation in settlement materials. A majority linked to the fi nd from Przysieka Polska. of fi nds linked to the Únětice culture come Th e fi nd comprises a rich assemblage of from grave contexts and hoards. In the case bronze objects and a perforated amber disc of the Kościan Group, one should mention (Schwenzer 2004). fi rst artefacts from the ‘princely graves’ in It is widely accepted that the ‘princely Łęki Małe and Przysieka Polska (Czebre- graves’ are burials of the members of the szuk, Kneisel, Müller 2010: 698; Jaeger, privileged stratum of the then society. Th eir Czebreszuk 2010; Jaeger 2012a). special position is believed to have derived Mapping out the Bruszczewo artefacts from the control of (re-)distribution of raw together with the other amber fi nds from material(s) and ready-made goods (Han- the Early Bronze Age produces two cha- sen 2002). racteristic belts (Fig. 19). Th e fi rst stretches In this approach, bronze metallurgy from the Moravian Gate across Lower Si- could have made the Bruszczewo settle- lesia, eastern Wielkopolska and Kujawy as ment the centre of the region. We do not far as the mouth of the Vistula River. Th e have, however, suffi cient archaemetallurgi- second runs along the Baltic coast. Pre- cal data now to be able to determine how sented elsewhere, a contextual analysis of far products made at Bruszczewo travelled. amber objects shows that the two belts co- Th ey might have spread beyond the bor- incide with the distribution of other major ders of today’s Wielkopolska. categories of fi nds such as imported goods Th ere are, however, indirect reasons to or gold items as well as special features believe that Bruszczewo and the Kościan such as fortifi ed settlements and barrow Group of Únětice culture had links to graves. Th e belts follow trails that crossed other regions. In this context, the ‘princely the lands of today’s Poland and joined the graves’ should be considered as the idea of northern and southern edges of the conti- building monumental and richly furnished nent (Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010: 230-231). barrow graves seems to have broader cul- Th e outlined set of archaeological char- tural connotations reaching as far as north- acteristics reveals a singular concentration ern France and southern England (Hansen of signs pointing to the existence of stable 2002: 153-154; Steff en 2010). Th e absolute and complex social structures in Brusz- chronology of the graves from those regions czewo’s vicinity. Th eir special nature can allows to partially synchronize them with be seen in all areas, beginning with the the Únětice culture graves (Becker, Krause, relationship between man and the envi- Kromer 1989: 427; Gascó 1996: 231, 246). ronment. Th e immediate vicinity of Brusz- A tentative assumption can be made that czewo formed an island in the primeval the idea of raising barrows reached the landscape where a strong human impact Únětice environment as one of many ideas could be seen and which was dominated accompanying metallurgical technology by a central fortifi ed settlement. Th e rais- (Pare 2000: 26-27). ing of fortifi cations and their subsequent Th e other element placing Bruszczewo maintenance over many years attest to the in a broader central European context is stability of power structures organizing amber (Czebreszuk 2011). Th e settlement the life of the society. Some of its members has yielded a single amber bead so far could have been involved in the most sig- (Czebreszuk, Kneisel, Müller 2010). By no nifi cant innovation of those times: the met- means does it detract from the signifi cance allurgy of tin bronze. Th e characteristics of of the fi nd. Amber is impermanent, there- the Bruszczewo metallurgy emphasized fore, the ‘fi lter’ of post-deposition processes earlier suggest that it had a more impor- has a strong impact on its modest represen- tant role to play: local elites not only produced bronze objects but also controlled of the burials is determined by a set of 10 radiocar- their meaning. Th is was a signifi cant fac- bon measurements placing the site in the period tor contributing to their superior position from 2200-1800 BC (Czebreszuk 2001: 84-88). Th ese results match those concerning the buri- within the community and strengthening als at Leubingen and Helmsdorf (Becker, Krause, their rank as a partner in a long-range ex- Kromer 1989: 427). change network. Th is view is supported by

66 Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture Fig. 19. The route of the so-called fi rst amber road (the Early Bronze Age) over the territories of modern Poland; 1-3 – Łęki Małe, 4-5 – Bruszczewo, the presence of ‘princely graves’ in Brusz- from them. Bruszczewo societies partici- 6-7 – Przysieka Polska. czewo’s vicinity. A deeper understanding of pated in a long-range exchange in many the causes of this state of aff airs is off ered ways and benefi ted socially by the very fact by the analysis of the cultural signifi cance that it was among them that the most com- of amber and its presence in the region. It plex social structures took shape, headed was the demand for amber, growing among by a stable upper class. It was the repre- the societies of southern Europe, that gave sentatives of such ‘inland ports of trade’ societies living along the trail such a major that formed a network of people staying in civilization chance. touch with each other, and organized the Th e context in which the Bruszczewo life of individual local communities. Th ey settlement lived, outlined above, calls for were stable links of the chain that joined taking a special view of the then geography the most distant ends of the continent in of settlement. It formed lines along trails. the Bronze Age (Kristiansen, Larsson 2005; Individual settlement regions coincided Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010: 231-232; Czebre- with trail hubs or existed entirely away szuk 2011).

Research Area II. South-western Wielkopolska, Bruszczewo: Kościan Group of Únĕtice culture 67

CHAPTER 5 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture

Even though the Danube is generally be- not to appreciate its signifi cance. Th e Vatya lieved to be a river that was the main route culture developed in an area diversifi ed of transmitting cultural impulses during in terms of natural habitat features and the Bronze Age, the area is one of the least topography, partly drawing on the strong recognised for the period covering the fi rst Early Bronze Age traditions of the Nagyrév half of the 2nd millennium BC. Th e issues culture. Together with its numerous and connected with the Vatya culture have been, vast cemeteries it is chiefl y known for its and still are, mostly the domain of Hungar- fortifi ed settlements, oft en of a tell struc- ian archaeologists. European archaeologi- ture (Fig. 20) (Kovács 1982; 1984a). cal literature in German and English seems

5.1. Natural environment and economy

Taking into account all available analyses tosiewicz 1999: 241-242, Table 1). Among of bone remains, it can be claimed with wild species, the red deer was the most im- certainty that the societies of the Mid- portant; its remains were virtually always dle Bronze Age obtained animal proteins found at the investigated sites (Bökönyi above all by breeding domesticated spe- 1982: 130; Choyke 1984: 22; 1987; 2000: cies (Bökönyi 1982: 130; Choyke 1984: 22; 100; Choyke, Bartosiewicz 1999: 239, 246). 1998: 161; 2000: 100; Choyke, Vretemark, In contrast, the signifi cance of the wild boar Sten 2003: 180, Fig. 2, 3). was much smaller (Choyke 1998: 161). Th e Hunting wild species was clearly a sup- remains of other wild species – the hare, plementary way of obtaining food; to brown bear and wild birds – represent a larger extent it served to procure such usually a small percentage of assemblages raw materials as antlers and hides (Choyke (Choyke, Vretemark, Sten 2003: 180, Fig. 2, 1984: 34-35). It must be noted, however, 3). Th e importance of the red deer is largely that the occurrence of wild animal remains based on the Choyke’s analyses of bone and oft en depends on the size of bone assem- antler tools found at fortifi ed settlements blage subjected to analyses1 (Choyke, Bar- located in today’s Hungary. In many cases,

1 In a large assemblage of bones (3,310 bones of all bones (Choyke, Vretemark, Sten 2003: 183). identifi ed by a NISP analysis), collected keeping In the assemblage of 3,828 identifi ed bones from to all methodological requirements during the Lovasberény-Mihályvár, the share of domesti- investigations at Százhalombatta, the remains cated species bones was 79.5 per cent (Choyke, of wild species made up only about 1-2 per cent Bartosiewicz 1987: 13, Table 1).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 69 Fig. 20. Distribution of the Vatya culture fortifi ed and tell settlements (index: Szeverényi, Kulcsár 2012 ).

70 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture the share of fragments or complete antler could have specialized in their production tools was as high as 50 per cent (Choyke at time intervals2 (Choyke 1998: 173). Such 1984: 34). Much less frequently, red deer objects are made with high precision and remains were found in the assemblages of form a group of items, which easily crosses post-consumption refuse (Choyke 1984: the boundaries of archaeological cultures 34-35). On the one hand, this indicates and geographical regions (Hüttel 1981; how important the species was, in the fi rst Choyke, Vretemark, Sten 2003: 184). place as the source of antlers, on the other Th e question of cheekpieces is directly hand, it justifi es a presumption that hunt- related to the use of a domesticated variety ing was not necessarily the chief way of of the horse which appeared in the region their procurement. Th e number of iden- together with the Early Bronze Bell Bea- tifi ed antler fragments and ready objects ker and Nagyrév cultures (Bökönyi 1978; made of this material suggests that the 1992: 70). In the light of available sources, gathering of shed antlers could have been a growth in its value is clearly observable. an organized eff ort. Antlers shed by an ani- Originally, a slaughter animal (Early Bronze mal cannot lie long as they are subject to Age), the horse grew in value to reach the natural decay and gnawing by animals. As status of a draught animal used primarily3 antler shedding occurs regularly, gathering for transporting goods and people (Middle could be planned as a seasonal activity to and Late Bronze Age) (Choyke, Bartosie- some extent (Choyke 1998: 172). wicz 1999: 245). Relying on a broad distri- Some researchers mention a possibility bution of cheekpieces and other elements of a change in the meaning of hunting from related to the so-called Streitwagenkomplex purely economic to cultural. If this is true, (Kristiansen 2004), it is assumed that in the hunting (with the use of dogs? Choyke, Middle Bronze Age the horse could have Vretemark, Sten 2003: 183) might have been a commodity exported from the Car- been a display of the life style of male elites pathian Basin to distant areas of the Aegean (Vretemark, Sten 2005: 159) and a way of and Anatolia (Sherratt 1993: 24). procuring raw material (antlers) for the Horse remains found at the Százhalom- making of special-value objects (e.g. ele- batta settlement testify to the long-term ments of a horse harness, see Kristiansen breeding of horses and their use as draught 2004). and riding animal (Benecke 1998: 65-67; Th e beginnings of the career of antlers Vretemark, Sten 2005: 165-166). A com- as a raw material for the making of tools parison of the size of horses from diff erent of necessary hardness and strength (pick, regions of Europe shows that they reached hoes, hammers, etc.) should be sought in the greatest height at the withers in the the Late Neolithic (Lengyel i Tiszapolgár) lands of today’s Hungary (Benecke 1998: when such tools appeared for the fi rst time 66, 68, Abb. 8). and the red deer was an important hunted Quite frequently recorded in the osteo- species (Choyke 1998: 172). Th e climate logical material, the dog had some extra- change that occurred in the Late Neolithic economic role (Vörös 1996; Choyke, Bar- and Early Bronze Ages brought about an tosiewicz 1999: 247) testifi ed to by the expansion of woodlands, where the red fact that no traces of breaking dog bones deer breeds naturally, and thus could have contributed to a greater use of antlers. 2 Th ey were particularly suitable (because At the settlement in Pákozdvár, a discovery was made of two cheekpieces and four fragments of its strength and hardness, Choyke 1998: of antlers, being probably semi-fi nished products 171) for the making of picks and hoes. In for making such objects (Choyke 1979: 16). all probability, these were main tools used 3 In a NISP analysis of animal bones from for breaking up soil in ditch digging and Százhalombatta, the share of horse remains fortifi cation raising by the societies of the amounted to 5 per cent. Some elements of horse Middle Bronze Age (Choyke 1998: 174). carcasses were dressed for consumption, which means that although meat production was not It seems that in the case of objects of the major reason for breeding horses, they served special forms and ornaments, as for in- as a source of food under certain circumstances stance cheekpieces, a group of craft smen (Choyke, Vretemark, Sten 2003: 182)

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 71 (Choyke 1984: 24) were encountered and by tosiewicz 1999: 245-247; Bökönyi 1992: the cases of depositing dog skulls under hut 71-72). foundations (e.g. Százhalombatta; Choyke, Unlike the pig, cattle and sheep were fre- Vretemark, Sten 2003: 182-183, Fig. 6, 7). quently bred over many years for the pur- Th e traces of bone gnawing, found in as- pose of obtaining milk and wool (Benecke semblages from individual settlements, 1998: 64-65; Choyke, Bartosiewicz 1999). point to a close relationship between dogs In the case of the settlement at Százha- and inhabitants (Choyke, Bartosiewicz lombatta, a clear trend is visible whereby 1999: 245). Th e relationship is borne out by the number of sheep slaughtered at a ma- evidence from other regions of Bronze Age ture age grows. Th e trend refl ects a change Europe, for instance by famous rock art at in the strategy of their breeding between Tanum, Sweden (Gräslund 2004: 167, 169, strata VI and V (Early Bronze Age, Nagyrév Fig. 2). Dogs could have served, above all, culture) and strata IV-II (Middle Bronze as helpers in hunting and herd tending. Age, Vatya culture) (Vretemark, Sten 2005: Th e signifi cance of the dog and hare in 162-164). the extra-utilitarian sphere is shown well Indirect information on the signifi cance by the analyses of bone objects and waste and scale of animal use is off ered by de- products. Some of them could have been tailed pedologic examinations aimed at elements of dress, identifying members of determining phosphate content in diff er- individual societies, occupying particular ent tell strata. Such examinations have been settlements. Among them are, known chief- performed for the settlement at Százha- ly from the settlement at Százhalombatta lombatta. Averaging phosphate content for (one specimen comes from Pákozd and strata corresponding to the period of use of some others were registered at Kakucs- the site shows that each year at least one ton -Turján4), metacarpus bones of a dog and of bones was accumulated (Füleky, Vicze a hare perforated on one side (suggestive 2007: 138). of being necklaces or amulets). What they As settlements were oft en located close represented was probably the swift ness of to rivers, fi shing must have been one source these animals – a characteristic associated of food (Jaeger 2012c: 151). Unfortunately, with the male element or hunting (Choyke, due to the research methodology, we do not Vretemark, Sten 2003: 186-187). have many ichtyological remains (Choyke, As regards domesticated species, the Bartosiewicz 1999: 239). At the settlement most important were cattle, goat, sheep at Százhalombatta, identifi cation was made and pig. Virtually in all assemblages stud- of fi sh bones representing two families of ied, cattle bones dominated5 (Choyke, Bar- fi sh: Cyprinidae and Acipenseridae (Choyke tosiewicz 1987: 8; Choyke, Bartosiewicz 2000: 100). From Alpár, we have bones of 1999: 244, Fig. 3; 246-247; Vretemark, Sten a carp, sheatfi sh and pike (Bökönyi 1982: 2005: 158). Th e ratios of major species of 130). domesticated animals – cattle, goat, sheep, Detailed analyses of bone tools used by and pig – varied with respect to space and the societies of the Vatya culture showed time. What varied in the fi rst place was the some characteristic forms such as cattle rib percentage share of goat, sheep and pig scraper (Choyke, Vretemark, Sten 2003: bones (Choyke, Bartosiewicz 1999: 244, 186, Fig. 14). In the areas located east of the Fig. 3). Th is could have been caused by dif- Vatya culture oecumene, similar tools were ferent local environment conditions rather made from the tibiae of goats, sheep. than global climate changes (Choyke, Bar- Characteristic only of the settlement at Százhalombatta (next to pendants/amulets made of a dog or hare metacarpus bones), 4 Analyses of animal osseous remains as well as there were two bone objects. First, skates bone and antler products from the Kakucs-Turján made of cattle tibiae (Choyke, Vretemark, settlement are currently in progress. Sten 2003: 187, Fig. 15) had been known 5 One of very few departures from this rule, a predominance of small ruminants can be ob- from the same area only from Early Bronze served in a bone assemblage from Alpár (Bökönyi Age Bell Beaker sites (Choyke, Bartosiewicz 1982: 120, 130). 2005: 318-319). Second, a small double

72 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture blade made from ribs or shaft fragments of the then farmers knew how to store some long bones (Choyke, Vretemark, Sten 2003: of their crops (Endrődi, Gyulai 1999: 27). 187, Fig. 16) is suggested to have been Th is is also perfectly illustrated by the fi nds a body ornament, i.e. an active element of of large storage vessels (‘granaries’) at the the identity of this very community (these settlement in Alpár (Bóna, Nováki 1982: object are not found on other Vatya culture 42-43, Fig. 11-12). Moreover, in the Mid- sites). dle Bronze Age, the cultivation of true mil- In the case of the Vatya culture, it is as- let became more popular (Endrődi, Gyu- sumed that land cultivation and animal lai 1999: 27). Th e shares of emmer and breeding were very important as any sur- small spelt varied from site to site (e.g. at pluses produced were exchanged for ready Százhalombatta and Mende emmer pre- bronze objects or raw material necessary dominated while at Bölcske small spelt was to manufacture them (Poroszlai 1996: 13; clearly in the majority; Endrődi, Gyulai 2003: 151). 1999: 27). To some extent, the distribution As in the case of bone assemblages, also of wheat species seems to follow a certain with macrobotanical remains one has to be spatial pattern. One can distinguish two aware of methodological problems related major regions where individual species to their collection. For many analyzed as- were cultivated: semblages come from the times when in- • east and northeast Transdanubia and the vestigations employed Spatenstichtechnik northern portion of the region lying be- and no systems of regular sampling or siev- tween the Danube and Tisza rivers were ing of the fi lls of archaeological layers or characterized by the predominance of features were employed (Endrődi, Gyulai small spelt, with a smaller shares of em- 1999: 25-27). mer and common wheat, At Vatya culture settlements, the most • the left bank of the Tisza and eastern frequently recorded cereals were small portion of the region lying between the spelt, barley and emmer. Barley, present in Tisza and Danube were characterized all botanical samples studied, occasionally by a high preponderance of emmer over was the only recorded cereal (e.g. Solymár- small spelt and common wheat (Nováki -Várhegy) or clearly dominated over the 1969: 40-41, Abb. 1; Gyulai 1993: 25-26, other species (e.g. 98-per-cent share of Fig. 1). barley in Baracs-Bottyánsánc) (Endrődi, Where the two regions overlapped, the Gyulai 1999: 27). At a late Vatya culture shares of small spelt and emmer in studied settlement in Mende-Leányvár, an equally samples were equal. high shares of two kinds of wheat were re- Data concerning changes in the struc- corded (small spelt and emmer) and a large ture of crops throughout the lifetime of the amount of barley remains. At the settle- settlement (phases Vatya I-Vatya III) were ment in Dunaújváros-Koziderpadlás, next supplied by investigations at Bölcske. In to emmer, barley was found. In turn, in the oldest phase (Vatya I), remains of dif- the case of the Alpár-Várdomb settlement, ferent cereals were found: two- and six-row small spelt and barley dominated with barley, multi-row barley, common wheat, a minor share of emmer (Endrődi, Gyulai small spelt, emmer, and spelt; in this pe- 1992: 66). A noteworthy element are the riod emmer was a predominant species. In substantial amounts of grain which have the next period (Vatya II), two-row barley been discovered in Kakucs-Turján within disappeared almost completely while em- the perimeter of the remnants of huts. Bar- mer, spelt and small spelt continued to be ley and einkorn predominate among the grown. In the fi nal phase of the settlement’s recorded cereal species (Gissel 2015). lifetime (Vatya III) all species known from Cereal grains are oft en found from in- previous periods continued to be grown. dividual huts and were found in vessels Th e spectrum of crops expanded to include or pits, close to furnaces (Endrődi, Gyu- two-row barley (absent in phase Vatya II) lai 1999: 27). At times, these were large and true millet. amounts (e.g. 10 litres of wheat grains in Generally speaking, since phase Vatya Pákozdvár, Bóna 1975: 74), showing that II the number and quality of cultivated ce-

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 73 reals had grown. Th ere also appeared evi- grains of this plant were virtually absent dence of legume cultivation, above all lentil in the period in question. A similar situa- and pea as well as bitter vetch and broad tion concerns grasses, the pollen grains of bean (Hartyányi 1982: 162; Gyulai 1992: which were absent from the profi le testify- 66; 1999: 27). Th e fi nds of apples and other ing to the opening of the landscape (Süme- wild fruits in samples studied show that, on gi, Bodor 2000: 86-87) (Fig. 21, 22). Fur- the one hand, they supplemented the diet of thermore, despite available radiocarbon the inhabitants and, on the other, indicate dates6, the study relies on the traditional what kind of vegetation grew in the im- division into the periods of Atlantic, Sub- mediate vicinity of settlements (Endrődi, boreal and Sub-Atlantic (Sümegi, Bodor Gyulai 1999: 28-29). 2000). Considered signifi cant, the pres- Next to macrobotanical remains, other ence of the walnut may have been a result evidence of the use of cereals comes from of migrations from the south (the Balkans, numerous stone implements related to grain Anatolia) (Sümegi, Bodor 2000: 89). Th is processing such as quern stones and grind- brief review of controversies aroused by ers as well as harvesting tools (Bóna 1975: the analysis of the profi le urges caution in 74, 140, 164; Horváth, Kozák, Pető 2001). accepting its results. Th e length of Nagyrév and Vatya settle- More profi les within the same project ment (e.g. Százhalombatta ca. 1900-1400 were collected in the valley of the Benta BC) on individual tells leads us to assume River. Th e palynological studies, despite a strong human impact on the environment. the fact that they were made about 20 km However, profi les collected and palynolo- away from the Százhalombatta tell, are, gical analyses made within the SAX project next to surveys, one of the ways of explor- do not allow researchers to determine ex- ing its settlement and economic back- actly how strong the impact was (Fig. 21, ground area. In the researchers’ opinion, it 22). Due to the absence of a suitable body lay on the lower course of the river (Vicze, of water close to the Százhalombatta settle- Earle, Artursson 2005: 237, 250, Fig. 1). ment where pollen grains could accumu- Two profi les were collected – one in the late (Sümegi, Bodor 2005: 209), a profi le dry valley of Lake Bia, the other close to the was collected in an oxbow lake on Csepel Sóskút settlement (Sümegi, Bodor 2005: island, located about 500 m from the tell. 209; Vicze, Earle, Artursson 2005: 244). Th e profi le admitted of the following con- In the fi rst profi le, in the section linked to clusions: in the Middle Bronze Age there is the Bronze Age, the accumulated pollen evidence of human activity in the form of grain composition allowed the authors to opening the landscape for cultivation and draw far-reaching conclusions concerning animal breeding. the existence of busy roads along the Benta Th e published diagrams reveal, how- River valley. It is along the roads that, in ever, the weakness of this interpretation. the authors’ opinion, weeds supposedly Above all, although evidence of occur- expanded (e. g. plantain, knotweed, pearl- rence of wheat pollen grains is cited in the worts, saltbush as well as the hazel and text (Sümegi, Bodor 2000: 89), their curve walnut; it is also close to them that open is absent from the relevant diagram (see areas stretched where animals were grazed. Sümegi, Bodor 2000) (Fig. 21). However, Th e pollen analysis did not bear out cereal rye is included in the diagram although in cultivation in the immediate vicinity of the this case the curve clearly shows that this river valley. Indirect evidence for the pres- pollen type is absent from the profi le. Fur- ence of cereals is supposedly off ered by the thermore, controversies are aroused by the pollen grains of fi eld weeds (Sümegi, Bodor determinations of various oak and willow 2005: 214-218). species (Sümegi, Bodor 2000: 86) (Fig. 21). Th e analysis results of the other profi le, In the period preceding the Bronze Age collected about 300 m from the Sóskúti (zone A), evidence for the opening of landscape comes from the presence or even pre- 6 Th e text mentions two radiocarbon dates, dominance of plantain. Strangely enough, while the accompanying diagram presents three the relevant diagram shows that the pollen dates (Sümegi, Bodor 2000: 85; 95, Fig. 7a, 7b, 7c).

74 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture Fig. 21. Pollen diagrams from Tököl, profi le Tököl II. At the top – AP; AP+NAP=100%; at the bottom – NAP; AP+NAP=100% (after Sümegi, Bodor 2000).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 75 Hegy site, have been similarly assessed. On the Danube valley (Sümegi, Bodor 2005: the site where profi le was collected, in the 209), must have had an impact on the as- Bronze Age, there supposedly stretched sessment of pollen diagrams and must have open spaces, including settlements, roads, made the authors draw far-reaching con- and walnut stands. What makes a diff er- clusions concerning the existence of roads ence in this case, however, is the presence and related landscape elements as well as of wheat pollen, which, together with fi eld settlement in the area. weed pollen, indicates the existence of cul- Summing up, what should be noted tivated fi elds nearby (Sümegi, Bodor 2005: is the considerable knowledge of animal 220-221). However, the way the analysis breeding and land cultivation possessed results are presented, lacking information by the inhabitants of the discussed settle- on the shares of individual pollen grains in ments. Th is diversifi cation secured their the profi le, does not permit their unequi- subsistence and allowed them to make the vocal assessment (Sümegi, Bodor 2005: best use of the local environment. Th e es- 234, Fig. 111). Included in the text, the in- timates of the population of individual set- formation from archaeologists, pointing to tlements and their long life testify to the the potential role of the Benta River valley population success of local communities as a connecting link of sorts between the and an effi cient and multiform use of the mountainous region of Transdanubia and natural environment. Fig. 22. Pollen diagram (100% = Σ; water plants) from Tököl, profi le Tököl II (after Sümegi, Bodor 2000).

76 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 5.2. Inner layout

For the majority of Vatya culture settle- with rounded corners were recorded. Th ey ments discussed here, the available picture had been built only about 0.5-1.0 m apart of their inner layout is rather fragmentary. (Poroszlai 2000: 122-123, Abb. 9). Excavations, albeit few, oft en concentrated In the case of this settlement, informa- on the stratigraphy of their interior. Com- tion on Vatya culture structures is less plex character of strata at the sites, of which precise. In layer A-D3, a discovery was some had been continuously settled since made of remains of a hut 4.5 m wide, con- the Nagyrév culture (David 1998a: 232- taining a circular hearth preserved only -233), resulted in a limitation of excavated in fragments (Poroszlai 2000: 126). Due areas. to occurrence of deep pits characteristic Although the Nagyrév culture remains of the Vatya culture in its youngest strata, outside of the scope of this dissertation, destroying older strata8, it was not pos- because of a close genetic relationship be- sible to determine the structure and size of tween this culture and the Vatya culture, individual dwellings (Poroszlai 1993: 63; observable, for instance, in construction, 1992: 144). Relying, however, on the data the discussion shall cover also fi nds origi- from the other sites, it may be assumed that nating with the Early Bronze strata of indi- the dwellings were very similar to Nagyrév vidual settlements. huts (Poroszlai 2000: 124; 126; see below). In Bölcske-Vörösgyűrű, complex stra- At the Baracs-Földvár settlement, a stratigraphy refl ects the length of settlement tigraphic sequence was identifi ed, too, stretching from the proto-Ökörhalom phase testifying to the continuity of settlement of the Nagyrév culture to phase III of the from the Early to Middle Bronze Age. Lay- Vatya culture (Poroszlai 1992a: 142; 2000: ers XIII-IX related to the Nagyrév settle- 136). Inside the settlement’s peri meter, ment. Beginning with layer VIII, traces of the remains of several huts with post walls the Vatya culture settlement could be ob- were discovered as well as others with walls served. As in the case of the settlement at built of compacted clay. Both types of wall Bölcske-Vörösgyűrű described earlier, also construction were used to build character- here more information is available on the istic huts with rounded corners (Poroszlai older period of site settlement. Layer XI 2000: 119, Abb. 4; 120). Numerous fi nds of yielded remains of two huts that diff ered in daub bearing impressions of twigs testify to their structure but were both oriented N-S. the use of wattle and daub structures (Po- First was a post structure while the other roszlai 2000: 118). Th e best preserved and had walls built of compacted clay. Next the largest hut at the site was unearthed to one of them, furnace remains survived at level E3, linked to phase III (Kulcs) of (Vicze 1992: 146-147). Vatya culture layers the Nagyrév culture (Poroszlai 1992a: 143- were pierced by numerous deep pits, hin- -144). Oriented along the NW-SO7 axis, dering the study of Middle Bronze dwell- the building measured 9.5 × 4.6 m. Inside, ing structures. It was only in layer VI that there was a circular hearth. Many charcoals a wall fragment survived suggestive of are telltale signs of a destruction by fi re. a post-structure house, oriented N-S as in Daub fragments found inside the hut bear the case of the Nagyrév huts (Vicze 1992: impressions of twigs and fi ngers (Poroszlai 147). 2000: 120 -121, Abb. 6; 141, Abb. 28:3). Th e settlement in Nagykőrös-Földvár, Pieces of daub were also discovered in layer prior to the construction of fortifi cations, 10 (level E3); it was all that survived from was open, which is evidenced by at least such construction elements as window and four settlement horizons associated with door frames (Poroszlai 2000: 122). In layer 9 (level E3), fragments of another two huts 8 Features of this type regularly hinder the study of stratigraphy in the youngest strata of 7 All hut remains discovered at the site attest to Vatya culture settlements (see comments by Moz- the NW-SO orientation. solics 1988: 46).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 77 phase Vatya II. In an excavation dug next fl oor and a preserved wall of compacted to a rampart, the remains of three huts were clay were uncovered. Next to the hut re- uncovered. Two of them (nos. 2 and 3) were mains, probably oriented N-S, on a pre- parallel to each other. Hut no. 2, oriented pared clay foundation, there were two oval NW-SE, had two rooms separated by a wall furnaces. Th e hut interior was divided into of which two postholes and a foundation separate rooms. In the third level, strati- groove survived. Th e burned remains of graphy was disturbed by deep postholes the hut permit to estimate its original width indirectly indicating the type of structures at 4 m. Among its rubble, there were many used to erect houses in the younger levels reed impressions showing that originally (1 and 2). In the fourth level, fl oor remains either its fl oor had been lined with reeds9 of compacted clay survived together with or its roof had been made of reeds and sub- a hut, the interior of which was divided sequently collapsed (Poroszlai 1992c: 157; into three parts. A wall fragment survived 1993: 61). Due to numerous pits disturbing up to the height of 12 cm (Bóna, Nováki the feature, it is hard to estimate its full size 1982: 109). As in the case of level 3, next to (Poroszlai 1988: 33). Hut no. 3 had been the hut there stood an oval furnace. badly damaged by pits dug into it later. In level 4, numerous pits were up to What is left of it includes fl oor fragments of 2.6-3.6 m deep. In one of them (pit 75/10), compacted clay and a hearth fragment (Po- a completely preserved storage vessel was roszlai 1992c: 158). Fragments of the third discovered. Th e researchers interpreted the hut survived as well. Inside all the huts, fi nd as a symbolic grave or a sacrifi cial pit many postholes were found that were un- (Bóna, Nováki 1982: 109). It seems, however, related to the construction of walls or roofs. that calling the feature a storage pit, fulfi ll- Th e postholes could be traces left behind by ing a household function, is more legitimate. the furniture or fi xtures that once stood in In an excavation cutting the settlement’s the huts (Poroszlai 1992c: 158). rampart, fi nds included the remains of Some information on dwelling and other a furnace, three large storage vessels or accompanying structures was obtained ‘granaries’ (Bóna, Nováki 1982: 42-43, through excavations at the settlement in Abb. 11-12) a quern and many charred Alpár-Várdomb. In the fi rst (youngest) cereal grains (Bóna, Nováki 1982: 110). It level of strata dating to the Bronze Age, could not be determined whether all these badly damaged in the times of Medieval features and fi nds originally were inside settlement, no remains of any houses could the hut. be found. Th e strata contained only pits On the inner side of the rampart, the re- and hearth remains, including charac- mains of a rectangular hut survived whose teristic hearths (Kesselherdstellen) (Bóna, walls, built of compacted clay, were rein- Nováki 1982: 108). Th e second level fi nds forced by posts. About 0.25 m thick, a clay included fl oor remains of compacted clay; fl oor bore traces of being renewed fi ve they were, however, insuffi cient to recon- times (Bóna, Nováki 1982: 110). Contem- struct the forms and sizes of huts to which poraneous with the hut, pit 77/7 reached they related. In this case also Kesselherd- about 1.30 m below the fl oor level; on its stellen were found (Bóna, Nováki 1982: bottom, a posthole approx. 0.40 m deep 109). On the second level, a stratum was was discovered. recorded showing that the settlement area In the researchers opinion, huts with had been prepared for the building of new walls of compacted clay can be linked to houses of the third level. Within it, a hut the tradition of Nagyrév architecture and are older than post structures10 (Bóna, 9 At the Vatya culture settlement in Aba- Nováki 1982: 112). -Belsőbárándpuszta-Bolondvár, a discovery was made of remains of huts with clay fl oors. Th e fl oors had been lined with reeds or leather (Ko- 10 Adduced by the researchers, evidence for the vács 1963: 131); at a Nagyrév culture site in destruction of older levels by deep postholes from Tiszaug-Kéménytető traces of reed-mace were re- levels 1 and 2 (see above) seems to indicate that corded used for the same purpose (Csányi, Stan- structures reinforced by posts existed also in the czik 1992: 118). younger period of the settlements lifetime.

78 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture Relying on the information contained in 0.25 m and a light clay wall reinforced by the report on the investigations in Alpár- slender posts/pegs. A large posthole in the -Várdomb, one can trace certain chrono- middle of the step suggests that the hut had logical changes in the type and layout of a gable roof12 (Poroszlai 1992b: 154; 1996: the settlement. Th e oldest huts were built 7, Fig. 2). Th e room interpreted as a kitchen about 3 m from the line of fortifi cations. measured 2 × 3.3 m; inside, a storage pit was Built of compacted clay, their walls marked uncovered (1.2 × 0.50 m), containing much off a rather considerable space divided into refuse. Next to the hut a furnace stood and separate rooms. Th e thin walls must have remains of metallurgical production lay had an adverse eff ect on the lifetime of the around such as a fragment of a mould for huts. Later huts were placed closer to the casting a miniature chisel (Poroszlai 2000: rampart. Th eir walls were already thicker 19, 37, Fig. 17a), metal droplets and tuyères but still lacked any timber elements which (Poroszlai 1992b: 154; 1996: 7). could reinforce them. Such reinforcing ele- Another hut of an analogous form was ments appeared only in the successive set- built exactly on the same place. Th e layer tlement phase. Th ese huts were again placed that separated the remains of the structures farther from the rampart. In the space clos- was about 0.10-0.15 m thick – exactly as er to the rampart line, furnaces and storage much as the layer separating the remains of pits were located (Bóna, Nováki 1982: 115). Nagyrév culture settlement from strata as- Th e relatively most comprehensive in- sociated with the Vatya culture (Poroszlai formation on inner layout was supplied 1996: 8; 2000: 20). Th e huts of the latter cul- by the results of the excavations at the ture were built in all probability in the same Százhalombatta settlement that have been manner but due to numerous pits it was published so far. At the site, fi ve settlement not possible to record any well-preserved levels were distinguished dating back to the structures. In the youngest level (Vatya- Early and Middle Bronze Age; levels VI-V -Kosider phase), remains of three huts were are associated with the Nagyrév culture discovered which stood in line and were while levels IV-II are linked to the Vatya oriented NW-SE; there were also pits of culture11 (Poroszlai 2000: 16). Th e huts that which some had their bottoms lined with were built in the times of Nagyrév settle- clay. Th e huts were separated by narrow al- ment had walls erected using two diff erent leys (Poroszlai, Vicze 2004: 233). Level IV techniques. Some of them were reinforced supplied certain data confi rming the simi- on the outside by light posts/pegs, while larity between the huts of both cultures. others lacked any such elements. Floors, as One of them was a rounded corner of a hut in the case of the other settlements, were (Poroszlai 2000: 32, Fig. 7:H2), the fl oor of made of a layer of compacted clay, some- which did not survive. From the corner, it times lined with reeds (Poroszlai 2000: 18). could be seen that hut walls were 0.40-0.50 Th e interior of huts was oft en divided into m thick and were made of compacted clay separate rooms. During the investigations reinforced by post/pegs (Poroszlai 2000: carried out in 1989, three levels of such huts 17). Inside the hut, remains of a furnace were unearthed. All of them had two things were identifi ed; however, due to its poor in common: their corners were rounded state of preservation, its form could not be and they were oriented NW-SE (Poroszlai determined beyond any doubt (Poroszlai 1996: 7). In 1990, a discovery was made 2000: 32, Fig. 7:3T). of a hut measuring 8 × 5 m, the interior of In 1991, a place where Vatya culture pop- which was divided into two rooms serving ulations produced pottery was discovered. diff erent functions (a kitchen and living At the site there where eleven furnaces and quarters). Th ey were separated by a step large amounts of burned pottery, complete making the fl oor levels diff er by approx. vessels and vessel fragments (Poroszlai 1993: 66; 1996: 10).

11 Level I contained mixed artefacts from various chronological periods (Vatya-Koszider, 12 Th e hut was reconstructed in the Százhalom- HaC-D, La Tène D and fi nds relating to Celtic set- batta Archaeological Park (Poroszlai 1997: 64-66, tlement) (Poroszlai 2000: 16, 21). Abb. 6).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 79 Successive years of excavations (1992- ous fragments of pug with the impressions -1993) brought about the discovery of the of wooden structural detail were recorded parts of three Vatya culture huts. Th ey were among the remnants of walls of both build- oriented NW-SE and their interiors were ings. Some of the fragments were singularly divided into rooms. Th e huts had wattle moulded/ /modelled, which would suggest and daub walls (Sofaer 2006: 130) and were their special architectural signifi cance. separated by an alley 0.7-1.0 m wide (Po- Relying on this information, one can roszlai 1996: 12, Fig. 5). Relying on the ex- point to many similarities between the lay- amination of hut parts, the size of two huts out and structures of Nagyrév and Vatya was estimated at 15 × 8 m and 20 × 15 m cultures (Poroszlai 2000: 20; 2003: 153). (Poroszlai 1996: 11) (Fig. 23). Th e huts were large, each having several Th e researchers assumed that there could rooms, pisé fl oor, clay walls, sometimes be 50-70 huts at a time inhabited by large reinforced by posts/pegs on the outside; 7-8 member families. Hence, the popula- they were fi tted with hearths14; additional tion of the settlement could be roughly es- furnaces were oft en placed next to the huts timated at 400-500 people (Poroszlai 1996: (Poroszlai 2003a: 153-154, Fig.18). 11; 2003: 153). Th e assumed numbers, how- Relying on this information, one can ever, have not been justifi ed in any way. point to many similarities between the lay- Magnetometric prospection at the Ka- out and structures of Nagyrév and Vatya kucs-Turján site revealed remnants of sev- cultures (Poroszlai 2000: 20; 2003: 153). Th e eral buildings. Remnants of two huts were huts were large, each having several rooms, discovered within the excavation opened pisé fl oor, clay walls, sometimes reinforced in 2013, where investigations still continue. by posts/pegs on the outside; they were fi t- Both were probably built in exactly the same ted with hearths15; additional furnaces were location, and to the same or similar dimen- oft en placed next to the huts (Poroszlai sions. Th e relatively well-preserved rem- 2003a: 153-154, Fig. 18). A characteristic nants of the lower sections of the younger form was given to the huts by their rounded building (dated to ca 1750-1700; Jaeger corners (Poroszlai 1992b: 153; 2000: 121, 2016), suggest that it was erected using Abb. 6). Presumably, in some cases, hut analogous methods as in other sites of the walls were covered with geometric patterns Vatya culture. Th ey were built of clay (tem- known from pottery. Th e remains of such pered with a large amount of grasses typi- decorations were found at the Nagyrév cal of aquatic environment), on a “skeleton” culture settlement in Tiszaug-Kéménytetö constructed probably from vertically fi xed (Csányi 2003: 144, Fig. 3). wooden stakes of relatively small diameter. Studying clay use techniques employed Usage of the latter is well attested not only in hut construction on the Százhalombatta in numerous fragments of impressed pug, site, Sofaer noticed many similarities with but also by a number of well-preserved vessel moulding, some aspects of which wooden stakes. Th e entire structure owed were, in turn, similar to the techniques its stability to posts, though in the case of Kakucs-Turján no regular arrangement 14 Hearths are one of the most commonly re- of those (in the shape of postholes) could corded features at the settlements of Nagyrév and be established for an entire building. Based Vatya cultures. Th ey were found at a vast major- on the current state of research, any inter- ity of excavated settlements. Frequently, they nal division of the building cannot be con- have a complex form as, for instance, hearth discovered at Százhalombatta or mentioned hearth clusively stated. A well-preserved oven was from Kakucs-Turján (Poroszlai 2003: 154, Fig. 18; discovered in the northern corner of the Lakatos-Pammer 2005). earlier hut. Th e fl oors in both huts, consist- 15 Hearths are one of the most commonly re- ing of layers of hardpacked clay, survived corded features at the settlements of Nagyrév and only in part13. Th e aforementioned numer- Vatya cultures. Th ey were found at a vast majority of excavated settlements. Frequently, they have a complex form as, for instance, hearth dis- 13 At the current stage of research, it cannot be covered at Százhalombatta or mentioned hearth determined whether the fl oor clay was baked as from Kakucs-Turján (Poroszlai 2003: 154, Fig. 18; part of deliberate measure. Lakatos-Pammer 2005).

80 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture Fig. 23. Százhalombatta. Remains of dwellings 1-3, level III (after Poroszlai 2000).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 81 used by metallurgists. Relying on her ob- In contrast, the geomagnetic survey of servations, she developed an interesting the third section of the settlement detected interpretation whereby craft smen, forming the least number of anomalies. Th is and its a separate social group, exchanged their location in the immediate vicinity of the experience and borrowed technological river valley make it plausible to assume solutions from one another (Sofaer 2006: that this section was set aside for a live- 141). stock enclosure. Although the survey re- Some Vatya culture settlements is di- sults should yet be verifi ed by excavations vided into separate sections (see chapter and some special analysis, they can provide 5.3.). Investigations of the settlement at grounds for a claim that at least some Vatya Lovasberény-Mihályvár justify an assump- culture fortifi ed settlements were divided tion that its individual sections may have into sections according to function16. served diff erent functions. Within the site, Th e paucity of available information an exceptionally large area of 3,000 sq. on inner layout and structures refl ects the m was investigated (Petres, Bándi 1969: extremely narrow scope of excavations at 173) including one of its smaller sections the sites and permits to describe only some (known as Kisvár), which was investigated general layout characteristics of individual virtually in its entirety. However, we lack sites. What can be seen in the fi rst place is any detailed information on discovered the absence of any diff erences, induced by structures. A publication concerning bone the cultural change, in the way huts were remains collected at the site mentions built and space arranged. Th e change from the discovery of three houses and 80 pits Nagyrév to Vatya characteristics is observ- (Choyke, Bartosiewicz 1987: 7). Th e pits able only in the pottery style. On the con- were used for extracting clay and storing trary, there are several pieces of evidence grain. In addition, the remains of a metal- suggesting a close connection between the lurgist’s workshop were unearthed as well architecture of both cultures and a ‘smooth’ (Petres, Bándi 1969; Kovács 1982: 283) nature of the transition process (Kalicz (Fig. 26). Some of the investigated area did 1982: 129; Bóna 1992a: 19; Poroszlai 1993: not yield any archaeological features and 62-63; 2000: 126). Neither is there any data was interpreted as a grazing area (Kovács confi rming that settlement fortifi cation, af- 1982: 283). ter all an important development, at a spe- Th e investigations of the Lovasberény- cifi c stage of settlement functioning (see -Mihályvár settlement were exceptionally comments in chapters 5.3 and 5.5) had any extensive (see Vicze 2000: 121, Table 1). impact on the planning or constructing of Th e question of its functional division, space. however, long remained a research propo- Moreover, small areas of excavations sition which has never been taken up by prevent one from drawing any conclusions the publication of full results of the exca- on possible social diff erences that could vations. Th e correctness of the interpre- be refl ected in a settlement layout and tation may be borne out, however, by the structure by, for instance, unusually large, geomagnetic surveys of the settlement in specially-appointed or untypically located Kakucs-Turján. Th ey produced a map of houses. magnetic anomalies which shows clearly Th e sources we have suggest a prag- three diff erent sections of the settlement matic use of settlement space by building (Pető et al. 2015: 221). Only one section huts close to one another (e.g. Nagykőrös- shows outlines of structures which in part -Földvár, Poroszlai 1988: 33, 36-37, Fig. 9) follow a regular layout. Th ey were probably and adherence to certain rules concerning huts partially arranged along the course of the location of household features, such fortifi cation. Remains of a very large build- as furnaces and hearths, next to huts (e. g. ing were detected in the central section of the settlement. In another section of the 16 Research aimed at verifying the hypothetical site, the survey revealed many anomalies functional siginifcance of the tripartite division that can be interpreted as remains of stor- of the Kakucs-Turján settlement are currently in age pits of varied purposes (Fig. 25). progress.

82 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture Alpár; Bóna, Nováki 1982: 115). Further- Th is may be evidenced by the discoveries more, it can be tentatively assumed that of clusters of kilns at Százhalombatta (Po- specialized economic activities such as roszlai 1996: 10) and the remains of a me- pottery fi ring and metalworking were car- tallurgist’s workshop in Lovasberény-Mi- ried out in specifi cally designated places. hályvár (Kovács 1984a: 226).

Fig. 24. Kakucs-Turján. Geomagnetic plan of the fortifi ed settlement with a visible three-partite division of the interior (Kakucs Archaeological Expedition, unpublished).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 83 5.3. Fortifi cations

Vatya culture fortifi ed settlements, occur- the occurrence of wooden fortifi cation ele- ring in two areas, diff ered in size and lay- ments. A single example of an unidentifi ed out. In Transdanubia, settlements tended structure made up of beams and wattle is to be larger (about 150-200 m in diameter) mentioned in relation to the Baracs-Föld- than those located between the Danube vár settlement (Kovács 1982: 287). In the and Tisza rivers (about 100 m in diameters) absence of a relevant publication, it is bare- (Poroszlai 1988: 30-31; Vicze 2000: 121, ly possible, however, to determine with any Table 1). Another distinctive characteristic certainty the form, size and stratigraphic was the form of fortifi cations. In the former position of the structure. In many cases, region, fortifi cations surrounded the whole wooden elements originally located closer settlement, which was divided into two or to rampart tops could have been destroyed three sections (Bóna 1975: 59), while in the in later settlement periods17. latter region, fortifi cations protected only Earth to build ramparts came from a part of a settlement known as the ‘cita- ditches. Oft en, terrain features were taken del’ (Poroszlai 1988: 31; Poroszlai, Vicze advantage of, aft er making them deeper. 2004: 231). Few exceptions only prove the In this way ditches were built in Igar- rule. Th e practice of dividing settlements -Vámpuszta-Galástya (Horváth, Kozak, into sections could decide their location Petö 2001: 8), at Százhalombatta (Füleky, in many instances. In natural depressions Vicze 2007: 134-135, Fig. 1-2) and prob- separating individual elevations, entrances ably in Lovasberény-Mihályvár (Kovács might have been located so that they would 1982: 283). Ditches around Vatya culture be protected from both sides (Kovács 1982: settlements varied in size. Some informa- 282-283; 1984a: 219; 1998: 489; Horváth, tion on ditches comes from settlements Kozak, Petö 2001: 12). Some od the settle- explored only by surface surveys and refers ments were founded in locations having exclusively to their today’s state of preserva- natural defensive capabilities in the fi rst tion (Fig. 25). In Aba-Belsőbárándpuszta- place (Kovács 1984a: 219; Endrődi, Gyulai -Bolondvár, a ditch protected probably only 1999: 24). A case in point is the site in the east portion of the settlement. Another Pákozd-Vár located on a hill rising to 352 ditch, 25.0 m wide and about 2.0 m deep m above sea level (Horváth, Kozak, Petö divided the settlement in two. Within the 2001: 13). smaller section, a ditch of the preserved Th e basic types of defences used in these width of about 6 m and the depth of about settlements were a rampart and a ditch. Due 0.5 m marked off a circular space 26.0 m in to the poor state of research described earli- diameter – the so-called bastion or citadel er, it is hardly possible to determine exactly (Horváth, Kozak, Petö 2001: 7, Plate III). In the original size of ramparts. Preserved wall Kajászó-Várdomb, a ditch of the preserved fragments are from 0.5 m (Kajászó-Vár- width of 2.0-3.0 m and the depth of about domb), 1.0-1.5 m (Lovasberény-Mihályvár), 0.80 m did not encircle the whole settle- 2.0 m (Aba-Belsőbárándpuszta-Bolondvár) ment, either (Horváth, Kozak, Petö 2001: to 2.5 m (Alpár-Várdomb) in height, indi- 10, Plate VI). Th e few excavations that have cating that their original size may have been been carried out prove that ditches were quite imposing (Bóna, Nováki 1982: 107, originally rather imposing in size. In Lo- 115; Horváth, Kozak, Petö 2001: 7, 10, 12). vasberény-Mihályvár, the ditch was 7.0 m Occasionally, there were double ramparts wide and 4.0 m deep (Bóna, Nováki 1982: (e.g. Pákozd-Vár; Horváth, Kozak, Petö 2001: 14, Plate XI). Archival, 19th c. data on 17 Researchers investigating the Alpár-Vár- Bölcske-Vörösgyűrű refer to a horseshoe domb settlement allow for the possibility that rampart. However, it was not visible any wooden structures could have been employed there although originally they could be located more already in the 1960s (Wosinsky 1896: in the rampart portion that was destroyed by the 236-237, quoted in: Poroszlai 1993: 62). construction of Medieval fortifi cations (Bóna, Virtually, there are no sources testifying to Nováki 1982: 111).

84 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 114). Although data concerning the ditch Th e location of some other settlements in Nagykőrös-Földvár is incomplete, its justifi es a supposition that the ditches sur- uncovered portion can be said to be 4.0 m rounding them could have been originally wide and 3.0 m deep (Poroszlai 1992c: 157, fi lled with water too (e.g. Sárbogárd-Cifra- Abb. 111). A fuller picture is provided by bolondvár; Horváth, Kozak, Petö 2001: 16). investigations at the settlement in Soroksár- Despite inconclusiveness of research -Várhegy. Th ey included making a digital fi ndings and defi ciency of publications, re- terrain model and conducting a geomag- lying however on available data, an attempt netic survey using a proton magnetometer can be made to assess the functionality of (Endrődi, Gyulai 1999: 7). Th e picture is the fortifi cations. Th e ditches were approx. consistent with the results of earlier excava- 4.0-7.0 m wide and 2.0-5.0 m deep. In the tions at the site when a V-sectioned ditch two examples referred to above, they had was recorded. Its greatest width in the un- a V-shaped cross-section. A ditch of this covered place was 3.60 m while its depth shape is the most diffi cult to excavate but reached 1.67 m (Endrődi, Gyulai 1999: 8-9, at the same time it forms the most eff ective Fig. 6). Th e geomagnetic plan showed that barrier. Owing to the way its walls are in- the ditch could have varied in width from clined, attackers cannot hide behind them; 3.0 to 5.0 m (Endrődi, Gyulai 1999: 7, Fig. 4; it is also highly resistant to erosion18. In 23). At Százhalombatta, a large portion of historical times, known as Fossa Fastigata, the settlement together with the ditch were it was the type of a ditch most oft en used destroyed by extracting clay for a local by Roman legions (Keeley, Fontana, Quick brickyard (Poroszlai, Vicze 2004: 231, 238, 2008: 58-62). Rarely recorded measures, Fig. 4). Th e preserved portion of the for- such as placing a palisade in the bottom of tifi cation was explored by a series of drill- a ditch or fi lling it with water, made ditches ings (Varga 2000: 77, Fig. 1). Th e obtained even harder to cross. profi les show that the 5-metre-deep ditch As mentioned earlier, a ditch was one had originally a V-shaped cross-section of the elements in the common combina- and a characteristic – benched – inner wall tion of defences (Ivanova 2008: 112-113). (Varga 2000: 76, 79, Fig. 3). Th e drillings Th e other one was an earthen rampart. supplied enough data for the researchers to Unfortunately, there is virtually no data assume tentatively that a palisade stood in available on the width of rampart bases; if the ditch bottom (Varga 2000: 76, 80, Fig. 4; there were any, it would be possible to es- Füleky, Vicze 2007: 135, Fig. 2a). Only in the timate the original height of walls. What northeast portion of the settlement did re- we also lack is hard evidence for the use of mains of a rampart accompanying the ditch additional wooden elements crowning the survive (Poroszlai, Vicze 2004: 231). At the ramparts (e.g. palisades) whereby making Kakucs-Turján site, the ditches identifi ed on them higher. the map of magnetic anomalies surrounded A special characteristic of some Vatya the entire settlement and separated its inte- culture settlements is their internal divi- rior into the aforementioned three sections. sion (Poroszlai 1988: 31; Kovács 1998: Th eir structure and dimensions were deter- 489; Vicze, Czajlik, Timár 2005: 252-253, mined by means of test drillings. Th e ditch- Fig. 4) (Fig. 24, Fig. 25:2). Th e excavation es had a trough-like profi le and consider- results in Lovasberény-Mihályvár and able dimensions, ranging from 6 to 8 m in those of a geomagnetic survey in Kakucs- width and 4 to 4.5 m in depth in various -Turján, mentioned earlier, suggest that surveyed sections. It is highly probable that individual settlement sections could have they were fi lled with water. Th e hypothesis served diff erent functions. Presumably, is supported by the presence of a large cir- such arrangements of space could have had cular feature – a water-collecting reservoir military signifi cance as is shown by eth- collecting which, together with the outer ditch constituted a singular hydrological 18 Relatively well-preserved and oft en still vis- system utilising water resources found in ible, many ditch fragments seem to bear out this the immediate vicinity of the settlement claim (see site and elevation plans, Nováki 1952: (Pető et al. 2015). 5, 7, 9, 12).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 85 Fig. 25. Examples of elevation maps of the Vatya culture settlements. 1 – Káva, 2 – Lovasberény-Mihályvár, 3 – Százhalombatta, 4 – Mende (after Poroszlai 2000; Gogâltan 2008).

86 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture nographic data concerning New Guinea. ture settlements. Th e area of many of them Dividing settlements into smaller sections reached about 2.0-3.0 hectares (Vicze 2000: was meant there to impede the movement 121, Table 1). Th e sheer size of the fortifi - of attackers about the settlement: they were cations and settlements themselves could forced to split into smaller bands and at- have been a demonstration of the power tack individual settlement sections at the and might of their inhabitants (David same time. Alternatively, attackers could 2002: 414). Yet, in real danger, a long line concentrate their forces on one section of defences takes a lot of eff ort and people only, thus leaving the others safe (Roscoe to man (Podborský, Kovárník 2006: 48; 2008: 514). Admittedly, data from ethno- Neustupný 2006: 2). Th e division of a set- graphic observations should not be treated tlement into smaller sections prevented, in as a source of defi nitive occlusions but it theory, attackers from getting access to the may point to driving forces – in this case whole settlement space if they breached motivations of human behaviour – that the defences in a single place. Separating cannot be made out from archaeological the dwelling quarters, suggested in the case sources. Another argument in favour of of Vatya culture settlements, would signifi - recognizing the division of settlements as cantly improve the chances of defenders by a manifestation of a certain defensive tactic shortening the lines of defence directly pro- is a large size of the majority of Vatya cul- tecting the inhabitants and their homes.

5.4. Metallurgy

To the metallurgy of the Vatya culture, by the Vatya culture communities for the three publications by Horváth (2004a; purpose of obtaining them (Bóna 1992b: 2004b; 2012) have been devoted recently. 51-52; Vicze 2003: 155-156). What they chiefl y deal with is stone cast- Local metalworking has a clear devel- ing moulds and related questions of tech- opment trend. Its early phase is associated nology and raw materials. In addition, in with the tradition of the Early Bronze Age 2001 a report of a survey was published and the Blechkreiskulturen circle while the concerning fortifi ed settlements in the Fe- assortment of goods found at sites is limit- jér region. Next to the information on the ed above all to small objects (ornaments for current state of preservation of sites (see the most part) made by cold forging (Bándi chapter 5.3), it rendered many fragments 1966; Bóna 1975: 48-51; Kovács 1984a: 222; of moulds used for casting ornaments and Szathmári 1996: 75; Kadrow 2001: 89). In tools (Horváth, Kozak, Petö 2001). the successive development phase, next to In the area where the Vatya culture the already known elements keeping to the thrived there were no signifi cant depos- style of ‘sheet metal and wire’, there appear its of raw materials. Ready-made goods objects of central European provenance, and raw materials were imported from showing affi nities with the Únětice circle the areas occupied by the communities of metallurgy (Bóna 1975: 55-56; Szathmári the Encrusted Pottery culture and through 2002: 240). Th e third development phase the agency of Wieselburg and Gáta groups witnessed the fl ourishing of local bronze (Bóna 1975: 48; 55). In the later phases of processing observable in the appearance of the Vatya culture (Middle Bronze Age), im- new forms, including weapons and tools, ports came also from the Mitterberg region frequently deposited as hoards. Charac- (Horváth 2004a: 183-184). Th e growing in- teristic objects of those times include axes, terest in the new raw material is refl ected hatchets, spearheads, sickle-shaped pins in objects deposited in graves. Only 5 per and such special forms as belt buckles and cent of burials contain any bronze goods diadems (Mozsolics 1967; Bóna 1975: 69- which come in great variety. Th is proves -72; Kovács 1975; 1984a: 222-223; 1984b; how extensive contacts were maintained Szathmári 1996: 75; David 1998b; 2002; Ke-

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 87 menczei 2003: 169) (Fig. 28, 50). Th e boom pressed in clay (Petres, Bándi 1969: 175) in local production was fed by the infl ux of (Fig. 26). One of the objects that could large amounts of raw material from Alpine have been manufactured in this way, in the deposits and the Harz mountains (Horváth opinion of the researchers, were so-called 2004a: 184; Kiss 2009: 330). ingots of raw material in the form of bis- Metalworking in the Vatya culture is evid- cuits, known, for instance, from the Száz- enced by many settlement fi nds through- halombatta hoard (Kemenczei 2003: 169, out its lifetime. At Bölcske-Vörösgyűrű, Fig. 36). Assuming that this interpretation in layer E2 (phase Vatya I/post-Nagyrév; is right, it must be noted that the structure Poroszlai 1992a: 142), a mould for cast- would be a unique source confi rmation of ing chisels was found. Layers A-D1 and E1 a technique of casting bronze in sand (in (phase Vatya III), yielded, in turn, a clay this case in clay) proposed for the Bronze pipe – a tuyère element – and a small coil Age (Kuijpers 2008: 89-91). Some authors of gold wire19, respectively (Poroszlai 2000: believe that this manner of producing 116-117, 137; Fig. 3, Fig. 22:10). bronze objects explains in part a strong Th e greatest number of records, however, disproportion between mass fi nds of ready- concern stone casting moulds. At Kajászo- made goods and still relatively few fi nds of -Vardómb, a sandstone form was discov- casting moulds (Goldmann 1981). ered. Its one side was prepared for mak- More evidence of metalworking comes ing axes/chisels, while the other was used from Százhalombatta and consists chiefl y for making unidentifi ed objects, probably of stone casting moulds and tuyère frag- pins (Horváth, Kozak, Petö 2001: 11, Table ments (Poroszlai 2000: 116; Horváth, VII:60.80.5; Horváth 2004b: 25, Fig. 10:1a- Kozák, Pető 2000: 113; Horváth 2004b: 29- -1b) (Fig. 27). A mould from Lovasberé- -32, Table 13-16). ny-Mihályvár had one side prepared for Th ere are also indirect arguments to casting pins while the other was used for support the claim that local metalwork- making other type of ornaments (Horváth, ing played a role in the life of Vatya cul- Kozak, Petö 2001: 13, Table IX-X). At the ture societies. Th e fi rst relates to peculiar settlement at Soroksár-Várhegy, a discov- style and technique of making pottery at ery was made of a sandstone mould which the settlement of Százhalombatta. As a re- could be used for manufacturing both dag- sult of close scrutiny of one of ceramic ger blades and pins (Endrődi, Gyulai 1999: forms – the Rákospalota jug – it was found 23, Fig. 18:6a, 6b; Horváth 2004a: 28, Fig. that, next to peculiar formal traits echoing 12:3a, 12:3b). Th e use of the same moulds a long tradition of imitating metal forms in for manufacturing various objects is rather clay, such as the ansa lunata handle and the characteristic and has no analogy, if only in sharp vessel profi le, a technique taken from very numerous Otomani-Füzesabony cul- metalworking was used to produce them. ture fi nds in Slovakia20. High handles were fastened with rivets, As mentioned earlier, at the settlement imitating rivets known from metal objects. at Lovasberény-Mihályvár, the remains of Th e technique was used in spite of the fact a metallurgist’s workshop were found to- that it weakened a specifi c part of the ves- gether with associated fi nds of a casting sel, frequently resulting in cracks (Sofaer mould and a crucible (Kovács 1982: 283; 2006: 133-137, Fig. 5). Horváth, Kozak, Petö 2001: 12). A feature Another argument is off ered by many discovered at the site is believed to be re- hoards of the Koszider type found within mains of a clay structure used for casting settlement themselves (Poroszlai 2003a: bronze objects directly in moulds im- 153). Th ey were found at: Mende-Leányvár (Kovács 1975: 22, with footnote 4), Százha- 19 In addition, 19th century records mention lombatta (Kemenczei 2003: 169, Fig. 36), the discovery of a hoard of bronze ornaments close Pákozd, Sárbogárd and Dunaújváros-Ko- to or inside the settlement at Bölcske-Vörösgyűrű sziderpadlás (3 deposits; Fig. 28) (Mozso- (Mozsolics 1988: 52). 20 However, examples of such casting moulds lics 1988: 57, Liste II). Next to the hoards are known from the area of the present-day Ro- of the Hajdúsámson-Apa horizon, they mania (Găvan 2012). constitute the main category of collective

88 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture Fig. 26. Lovasberény- Mihályvár. Remains of a metallurgical workshop (after Petres, Bándi 1969).

fi nds of metal objects in the Carpathian dar years22 (David 2002). What they clearly Basin. It is suggested that their chronologi- diff er in, however, is their structure and cal position is diff erent21. Th e former are deposition context. Unlike the deposits of supposedly older. Th e chronological dif- the Hajdúsámson-Apa horizon, Koszider ference between the two phenomena, how- hoards included, next to weapon forms ever, is not clear and measurable in calen- (spearheads, dagger blades), tools (axes),

21 Furthermore, individual hoards of the Haj- 22 See comments concerning the controversy dúsámson-Apa horizon itself are believed to diff er aroused by the absolute dating of the Koszider in age (Bóna 1992b: 56, 60). horizon (chapter 5.5).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 89 Fig. 27. Kajászo-Vardómb. A bilateral casting mould (after Horváth 2012).

bronze waste or raw material and numer- Th e hoards were oft en deposited in vessels ous ornaments (pins, pendants) (Fig. 28, within settlements or in their immediate 50). Th e hoards are highly heterogeneous vicinity (Mozsolics 1988). Both phenome- and their individual instances are included na must have been diff erent forms of ritual in the category of Koszider deposits on the and social behaviour. strength of single telltale forms23. From the Vatya culture context, we What else can bee seen is the contextual know of a single, relatively modest burial relationship of the hoards with settlements. of a metallurgist. Grave 1029 from the Dunaújváros-Dünadülő cemetery, linked to the nearby settlement of Dunaújváros- 23 Th e chief telltale objects are circular pendants -Kosziderpadlás, contained a ceramic ves- bearing a cross ornament in the centre and others of a lily shape with arms separated by a Y-shaped sel, a stone mould for casting ornaments and element; Bóna 1992b: 59, Abb. 28). two stone pads (Bóna 1975: 55) (Fig. 29).

90 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture Fig. 28. Dunaújváros- -Kosziderpadlás (deposit I). Pendants typical of the Koszider type hoards (after Bóna 1992b).

Fig. 29. Dunaújváros- -Dünadülő, grave no. 960. Some elements of the equipment of a metallurgist’s burial (after Bátora 2006).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 91 5.5. Chronology

Th e wide-ranging issues of the Bronze Originally included by the author in the Age chronology in the Carpathian Basin Late Bronze Age, it is currently connected is a problem that deserves a separate study. with the Middle Bronze Age (David 2002: Th e most important attempts to bring or- 21, with footnote 131; Poroszlai 2003b: 161; der into the chronology before the Second Vicze, Poroszlai, Sümegi 2013). World War and over last fi ft y years of the In accordance with Hungarian termino- 20th century were described in detail by logy in the perspectives posited by Ke- David (2002: 3-46)24. Th e schemas are menczei, Kovács and Kálicz the beginning based solely on stratigraphic observations of the Vatya culture (Vatya I) is related to of settlement and cemetery sites and the ty- the emergence of period MB I, phase Vatya pology of pottery and metal objects, hoards II roughly corresponds to period MB II, included (Gogâltan 1998: 191; David 2002: and MB III contains the late variants of cul- 3). Th e reason of such situation is the scanty tures: Vatya-Koszider, Alpár, Rákospalota number of radiocarbon datings (Raczky, (David 1998a: 232-233; 2002: 32, Abb. 2.7; Hertelendi, Horváth 1992; Forenbaher 34, Abb. 2.8). In the view of Gogâltan phase 1993; Görsdorf, Marková, Furmánek 2004: Vatya I coincides with his horizon 3 of the 79-80, Fig. 1). tell cultures development (the turn of FB III Th e crucial issue for the subject matter and MB I; ca 2300-1950 BC), phase Vatya of this part of the present study is the chro- II with horizon 4 (MB II; ca 1900-1700 BC) nology of the Vatya culture and the Koszi- and phase Vatya III with horizon 5 (MB III; der horizon, traditionally connected with ca 1650-1500 BC) (Gogâltan 2005; 2008: the end of the so-called autochthonous tell 40-41, Fig. 2). A diff erent opinion is pre- cultures. sented by Bóna in the catalogue for the ex- Th e classic three-tiered classifi cation of hibition Bronzezeit in Ungarn26. Drawing the Vatya culture into phases I (subphases on an outdated Bronze Age chronology he a and b), II and III was proposed by Bóna proposed a general view of the chronology (Bóna 1975: 25, 73; Kreiter 2007: 33). He of the Vatya culture over the period from refered to three subperiods of the Middle ca 1650 to 1350 BC (Bóna 1992a: 40). Th us, Bronze Age he had isolated (Kovács 1984a: accordingly, phases Vatya I and Vatya II are 223; Mittlere Bronzezeit 1, 2, 3). Th e se- linked with period MB I, phase Vatya III quence closes with the Koszider period25. with MB II, and the late variants Vatya- -Koszider, Alpár, Rákospalota with period 24 It is symptomatic that the author did not use MB III (Bóna 1992a: 17; David 2002: 30, in his work any of the chronological systems re- Abb. 2.6). ferred and stuck to the classic terminology of the Th e chronological views briefl y dis- schema proposed by Paul Reinecke. cussed above follow primarily from the 25 Th e controversies concerning the Koszider ty po logical fi ndings concerning local pot- horizon have even touched its nomenclature. Par- ticular authors have adopted diff erent terms such tery stylistics and, to a lesser degree, me- as: Vatya-Koszider horizon, period, phase and tallurgy. On account of the registered high even culture (Mozsolics 1988: 42; Bóna 1992b: stability of the stylistic development of the 58-64; Vicze, Poroszlai, Sümegi 2013, see there for Vatya culture pottery (Kovács 1984a: 220; more literature) to describe separate phenomena Porosz lai 2000: 22) a preliminary study of such as depositing of hoards or settlement devel- fi nds from the Százhalombatta settlement opment. Th e complicated picture is further ob- scured by the employment of terms referring to the growth of particular cultural groups and oft en 26 Th e catalogue was also published with no used in a more or less similar sense as synonyms signifi cant changes in a French language version for the Koszider-horizon – phase Streda nad Bod- entitled Le bel Age du Bronze en Hongrie (Coudrot, rogom, Bodrogszerdahely (Otomani-Füzesabony Th evenot 1994). Since years it is one of basic culture) (Novotná 1998: 357; Koós 2001), Alpár sources of information about Hungary’s so-called phase, Rákospalota phase (Vatya culture) (Kovács Bronze Age tell cultures. Th is fact unambiguously 1975: 310; Bóna, Nováki 1982: 113; Kreiter 2005: defi nes the state of research and publications on 17-18). the issues discussed.

92 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture (Poroszlai 2000; Kreiter 2005), which draws in an undecorated form (Bóna 1975, Tafel on the classic approach of Bóna (1975:44- 49:8; Kreiter 2005: 20, Plate I:4-5) and with -48, 52, 60-69), can be applied to a descrip- an ornament of incised horizontal lines, tion of its main typological features. small pits and hatched triangles in arrange- On level IV, connected with the old- ments located above the long neck of the est stage of the Vatya culture in the settle- belly (Poroszlai 2000: 21, 50, Plate X:3; ment, there are still visible traces of the Kreiter 2005: 16, 20, Plate I:1-3, 6; Sofaer Nagyrév tradition, such as deep brushing 2006: 133, Fig. 3). Th e sharp long neck of of the surface of vessels and an altogether the belly is sometimes emphasised by rib modest decoration limited to incised lines decoration also adorned with small dots (Poroszlai 2000: 23). Th ere still remain in or notches (Bóna 1975, Tafel 45:12). Dur- use vessels referring to forms known from ing the Vatya-Koszider phase there also ap- the early Bronze Age, among them urns pear vessels richly decorated with garland with a marked S-profi le, handleless or with motifs, hatched triangles and knobs chan- a ribbon-shaped handle, with no decora- nelled with dots or accompanying “hang- tion or only with rib decoration with fi nger ing” lines ending with dots (Kovács 1984a: impressions (Szathmári 1996: 77, 82, Fig. 221; Szathmári 1996: 77; Poroszlai 2000: 1:8, 84, Fig. 3:1) and bowls with an arched 41, Plate I:7, 44, Plate IV:3, 49, Plate IX:1; shoulder and one handle (Bóna 1975, Tafel Kreiter 2005: 11-12, 22, Plate 3). In this pe- 10:1); Kovács 1984a: 220; Poroszlai 2000: riod the forms that appeared earlier, such as 23, 58, XVIII:2, 3). Furthermore, forms one-handle cups, undergo marked stylistic specifi c to the early Vatya culture phase are changes – the spherical belly is replaced by cups with a spherical belly with one han- sharp profi ling of that part of the vessel and dle, found on this stratigraphic level (Bóna ansa lunata handles occur in some cases 1975, Tafel 3:5; Poroszlai 2000: 23, 54, Plate (Kreiter 2005: 17, 24, Plate 5:6-8, Plate 6). XIV:5). Th e pottery of the late phase of the Vatya An increase in the quantity of orna- culture is characterised by vessels decorat- mented vessels can be observed in the clas- ed with plastic fi gural elements. Objects sic phase of the Vatya culture. Th ere also showing some features of anthropomor- appears a characteristic form of a deep phisation (ornaments symbolising breasts, bowl with 1, 2 or 4 handles and a specifi c eyes, a hand) and weaponry (a dagger, way of modelling the arched rims of bowls a hatchet) are known from the settlements (Poroszlai 2000: 22, 56, Plate XVI:3), in in Százhalombatta, Dunaújváros, Mende- many cases decorated with a web of in- -Leányvár, Igar-Vámpuszta and Pákozd- cised lines in the lower part (Poroszlai -Vár (Kovács 1973; Kreiter 2005). 2000: 22). Urnshaped storage vessels are Some chronological relevance can be oft en adorned with a web of large rhombs also ascribed to fragments of encrusted and rib decoration with fi nger impressions ware registered in the Százhalombatta set- (Poroszlai 2000: 22, 54, Plate XIV:1; Kreiter tlement and connected with the tradition 2007: 166, Fig. 88:11). Also, small handles of the late phase of Kisapostag culture, the placed on the necks of vessels are a typi- early phase of the Encrusted Pottery cul- cal element. Th ey appear only during the ture and the classic phase of the Encrusted middle period of the Vatya culture (Kreiter Pottery culture dated respectively to the 2005: 12, 21, Plate 2:2). earliest and the late phases of the Vatya Th e fi nal phases of the Vatya culture culture (Kiss 1998: 166-167; Fekete 2005: (phase III and Vatya-Koszider) constitu- 48-49, 54). te the zenith of the development of pot- Some of the sites discussed in the present tery production. Pit no 2 on level II of the study were inhabited continually from the Száz halombatta settlement yielded, among Early Bronze Age (the Nagyrév culture) others, an assemblage of specifi c thin- (David 1998a: 231). Th e available strati- walled vessels burnt black, known as Rákos- graphic data reveal that both over that pe- palota type pitchers with an ansa lunata riod and in the early phases of the Vatya handle (Schreiber 1967; Poroszlai 2000: 21, settlement they functioned as open settle- 25, 50, Plate X:3). Th e vessels occur both ments. Fortifi cations were mainly con-

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 93 structed during the late Vatya phase (David further intensifi ed by the diff erent values of 1998a: 234). Th ere is also a group of settle- the same dates published in the admittedly ments which grew and functioned only in scarce sources27. Th e problem involves the that period (Bóna, Nováki 1982: 112, 115; determination of the age of samples from Kovács 1982: 289; Poroszlai 1991: 59). Mende-Leányvár (Bln-1942) and Tószeg As mentioned above, the vanishing of (Bln-1923). While for the fi rst site the dis- fortifi ed settlements and more broadly of crepancy is relatively small (20 years) and the tell autochthonic cultures of the Car- carries a laboratory error (3280±45 Racz- pathian Basin is related to the Koszider ky, Hertelendi, Horváth 1992: 45; 3280±65 period. Traditionally, the wane of tell set- Forenbaher 1993: 245), in the case of the tlements is placed at the turn of the 15th second determination the diff erence in- and 14th century (Poroszlai 1991: 66; Bóna volves both the laboratory error (5 years) 1992a: 40), with ca 1350 BC most oft en in- and the defi ned BP age that reaches as long dicated as the dividing line that marked the as 100 years (3490±45 Raczky, Hertelendi, moment of the end of human settlement in Horváth 1992: 45; 3590±50 Görsdorf, defensive sites (Kovács 1982: 289; Porosz- Marková, Furmánek 2004: 90). lai, Vicze 2004: 231). Th e only information concerning the Until recently we possessed a limited kind of the analysed material (charred collection of radiocarbon datings which grain; Quitta, Kohl 1969: 241) is available did not allow to specify the Vatya culture for the Dunaújváros date. All dates in the chronology (Forenbaher 1993: 244-245, catalogue were arbitrarily attributed to 251, Fig. 11). Over the last years the most the Vatya culture, with no reference to its complete list of determinations was pub- typochronology and the division into par- lished in the Bronzezeit in Ungarn (Raczky, ticular phases (Raczky, Hertelendi, Horváth Hertelendi, Horváth 1992) catalogue men- 1992). In view of the above, they contribute tioned elsewhere. Th e dates it contains, little to the argument about the elaboration however, fail to provide the basic informa- of the inner Vatya culture chronology and tion concerning the location of samples the absolute chronology of the defensive within sites and the material from which settlement in the Vatya culture area. the determinations were obtained. Th is Five radiocarbon dates connected with is the reason why they do not constitute the Vatya culture published in the catalogue a reliable source for drawing conclusions. mentioned earlier and obtained from the Th e probability of an erroneous interpre- settlements in Bölcske (2 determinations), tation of such determinations is illustrat- Dunaújváros, Mende and Százhalombatta ed by the examples of date Bln-341 from indicate the period of ca 2000 – 1600, 1500 Dunaújváros-Kosziderpadlás and the dates BC (Raczky, Hertelendi, Horváth 1992; from Bölcske-Vörösgyűrű. Th e former was Forenbaher 1993: 244-245, 251) (Fig. 32). obtained from charred grain which ac- Adding to the knowledge concerning the cording to the author had been discovered temporal extent of the Vatya culture settle- in the layers connected with the Nagyrév ment can be helped by the results of the re- culture. Th e results of the analysis seem cently obtained datings from Százhalombat- to indicate its relation with the Vatya cul- ta and Kakucs-Balla-domb sites (Uhnér ture settlement (Quitta, Kohl 1969: 241; 2010: 347; Jaeger, Kulcsár 2013). A series cf Raczky, Hertelendi, Horváth 1992: 45). However, this cannot be fully verifi ed due 27 Th e determination of sample no 1942 from to the lack of excavation documentation Mende-Leányvár is also published in the literature of the context of the sample. As far as the carrying the symbol of two diff erent laboratories: Bölcske dates are concerned, the technique Hannover’s (Forenbaher 1993: 245) and Berlin’s of spade-deep digging (Poroszlai 2000: (Raczky, Hertelendi, Horváth 1992: 45). Kovács, 113) that for a time was used to investigate however, mentions the date as one having been the site is open to doubt: as it were, it rules obtained in the 14C Niedersächsisches Landesamt für Bodenforschung laboratory (Kovács 1973: 12, out by defi nition a solid stratigraphic and also footnote 10). Th ere is no information that contextual observation. Th e impression might suggest several determinations being taken of an overwhelming information chaos is from one sample of the Mende-Leányvár origin.

94 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture of 12 datings, altogether comprising maxi- evident precedence of all developmental mally the 1900-1400 BC period, has been phases of the Vatya culture in comparison presented for the former (Fig. 30). to the suggested conventional dating mod- In view of the full developmental cycle els (Gogâltan 2005; 2008). of the Vatya culture in the Százhalombatta Furthermore, it should be stressed that settlement the absence of precise informa- radiocarbon datings indicate a consider- tion on the relation of datings to particular ably bigger complexity and dynamics of the typological phases, stratigraphic levels is material culture diversity embodied in the particularly distressing. Datings for Kakucs- ‘fl uid’ emergence of pottery stylistics con- -Balla-domb site, are maximally contained nected with Vatya’s particular developmen- in the 2050/2000-1450 BC period (Fig. 31). tal phases. Even though the absolute chro- Th e settlement was occupied from the nology of the stratigraphic sequence from Fig. 30. The sum late Nagyrév/early Vatya to the Vatya III/ Kakucs-Balla-domb is for the time being of the probability /Vatya–Koszider period (Jaeger, Kulcsár an exception, it should be treated as a clear distribution of 2013: 295, 300). Th e most relevant infor- hint signalling the necessity of a revision of radiocarbon datings mation to be gained from the datings is the the viewpoints presented so far and a less from the Százhalombatta settlement (the SAX project) (after Uhnér 2010).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 95 Fig. 31. Kakucs–Balla- -domb. The sum of the probability distribution of the radiocarbon dates restrictive approach to typochronological the Hatvan, Otomani-Füzesabony and Vatya for Phases I–II–III and models. Only an enlargement of the pool cultures Raczky, Hertelendi, Horváth 1992; the Koszider period of of radiocarbon determinations for the Forenbaher 1993; Koós 2002; Görsdorf, the Vatya culture (after Jaeger, Kulcsár 2013). Vatya culture and linking the Százhalom- Marková, Furmánek 2004; Jaeger, Kulcsár batta series with specifi c phases will make 2013). Th ey demonstrate a relatively long a full verifi cation of the chronology more period between 1950/1900 and 1500/1450 possible. BC (Fig. 33). With information concerning Th e datings from Százhalombatta and the archaeological context non-existent, Kakucs-Balla-domb point to the possibility it is impossible to comment on the prece- of a longer period of decline of the Vatya dence of date Bln-1217 from the settlement culture than that suggested by the quoted in Jászdózsa. It is crucial, however, that this dates from the Bronzezeit in Ungarn cata- date together with the youngest one from logue. Th e chronological framework of the Kakucs-Balla-domb sequence cross the defensive settlement can be maximally de- dividing line of the year 1500 BC, signal- fi ned as the period between 2000-1400 BC ling a late moment of the decline of defen- (Fig. 32). sive settlement in the Carpathian Basin. A larger number of datings exist for the In the group discussed the dates devoid Koszider period, but they are spread over of information concerning archaeologi- a big geographical area, culturally much di- cal context prevail. It should be empha- versifi ed during the Bronze Age. Th e avail- sised, however, that they point to a more able dates were obtained from the sites of complex and long-lasting nature of the

96 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture Fig. 32. The sum of the probability distribution of radiocarbon datings from the fortifi ed settlements of the Vatya culture (after Jaeger, Kulcsár 2013).

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 97 Fig. 33. The sum of the probability distribution of radiocarbon datings connected with the Koszider horizon (after Jaeger, Kulcsár 2013).

98 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture Koszider period and the related cultural open Vatya culture sites (eg Dunaújváros, transformations in the Carpathian Basin Százhalombatta, Pákozd-Vár; David 1998a: (Jaeger 2011: 173-174). Traditionally, the 234) and the period when there appeared occurrence of hoards of the Koszider type new fortifi ed settlements related with the are linked solely with the late phases of territorial expansion of the group postu- the Otomani-Füzesabony, Mad’arovce and lated in the literature of the subject (e. g. Vatya. Aft er their disappearance the hoards Alpár; Bóna, Nováki 1982: 115; Mende, were not deposited, though some of ob- Nagykőrös; Kovács 1982: 288). Still, the in- jects contained therein were typologically crease in the amount of radiocarbon dat- developed and their production continued ings connected with particular settlements (Novotná 1998: 357). (Százhalombatta, Kakucs-Balla-domb) does Summing up, it must be noted that it is allow to hope for a change of the present still practically impossible to chart the chro- situation. Building up a series of radiocar- nology of the key periods in the settlement bon dates related to complete stratigraphic development: the cultural transformation sequences of specifi ed sites will surely help Vatya → Nagyrév registered in part of the overcome the current obstacles in recon- sites (e.g. Százhalombatta; Poroszlai 1996: structing the dynamics of the Vatya culture 5), the stage of fortifying the originally defensive settlement in the future.

5.6. Summary: role and function of Vatya culture fortifi ed settlements

In Hungarian archaeology, a view prevails Th e view is related to two developments. that Vatya culture fortifi ed settlements had First concerns the proposed crucial mo- a military and defensive signifi cance. Ar- ment when fortifi cations appeared around guments in favour of this opinion include originally open settlements. Th ey began to not only the size or structure of settlements raise defences in the late period (phase III) but their peculiar distribution. Th ey are of the Vatya culture (Poroszlai 1988: 34; positioned in a way suggesting a desire to Bóna 1992a: 24; David 1998a: 234; horizon close off some specifi c space coveted be- V according to Gogâltan, see 2005: 162, cause of its favourable environmental con- Abb. 2; 170-171). Th is period is frequently ditions and a possibility it off ers to control called Vatya-Koszider phase (Bóna, Nová- indi vidual routes (Poroszlai 2000: 13; Vicze ki 1982: 112) because of the second devel- 2000: 120). Some authors speak even of opment – depositing of hoards of the so- marking out a tribal territory (Bóna 1975: called Koszider horizon (see chapter 5.4). 59; Poroszlai 2000: 13) to hold out against Characteristic sets of metal objects, oft en neighbouring cultural groups (Encrusted unearthed in the youngest strata of settle- Pottery culture; Bóna 1992a: 24). Th e avail- ments belonging to various cultural units able maps of distribution of all site catego- in the Carpathian Basin (Mozsolics 1988: ries28 of the Vatya culture (Kovács 1969: 167, 42-44), were interpreted by Bóna and Mo- Fig. 5; 1982: 281, Abb. 1; Vicze 2000: 127, zsolics in their already classic publications Fig. 2) suggest that settlement concentrated as possessions hidden by inhabitants from between two lines of fortifi ed settlements invaders belonging to the Tumulus culture (Fig. 20) (critical comments in: Szeveré- – people of long swords (Mozsolics 1957; nyi, Kulcsár 2012: 288-293). Th e viewing 1967: 123-125; Bóna 1958; recently: Csányi of Vatya culture fortifi ed settlements as 2003). Although now the disappearance facilities having military signifi cance has of tell settlement (including the defensive a long tradition in Hungarian archaeology. variety) in the fi rst half of the 2nd millennium BC is described as a combination of 28 In total about 300 sites (Kovács 1982: 280; many diff erent factors (Mozsolics 1988: 51; Vicze 2000: 120). David 1998a) and the deposition of Koszi-

Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture 99 der type hoards is not viewed anymore as tential “invaders” – Tumulus culture popu- a result of a one-off event (Bóna 1992b: 60), lations – at deserted fortifi ed settlements or the fortifi cations built around Vatya culture in their immediate vicinity (Bóna, Nováki settlements are still treated as a response to 1982: 116; Kovács 1984a: 224; Poroszlai the pressure by neighbouring population 1988: 39; Gogâltan 2005: 172; Vicze, Earle, groups (Bóna 1992a: 24; Vicze 2000: 122) Artursson 2005: 238) and the ending of and the invasion by the populations of the settlement at certain sites (e.g. Nagykőrös- Tumulus culture has been named as one -Földvár, Bölcske-Vörösgyűrű) before the of the reasons for the demise of the Vatya Koszider period without any evidence of culture for years29 (Trogmayer 1975: 156; violent occurrences, if only layers of burnt Poroszlai 2000: 25). Th is picture, however, material (Poroszlai 1993: 66; David 1998a: stands in contrast to available archaeologi- Poroszlai, Vicze 2004: 233). cal data. For so far, no sources have been As has been mentioned earlier some of recovered that would testify to the violent the settlements were founded in places that destruction of any settlement (Vicze 2000: had been colonized earlier (Bóna 1992a: 122). On the contrary, the falling into dis- 20; Kovács 1998: 488; Poroszlai 2000: 14). use of defences around many sites seems In many cases the cultural change from to be a rather slow and natural process as Nagyrév to Vatya can be seen only in pot- shown by stratigraphic observations. What tery inventories (a gradual process) while we see there is ditches being gradually fi lled the structure of settlements or even their and bearing no evidence of sudden de- location and construction details of indi- struction (Füleky, Vicze 2007: 134). Other vidual houses remain unchanged (Poroszlai facts worth noting in this context are the 2003a: 153). It can be ventured that next to absence of any traces of settlement by po- strategic, economic and environmental factors, cultural reasons were responsible for 29 Th is reason is used also to explain other the continuity as well – it was important to major cultural processes taking place in the stay in a named place associated with the area in question. For example, the appearance ancestral tradition (Fontijn 2002: 259). Tell of some elements of Encrusted Pottery culture settlements, being dominating topograph- style east of the culture’s oecumene, i.e. in the ic points (Neustupný 1995), towered over area occupied by the Vatya culture, is interpreted as a result of the fl ight of local popula- their surroundings, off ering their inhabit- tions from the invasion by the populations of ants safety but also tying them to ancestral the Tumulus culture (Bándi 1969: 56-58; Kiss traditions and past buried in successive 1998: 162, 167). settlement layers (Chapman 1997: 143).

100 Research Area III. Middle Danube Basin: Vatya culture CHAPTER 6 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture

Otomani-Füzesabony culture settlement Basin (Fig. 34). Next to Nižna Myšl’a, only in today’s east Slovakia concentrates in the several kilometres away, there are two more north zone of the Otomani-Füzesabony fortifi ed settlements: Košice-Barca and Roz- cultural complex oecumene. Th ree major hanovce and also numerous cemeteries, groups of sites can be distinguished now. for instance Čaňa, Gača, Valaliký, and the Th ese are: the East Slovakia Lowlands, Spiš open settlement at Vel’ká Ida (Olexa 1982a: and the Košice Basin (Jaeger, Olexa 2014: 396, Abb. 5; Gašaj, Olexa 1992: 9, Karte 1). 163-164, Fig. 1). Otomani-Füzesabony cul- Otomani-Füzesabony culture settlement in ture sites are grouped above all on the upper mountainous Spiš was, in turn, a result of Tisza, and on the Hornád, Torysa and La- a greater expansion of the culture whereby torica rivers. However, the most important it reached the Lower Beskids in Poland as fortifi ed settlements are found in the Košice well (Gancarski 1994: 97).

6.1. Natural environment and economy

Th e basic information on the use of the are not a result of a methodical sample col- natural environment is supplied by few lection during excavations and a greater and incomplete archaeobotanical and ar- part of them concerns a special group of chaeozoological analyses. Th eir informa- sources, namely plant impressions left in tive content, however, is very limited. In daub. On the whole, the washing of feature the middle 1990s, in Slovakia, palaeobo- fi lls is rarely used in Slovakian archaeology tanical material was recorded only with (Furmánek, Veliačik, Vladár 1999: 130). respect to about 100 sites (altogether With respect to the sites mentioned earlier, about 700 archaeological features) of vary- the fl otation method was used to a limited ing chronology: from the Palaeolithic to extent only during the investigations at the Middle Ages (Hajnalová 1993: 10). the settlement at Nižna Myšl’a (Hajnalová Th e small group of about a dozen Bronze 1996: 131). Age sites that were investigated included Relying on fragmentary published data, the fortifi ed settlements at Košice-Barca, one can currently make only a list of crop Nižná Myšľa and Spišský Štvrtok and the and wild plant species used by the inhabit- sites at Včelince and Zemplinske Kopčany ants of fortifi ed settlements. In the case of – also linked to the Otomani-Füzesabony the site at Spišský Štvrtok, macrobotanical culture (Hajnalová 1989: 15-17; 1993: 111- remains in the form of charred seeds came -113). Available archaeobotanical analyses from three diff erent contexts: a cultural

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 101 Fig. 34. Slovakia. Distribution of Otomani- -Füzesabony culture fortifi ed settlements: 1 – Košice-Barca, 2 – Nižna Myšl’a, layer, burned daub and cultural layers from beam, apple, spruce, willow, oak and coni- 3 – Roz hanovce, a profi le1. Next to the most common emmer fer (Hajnalová 1983: 607). 4 – Spišský Štvrtok, 5 – Lomnica, wheat, seeds of the following species were Archival information on the settlement 6 – Streda nad identifi ed: common wheat, small spelt, rye at Košicce-Barca mentions a discovery of Bodrogom. and barley (Hajnalová 1972; 1983: 606). In a grain pit, in which grains of three kinds a large set of daub fragments, there were 36 of wheat were identifi ed: emmer wheat (70 pieces bearing impressions left by plant re- per cent), clubed wheat (9 per cent), and mains, including the seeds, ears and chaff small spelt (1 per cent) as well as barley of barley, emmer wheat, common wheat (20 per cent) (Gašaj 2002b: 43). Th e spec- and a single fragment with an impression trum of crop plants was supplemented by of blackthorn (Hajnalová 1983: 606-607; legumes: lentil and pea (Hajnalová 1993: 1993: 113). A careful examination of char- 112), the absence of which in the samples coals found in feature 40 – described in de- from Spišský Štvrtok may be explained by tail below – showed that they came from the imperfect methodology of sample col- the species that must have grown in the lection (Hajnalová 1983: 607). Legumes immediate vicinity of the settlement. Th e were probably grown in home gardens and following were identifi ed: maple, horn- harvested crops were kept in storage vessels inside huts. Due to complete absence 1 No more specifi c information on the location of any palaeobotanical studies of Bronze of the palaeobotanical material is available. Age dwelling features in Slovakia, this hy-

102 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture pothesis cannot be verifi ed (Furmánek, well as bronze sickles, being, no doubt, an Veliačik, Vladár 1999: 130). innovation of the times (Gašaj 2002b: 41, As has been mentioned earlier, the in- 43; Olexa 2003: F46). vestigations at the site at Nižna Myšl’a em- Next to crop cultivation, animal breed- ployed the fl otation method to wash fea- ing was the other source of subsistence tures fi lls. It must be observed, however, for the settlements. Also in relation to this that the method was not used regularly or question no reliable publications of any consistently: only the contents of six pits major collections of osteological material were washed while in total several hun- are available. What can be found in the dred ground features were recorded at the literature on the subject is only general in- site (see below, chapter 6.2.). In addition, formation on identifi ed species. Th ere are the contents of 19 vessels found in graves no data whatsoever that would specify the were examined as well as daub fragments methodology of any unpublished analy- of which some bore plant impressions. ses, underpinning the general conclusions Daub fragments collected at the older mentioned earlier. settlement bore impressions of emmer Generally speaking, Otomani-Füzesabo- wheat and spelt, while those gathered at ny culture fortifi ed settlements refl ect the the younger settlement displayed traces of trend present in the Bronze Age where barley, spelt, common wheat and a single domesticated species dominate over wild impression of cornel tree (Hajnalová 1993: ones. Th eir percentage ratio is believed 112; 1996: 131, 133, Tab. 1). In the washed to be roughly 85:15 per cent (Furmánek, clay samples, the content of cereal remains Veliačik, Vladár 1999: 131; Gašaj 2002b: 43). was in no case high enough to call any Th e researcher investigating the settlement of the six features a storage pit. However, at Nižna Myšl’a mentions, however, that the traces of cereals were found in them (em- raising of cattle, goats/sheep and pigs satis- mer wheat, einkorn, spelt, common wheat, fi ed only about 60 per cent of the demand barley, millet) as well as of legumes (pea, for animal proteins (Olexa 2003: 53). In this lentil) and fruit (cornel tree, dewberry, ha- case, other supplementary forms of pro- zel, dog rose) (Hajnalová 1996: 134-135, curing food would be vital; they included Tab. 2-3; 2001: 32-33). Moreover, many hunting, fi shing and gathering of molluscs charcoals were recorded. Among them oak (Gašaj, Olexa 1992: 19; Olexa 2003: 53). was dominant followed by less numerous Next to hunting big game, such as deer and hornbeam, maple, elm and willow. In the boar for their meat, the inhabitants of Nižna opinion of the researcher, all the tree spe- Myšl’a caught beavers in large numbers for cies grew in the immediate vicinity of the their fur, which is seen in a surprisingly large site. Only charcoals testifying to the pres- number of beaver bone remains at the site ence of European beech are, in her opin- (Gašaj 2002b: 43; Olexa 2003: 53). Hunted ion, a proof that wood procured from more animals provided also antlers and bones for distant areas, economically exploited by making elements of horse harnesses. Th e settlement inhabitants, was used at the site settlements at Nižna Myšľa, Košice-Barca (Hajnalová 1996: 139). and Spišský Štvrtok yielded a large collec- An exceptional source of macrobotani- tion of richly ornamented bone objects cal remains at Nižna Myšl’a, a clay object related to the use of the horse as a draught shaped like a loaf of bread (Olexa 2002b: 90, and riding animal (Vladár 1973: 303-311; Fot. 105) was found to contain in the clay it Olexa 1992: 193; Gašaj 2002b: 42, Fot. 36; was made of many charred remains of such Olexa, Pitorák 2004). Perhaps, the horse plants as emmer wheat, einkorn, spelt, bro- was the animal harnessed to wagons, the me and goosefoot (Hajnalová 1991). Th e use of which is attested, in the fi rst place, object was found in a pit together with pot- by clay models found at the cemetery and tery fragments, bones and animal skulls and settlement at Nižna Myšl’a2 (Olexa 1983b; a fi ne gold object (Hajnalová 1996: 137). Olexa, Pitorák 2004). Objects related to land cultivation included tools dating back to the Neolithic 2 At Nižna Myšl’a, the horse could have been, such as grinders, querns, ards, and hoes as to a very small extent, used as a source of food,

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 103 Th e location of the fortifi ed settlements It can hardly be missed that the above on water courses stands in stark contrast to data looks rather modest in comparison a low number of sources attesting to fi sh- to the informative potential of so coming. An explanation lies in imperfect re- plex sites as Otomani-Füzesabony culture search methodology and not in local com- fortifi ed settlements. A specifi c research munities’ lack of interest in river resources3 strategy decided the quality of obtained in- (Furmánek, Veliačik, Vladár 1999: 133). formation. Currently, we are not able to go At present, we know only of single fi nds of beyond a rudimentary, almost banal, way bronze hooks (Gašaj 2002b: 42, Fot. 37) and of approaching the question of economic a small amount of fi sh bones and verteb- underpinnings of the fortifi ed settlements. rae dis covered in Nižna Myšl’a (Hajnalová All we can say is that it was an intensive 1996: 132). agro-breeding economy based on cereal growing and the breeding of cattle, small which is evidenced by the traces of slaughtering ruminants and pigs. Th e available infor- visible on some remains (Olexa 2003: 53). mation virtually prevents researchers from 3 Th e infl uence of the excavation technique assessing the state of the natural environ- on the quality and quantity of archaeozoological sources is well illustrated by a comparison of two ment when the settlements functioned and methods of investigation of settlement features at determining the degree of human impact an Early Bronze settlement at Rybiny (Poland). In on the surrounding landscape. Neither the case of traditional manual collection of remains does it allow to grasp the changes and any a domination of mammals over molluscs and fi sh development trends in subsistence strate- was established; however, in the case of sieving the gies of individual settlements. contents of pits, the ratios were reversed (Mako- wiecki, Makowiecka 1998: 274, 277, Fig. 1).

6.2. Inner layout

As mentioned earlier, despite many exca- 1983a: 122). However, more recent pub- vation projects carried out sometimes for lications do not mention this feature at many years on Otomani-Füzesabony cul- all; it seems that remains of an unidenti- ture fortifi ed sites in today’s east Slovakia, fi ed structure (perhaps a stone and tim- no complete publication of investigation ber structure of a gate identifi ed in later results is available. Some basic information investigation stages?; Gašaj 2002b: 27; see on the layout, size and form of huts, not to below) were mistakenly called a bastion in mention any construction details, does ap- earlier excavation seasons. pear incidentally in many available publi- In the explored eastern portion of the cations. older settlement (Gašaj 2002b: 26, Fig. 4), Located on a hill at the confl uence of the huts stood in two rows parallel to the bow- Hornád, Torysa and Olšava rivers, the site like line of defences (Olexa 2003: 42-43) at Nižna Myšl’a comprised two Otomani- (Fig. 35). -Füzesabony culture fortifi ed settlements. Th e publications of the 1980s (Olexa Within the perimeter of the older of them, 1982a; 1983a) mention geophysical sur- measuring 50 × 60 m, 254 huts were ex- veys conducted at the site (Olexa 1983a: plored and one feature called a well ( Olexa 122). However, the geomagnetic plan has 1983a: 122). All the three publications not been published yet. Oriented E-W, mention also remains of a stone structure, the huts were built of logs laid on stone interpreted as a bastion (Olexa 1982a: 388; underpinnings5 (Olexa 1982a: 388; 1985:

4 In a 1982 publication, the author of the inves- 5 In one of later publications, information ap- tigations mentions the discovery of 20 huts (Olexa pears about lower portions of walls and hut corners 1982a: 388). However, the text was sent to press being lined with stones (Olexa 2003: 43, Fot. F434). aft er the fourth excavation season. Th e paper of Absence of any drawings makes it impossible, 1983 was published with information about the however, to determine unequivocally what use of completion of the fi ft h season (Olexa 1983a: 122). stones was made in constructing the huts.

104 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture Fig. 35. Nižná Myšl’a. Plan of the older settlement with excavated elements of the inner layout, 174), known also from the settlement at huts at Spišský Štvrtok, were covered with fortifi cations, and Spišský Štvrtok (Vladár 1975: 10). Floors clay mixed with chaff and seeds (Hajnalová location of trenches (after Gašaj 2002b). of compacted clay were slightly elevated 1983: 606-607; 1996: 131; Olexa 2003: above the ground level (Olexa 1992: 191; 43). Some daub fragments from Spišský 2003: 43), unlike the hut fl oors at the settle- Štvrtok bore traces of incised ornaments ment at Košice-Barca, where clay and clay- (Hajnalová 1983: 606). timber fl oors were placed at the ground In the case of the Košice-Barca settle- level (Kabát 1955a: 596; Vladár 1973: 279, ment, the wattle structure of walls is at- Abb. 24). In one Nižna Myšl’a huts, the tested to by a daub fragment with impres- fl oor was paved with river stones/pebbles sions of thin twigs tightly bound together6 (Olexa 1986: 174). Inside the huts, there were hearths (sometimes centrally located) 6 From the Otomani-Füzesabony settlement and pits to which ashes were swept in some at Ároktő-Dongóhalom in Hungary, we know cases (Gašaj 2002b: 27). Th e wooden struc- of single fi nds of daub fragments that can be re- tures of walls, likewise in the case of some mains of frames placed around windows or doors

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 105 Fig. 36. Košice-Barca. A “classic” plan of the settlement with reconstruction of the regular inner layout (after Gašaj 2002b). (Kabát 1955a: 598, 611, Obr. 282; Fur- in several cases alleys were part of a regu- mánek, Veliačik, Vladár 1999, Taf. 20 a, b). lar design called with some exaggeration Between the huts, there ran alleys slightly a town plan. A discussion about specifi c sunk into the ground (Olexa 1983a: 122). proto-urban elements in the layout of the One of the main alleys ran from the gate, settlements stemmed from the discoveries crossing the settlement roughly east-west, at the settlement at Košice-Barca. In one of while the other followed the fortifi cations. early publications of investigation results Th e alleys were paved with river stones at Košice-Barca, a plan was published fea- (Gašaj 2002b: 27; Olexa 2003: 42-43), as in turing 23 huts compactly arranged in rows the case of the settlement at Spišský Štvrtok (Kabát 1955a) (Fig. 36). (Jockenhövel 1990: 216, Abb. 4). Frequently Th ree of the rows (altogether 19 huts) recorded elements of the Otomani-Füzes- were oriented north-south, while the fourth abony culture settlement layout in Slovakia, row (altogether 4 huts) stretched east-west. Th e huts varied in size and interior arrangement. Th e major hut types were as follows: (Fischl 2006: 200). Th e fact that nothing is known huts with a single room (and 1 hearth), huts of such fi nds from Slovakian settlements does not exclude a possibility that they are there for daub with two rooms (and 1 hearth) and huts fragments of these sites have not been thoroughly with three rooms (and 1 or 2 hearths) (Ka- examined. bát 1955a: 596-597). Inside huts, there were

106 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture postholes recorded that must be traces left pathian Basin (Točik 1994: 61). Next to the by hut furnishings (Vladár 1973: 290). regular layout of dwelling structures, one In 1994, a paper was published by the of the arguments in favour of the Aegean doyen of Slovakian archaeology, Anton inspiration involved examples of internal Točik. Relying on the preserved documen- divisions proposed in the case of the settle- tation of the excavations by Hájek and Ka- ments at Nižna Myšl’a and Spišský Štvrtok. bát, and available publications, he set out Th e division was supposedly manifested by to reinterpret the development and chro- the presence of the so-called acropolises nology of the older and younger settle- (Olexa 1982b: 331-332). Th ey were fi rst al- ments at Košice-Barca (Točik 1994; David luded to by Vladár (1972: 21; 1975: 9-10). 1998a: 245-247). Th e verifi cation relied Th e general plan of the settlement, persist- on the study of the alleys crossing the site. ently reprinted and uncritically referred to Točik observed that only some structures for over 30 years in diff erent publications respected the course of the alley follow- (recently: Vandkilde 2004; Gogâltan 2008: ing the fortifi cations (Točik 1994: 63). Th is 49), does not off er any details that could observation allowed him to put forward help identify an acropolis and verify the a hypothesis according to which the plan claim made (Fig. 37). of the settlement that had been relied on According to the author of the inves- for years was in fact a combination of two tigations, it occupied the northwest por- construction phases occurring at diff erent tion of the settlement. Th e huts with stone times. Th e correct history of the develop- underpinnings, smaller than those in the ment of the settlement supposedly looked settlement portion inhabited by craft s- as follows. In the older phase, an alley ran men, supposedly formed, owing to a spe- along the rampart and dwelling structures cial arrangement in the form of the letter respected its course, i.e. structures orient- U, a kind of a square, paved with stones, ed north-south; the north and south rows in this portion of the settlement7 (Vladár consisted of huts with two rooms while the 1973: 290; 1975: 9-10). To the special sta- middle row comprised huts with a single tus of the inhabitants of the acropolis sup- room. In the younger phase, in turn, the posedly testifi ed rich deposits found in rampart alley had fallen into disuse and the huts, in particular hoards of gold and huts with three rooms were built; the fi rst bronze objects (Vladár 1973: 290; Gašaj group in the south portion of the settle- 2002b: 40, Fot. 30). Sometimes, they were ment (5 huts oriented north-south) and the placed in stone boxes hidden under fl oors second group in the northwest portion of (Vladár 1972: 21-22). Equally unclear are the settlement (4 huts oriented east-west) the source foundations of the hypothesis (Točik 1994: 63). Th ese fi ndings concerned about an acropolis at the older settlement horizon/layer II distinguished at the site at Nižna Myšl’a. No plan showing its loca- (Kabát 1955a: 597, Obr. 260). In the case of tion has been published so far. What seems the younger settlement (horizon I), despite most probable is that the whole area en- a much greater thickness of strata, it was not closed by the fortifi cations8 was called an possible to capture any remains of structures acropolis in order to distinguish this part of in the form of clay fl oors, hearths, etc. Th e the settlement from features located in the only traces of any structures were postholes 0.80-1.0 metre deep, with the diameter of 7 posts varying from 0.25 to 0.30 m. Accord- Th e plan showing the outlines of houses and a sacrifi cial pit was published in the catalogue ing to Točik, they were all that remained Między Mykenami a Bałtykiem (Between Mycenae of robust dwelling structures, which were and the Baltic) (Gašaj 2002b: 36, Fig. 6), however, probably two-storeys high and rectangular we do not know any source foundations of the pre- in shape (Točik 1994: 61). sented picture; in addition, Jockenhövel, follow- Točik’s fi ndings are signifi cant inasmuch ing Vladár’s descriptions, published a general plan they are one of the few examples of critical showing the proposed division into an acropolis, craft smen’s part, etc. (Jockenhövel 1990: 213, with voices in the discussion of the presence of footnote 26, 216, Abb. 4). Aegean elements, which were supposedly 8 As in the case of the settlement at Rozhanovce imitated in the architecture of the Car- (Gašaj 1983: 130).

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 107 Fig. 37. Spišsky Štvrtok. Reconstructed course and schematic cross-sections of fortifi cations (after Vladár 1975).

108 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture open zone, lying between the fortifi cations huts and population estimates point to and the cemetery (Olexa 1978: 179; 1986: populous communities. Relying mainly on 173)9. What we know with respect to the the number of graves divided by the num- so-called acropolis is limited to the form ber of generations (approx. 30 years), the of fl oors, stone underpinnings, orientation population of the older settlement at Nižna and a regular arrangement of huts. Some of Myšl’a can be estimated at 150-200 people this information has already been referred while the younger one could have been to (Olexa 1982b: 331-332). However, these inhabited by 300 to 350 people at any one characteristics by no means justify the use time, assuming that there were 50 houses of so specifi c a term and evoking so strong inhabited by 6-7 people each (Olexa 2003: associations as the term acropolis does (see 55). At Rozhanovce, 11 huts were discov- Loukaki 1997). ered aft er exploring about one-fourth of Th e regular layout of Otomani-Füzes- the settlement area (Fig. 38). Th e author abony culture fortifi ed settlements was drew conclusion that there were about 40 also a strong argument for alleged ties be- huts at any one time (Gašaj 1983: 132). tween the defensive architecture of the Car- In the light of the above, I believe that at- pathian Basin and the architecture of the tempting to fi nd any Mycenaean stimuli in Mycenaean culture in the opinion of some the regular layout of Otomani-Füzesabony scholars bound and determined to trace culture settlements is groundless and de- them (Vladár 1973: 283-294). Without go- nies local communities basic pragmatism ing into a lengthy discussion, it is worth in arranging the space of their settlements. stressing an important characteristic of the In fact, such pragmatism was deeply root- settlements which, more probably, made ed in the Neolithic tell building tradition of the inhabitants plan their layout and follow the Carpathian Basin (Gogâltan 2003: 230; some order in building them. In the case 2009). of all the settlements, at which houses were As mentioned earlier, similarly to Košice- built along alleys, we deal with relatively -Barca, in Nižna Myšl’a the remains of two small sites. Th e area of the older settlement settlements were recorded as well. Th e at Nižna Myšl’a measured 50 × 60 m (Gašaj younger settlement phase witnessed the 2002b: 27), the dimensions of the settlement rise of fortifi ed settlement, covering almost at Košice-Barca were 50 × 45-50 m (Točik 70,000 sq. m of the fi rst settlement and 1994: 63), while the Rozhanovce settlement a cemetery associated with it11 (Olexa 1992: covered approx. 3,200 sq. m (Gašaj 1983: 191; Gašaj 2002b: 33, Fot. 23; Olexa 2003: 130)10. As Ordentlich astutely observed, 41, Tab. V). referring to Otomani-Füzes abony culture Some younger phase huts were placed settlements in Romania, with so small in a depression left aft er a previous ditch space, to ensure effi cient transport and (Olexa 1982a: 394; 2003: 49, Tab. IX) to movement (both people and wagons) in- give them a measure of protection against side settlements, they had to be laid out in the elements, for instance, a strong wind a regular manner (Ordentlich 1968: 143). (Gašaj, Olexa 1992: 16). Despite much Th e more so as the number of unearthed damage caused by intensive ploughing, huts survived relatively well in the north 9 At Spišský Štvrtok, the author of the research portion of the site where they were pro- mentions a probe exploration of an open settle- tected by clay which had slid from a dam- ment, being an economic background area in the aged rampart (Olexa 2003: 50). Th e huts, approaches to the fortifi ed settlement (Vladár 1976: 216). However, no plan showing this part of as in the case of the older settlement, were 12 the site has been published. built of logs (Olexa 1999: 127). Th ey were 10 For the Rozhanovce settlement, publications give only a diameter of 50 m (Gašaj 1983: 130) 11 A cemetery associated with the younger set- or 40 m (Gašaj 2002b: 35) for the area enclosed tlement has not been discovered yet. by fortifi cations. Th e fi rst of the quoted texts, 12 In one of their earlier publications, the au- how ever, says that 800 sq. m have been explored thors of the investigations mention a ‘clear change which represented about one-fourth of the settle- in the type of huts’ – from log ones to post ones ment area. Hence, 3,200 sq. m were adopted as the (Gašaj, Olexa 1992: 16). Th e appearance of post total area of the settlement. structures in the younger phase of settlement at

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 109 Fig. 38. Rozhanovce. Plan of the settlement with excavated elements of the inner layout and fortifi cations, and the rather small structures of about 20 sq. m, with three rooms (Kabát 1955a: 596-597, location of trenches resembling in terms of size houses known, 599, Obr. 261). (after Gašaj 2002b). for instance, from Rozhanovce, which had At most sites, huts had clay fl oors and uniform dimensions of 4-4.5 × 4-4.5 m; central hearths lined with clay or pottery Gašaj 1983: 132). Larger houses were found fragments (Olexa 2003: 50). In the case at the Košice-Barca site: a hut measuring of the large hut found at the Košice-Barca 12.5 × 4.5 m was recorded there; similar settlement, the fl oor in each of the three dimensions were shared by all the houses rooms had a diff erent structure. Two side rooms had a clay fl oor while the middle one had a wooden structure for a fl oor, the site would coincide with the situation ob- 13 served in the case of structures belonging to the providing insulation against dampness younger phase of the Košice-Barca settlement (see above; Točik 1994: 61) and the younger set- 13 At the Otomani-Füzesabony culture settle- tlement horizon at Spišský Štvrtok (David 1998a: ment at Dealul Vida (Romania), a distinctive trait, 246). Indirectly, the presence of post huts with in the case of huts with fl ooring, involved thin lay- wattle and daub walls is demonstrated by daub ers of charcoal underneath it. Initially, it was be- fragments bearing impressions of twigs/rods 2.0- lieved that the charcoal was remains of the beams -5.0 cm thick, which, however, have not been un- that supported fl oors of compacted clay. However, equivocally assigned to the phase when the huts there are no beam impressions that could corrob- were built (Hajnalová 1996: 131). orate this opinion; it seems that the charcoal layer

110 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture (Kabát 1955a: 599, Obr. 261; Furmánek, anthropological analysis. A roughly cir- Veliačik, Vladár 1999, Tafel 5b). cular pit 2.6 m deep with widening walls In the younger phase of construction (diameter at bottom about 2.6-2.7 m), re- at the Nižna Myšl’a settlement, huts were corded as superimposed over grave 582, separated by alleys, too (Olexa 2003: 50). is unquestionably linked to the younger Within its perimeter, over 400 pits of dif- settlement (Gašaj, Olexa 1995: 47; Jakab, ferent uses were discovered. Th ese were Olexa, Vladár 1999: 93-95, Abb. 3-4; Gašaj household or storage pits or pits left by clay 2002b: 33). Nine major strata were distin- extraction. Some of them were located im- guished in it of which most (strata 4-8; mediately next to hearths or huts (Olexa Jakab, Olexa, Vladár 1999: 94-95, Abb. 3-4) 2003: 53). From some of them, samples for contained human remains, pottery, clay radiocarbon dating were recovered ( Olexa wheels, daub fragments, charcoals, river 1992: 193; see below, chapter 6.5). In a por- shells, a quern stone fragment and animal tion of the younger settlement, a large bones, including an undamaged cranial number of characteristic pits about 1.0 m vault of a cow (Jakab, Olexa, Vladár 1999: deep were discovered. Th ey had vertical 91, 93). Th e discovered skeletons belonged walls and fl at bottoms. Inside them stones to fi ve individuals (two children aged 3-5 were found that must have stabilized heavy and 9-13 years; two women aged 30-40 and posts of an above-ground structure, which 19-24 years and one man aged 14-18 years) was tentatively interpreted by the author of (Jakab, Olexa, Vladár 1999: 94-95) (Fig. the investigations as stables (Olexa 2003: 39). In addition, a discovery was made of 53). Despite information about numerous14 a skull (probably earlier cooked or subject- archaeological features found in every ex- ed to high temperature?) of a child (aged cavated part of the younger settlement 3-5 years) possibly suff ering from macro- (Olexa 2003: 54), no publication included cephaly (Jakab, Olexa, Vladár 1999: 113). a plan of excavations with their precise dis- All the victims were thrown into the pit tribution. In turn, a specifi c characteristic and killed (Jakab, Olexa, Vladár 1999: 98- of the Spišský Štvrtok settlement is almost -99, 101, Abb. 7-9). Possibly, one of the vic- a complete absence of features sunk into tims (young man) had been tightly bound the ground. At the site, altogether 47 fea- before he died. All the victims, shortly be- tures were discovered, including 39 huts. fore their death were in a sitting position, A small group of features sunk into the which is seen from a specifi c arrangement ground comprised three burials in vessels of the parts of their skeletons (Jakab, Olexa, (two child burials and one animal burial) Vladár 1999: 121-124). Th is suggests a spe- and a sacrifi cial pit (Vladár 1975: 8; 1976: cifi c manner of making a human sacrifi ce, 218; 1977: 187). Th e last-mentioned fea- with which we undoubtedly deal in this ture was very specifi c but not exceptional. case. Th e fi nal act of the grim spectacle was Because identical sacrifi cial pits had been starting a fi re which left a layer of ash in the encountered at two Otomani-Füzesabony pit (Olexa 2003: 85). fortifi ed settlements (Spišský Štvrtok and Feature 40/74 at Spišský Štvrtok has Nižna Myšl’a), it was decided to discuss not been properly documented. However, them briefl y. Th ey should be seen as an an anthropological study of the remains integral part of the structure of settlement found in it conveys a similar picture of interior, creating an area where the non- human sacrifi ces (Vladár 1975: 14; Gašaj utilitarian dimension of inhabitants’ life 2002b: 40, Fot. 31-32; Jakab 2004: 285- ruled. -287, Obr. 1-4). In the pit, remains of nine Feature 308 at Nižna Myšl’a merited individuals were found (man aged 20-30 a separate and detailed study, including an years, three women aged 40-50, 50-60 and above 60 years and fi ve children aged 3-4, 4-6, 7-8 and 7-9 years15; Jakab 1978: 140; could have been a kind of insulation (Ordentlich 2004: 288-299). Th eir skeletons bore traces 1968: 146-147). 14 Prior to 1999, within the younger settlement, in total 388 features were explored (Olexa 2000: 15 Wrong data is given in the catalogue Między 94). Mykenami a Bałtykiem (Between Mycenae and the

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 111 Fig. 39. Nižná Myšl’a. Feature no 308 – a pit with human sacrifi ces (photograph L. Olexa).

of extensive mutilation/quartering (Jakab Th ere is no way of knowing today what 1978: 140; Gašaj 2002b: 39). Most of the the nature and motivation of described blows were to the head of the victims and rituals. Two aspects of these practices, were struck with stones, a great amount of however, are worth drawing attention to. which covered the skeletons (Jakab 1978: Th e anthropological analysis did not reveal 139). Specifi c character of some injuries to any other criteria (except for the case of the bones justifi es a presumption that the suspected macrocephaly), apart from the tool used was a hatchet or axe (Jakab 1978: age and sex structure, used to select vic- 140). tims. Th ey were mostly very young people, Human remains are relatively oft en found children and women. Th e other important in the context of Otomani-Füzesabony do- aspect is the location of such sacrifi cial pits mestic sites, including fortifi ed settlements within settlements, contradicting the divi- (Furmánek, Jakab 1997: 19-20)16. sion, in principle, into the zones of the sacred and the profane which is observable in Baltic): nine individuals, including seven children (Gašaj 2002b: 39). ment. A considerable amount of human bones 16 Bones of a human hand wearing bronze (13 per cent of osteological material), found in ornaments were found in the famous, owing to the same contexts as animal remains and bear- the fi nd of the alleged oldest iron knife, well in ing traces of cutting, is known from the Nižna Gánovce (Gašaj 2002b: 41), lying only several Myšl’a settlement. Th ey were interpreted as traces kilometres away from the Spišský Štvrtok settle- of anthropophagy (Jakab 1999).

112 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture a large majority of Bronze Age societies17. ing, if any, of these features on the surface. Th e exceptional nature of these features is Possibly, some stones and dressed traver- certainly caused to some extent by their tine fragments, found in the top layer of function as a communal element – shared feature 40/74, were part of an original over- by all settlement inhabitants. We do not ground structure (Jakab 2004: 285, Obr. 1). have any specifi c information on the mark- Beyond question, making sacrifi ce of many people, including children, must have been a shocking spectacle which was long re- 17 Th is principle is well illustrated by the layout of the Nižna Myšl’a site where a burial ground is membered and thus contributed, if only located not far from the older settlement but out- to a small extent, to the collective identity side of its fortifi cations. (a group?) of inhabitants.

6.3. Fortifi cations

As in the case of Vatya culture sites discussed Olexa 2003: 40, 42, F 31, F 59) (Fig. 35). earlier, Otomani-Füzesbony fortifi ed settle- It was renewed twice. Th e younger settlements were protected by combinations of ment, in turn, was protected by a ditch 25- two common elements: a rampart and -27 m wide and 5-6 m deep (Gašaj 2002b: a ditch. However, unlike the settlements on 31). A smaller ditch was uncovered at Roz- the middle Danube, the settlements on the hanovce; its depth was almost 4 m while Tisza River had fortifi cations of more var- the width was 15-16 m (Gašaj 2002: 35). At ied types. Moreover, Otomani-Füzesabony Košice-Barca, only the ditch linked to the culture settlement fortifi cations were fre- older construction phase had equally im- quently excavated, hence there is a notice- posing dimensions: it was 18 m wide and able quality diff erence as regards informa- 2.5 m deep (Kabát 1955b: 743-744). In the tion available on them. It refers, more oft en younger phase, the width was reduced al- than in the case of Vatya culture settlements, most by half (to 10 m) while keeping a sim- to dimensions, materials used, technical so- ilar depth of about 2 m (Točik 1994: 64). lutions and their location within sites. With respect to these settlements, there is All settlements were specifi cally locat- no information that would unequivocally ed, which in a natural way contributed to indicate the existence of other barriers, e.g. their defensibility. Th e settlement at Nižna palisades, inside ditches18. Myšl’a was founded on a hill known as Additional protection to settlements was Várhegy, rising to the relative elevation of aff orded by ramparts. In the case of the 217 m above sea level (Gašaj 2002b: 25). settlements mentioned earlier, they were di- Access to the promontory on which the versifi ed constructions of very large dimen- settlement at Košice-Barca stood was, in sions. Th e basic materials they were built of turn, barred by the river fl owing around were timber and earth/clay. In addition, fac- it. In similarly strategic places, the Roz- ings of timber, stone or clay were used to re- hanovce and Spišský Štvrtok settlements inforce the main timber-earthen structure. were located – both overlooked the valleys As I have mentioned earlier, in the fi rst of nearby water courses (Gašaj 2002b: 21, excavation seasons at Nižna Myšl’a, the re- 35, 39). mains of some other structure must have According to the fi rst results of inves- been mistakenly taken as the scattering of tigation held at Nižna Myšl’a, the older settlement was supposedly enclosed by 18 At Cetăţuia-Otomani, the south side of the a ditch 30 m wide and 6 m deep (Olexa site was protected by a ditch 20 m wide and 4.3 m deep (Ordentlich 1969: 461, Abb. 2). At the depth 1978: 179; 1982b: 332; 1983a: 124) or 24 of about 2 m, traces of posts and daub fragments m wide and 6 m deep. Th e latest publica- were captured – they may have been remains of tions, however, describe the ditch as about an additional barrier in the form of a palisade 20-21 m wide (Gašaj 2002b: 27-28, Fot. 10; plastered with clay (Ordentlich 1969: 460).

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 113 a bastion, guarding the entrance to the set- part base, built from the layers of material tlement (Olexa 1983a: 124). Th e settlement obtained when digging the ditch, i.e. clay was protected, in the fi rst place, by the ditch and gravel, was about 4.0 m wide. On the and a massive rampart. With the progress inside, 1.80 m away, it was reinforced by of investigations, the data concerning the a timber structure similar to that described rampart size must have been made more earlier. Th e rampart walls were joined by specifi c. Originally, its width at the base a kind of a latticework (Točik 1994: 63)22. was estimated at 15 m (Olexa 1978: 179; Th e fortifi cations of a successive phase 1982b: 332; 1992: 191). Now, it seems that looked diff erent. Th e younger settlement it was much narrower, yet still quite mas- was not protected by a structurally com- sive with its base about 8-10 m wide (Olexa plex rampart but only a simple mound 2003: 40). Th e rampart could have been topped by a palisade of an estimated height topped by a palisade and its construction of approx. 4.5 m (Točik 1994: 64). could have been made more stable by tim- Th ese examples of fortifi cations are typi- ber piles and a stone wall of an estimated cal of Otomani-Füzesbony settlements, in- width of 1 m (Olexa 2003: 40, 42). Stones, cluding those located in today’s Romania in the form of two parallel stone walls sup- and Hungary (Ordentlich 1969; Bóna 1975: ported also the walls of the entrance to the 148). Despite certain variations in design, settlement, providing support for the log a common type of fortifi cations combined construction of the gate19 (Gašaj 2002b: a rampart and a ditch. Th e basic materials 27-28, Fot. 9; Olexa 2007: 153) (Fig. 35). used to build fortifi cations were earth/clay, A rampart of a similar size – 8 m wide at timber and stone, albeit much more rarely. the base – surrounded on two sides the Stone was used mostly in the constructions settlement at Rozhanove. Built from clay of the ‘dry wall’ type or for building addi- and loess, it had been reinforced on both tional stabilizing elements of timber-earth- sides by piles driven into the ground and en fortifi cations. Chief characteristics of a wattle construction20 (Gašaj 1983: 132; the fortifi cations are large dimensions and 2002b: 35). Other structural elements of adjustment of their course to terrain. a rampart were observed at Košice-Barca. Th e model of timber-earthen settlement In the older phase, the settlement was fortifi cations prevailing in the Carpathian protected on two sides by a rampart 7 m Basin in the Middle Bronze Age (Gogâl- wide. A timber-earthen construction, was tan 2008: 45) diff ers considerably from the reinforced on the outside by piles 0.10 m in structures uncovered at Spišský Štvrtok diameter driven about 1 m into the ground (Vladár 1975: 22, Abb. 2)23 (Fig. 37). roughly 0.80 m from one another. Its fac- What sets this settlement apart is the ing was made of thin beams (0.04 m in dia- use of stone for building its fortifi cations. meter) laid horizontally and plastered with What’s even more interesting, the stone, 0.08-m-thick layer of clay. Interestingly in the form of characteristic broken slabs, enough, the rampart wall slightly inclined was used for building the major elements towards the settlement interior21. Th e ram- to the Pleszów group of the Mierzanowice culture, 19 During the investigations at the entrance also inclined towards the interior at an angle of 70 to the settlement at Nižna Myšl’a, the remains of degrees (Gancarski 2002: 107). a structure were found and tentatively interpreted 22 Again, a perfect analogy is presented by as a tower which must have topped the construc- a structure known from Nitriansky Hrádok (Fur- tion of the gate (Olexa 2007: 153). Absence of any mánek, Veliačik, Vladár 1999: 119, Abb. 57). drawings, photographs or detailed data on the 23 It is worth stressing that the published plan form and size of the structure prevents, however, of fortifi cations at the Spišský Štvrtok settlement a comprehensive assessment of the information (Vladár 1975: 22, Abb. 2) is a kind of reconstruc- given in the quoted publication. tion (see comments by Harding 2006: 107) as part 20 A similar wattle construction reinforced the of the site was destroyed in modern times. Cha- outer facing of a rampart at the Mad’arovce cul- racteristic stone slabs, of which the fortifi cations ture settlement at Nitrianski Hrádok (Furmánek, had been built, were in part removed by local Veliačik, Vladár 1999: 119, Abb. 57). residents; the site was also treated for some time 21 Th e palisade topping the rampart of the fi rst as a sand pit (Novotny, Kovalčík 1967: 26; Vladár fortifi cations of the settlement at Trzcinica, linked 1970: 37; 1973: 284).

114 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture of the fortifi cations (Vladár 1973: 281-282, Štvrtok made the author of the investiga- Abb. 27-28; 1974: 227-228, Abb. 9-10). tions look for analogous designs in the ar- When compared to the other examples chitecture of the Aegean, more specifi cally, of Otomani-Füzesabony culture fortifi ed in the architecture of the Mycenaean cul- settlements, the fortifi cations at Spišský ture (Vladár 1972: 20). Th e stone fortifi ca- Štvrtok, measuring in total 160 m, were very tions were treated as an element that was to complex and surrounded the whole settle- testify to the contacts between the lands of ment (Vladár 1973: 286; 1975: 22, Abb. 2; modern-day Slovakia (more broadly, of the Jaeger 2014: 296). From the west, owing to Carpathian Basin and central Europe) with terrain shape, the settlement was protected the Mediterranean (Vladár 1973; 1974; 1979; by a palisade only founded on a stone un- 1982). In the discussion27 lasting for many derpinning (Vladár 1970: 38). In the north years, no recourse was actually taken to the and south, the palisade joined a rampart of sources concerning the defensive architec- characteristic construction. It was made of ture of the Aegean. Meanwhile, a compara- two stone walls whose estimated width at tive analysis of the fortifi ed structures of the the bottom was 4.8 m while its top was 4.0 Bronze Age from former Czechoslovakia m wide. A tentative assumption was made and the Mycenaean architecture of Main- about a palisade that topped the rampart land Greece and Crete showed no analo- and raised its height to 6.0 m (Vladár 1973: gies that could attest to direct relationships 284, 286; 1975: 23, Abb. 3). In the east of the (Alusik 2007; 2012; Jaeger 2014). settlement, the rampart was preceded by Th e fortifi cations uncovered at Spišský a stone wall approx. 120 m long. Between Štvrtok do not have any analogy not only it and the outer facing of the rampart, there in the Aegean but also within the Otom- was an empty space about 0.80 m wide get- ani-Füzesabony culture oecumene and ting wider in parts adjoining the bastions other so-called tell cultures. What is unique guarding the entrance to the settlement. about them is the form of stone material Th e bastions were the most spectacular ele- and the way it was used. Unlike rare ex- ment of the uncovered fortifi cations. Th ese amples of the use of natural stones in the were circular stone24 constructions about defensive architecture of the Carpathian 5.9 m in diameter25 (Vladár 1973: 284-285, Basin (Vladár 1973: 280-28; Bader 1990: Abb. 31). In addition, in the east where the 182; Gašaj 2002b: 27), at Spišský Štvrtok entrance was, the settlement was protect- dressed stone was used. It was formed into ed by a ditch 6.0 m wide and 2.0 m26 deep characteristic slabs and used for building (Vladár 1973: 286). the main elements of the fortifi cations. An absolutely exceptional character of Th is contradicts the rule observed in other the stone fortifi cations uncovered at Spišský cases where stone was used in the form of natural concretions for building additional stabilizing elements, which, in most 24 Th ere is no way of telling how high the stone cases, were built of timber (see above piles walls of the bastions were. Taking into account the small width of the uncovered wall base, as seen in reinforcing the rampart at Košice-Barca). the published photographs, and the absence of any What’s more, the settlement at Spišský mortar that would keep stones together, it seems Štvrtok was fortifi ed on all sides, whereas that the bastions were built of timber at least for the the other discussed sites in east Slovakia most part. Had stone alone been used, it is doubt- had defences only where the approach was ful if the structure would be stable enough to reach the easiest. At Spišský Štvrtok, admittedly, the height of 4-6 m as estimated for the rampart. 25 Th e published photographs of the bastions the terrain made fortifi cation builders use are not helpful in determining the exact width of a diff erent construction only in the west their walls. portion of the settlement because it was 26 In one of his later publications, the author of the investigations mentions that the ditch structure was not explored in full (Vladár 1976: 216). 27 A basic review of literature on the question Absence of a plan showing location of individual of long-distance ties between central Europe and excavations makes it impossible to tell which part the Mediterranean is given in Bader (1990: 181, of the ditch (and other fortifi cation elements) and with footnote 1), David (2007: 411, with foot- to what degree was excavated. note 1) and Suchowska (2010).

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 115 protected best by special surface features. Púchov culture settlement was identifi ed Hence, it was strengthened only by a pali- (Pieta 1982: 16, Abb. 2). Th e publications sade on a stone underpinning. In the east- on the Spišský Štvrtok site contain infor- ern, most easily approachable portion of the mation that artefacts of the culture were site, the entrance was located and strongly found at the site, within the fortifi cations guarded by a ditch and bastions. Th e ditch (Novotny, Kovalčík 1967: 25, 27, 45; Vladár was rather small when compared to the de- 1970: 41; 1976: 220). fences of this kind found at the settlements Defensive architecture is one of the dis- at Nižna Myšl’a, Košice-Barca and Rozha- tinctive characteristics of the Púchov cul- novce. However, a defence type, discovered ture. In the group of fortifi ed settlements, at Spišský Štvrtok, departing furthest from there were distinguished two separate cat- the model of fortifi cations known from the egories interesting for the current discus- Bronze Age in the Carpathian Basin, or sion. Th ese are small strongholds (Klein- even central Europe, is the stone bastion. burgen) and central strongholds (zentrale Two such structures guarded the gate. Th ey Burgwallanlagen) (Pieta 1982: 134). Th e were built, like all other stone fortifi cation two categories diff ered chiefl y in their size elements at Spišský Štvrtok, using the ‘dry and kinds of defensive structures. Th e fi rst wall’ construction (Fig. 40). category sites were rather small (from 80 Consequently, the fortifi cations at Spišský × 70 to 20 × 20 m) and were fortifi ed with Štvrtok are an absolute exception among timber-earthen structures only sometimes other Otomani-Füzesabony fortifi ed settle- reinforced with stone walls (Pieta 1982: ments. What makes them so exceptional 134). Th e second category sites were much is the use of unusual stone building mate- larger as they occupied up to several hect- rial and complex defences guarding the en- ares (e.g. Liptovská Mara 1,5 ha, Vel’ký trance to the settlement. I believe that both vrch Divinka 12 ha; Pieta 1982: 136). Th e these characteristics may be strong argu- elements of fortifi cations of these settlements in building a case for an alternative ments were very oft en built of stone. As interpretation of ‘Slovakian Mycenae’ (Fur- in the case of the Spišský Štvrtok settle- mánek 2004). ment, the building material was charac- A petrographic study of stones from the teristic dressed stone slabs (sandstone Spišský Štvrtok fortifi cations showed that and limestone) ( Pieta 1982: 139; 1996: 76, rocks naturally occurring at the site had Abb. 20; 87, Abb. 24) (Fig. 40). At the site not been used for raising them. Th e build- at Liptovská Mara, structures surrounding material used came from an area about ing the whole settlement varied in terms 2-3 km away (Vladár 1973: 284). Th is is of their construction. Th e north side of the a signifi cant piece of information as it per- settlement, where entrance/gate was, as at mits to exclude local availability of stone Spišský Štvrtok, was guarded by a double material as the main reason for the rise of stone wall (Pieta 1982: 137, Abb. 18). Th e the stone fortifi cations. Th e use of this par- use of double walls is interpreted as an ticular material was an eff ect of a decision infl uence of the defensive architecture of made beforehand and an implementation of the Celts, likewise the practice of building a construction plan of fortifi cations, a plan complex structures to protect entrances which was totally alien to the tradition of to the settlements of the Púchov culture Otomani-Füzesabony culture defensive ar- ( Pieta 1996: 73). chitecture or that of related tell cultures of Only few of identifi ed gates have been the Carpathian Basin for that matter. excavated. Th e gate of the Liptovská Mara In 1988, Mozsolics expressed an opin- settlement was placed in a special breach in ion that the stone fortifi cations at Spišský fortifi cations (so-called baffl e gate; Keeley, Štvrtok belonged to the younger settlement Fontana, Quick 2007: 62). One of overlap- of the Púchov culture (Mozsolics 1988: 43- ping fortifi cation walls defl ected towards the -44, with footnote 113). Th ere are reasons settlement interior while the other contin- to believe that this way of thinking is right. ued straight. In this way a space was created Th e area of Spiš was one of the regions of fl anked by a rampart practically on all sides, north Slovakia in the La Tène period where hence, exceptionally easy to control and de-

116 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture Fig. 40. Stone defensive constructions. At the top – Špišsky Štvrtok; at the bottom – Liptovská Mara (after Vladár 1973; Pieta 1982).

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 117 fend (Pieta 1982: 137, Abb. 18). Next, the Th e above arguments are not conclusive gate of the settlement at Podtureň-Velínok chiefl y because of the defi ciency of hard data was protected by two additional defences. on the settlement at Spišský Štvrtok, hence, Th e fi rst had the form of a protruding bent paradoxically, due to the lack of arguments section of the rampart, sweeping around in favour of the Otomani-Füzesabony the approach to the settlement, and pro- stratigraphic position of the stone struc- tected the gate from the north and east. Th e tures. A virtually total lack of publications, second, interpreted as a tower, guarded the containing any documentation of Vladár’s gate from the south (Pieta 1982: 141-142, excavations, precludes any possibility of Abb. 19). It was a rectangular stone-timber verifying the chronology of the stone forti- structure with one of its sides adjacent to fi cations he suggested. Vladár hinted at the the fortifi cation line. In addition, some Pú- complexity of stratigraphy within the strata chov culture settlements were protected by attributed to the Otomani-Füzes abony ditches, too (Pieta 1982: 142-143). culture by distinguishing within them two Th e rampart construction at Spišský settlement horizons (Vladár 1975: 16-18; Štvrtok seems to bear similarities to that of 1976: 218-219; 1977) and a settlement Púchov culture settlements whereas the de- phase probably associated with the Piliny fences guarding the gates of the settlements culture (Vladár 1976: 220). He also pointed do not resemble much one another in terms to the presence of diff erent settlement lay- of design. What seems much more signifi - outs and structures as well as postholes in cant, however, is their functional similari- the youngest strata. What his publications ties. Th e examples of structures guarding lack, however, is any information on strati- gates described earlier are undoubtedly graphic relationships and provenance of military in character (see Keeley, Fontana, fi nds associated with the Púchov culture. Quick 2007: 62-67). Th e defences used at Hence, the data he did publish does not per- Púchov culture settlements were clearly mit to unequivocally determine the attri- meant to bar access to the most sensitive bution of particular characteristic elements part of the fortifi cations – the gate – while discovered within the settlement. Next to ensuring it the most eff ective defensive ca- the stone fortifi cations, it would be equally pacity. Th e bastions discovered at Spišský important to verify the stratigraphic posi- Štvrtok should be treated in the same way tion of the stone-paved road leading to the for a number of reasons. Above all, they gate and that of a stone stela (Vladár 1975: were placed on both sides of the entrance 14). For both such elements were found at to ensure protection to the gate. Second, the Púchov culture settlement at Liptovská the bastions were not placed entirely out- Mara (Pieta 1996: 87, Abb. 24; 89, Abb. 25), side the line of fortifi cations, which made which may indicate a diff erent chronology, them easily accessible for the defenders and not an Otomani-Füzesabony one. aff orded them additional cover in battle. Adopting a hypothesis about a younger Th e military eff ectiveness of the bastions chronology of the stone fortifi cations at was improved by the fact that they had Spišský Štvrtok makes it necessary to cre- been built only 12 m apart (Vladár 1975: ate an alternative scenario for the site. One 22, Abb. 2). Th is distance made any mis- possibility is revising the assessment of siles hurled from the bastion tops (arrows, stratigraphy at the site because the current spears, stones, etc.) deadly eff ective against assessment may have led to the failure to attackers as the whole approach to the gate register any older timber-earthen fortifi ca- was covered by the defenders’ shot (Keeley, tions than the stone ones. Th is possibility is Fontana, Quick 2007: 70-77, Fig. 8). indicated, I believe, by unclear information In the light of the current state of our supplied by the author of the investiga- knowledge, so complex fortifi cations, in tions, concerning the character of the older terms of both form and function, are ab- Otomani-Füzesabony culture settlement solutely alien to Otomani-Füzesabony de- horizon. Vladár linked the stone fortifi ca- fensive architecture while at the same time tions to the younger Otomani-Füzesabony being a standard on Púchov culture settle- horizon (classic phase of Otomani-Füzes- ments in the La Tène period. abony culture). At the same time, however,

118 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture because of the presence of older features Th e latest research suggests still an- only in the area enclosed by the fortifi ca- other scenario. Recent publications de- tions, he hinted at a possibility that fortifi - scribe open Otomani-Füzesabony cultu- cations may have existed in the fi rst settle- re settlements that are equal to fortifi ed ment horizon as well (Vladár 1976: 219). settlements in the abundance of sources. In Th is conclusion is diffi cult to assess as no this connection, two sites merit a mention: hypothesis has been presented concerning Fü zesabony-Öregdomb (Szathmári 1992) the form of possible older Otomani-Füzes- in Hungary and Včelince in Slovakia (Fur- abony culture fortifi cations. In this situ- mánek, Marková 1992; 2001; 2008). Th e ation, the Spišský Štvrtok site could have last-mentioned example is particularly sig- had timber-earthen fortifi cations, charac- nifi cant. Th e settlement, although deprived teristic of the Otomani-Füzesabony culture of any Otomani-Füzesabony fortifi cations, milieu, in both settlement horizons. Th e yielded rich settlement sources, including fortifi cations could have been destroyed at evidence of local metalworking and hoards a later stage when stone fortifi cations were of bronze goods (Furmánek, Marková constructed in the La Tène period28. 1996; Furmánek, Illášová, Marková 1999).

28 We are faced with a similar situation of (Gancarski 2002: 109; Gancarski, Ginalski 2001). a part of Bronze Age fortifi cations and strata be- Otomani-Füzesabony fortifi ed settlements had ing destroyed by younger settlement, in this case been located at the strategic topographic points Medieval, at Otomani-Füzesabony settlements which were re-used in the later periods of prehis- in the Lower Beskids, at Trzcinica and Trepcza tory and in Medieval times.

6.4. Metallurgy

Owing to the manner and form of publi- spread knowledge of relevant technologies cation, described elsewhere, of the results among them30. of investigations carried out at Otomani- With respect to no settlement we have -Füzesabony culture fortifi ed settlements, full information on and a catalogue of fi nds, metallurgy, supplying spectacular fi nds, is belonging to the category of interest to us one of the best documented phenomena here. Th e metallurgy of the Carpathian Ba- in the available literature on the subject. sin, however, was oft en discussed in gen- Investigations at the sites brought a num- eral terms in synthetic works, stressing the ber of discoveries related to the various importance of the region for the develop- stages of copper, bronze and gold process- ment of bronze production in other parts ing29. To some degree, the rich represen- of Europe (Sherratt 1987; 1993; Liversage tation of some sources, e.g. stone casting 2000: 73-75; Kristiansen, Larsson 2005). moulds and ready-made metal goods, can Metallurgy, in the context of the fortifi ed be caused by their high durability, success- settlements of the Carpathian Basin, so far fully withstanding destructive post-depo- has been the subject of a single work (No- sition processes (see comments by Bartel- votná 1983). Th e work discusses a small heim 2002: 36). Nevertheless, the fact that group of fi nds (chiefl y, casting moulds and all sites described below yielded a large tuyères), originating with both Otomani- number of objects related to metalwork- -Füzesabony culture settlements and oth- ing refl ects to a high degree the original ers belonging to the Mad’arovce culture. advanced technological development of Monographs were devoted to the hoards Otomani-Füzesabony societies and wide- of the Hajdúsámson-Apa horizon, associ-

29 Probably, it was also in the Otomani-Füzes- 30 Numerous fi nds related to metalworking abony culture milieu that Europe’s one of the fi rst were made at Otomani-Füzesabony culture sites iron objects (a sickle) was made, found in a well in in Hungary and Romania, too (Bóna 1975: 156, Ganovce (Furmánek 2000). 256; Găvan 2012).

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 119 ated mainly with the Otomani-Füzesabony Tab. XI:1, 2, 6) as well as unfi nished or culture milieu (David 2002; Vachta 2008). damaged objects, representing production Much space was given in them to the Apa waste (Olexa 1992: 193). type swords and diff erent types of hatchets As regards the Nižná Myšľa site, 11 bronze (see also Kovács 1994; Bartík, Furmánek objects and 1 gold item underwent metallo- 2004). Th eir elite character and the charge graphic analysis in order to determine the of social associations is directly linked to provenance of the material. Th e conclusion fortifi ed settlements (Sherratt 1987: 58; drawn from the investigations stated that David 2007: 415 with footnote 26). the material originated from local deposits Th e greatest number of fi nds and the (copper ores located near Bankov, gold de- most fully published ones, related to the posits in the vicinity of Telkibánya and gold metalworking of both bronze and gold, found in the bed of the river Ida) (Luštík, were supplied by many years of investiga- Mihok, Olexa 1991; Olexa 2003: 61). How- tions at Nižna Myšl’a. Information coming ever, it should be noted that the hypothesis from settlements was, in this case, sup- has now to be verifi ed using new analyti- plemnented by data gathered from grave cal procedures, which in the fi rst place in- fi nds. clude combined analyses of lead isotopes Within both fortifi ed settlements at and trace elements in available artifacts and Nižna Myšl’a, a very numerous assemblage samples from the potential sources (Gale, of fi nds was collected that unequivocally Stos-Gale 2000; Villa 2009; Pernicka 2014). testify to the local production of a broad More evidence for the use of local cop- range of objects. Th ey were found in re- per ores was supplied by investigations at mains of huts, their immediate surround- the settlement at Spišský Štvrtok. Within its ings, pits and the ditch fi ll (Olexa 1999: limits, a deposit of malachite ore was dis- 94; 2003: 59). No settlement zone showed covered (Vladár 1976: 217). Although no a special concentration of fi nds related to proper chemical analyses have been made, metalworking or accumulation of telltale it can be deemed in all likelihood a store of objects (e.g. casting tools) or features (e.g. raw material destined for further process- furnaces) that would indicate the original ing. Local metalworking at the site is attest- location and number and type of possible ed by the fi nds of casting moulds (Vladár places of production. 1976: 217; Novotná 1983: 67) and a broad Within both fortifi ed settlements, a very set of bronze and gold objects (Gašaj 2002b: large and varied assemblage of bronze ob- 40, 47, Fot. 30, Fot. 33; Vladár 2012). In two jects was collected, including many gold features at the site, semifi nished products objects as well. Certainly, a vast majority were found for making gold ear wraps of them were made by local metallurgists. (Vladár 2012: 384). In all likelihood, also in Th e bronze objects, the local production this case some local deposits of metal were of which is attested by the fi nds of cast- used (Vladár 1975: 11). According to the ing moulds, include both jewellery (pins) author of investigations, a large majority of and weapons (spearheads, daggers) as the objects were deposited in boxes/’troves’ well as tools (axes) (Gašaj 2002b: 44, Fot. underneath fl oors and within huts located 39; Olexa 2003: 46, Tab. VII; 52, Tab. XI; in the ‘acropolis’. One feature (no. 4/68) 58, Tab. XIII). Some ornaments, as for in- held even as many as three such deposits stance small string ferrules, were made lo- (Vladár 1975: 10). Rich hoards are known cally also of gold (Fig. 41). Th is is attested from other fortifi ed settlements, too. At by the fi nds of such objects in local graves Košice-Barca, within one hut, a collection and the fi nding of a mould for casting them of gold jewellery was found (Hájek 1954; at the settlement (Gašaj 2002b: 47; Olexa Gašaj 2002b: 46, Fot. 47). Th is site yielded 2003: F57). Next to stone casting moulds, also deposits of fl anged axes and bronze metalworking is evidenced also by numer- jewellery (Gašaj 2002b: 22, Fot. 1; 46, ous metallurgist’s tools, including crucibles Fot. 45). At Nižna Myšl’a, a hoard of bronze (sometimes containing metal remains; pendants was found as well (Gašaj 2002b: Olexa 1982c: 209-210), ladles and tuyères 30, Fot. 18). Exceptionally valuable, depos- (Gašaj 2002b: 24, Fot. 4; Olexa 2003: 52, its found within individual huts suggest the

120 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture Fig. 41. Nižna Myšl’a. Gold ornaments (photograph L. Olexa).

existence of private property and accumu- ly specialized group of craft smen/metallur- lation of bronze and gold in private hands gists who produced them. Th e assumption (e.g. as property of a single family)31. seems to be confi rmed by discoveries made Th e elaborate forms, technological so- at Nižna Myšl’a. phistication, and rich ornamentation of ba- One of the signifi cant fi nds, although sic weapon types included in the hoards of apparently a modest one, among numer- the Hajdúsámson-Apa horizon, i.e. swords ous bronze objects recovered from the site, with full handles and hatchets, justify a ten- is a fragment of a richly decorated hatchet tative assumption that there existed a high- (possibly with a button-shaped butt) (Olexa 2002a: 80, Fot. 94; 2003: 57, Tab. XII:17). Th is is the only fi nd that may represent 31 Th e scale of this phenomenon may be poten- a proof of relations linking fortifi ed settle- tially illustrated by the fi nds from Spišský Štvrtok, where 21 hoards in total were discovered (Vladár ments and hoards of prestigious objects of 2012). Hajdúsámson-Apa horizon.

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 121 Th e investigations at the vast cemetery × 210 cm (width/length/depth), slightly at Nižna Myšl’a have yielded so far two disturbed in its south portion by an un- graves interpreted as metallurgists’ burials fi nished robber dig. Th e grave held also (Fig. 42, 43, 44) (Olexa 1987; Jaeger, Olexa a man’s body in a crouched position, lying 2014). Considering how few discoveries of on the right side. Th e grave goods con- this type are in the vast expanses of Europe sisted of 49 plates made from boar tusks in the Early Bronze Age (Bátora 2002: 193- (with 8 or 10 perforations; Olexa 1987: 263, -195, 199-207), the two graves are a unique Abb.) (Fig. 43, 44), an antler clasp, a spiral source of information. Both are dated bracelet placed on the bone of the right to the pre-classic phase of the Otomani- forearm, a massive tuyère in front of fi n- -Füzes abony culture, i.e. to the beginning gers, a hammer for breaking up ore, a pin of period BA2, from which the oldest buri- with a massive globular, obliquely per- als at the site come (Olexa 1987: 255, 257 forated head placed next to the left hand, with footnote 1; Gašaj 2002c: 95). a necklace of shells and bronze spirals and In the fi rst grave, designated as number tubes next to the left hand, and three boar 133, in a rectangular pit measuring 100 × tusk pendants. Th e following objects had × 200 × 200 cm (width/length/depth), a been placed next to the deceased’s feet: an man had been buried in a crouched posi- obsidian fl ake, a bronze pin (or, perhaps, tion on his right side, a position typical of a needle), two bone chisels, a shell-shaped the Otomani-Füzesabony culture. Th e grave sandstone mould for casting pins with ob- goods were: a bronze spiral placed next to liquely perforated heads and three vessels the deceased’s right elbow, two fl akes (one (Olexa 1987: 260, 262, Abb. 4; 264, Abb. 6; carelessly made fl ake of hornstone and one 2002a: 78, Fot. 91; 84, Fot. 100). good quality fl ake of obsidian), seven wild Some grave goods recovered from the boar tusks halved lengthwise and a shell- two graves justify assigning them to the ca- shaped stone mould for casting pins or awls tegory of metallurgists’ burials. In the case (Olexa 1987: 259-260, Abb. 2) (Fig. 42). of grave 133, it is above all the casting Fig. 42. Nižná Myšl’a, Th e other grave (no. 280) was a rough- mould (Fig. 42:5) but also the halved boar grave no. 133. ly rectangular pit measuring 155 × 250 × tusks (Fig. 42:2, 3). Th e latter are interpret- Furnishings of a metallurgist’s burial (after Jaeger, Olexa 2014).

122 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture Fig. 43. Nižná Myšl’a, grave no. 280. Furnishings of a metallurgist’s burial (after Jaeger, Olexa 2014).

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 123 Fig. 44. Nižná Myšl’a, grave no. 280. Furnishings of a metallurgist’s burial (after Jaeger, Olexa 2014).

124 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture ed as tools used to hold hot crucibles or that the local community mastered pyro- ladles. Grave no. 280 yielded more objects technics. Th e technology of making them unequivocally related to metallurgy: a cast- called for high temperatures, which are ing mould (Fig. 43:12), a tuyère (Fig. 44:14) present in the metallurgical process (Olexa and a heavy hammer for crushing ore 1987: 258). As it seems, faience could have (Fig. 43:13). been a secondary eff ect (not a side eff ect) Th e two graves diff er not only in their of the work of local metallurgists. grave goods but also in the overall rich- Th e above review of available data con- ness of their furnishings. Unlike grave 133, cerning metallurgy as practised at Oto- in which the deceased had been given only mani-Füzesabony fortifi ed settlements a small bronze ornament and two fl ints, permits to draw some general conclusions. grave 280 held many bronze ornaments, an What strikes the eye in the fi rst place is the antler clasp, and an exceptionally large set universality and variety of the discovered of boar tusk implements (Fig. 44). A spe- sources, which is a hallmark of the sites. It cial arrangement of the latter in Nižna must be stressed that they include many Myšl’a graves suggests that in some cases not only ready-made goods (a potential ef- they were an element of clothing in the form fect of exchange) but also objects related to of an ‘armour’ (Fig. 43). Th e few dead, in metalworking such as moulds, crucibles, whose graves similar implements were dis- ladles, tuyères, semi-fi nished products and covered, are viewed as individuals of special waste. No settlement, however, has yield- social status (Olexa 2002a: 77-78, 83). ed so far any furnaces or other features Th e above data suggests that the two that would identify a metallurgist’s work- graves are features which can be classifi ed as shop33. ‘metallurgists’ burials’. Th e clear diff erence A good example is the settlement at in the richness of their furnishings pos- Nižna Myšl’a where many years of investi- sibly refl ects a diff erent valorisation of the gations accumulated sources showing that dead as metallurgists. Suggested in the lit- local communities were in large measure erature, the dual character of metalworking self-suffi cient in respect of both procure- (Rowlands 1971; Levy 1991; Kuijpers 2008) ment of raw materials and all the other assumes that artisans practising the same stages of copper/bronze and gold work- craft could have diff ered in their qualifi ca- ing. tions. Experience, individual skill and apti- Casting moulds found at fortifi ed settle- tude could have narrowed down specializa- ments certainly do not illustrate the full tions and brought about social stratifi cation range of manufactured goods. Th at some of individuals engaged in metalworking. of them (e.g. swords and hatchets) were Grave no. 133 held only objects related to locally made is to be guessed. Next to the the casting of metal in moulds while grave objects that were important in everyday no. 280 supplied fi nds suggesting that the economic life (axes, chisels, hooks etc.), deceased had broader qualifi cations, in- non-utilitarian or symbolic goods were cluding mechanical (hammer) and heat manufactured as well (richly decorated (tuyère) working of ore and casting specifi c daggers, hatchets, swords, gold and bronze objects (casting mould and a fi nished speci- ornaments). Th e metallurgists’ burials at men of a pin) (Jaeger, Olexa 2014: 170-172). Both craft smen, given the convergent dates of burial determined by means of radiocar- was discovered (no. 282/283). Next to bone tools, bronze ornaments and pottery, there was found bon dating (Jaeger, Olexa 2014: 170), were also a necklace of ca. 2500 faience beads (Olexa, active in the settlement at the same time, Novaček 2013: 105, 271-273, Tab. 137-139). performing works which varied in terms of 33 Despite many excavation projects carried diffi culty and required diff erent skills. out at fortifi ed settlements in the Carpathian Ba- A special characteristic of the Nižna sin or, more broadly, southeast Europe, discover- Myšl’a site, numerous faience beads32 show ies of metallurgist’s workshops are absolutely rare. One can name, in this context, above described feature at Lovasberény-Mihályvár and a well-doc- 32 Close to the richer of the metallurgists’ graves umented workshop from the settlement at Feud- (no. 280) a double burial of a woman and a girl var (Hänsel 2009: 112, Abb. 117).

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 125 Nižna Myšl’a justify a presumption of the earlier, its author claimed that metallur- existence of not only craft smen of diff er- gist’s workshops were only locally signifi - ent status but also recipients of diff erent cant (Novotná 1983: 67). In her opinion, needs. Some of them demanded objects of local metallurgists in the fi rst place catered special forms and ornaments to be used in for the demand from settlement inhabit- the process of cultural and social reproduc- ants and their neighbours. I believe that tion. One of its presumed manifestations, in the light of current knowledge this view the rich deposits of the Hajdúsámson-Apa has to be revised by pointing to a potential- horizon are in large measure associated ly greater role of metallurgy at Otomani- with the Otomani-Füzesabony milieu. -Füzesabony fortifi ed settlements. In the monograph on the metallurgy of Many years of investigations at the cem- Fig. 45. Distribution of fortifi ed settlements, fortifi ed settlements in Slovakia mentioned etery at Nižna Myšl’a revealed metal arte- pottery with traces of Carpathian infl uences and Carpathian bronze imports in the territory of Poland (after Jaeger 2011).

126 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture facts in a vast majority of excavated graves. Age still appears to be valid (Vandkilde Th ese were chiefl y bronze and gold objects 2014). (Olexa, Nováček 2013). Th e literature carries claims about the Large numbers of metal objects found in presence of Trans-Carpathian elements Nižna Myšl’a and strong evidence of local in the lands of today’s Poland; the alleged metalworking may, in principle, support imports are supposedly visible above all a conclusion that bronze (and gold) objects in pottery linked to the Trzciniec cultural were made to satisfy local needs, i.e. those circle. Th e purported southern presence of settlement inhabitants and their neigh- can be partially traced to the impact of bours. However, if the hypothesis about the Otomani-Füzesabony culture settlement dual nature of metalworking at the site is in the Lower Beskids/Western Carpathians accepted, it can be claimed, I believe, that (Makarowicz 1999; Górski 2003; Przybyła, at least at some Otomani-Füzesabony for- Skoneczna 2011; Przybyła, Skoneczna, tifi ed settlements the signifi cance of metal- Vitoš 2012). However, the infl ux of char- lurgy extended beyond their immediate vi- acteristic metal artefacts of Trans-Carpath- cinity. Aft er all, the hypothesis is indirectly ian provenance (associated chiefl y with the confi rmed by the diff erence in the amount Otomani-Füzesabony culture) can also of grave goods in the metallurgists’ graves point to an alternative route of transmis- at Nižna Myšl’a. Some high quality goods sion of cultural stimuli from that area (e.g. swords, hatchets, gold ornaments), (Fig. 45). Such objects concentrate mainly made to meet the needs of local elites, in western Poland, in Silesia, Wielkopol- could have been exchanged by them with ska and Western Pomerania (Jaeger 2011; populations living in other regions (David Swieder 2013). 1998: 252-254; 2002: 410-416; Kristiansen, Among them hatchets with button- Larsson 2005: 147, 149). shaped butts, Apa-type swords with full Th e Carpathian Basin, owing to local handles and small ornaments (Fig. 46). deposits of copper ores, grew in impor- Th ey are known not only from single tance aft er the times when Únětice circle fi nds but also from deposits which, on the metallurgy dominated. Fortifi ed settle- strength of some forms and a characteris- ments as local manufacturing centres, tic structure, may be called Koszider-type lying at strategic topographic locations, hoards. Th e character of metal imports began to develop their own style and a net- from beyond the Carpathians found in work of ties. Th e ties extended both south western Poland (richly ornamented, high and north (Sherratt 1993: 26-27, Fig. 7). quality objects, deposits) justifi es treat- Th e dynamically developing methods of ing them as a result of the transmission of chemical analyses of metal objects system- Otomani-Füzesabony cultural patterns to atically provide new particulars which add northern Europe. An area that absorbed to our knowledge about the relationships new patterns particularly well was Scan- between the metallurgy of the Carpathian dinavia (Sherratt 1993: 29; Th rane 1990; Basin and the areas in the north (Scandi- Kristiansen, Larsson 2005: 186-227), where navia – Liversage 2000; Ling et al. 2014; some innovations, traced to the Carpath- Poland – Hensel, Dąbrowski 2005). How- ian Basin (above all, chariots and Apa-type ever, despite the accrual of new informa- full-hilted swords), were incorporated into tion, the notion presupposing prevalent the tools and weapons of local elites (Kris- infl uence of the Carpathian communities tiansen, Larsson 2005: 213-225; Jaeger, on the development of the Nordic Bronze Olexa 2014: 172-173).

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 127 Fig. 46. Selection of metal imports of Carpathian origin from the area of Poland: 1-2 – Rożnowo, 3 – Przećmino, 4 – Cisek, 5 – Gliniany, 6 – Kurcewo, 7 – Mirosławice (after Jaeger 2011).

128 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 6.5. Chronology

Th e discussions of the complex issue of ture development in Slovakia, one can trace Otomani-Füzesabony culture chronology in the fi rst place the impact of Košt’any and throughout its oecumene are based main- Hatvan cultures (Th omas 2008: 339-341). ly on typological studies of pottery and Th e period predates the rise of Otomani- metal objects conducted in an almost to- -Füzesabony fortifi ed settlements in Slo- tal absence of absolute age measurements vakia (Gašaj 2002c: 97). For the defensive (Boroffk a 1999; Kacsó 1999; Th omas structure of the Hatvan culture at Včelince, 2008)34. Crucial for this work, the Oto- a radiocarbon date of 3518±37 BP (1890- mani-Füzesabony culture chronology in -1750 BC) was obtained and linked to the Slovakia is no exception in this respect. Hatvan-Otomani horizon distinguished For we do not have many radiocarbon at the site (Görsdorf, Marková, Furmánek measurements for Slovakia that could 2004: 89). help make typochronological sequences Th e older phase of the Otomani-Fü- suggested in the literature more precise zesabony classic period (correlated with with respect to the fi rst half of the 2nd mil- the transition between BA2 and BB1) sup- lennium BC (Furmánek, Veliačik, Vladár posedly witnessed the rise of the fortifi ed 1999: 17, Tabelle 2; Barta 2001; Görsdorf, settlements at Košice-Barca, Rozhanovce, Mar ková, Furmánek 2004: 79). Nižna Myšl’a and Spišský Štvrtok35 (Da- In the course of the long history of Oto- vid 1998: 239-241). Th e most common mani-Füzesabony culture investigations in pottery forms in this period are jugs and Slovakia, several diff erent chronological shallow bowls with a low, horizontal or sequences and approaches to its internal oblique, bend of the belly, amphorae with development have been proposed (Bader two handles, cups and bowls with their 1998: 65-69). Th e most recent sequence, lips turned inward. Distinctive ornaments used also in relation to the Otomani settle- include large bosses, occurring alone or in ment enclave in the Lower Beskids in Po- combination with incised or fl uted circum- land, divides Otomani-Füzesabony culture ambient spirals. Th is phase witnessed also development into three basic periods and the occurrence of characteristic portable subdivides it still further into phases, name- furnaces (pyraunoi) (Fischl, Kiss, Kulcsár ly, early (old Otomani phase, pre-classic 2001: 126-127; Romsauer 2003: 62) and phase), classic (older classic phase, younger fi gural art in the form of anthropomorphic classic phase) and late (post-classic phase, representations (simplifi ed female idols) decline phase) (Gašaj 2002c: 94). Th is ap- (Gašaj 2002b: 38, Fot. 26; 2002c: 97, 99; proach to the Otomani-Füzesabony culture Olexa 2002b: 88, Fot. 102). development, however, bears no precise re- In the younger phase of the classic peri- lationship to the calendar age (Bader 1998: od, a new stage of building fortifi ed settle- 69) and its individual stages are not clearly ments took place. It is then that the second defi ned with respect to all source aspects. settlement at Nižna Myšl’a and the settle- Th e chief category of artefacts that is stud- ment at Košice-Barca were built and the ied is pottery. In the pottery-making of the settlement at Rozhanovce was reconstruct- early period of Otomani-Füzesabony cul- ed (David 1998: 246-247; Gašaj 2002c: 100). In this period, the leading ceramic forms included S-profi led pots with fl at or slight- 34 A large set of radiocarbon measurements related to the Otomani-Füzesabony culture in Hun- ly marked bottoms and the so-called sun gary is included in the catalogue Bronzezeit in Un- amphorae. At its apogee were distinctive garn (Raczky, Hertelendi, Horváth 1992). As in spiral ornaments of pottery and objects of the case of dates referring to the Vatya culture discussed elsewhere, however, also Otomani-Füzes- 35 Slovak researchers traditionally consider the abony culture dates lack exact information on their settlement at Spišský Štvrtok the youngest Otoma- context, kinds of analyzed samples and associated ni-Füzesabony fortifi ed settlement in eastern Slo- artefacts. More dates from Hungary are given in vakia and link it to the post-classic period, roughly the publication by Forenbaher (1993: 244). synchronized with period BB1 (Gašaj 2002c: 100).

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 129 antler, bone and bronze (Gašaj 2002c: 100). ments are available only for Nižna Myšl’a. Th e Otomani-Füzesabony culture post- With respect to the earlier settlement, no classic period is associated with ceramic dates from the settlement features have forms typical of the cemetery at Streda nad been obtained. So far, only two radiocar- Bodrogom, the name of which has become bon dates have been published relating to a synonym of the late development period the grave of metallurgists, from a burial site of the Otomani-Füzesabony culture. Forms associated with the fi rst settlement. Th eir distinctive of this period include large and age is estimated between 1965 and 1754 small jugs, bowls and amphorae on an BC (Jaeger, Olexa 2014: 170). In the later empty foot (in the form a ring). Pottery settlement, samples from four storage pits ornaments feature sharp, pointed bosses, have been dated (pits no.: 89, 112, 120a, relief fi ns, as well pushed and incised orna- 470)36. ments. A signifi cant marker of this stage of In all likelihood, three dates were ob- Otomani-Füzesabony culture development tained from the samples of charcoal (dates is a boom in gold and bronze production Bln-2776, Bln-2810, Bln-2811), which may – manufactured objects included daggers, follow from a piece of information to be spearheads, pins with plate-shaped heads found in a publication. Its author mentions and plate-like pendants. Some settlements a discovery of charcoals in pits located yielded deposits dated to the post-classic within the younger settlement and sending stage, for instance, hoards of plate-like them to radiocarbon dating (Olexa 1992: pendants from Nižna Myšl’a, of crescen- 193). Only in the case of date MKL-367 is tic pendants from Spišský Štvrtok, and it certain that it was made from charred deposits of ornaments from Košice-Barca grains. A combined calibration of all the (Vladár 1973: 312, Abb. 65; Mozsolics 1988; dates from Nižna Myšl’a sets a relatively David 1998: 246-247 with footnote 86; long period from 1800 to 1250 BC (Fig. 47). Gašaj 2002b: 30, Fot. 18). Th is stage should It must be observed, however, that in spite be also linked to a large group of fi nds of of three dates, obtained by the Berlin labo- pins with a plate-shaped head discovered ratory, being coincident, they carry the risk at Nižna Myšl’a and Spišský Štvrtok (Da- of being made older than they are due to the vid 1998b; Gašaj 2002b: 40, Fot. 33; Olexa old wood eff ect. Unquestionably, the most 2002a: 80, Fot. 92). Th e metalworking of certain of the dates is the one designated as this stage is related to the development MKL-367 as it was made from a short-lived of Koszider style. sample of charred grains. Th e date, setting Th ere is no exact chronological data con- the period of 1450-1260 BC, is a crucial in- cerning the period of decline of the Oto- formation, attesting to the long life of the mani-Füzesabony culture in Slovakia. How- fortifi ed settlement at Nižna Myšl’a, going ever, there is source evidence indicating the far beyond the traditional time frame of lapsing of this cultural tradition and its co- the Koszider horizon. It is associated with existence with the Piliny culture at the begin- the end of fortifi ed settlements in the Car- ning of phase BB2 (Gašaj 2002c: 100). Layer pathian Basin (see chapter 5.5). Accepting II of the Včelince settlement yielded two the hypothesis about so long a life of the radiocarbon dates linked to the early phase of the Piliny culture (Bln-5557, 3225±44 36 BP, 1530-1430 BC; Bln-5558, 3200±32 BP, In the publication Die Bronzezeit im slowa- 14 1500-1430 BC; Görsdorf, Marková, Fur- kichen Raum, in a list of C dates from Slovakia, the dates from Nižna Myšl’a (from pits 89, 112, mánek 2004: 90). Th e site is the only exam- 120a) are mistakenly described as coming from ple of an Otomani-Füzesabony settlement a cemetery (Furmánek, Veliačik, Vladár 1999: (in this case without any fortifi cations) for 17, Tabelle 2). Moreover, the date designated as which we have well-documented radiocar- Bln-2811 can be found in two publications with bon dates, accompanied by full contextual diff erent values (3380±50, Furmánek, Veliačik, information and published together with Vladár 1999: 17, Tabelle 2; 3480±50, Görsdorf, Marková, Furmánek 2004: 90). Th is inconsistency relevant ceramic artefacts. is not explained in any way. Th e date from pit no. In the case of Otomani-Füzesabony for- 470 has not been published. I know about it thanks tifi ed settlements, absolute age measure- to Dr. Ladislav Olexa, for which I am grateful.

130 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture Fig. 47. Nižna Myšl’a. The sum of probability distribution of settlement at Nižna Myšl’a casts doubt on -Füzesabony fortifi ed settlement in Slova- radiocarbon dates the development of fortifi ed settlements kia was supposedly that represented by the related to the younger and the Otomani-Füzesabony culture itself remains of horizon I of the Spišský Štvrtok settlement (after Furmánek, Veliačik, in Slovakia, mentioned in the literature. In settlement, associated with z BB1 (Vladár Vladár 1999; L. Olexa Vladár’s approach, it supposedly looked as 1977: 181). Th e process must have been unpublished). follows. Relying on stratigraphic observa- more complicated. tions, he correlated the beginnings of the Since the radiocarbon dates for Nižna settlement at Košice-Barca (layer III) with Myšl’a lack full information on relevant ar- BA2, while layer I (1-3) and horizon II tefacts (ceramics), the dates are not helpful of the Spišský Štvrtok settlement, he cor- in making the accepted typochronological related with BA3; the youngest Otomani- sequences more accurate.

6.6. Summary: role and function of Otomani-Füzesabony fortifi ed settlements

It is the above mentioned region that has particular settlements. Th us in this context given birth to the best known fortifi ed set- the following were given in support: the tlements, which have revealed several spec- ‘urban planning’ of interior design in the tacular fi nds. It is also thanks to these Oto- Košice-Barca settlement, the regular style mani-Füzesabony defensive structures that and stone architecture (ramparts, bastions), such sites began to be associated with the interior division (existence of the acropo- creation and maintenance of long-distance lis and parts of the artisan settlement on communication networks. In the above tra- the outskirts at the Spišský Štvrtok site) ditional view, however, these settlements (Vladár 1973: 280-293; Jockenhövel 1990: represented cultural agglomerations under 215-216, Fig. 4; Gašaj 2002b: 39; Gogâl- the direct genetic infl uence of the Minoan tan 2010: 28, 31) as well as the assumed and Mycenaean cultures (Vladár 1973; Kris- Minoan and Mycenaean architectural and tiansen, Larsson 2005: 161-163, Fig. 65). functional elements transposed in well Views attributing Aegean origins to Oto- known constructions in the Carpathian mani-Füzesabony fortifi cation architecture Basin (Kristiansen, Larsson 2005: 162). In were based on only a few traits ascribed to fact, however, as far as Slovakian Otoma-

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 131 ni-Füzesabony settlements are concerned, and Peloponnesus were to be found in this fi nds that speak clearly of their provenance context but also Anatolia and the North- do not exist or cannot be verifi ed (Jaeger ern Pontic area (David 2001: 73; 2007: 416; 2014). Maran, Van de Moortel 2014). Apart from architectural elements, in- Th e phenomenon of a wide dissemi- fl uences from the Aegean-Anatolian area nation of such ornamented goods with (in particular the Mycenaean culture) were so-called karpatenländisch-ostmediterrane hailed as further evidence of the above in Wellenbandornamentik is clearly limited the categories of relics discovered in Oto- in time to the turn of the Early and Mid- mani-Füzesabony fortifi ed settlements. dle Bronze Age (according to Reinecke; Foremost in this regard were particular David 2001: 72). Th is is, no doubt, related forms of spiral37 ornamentation present on to the functioning of a larger network of bone and metal objects. Th ese were con- circulation, both in terms of material cul- sidered to be directly analogous in respect ture and its elements as well as its views to iconographic elements and material of the world, as may testify the nature of fi nds of the Aegean Bronze Age and to have goods ornamented in a particular way. Th e arisen under the infl uence of contacts with latest fi nd of horse-bridle piece from the the Minoan (Kristiansen, Larsson 2005: LHI of the site in Mitrou, Greece, reveals 161) and Mycenaean cultures (Vladár the complex nature of the long-range rela- 1973: 296-318). tionships linking Bronze Age communities As stated above, these archaeologi- across Europe. Th e hitherto dominant no- cal fi nds under research do not provide tion presuming the culture-building and a credible justifi cation to consider the civilisational impact of Aegean infl uences above mentioned as examples of ‘My- on the communities northwards (e.g. Car- cenaean origin’ architecture. As in the case pathian ones) does not hold valid anymore. of the Spišský Štvrtok settlement and that At its peak development, Mycenaean cul- of Košice-Barca, it is most likely that the ture was largely a “taker” of specifi c goods stratigraphy and chronology of sites was (and ideas? cf. the solar connotations of not interpreted correctly (Jaeger 2014). amber; Czebreszuk 2011: 164-171) origi- Th e most far-reaching conclusions con- nating from remote parts of the continent cerning these sites still remain little more (Maran, Van de Moortel 2014: 543-545). than propositions, rather than documented Among the societies of the Carpathian research based on appropriate data drawn Bronze Age, spiral ornamentation appears from fi nds. Th is is especially clear in the primarily on elements of horse harness and case of the hypothetical division of the set- weapons, equipment related to the emerg- tlements and the extent of organisation in ing warrior ideology (Kristiansen, Larsson settlement constructions. 2005: 217; Maran, Van de Moortel 2014). An assessment of spiral ornamentation It is in this context that particular metal as a trait providing evidence that long- goods of hoards found in the Hajdúsám- distance contacts of Otomani-Füzesabony son-Apa horizon ought to be viewed (Fig. communities existed is potentially a more 48). Its deposits were entirely of weap- complex proposition. ons, some made with high precision and It may be argued therefore that our their rich spiral ornamentation very oft en present store of knowledge in regard to was of a highly individual nature38. Th ese some materials with this characteristic traits allow us to assume they were prestige ornamentation does in fact stand as evi- items, certainly not ones fulfi lling a practi- dence of supra-regional communication cal function. Th e unique, highly individual networks. Not only the Carpathian Basin 38 As perfectly exemplifi ed by the hilt pommel of sword no 1 from the Apa hoard. Th ough during 37 Ornamentation described as ‘spiral’ in this comparative studies its similarity in this context context is a deliberate simplifi cation on the part has been suggested to that of goods discovered of the author. For a detailed study of ornamenta- in the Carpathian Basin, Aegean area and even tion of goods out of bone, antlers and metal, and Egypt, research is yet to demonstrate a convincing a relevant typology please see David (2007: 412). analogy for this (Bader 1990: 204-205).

132 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture Fig. 48. The hoard from Hajdúsámson (after form notwithstanding of some of these of distinguished individuals is document- Bóna 1992b). weapons, they were deposited en masse, ed by exceptional and singular ‘princely beyond the direct context of settlements, graves’, the Otomani-Füzesabony culture cemetery complexes or individual graves. would appear to function on diff erent so- Th is fact would seem to indicate the cial terms. Th us a signifi cant number of ‘communal’ nature of deposits and is an ar- graves furnished with goods of bronze and gument for the existence of groups bearing gold at the Nižná Myšľa cemetery complex a unique, elite social status (Kristiansen, demonstrates a society at a very advanced Larsson 2005: 215). In contrast to Únětice stage of development, one where new raw culture communities where the existence materials were made available to a wider

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 133 cross-section of its community. Further, use of a light, two-wheel vehicle pulled by a productive system of economy based on horses, have their origins in the Abashevo farming, animal husbandry and local de- culture and are dated to the turn of the 3rd posits of copper and gold brought gains and 2nd millennium BC (Epimachov, Kor- to all the community, though no doubt jakova 2004: 231-233). there were visible diff erences in the society From the region between the Volga and itself. It can be said that to a large extent southern Urals, the chariot found its way the strength of the elites was based on the to the Carpathian Basin and a little later, organisation and maintenance of long-dis- to the Aegean (Pare 2004: 356). Material tance contacts. evidence of this comes in the form of the Elements of the horse harness no doubt cheekpiece and its circulation (Kristiansen are related in part to the innovation that 2004: 448, Fig. 3; Makarowicz 2009: 325, the chariot represented. Th is vehicle could Fig. 20). Apart from numerous fi nds in the be said to be a common denominator con- Carpathian Basin, the cheekpiece is known necting all the above mentioned areas that from several sites in present-day Poland were interactive (Pare 2004: 356). More- (Makarowicz 2010: 354-355) and the forti- over, it was an important element of the fi ed settlements in south Germany as well reconstructed ideology of the member- as Toos-Waldi in Switzerland (Burgi 1982; warrior of the elite in covering distances Rind 1999: 160). Th e latter suggests that for travel. Th is vehicle was by no means some of the fi nds ought to be associated revolutionary, however, in the fi eld of bat- with the exploitation of this animal for rid- tle but meant to underscore the prestige ing horseback. Both of these settlements and particular status of its owner. are located in mountainous areas where Th e elements of horse harness, fore- the possibilities of using the chariot were most the cheekpiece made out of bone and highly limited. antlers (to a lesser degree also clay models Particular fi nds that testify to the ac- of spoked wheels) discovered at fortifi ed ceptance of the chariot as an innovation settlements may prove that local communi- came from Scandinavia. It is most prob- ties were familiar with the chariot (Vladár able that the Carpathian Basin was also 1971; Olexa 2003: 88, Table XXIII; Boroff - in this context a circulation point. In the ka 2004). Th e appearance of this invention Nordic region, the chariot became an im- that become tradition among the cultures portant element of the social apparatus of of the Carpathian Basin during the Bronze elites, oft en presented in the unique forms Age for a long time was perceived as the of rock art (Randsborg 1993; Coles 2002; eff ect of cultural impact from the Aegean Larsson 2004; Kristiansen, Larsson 2005: area (Vladár 1973: 299; Bader 1990: 185). 220-223). At present, however, the spread of the In regions that were part of a commu- chariot is approached as a more complex nication network it is clear there existed process, in which particular innovations a small, elite group interested in owning disseminated from the north to the south and using this prestigious vehicle. In real- of Europe (Maran, Van de Moortel 2014). ity, the Bronze Age saw the chariot as an in- Although at present the documented disputably luxury object. Th e level of tech- fi nds bearing spiral ornamentation from nical complexity of its construction and the the North Pontic area are the ones with the need for owning and keeping the right ani- least documentation (David 2001: 53-57), mals meant that this two-wheel transport there is no doubt that this region played was not aff ordable on a wider scale. Th e a key part in the spread of chariot. Apart complex knowledge required and train- from the invention itself of such form of ing of horses in this context excludes the transport, the North Pontic area was no formation of a long chain in the transfer of doubt the origin, at least in part, of horses information. It is most likely therefore that exploited in distant regions of the Car- such a transfer took place with the aid of pathian Basin, Anatolia and the Aegean specialists travelling from one geographi- (Sherratt 1993: 26; Kristiansen, Larsson cal point to another (Kristiansen, Larsson 2005: 185). Th e oldest fi nds testify to the 2005: 170-186).

134 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture Th e activeness of Otomani-Füzesabony well as regions further to the east, around communities in the creation of inter-re- the Dnieper and Dniester, In the oecume- gional ties did not limit itself only to con- ne of the Trzciniec cultural circle (Makaro- tacts from the Aegean and Anatolian areas. wicz 2009: 311-321; Jaeger 2011; Maka- On the contrary, it could be argued that rowicz 2010: 338-341). of greater signifi cance for the functioning Next to fi nished goods, of far greater sig- of local agglomerations was the growth nifi cance as a means of exchange between and maintenance of relations with regions the Otomani-Füzesabony societies and to the north of the Carpathian Basin as well communities north of the Carpathian Arch as those within it. Th e expansive nature of were copper and gold. From the former re- Otomani-Füzesabony culture models and gion of Otomani-Füzesabony it can be said their dissemination ought to be foremost came probably at least part of raw materials seen in terms of its rich and attractive me- for the working of bronze and gold, which tallurgy design forms, raw materials such made their way to the Polish Lowland and as copper and gold, amber as well as the Scandinavia (chapter 6.4). Th e Otomani- above mentioned elements of the horse -Füzesabony societies took a leading role in harness. Th e impact of metallurgy from the development of central European bronze the Carpathian drainage area reached the metallurgy aft er the downfall of the Únětice circles of the late Únětice culture as well as agglomerations (Sherratt 1993: 29). communities in Scandinavia. Th e above mentioned fi nds mark out the An excellent illustration of the high infl uence of Otomani-Füzesabony commu- value attached to Carpathian imports are nities. Th eir interest in the northern part of the swords from Nebra. Th eir original Europe was no doubt related to the deposits value underscored not only the unique of Baltic amber as evidenced by numerous disc presenting a map of the sky but a one discoveries of amber beads from Otomani- of its kind gilded ornamentation of the -Füzesabony settlements (Marková 2003: sword hilt (Meller 2002). Another particu- 340; Makarowicz 2010: 336, Fig. 6.1), out lar example in this context is the discov- of which were made necklaces of mixed ery of a unique halberd from Przećmino formation (amber, animal teeth, bronze (Fig. 46:3). Th e only known analogies for and faience). In this context research has this object are those of the Otomani-Füzes- unearthed a veritable mine of riches in abony cemetery in Tiszafüred (Kovács the settlements of Košice-Barca and Nižná 1992; 1996, 100-101, Fig. 6:1, 7:1-2), which Myšľa (Gašaj 2002b: 22, Fot. 3; Olexa 2003: represent only some of the instances of the F33, 41, 63) (Fig. 50). halberds penetrating the Carpathian com- In addition to exploiting succinite for munities (Kovács 1996). their own needs, the local cultures were most In the case of the Nordic region it can be likely engaged in its exchange. In this context said that a particular development of spiral the Otomani-Füzesabony settlement net- ornamentation occurred in the local metalwork proved to be an important link on the lurgic production directly as a result of the route where amber made its way from the impact of Otomani-Füzesabony models Baltic coast and North Sea onto Mycenaean (Th rane 1990: 176-178; Sherratt 1993: 29; communities (Harding, Hughes-Brock 1974; Kemenczei 2004: 169; Kristiansen, Larsson Czebreszuk 2007; 2011). 2005: 186-227). Th e Nordic region became As mentioned earlier, in considering the a secondary centre of full-hilt swords mod- importance of Otomani-Füzesabony for- elled on those of the Apa type (Bergerbrant tifi ed settlements as centres of trade and 2013) (Fig. 49). In addition, no doubt the exchange, in addition to the importance ceremonial forms of Scandinavian axes of long-distance relations, it is important were derivative examples of hatchets from to emphasise also the vital nature of Oto- the Carpathian Basin area (Kristiansen, mani-Füzesabony model designs and their Larsson 2005: 195, Fig. 84). dissemination into neighbouring cultures. Metal goods associated with the Otom- Th e functioning of described societies ani-Füzesabony communities also reached within the Carpathian network of contacts in signifi cant numbers Polish territories as is supported by numerous fi nds. Here, it is

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 135 Fig. 49. Distribution of swords with solid hilts referring to the Apa type: 1 – Dystrup, 2 – Pella, 3 – Dunavecse, 4 – Fajsz, 5 – Hajdúsámson, 6 – Sarkadkeresztúr, 7 – Téglás, 8 – Alt Sührkow, 9 – Eschwege, 10 – Oering, 11 – Rastorf, 12 – Nebra (2 specimens), 13 – Rożnowo, 14 – Złotoryja, 15 – Apa (2 specimens), 16 – Oradea, 17 – Rimetea, 18 – Topl’a-Fluss, 19 – Donja Dolina, 20 – Tornjoš (Törniospuszta), 21 – Vajska, 22 – Bragby, 23 – Mosstugan, 24 – Stensgård, 25 – Torupgård, 26 – Sandbygård (after Bartík, Furmánek 2004 with the author’s supplements).

136 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture Fig. 50. Nižná Myšl’a. Amber ornaments (photograph L. Olexa).

necessary to point out the vast circulation other sites (oft en also fortifi ed) that are as- of hoards similar to Hajdúsámson-Apa, and sociated with neighbouring cultures (Moz- the presence in these collections of hatchets solics 1988: 35-36; Hänsel, Weihermann from a variety of regions (Nackenscheiben-, 2000; Kadrow 2001: 90-91; David 1998a: Nackenkamm- and Schafl ochäxte) (David 252-253). 2002). Moreover, in hoards analogous to At the above mentioned area of Slova- Koszider, apart from the variety of regions kia under discussion, apart from the Oto- represented, there were cultural elements mani-Füzesabony oecumene, associated that had crossed previous geographic and fi nds whose concentration is particularly cultural borders, which manifested them- visible around the upper Hron (Furmánek, selves subsequently in an intensifi cation Marková 1999: 74, Fig. 1), are known to of intra-regional exchange and contacts have their provenance in the western and (Novotná 1998: 357; Marková 2005). to a lesser extent, central part. Both pottery One particularly relevant illustration of and bronze goods associated with the Oto- the above are particular ornaments (Lo- mani-Füzesabony culture are from sites of ckenringe). Th ese would appear to create an all the neighbouring cultural areas through extra-cultural item that is eagerly accepted time (Mad’arovce, Hatvan and Encrusted by representatives of the privileged classes. Pottery cultures) in Slovakia, including Th eir unique value lies foremost in the fact the fortifi ed settlements of Nitriansky Hrá- that they are oft en made from gold and dok, Malé Kosihy and open settlement in many such have been found in comprehen- Včelince (Furmánek 2003: 100-101; Fur- sive settlement deposits. Th ese hoards and mánek, Marková 1992; 1999). single fi nds of gold and bronze have their Th e last mentioned of these sites is origins in the settlements of Košice-Barca, a particularly notable example of a pro- Nižná Myšľa and Spišský Štvrtok (Gašaj cess of diff usion in Otomani-Füzesabony 2002b: 24, 40, 46, Fot. 6, 30, 47) and several settlements. Th e appearance of Otomani-

Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture 137 -Füzesabony pottery stylistic at the initially -Füzesabony settlement enclave in the fortifi ed settlement of Hatvan can be seen Polish part of the Carpathians (Lower Bes- in the transitory horizon (Hatvan-Otom- kids) and the activation of Trzciniec com- ani) of settlements (Görsdorf, Marková, munities in the creation of a route linking Furmánek 2004: 80). Th e appearance of the Carpathian Basin with the territories of Otomani-Füzesabony in areas hitherto the Vistula estuary (Makarowicz 1999; 2010: occupied by the Hatvan culture has been 337). Th e second route with a long Neolithic documented at several Hungarian sites. tradition (Sherratt 1993: 21, Fig. 6, bottom; Th e degree to which pottery styles became Jaeger 2011: 182-183), on the other hand ‘integrated’ in many cases is so signifi cant began to play a signifi cant role, mediating that it has led in fact to problems now in the cultural circle of Mad’arovce-Věteřov- documenting the cultural provenance in -Böheimkirchen and that of the route lead- the case of particular sites (Stanczik, Tár- ing through the Moravian Gate, along the noki 1992: 125; Dani, Máthé, Szabó 2003: course of the Odra towards the Baltic coast 94; Th omas 2008: 289-291). (and southern Scandinavia) as well as the Th e emergence of Otomani-Füzesabony Vistula estuary. In both cases the catalysts culture elements in Slovakia beyond the of interaction were movements of copper oecumene of the eastern territories ought towards the north and amber towards the to be seen in the light of a further process south. Most likely it is the territorial expan- of dissemination into the lands north of the sion and widening of Otomani-Füzesabony Carpathian Arch. Th e archaeological fi nds infl uences in which the presence of hoards in this context allow to accept the hypothe- should be considered, ones such as Ko- sis of there existing two independent com- szider on the Moravian-Slovakian border munication routes that exercised infl uence (Makov; Furmánek 2003: 101) as well as beyond the Carpathian in present-day Po- those in Poland (Jaworze Dolne, Kurcewo, land and Scandinavia. Th e fi rst, the eastern, Steklno; Blajer 2003: 239-243, 246; Jaeger is associated with the rise of an Otomani- 2011: 175-179).

138 Research Area IV. Upper Tisza Basin, eastern Slovakia: Otomani-Füzesabony culture CHAPTER 7 Comparative analysis of research areas

Th e points of view put forward so far per- Th e fi rst is general and refers to diff er- ceived defensive settlement as a homo- ences between area situated to the north genous phenomenon that covered a vast (inner-Alpine Bronze Age groups and the swathe of the continent (David 1998a: Kościan Group of Únětice culture) and 256-260; Kristiansen 1998: 370; Kadrow south (Vatya and Otomani-Füzesabony 2001: 86; David 2002: 413). Th e proposed cultures) of the Carpathian Arc. homogeneity of the phenomenon in ques- Th e second level of diversity is con- tion involves an assumption that the ter- nected with local and exceptional features ritories in which defensive settlement was of defensive settlement manifested within registered were in contact. Th e mobility the earlier mentioned larger geographico- of Bronze Age communities and particu- cultural areas of the “north” and “south” larly of the elites engaged in creation and as well as within the research areas them- preservation of relations based on distribu- selves. tion of the main resources of the period – Th e fi rst feature setting apart the “south- copper, tin, amber and gold – led to some ern” research areas from the “northern” degree of unifi cation in life-style and the ones is the long tradition dating back to emergence of comparable forms of forti- the 5th millennium BC of erecting fortifi ed fi ed sites (David 2004: 413). Th e similar- settlements within the Carpathian Basin ity between fortifi ed settlements over such and altogether in south-eastern Europe a vast area of Central Europe was to follow (Gogâltan 2003; Link 2006; Ivanova 2008). from the same principal role they per- Not only the construction of fortifi cations formed in the production and (re-)distri- combining two basic elements – the wall bution of goods, oft en executed with con- and the ditch (Ivanova 2008: 122-123) – summate artistry by craft smen dependant and regular spatial arrangement of the set- on local elites (Vladár 1975: 8-13; Točik tlement buildings were of Neolithic origin, 1982: 411-413; Kadrow 2001: 87-88; Gašaj but so was above all the oft en registered 2002b: 41-49). Even if such scenario is not specifi c stability in occupation of particular totally unfounded, it does not embrace all sites leading to the emergence of tell forms. the analysed areas and all the relevant sites On the northern side of the Carpathian Arc involved. Th e aspect description presented defensive settlement appeared together the in previous chapters of this work allows to expansion of allochthonic groups of the indicate both the features connecting par- Linear Pottery cultural cycle (Kaufmann ticular research areas and the evident dif- 1990; see there for more literature). Th is ferences that set them apart. phenomenon, however, had no impact on In view of the quoted exhaustive data, the formation of settlement tradition in two levels of the diversity of the defensive Wielkopolska and the Alpine area. In the settlement phenomenon can be discerned. context of Linear Pottery culture, fortifi ed

Comparative analysis of research areas 139 settlements seem to be unique organisms jects of ostentatious wealth: pottery of ex- ensuing from the emergence of specifi c and quisite quality, time-consuming and elabo- obviously local conditions (Keeley 1997). rate spiral ornamentation of bone/antler Th e second feature diff erentiating the objects and, fi rst and foremost, ceremonial two settlement zones can be seen in the weapons with exclusive features that suggest custom of depositing metal objects and dif- their production for a concrete individual. ferent features of bronze metallurgy. Th e style and intricacy of the decoration of Except for a few cases linked with the swords and hatchets rule out the existence late phase of the Únětice culture in Slova- of a home mass production (Fig. 48). Th e kia, unifi ed hoards containing one type of rules of the composition of decoration and object (known as Barrenhorte) only inci- the technique of its application on metal dentally appear in the Carpathian Basin. and bone/antler objects probably remained In great measure deposits from the region the domain of a limited number of spe- reveal a mosaic of various metallurgical cialists. It might be cautiously stated aft er traditions (Novotná 1998: 353). Th e fi rst David that a “a style of lords” (Herrenstil), phenomena unifying (to some extent) the with spiral decoration as its main motif, had vast territories of the Carpathian Basin are emerged (David 1997; 1998: 254). the assemblages of the Hajdúsámson-Apa Apart from weapons, the deposits of Ko- and Koszider type (Mozsolics 1967: 109- szider type contained ornaments and tools -126; David 1993; 1998: 251-255; 2002). (Fig. 51). Th eir distribution is mainly con- As mentioned above, the hoards of the fi ned to the western part of the Carpathian Hajdúsámson-Apa horizon contain only Basin (David 2002, Karte 1). Th ey are oft en weapons. Full-hilted swords and various found in settlements or in their immediate types of hatchets predominate. Th ose ob- vicinity (Mozsolics 1988). Its specifi city is jects demonstrate highly distinctive fea- the contextual connection with individual tures: a characteristic manner of spiral homesteads, registered in defensive settle- decoration, individualism visible in details ments and which suggests their ownership of ornamentation and form, and an inter- by particular individuals/families. Hoards cultural range evidenced by extensive dis- of this type are known from sites of Oto- tribution and the presence of hatchets of mani-Füzesabony culture, Vatya culture diff erent regional tradition in the hoards. (Mozsolics 1988: 57, Liste II) and settle- Th e main area in which the deposits of the ments connected with neighbouring cul- type discussed occur is the eastern part of tural units. At this juncture one should fi rst the Carpathian Basin (David 2002, Karte 1). and foremost mention the deposits from Lavish decoration of weapons, indicative of defensive settlements in Nitrianský Hrá- its symbolic and ce remonial signifi cance, dok and Jászdózsa-Kápolnahalom (Stan- can be linked with the widespread innova- czik 1982: 384, 387; Novotná 1998: 354). tion of the chariot. Bone and antler objects In contrast to the hoards from the Car- connected with the two-wheeled vehicle, pathian Basin, a large number of deposits such as cheek-pieces, were ornamented containing only one type of object can be with a similar spiral decoration (Kristiansen documented for the context of the Únětice 2003: 447-450). Th e bulk of the fi nds, to- culture and the zone of its infl uence. Many gether with the more and more frequently contained large amounts of a given product used spear, ought to be linked with the (e.g. Hodonin ca 650, Piding Mauthausen emerging privileged group of warriors. Dis- ca 700-800 Ösenringe; Butler 2002: 235). In tribution of particular products points to the case of at least some of the deposited the development of a network of extensive products (Ösenringe, Ösenhalsringe, Span- relations between the elites of the Carpathi- genbarren) there is plausible evidence to an Basin, the eastern basin of the Mediter- see them as ingots or even primitive forms ranean and the steppe zone (North Pontic of commodity money (Lenerz de Wilde area). Th e last mentioned area excepted, the 1995; Pernicka, Krause 1998: 223; Müller animators of the exchange (both of material 2002: 272; for an opposite view concer- culture artefacts and ideas) between these ning the Salez type axes cf. Kienlin 2010: regions were connected by a number of ob- 175-176). Th is is not to say that north of

140 Comparative analysis of research areas Fig. 51. Ócsa (except of diadem). A hoard of Koszider type bronze objects (after Bóna 1992a).

Comparative analysis of research areas 141 the Carpathians bronze underwent the Against such a background the relative commodifi cation process more quickly: poverty of burials on the northern side of the deposits of standardised objects men- the Carpathian Arc is striking. In this part tioned above oft en reveal traits of ritual be- of the Únětice oecumene metal objects, haviours (Innerhofer 1997; Junk, Krause, and specifi cally those perceived as status Pernicka 2001: 361). symbols (halberds, daggers and gold items) Irrespective of the idea behind the mas- were rarely deposited (Sarnowska 1969: 23; sive hoards, it must be emphasised that it Butent-Stefaniak 1997: 204, 209-210). In was probably foreign to Carpathian com- this context the Únětice ‘princely graves’ munities. Th is is well exemplifi ed by Ösen- are an absolute exception (Fig. 18). Th ey halsringe. In the group of southern cultures were clearly a spatially and chronologi- they constituted elements of ornament cally limited phenomenon. Th e only burial sets (Schumacher-Matthäus 1985, Taf. 42; discovered directly in the Bruszczewo set- Novotná 1998: 354, Abb. 3) as well as grave tlement contained no metal objects (Knei- furnishings (Bátora 2006: 229-230), while sel 2010d: 718; Jaeger 2012b), in contrast in the areas of the Únětice oecumene they to the ‘princely grave’ situated nearby in were primarily components of massive Przysieka Polska (Schwenzer 2004). Simi- hoards described earlier, and were oft en larly, in the case of the Alpine area, metal the best represented ornaments in the ring- objects mainly prevail in small deposits shaped category (Moucha 2005: 25-32; and loose fi nds and rarely appear in graves Lorenz 2010: 69, Abb. 7.16). (Kienlin, Stöllner 2009: 90-98). Advantages off ered by the knowledge of Further divisive diff erences appear in tin bronze and the technological develop- the metallurgy of the trial areas. Here the ment of its production seem to have been relevant issue is the accessibility of material accessible to a wider group of the popula- recourses. Th e Alpine area is a special case. tion in the Carpathian Basin. Bronze was Its defensive settlement should be related not ‘consumed’ in massive hoards and to the exploitation of local copper depos- ‘princely graves’ by Carpathian communi- its. Signifi cantly, however, none of the sites ties. Deposits in individual dwellings, the provided defi nite evidence of bronze pro- large number of rich burials equipped with duction. In view of our present knowledge metal objects: weapons, tools and above all they were probably only a link in the pro- ornaments – essentially impractical luxuri- duction chain and connected with prelimi- ous items, demonstrate that to a large extent nary stages of ore processing and mining. the production served to satisfy the sense Fortifi ed settlements in the remaining of aesthetics grown from many varied cul- research areas supplied plenty of evidence tural stimuli. In this context the examples of local production of bronze. of opulent graves from the cemetery in In the current discussion on the rela- Nižná Myšl’a are highly representative. Th e tions of Alpine settlements with local de- extensive cemetery yielded a considerable posits two extreme opinions prevail, sug- number of burials furnished with bronze gesting either minimum (Shennan 1995; and gold articles (Olexa 2002a: 76-77, 83), Bartelheim 2007; Kienlin, Stöllner 2009) probably largely produced by local me- or maximum (Krause 2002; 2009) profi ts tallurgists. Even if there are practically no following from the exploitation of local completly studied Otomani-Füzesabony deposits by the communities of fortifi ed cemeteries directly related with fortifi ed settlements. Th e sources at our disposal settlements in Slovakia, it can be assumed suggest that the scepticism concerning the that the magnifi cence of burials registered central role of defensive settlements in the in Nižná Myšl’a was no exception. During Alpine area is well-founded (Bartelheim rescue excavations in the region of mod- 2009: 36-39). Profi ts gained from the new ern Polgár (Hungary) a number of graves raw material grew with each successive equipped with gold (ornaments) and stage of working and distribution as well bronze (daggers, a hatchet, ornaments) ob- as the geographical distance from the ore jects were discovered in the vicinity of set- sources in-between, as exemplifi ed by the tlements (Dani, Szabó 2004). accumulation of power and prestige vis-

142 Comparative analysis of research areas ible in the Kościan Group situated in the Th e relations connecting the western north-eastern borderland of the Únětice part of the Carpathian Basin with the re- oecumene (Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010). gion of eastern Alps described above are Absence of unambiguous evidence con- an issue rarely exposed in the literature of fi rming the existence of separate elites and the subject. Surprisingly, Trans-carpathian a generally complex social structure in the connotations were more easily attributed Alpine area is all the more astonishing in to Bruszczewo. Scholars would seek for view of the fact that at least part of the lo- features that linked the settlement with cal communities must have been involved, the Mad’arovce-Vĕteřov-Böheimkirchen indirectly at least, in the long-distance circle in sources obtained during the fi rst exchange that reached the regions on the seasons of excavations. Th e very construc- middle Danube. As emphasised above, the tion of fortifi cations around the headland Vatya culture metallurgy had a deep-root- apparently was a result of Trans-carpathian ed relationship with the Blechkreiskulturen infl uences and indirectly of the east Medi- circle. Th e contacts were not confi ned only terranean (Niesiołowska-Wędzka 1980: 65; to the fi rst stages of the development of lo- Gediga 1983: 345; Kłosińska 1997: 103). In cal metalworking during the Early Bronze that case the source basis chiefl y consisted Age. Th e period of the greatest heyday of of bone products – specifi c tools made of bronze production was also connected animal blades, a fragment of an alleged with the access to the ore in the Mitter- cheek-piece of Tószeg type (Kłosińska berg region. Apart from the spectacular 1997: 98) and some pottery features, textile example of an import of a Vatya culture prints in particular (Kłosińska 1997: 104). vessel into the territories of modern Aus- A detailed analysis of some bone and antler tria (Poysbrunn) (Benkovsky-Pivovarová artefacts found in Bruszczewo demonstrat- 1979) there also exist archaeometallurgical ed a similarly wide spectrum of forms as data. Th e analysis of 158 artefacts of En- that known from the Mad’arovce culture crusted Pottery culture provided evidence (Kneisel 2010c: 680). It must be noticed, that the raw material came from deposits however, that the Únětice cultural con- in the Mitterberg area (Kiss 2009: 330). Th e text has revealed no collection of sources Vatya culture, bordering in the west with that in sheer numbers might come close to the mentioned group, probably made use that from Bruszczewo. Th us, at the present of its “liaison” position (Fig. 52). stage of research it is diffi cult to draw con- Numerous Encrusted Pottery fi nds at the clusions about the origins of bone working Vatya culture sites testify to intensive rela- in Bruszczewo. Th e antler object presented tions between the two cultures (Kiss 1998; in the literature and interpreted as a cheek- Fekete 2005: 54-55). Otomani-Füzesabony piece eludes an unequivocal functional groups functioned in a diff erent network estimate, mainly due to its partial preser- of relations. Th ey mainly drew on deposits vation (Kłosińska 1997: 97, Fig. 13:1). Di- located in Transylvania and on locally ac- mensions of the object and a fragmentarily cessible ores. Th e above information is of visible and sloppily made opening do not relevance, since it demonstrates that within off er features credible enough to defi ne it the Carpathian Basin the existing mosaic as a cheek-piece. of Bronze Age cultures did to a large extent Above mentioned intensive relations be- refl ect powerful local traditions. Bearing tween the Encrusted Pottery culture and this is mind, attempts to discuss the issue Vatya are not the only examples demon- without referring to high diversity of the strating the dynamic picture of Carpathian region1 carries a considerable margin of communities. error. cultures/pottery stylistics. As a result, in their dis- 1 In a maximalist version this perspective was cussion on the relations between defensive settle- adopted by Kristiansen and Larsson. In their comment in the Carpathian Basin and the Minoan/ prehensive synthesis of the section of the Bronze /Mycenaean architecture they freely reached for Age at issue they decided to use the term “Oto- analogies from sites of absolutely diff erent charac- mani culture” (Kristiansen, Larsson 2005: 125) ter resulting from a distinct cultural tradition and to describe a number of diversifi ed autochthonic development (Kristiansen, Larsson 2005: 162).

Comparative analysis of research areas 143 Fig. 52. Distribution of the Vatya culture and Encrusted Pottery culture sites. Asterikses Th is phenomenon is illustrated by As well as metal objects, pottery too in- – Vatya fortifi ed hoards of described Koszider type, known dicates a multidirectional exchange and settlements; black circles from the late phases of Otomani-Füzes- contacts between the communities in – sites of the northern Encrusted Pottery group, abony, Vatya and Mad’arovce cultures. question – or rather a creation of a cultural grey circles – sites of Widespread distribution and regional dif- melting pot. Starting with the development the southern Encrusted ferences in their content, observable main- phase II, vessels of the Vatya culture are Pottery group (after ly in hatchet and sickle pin types, testify to covered with decorative motifs connected Kovács 1982; the increased mobility of the Carpathian with the stylistics of the Otomani-Füzes- Vicze 2000; Kiss 2012). Basin societies in the Middle Bronze Age abony culture (Kreiter 2005: 12). In the late (Novotná 1998: 57). phase (Vatya III-Koszider) there appeared

144 Comparative analysis of research areas the distinctive channelled knobs (Kreiter through the Carpathian passes, described 2007: 19). Th e period is generally charac- elsewhere. Th e process, however, also cov- terised by the openness of Vatya culture ered areas situated west of its oecumene. In communities to impulses from neighbour- this context the evidence of the presence ing groups, also noticeable in the “mitiga- of Otomani-Füzesabony pottery in forti- tion” of the rigours of funerary rites. Next fi ed settlements of Mad’arovce culture is to traditional urn graves there began to ap- of particular importance for the present pear skeleton graves, oft en furnished with discussion (Točik 1964: 162; Furmánek, vessels with foreign stylistics (Vicze 1992a: Veliačik, Vladár 1999: 49). Probably due to 95). Th e expansiveness of the Otomani- the “liaison” role of that region spectacular -Füzesabony culture is best perceived in the objects such as Apa type swords and hatch- slow fusion of its elements with the Hatvan ets found their way into Polish territories culture. A number of settlements of the lat- and further north to Scandinavia (Fig. 49). ter were inhabited by Otomani-Füzesabony Th e commodity that went south was amber communities during the middle Bronze (Marková 2003; Jaeger 2011). Objects made Age. In some cases it was connected with of amber, mostly small beads, were recog- the fortifi cations erected by Hatvan groups nised in the fortifi ed settlements in all re- being buried and a reorganisation of the search areas discussed (Shennan 1995: 242; settlement space (e.g. Včelince in Slova- Horváth 1999: 279, Table 1; Marková 2003; kia, Furmánek, Marková 2001: 106-107; Czebreszuk, Kneisel, Müller 2010; Jaeger Árőkto-Dongóhalom in Hungary, Fischl 2016). Th e so-called amber route recon- 2006: 207). However, the cultural changes structed for the period in question ran over- that can be followed in the pottery stylist- land from the shores of the Baltic (an area ics were not abrupt in character. On the of natural succinite deposits) to the south- contrary – in many sites a fusion of stylis- ern coast of the Adriatic (Czebreszuk 2007; tic traditions was recorded, oft en accom- Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010: 230; Jaeger 2011: panied by elements of stylistics of the late 181, Fig. 7). From there amber travelled to phases of Vatya culture and Encrusted Pot- the regions of the Aegean area (Mycenae- tery culture (Stanczik, Tárnoki 1992: 125; an culture) by way of the Aegean-Ionian Fischl 2006: 208). In Jászdózsa-Kápolna- zone of interaction that had been already halom and Polgár-Kenderföld (Hungary) created in the 3rd millennium BC (Maran Otomani-Füzesabony stylistics dominates 1998; Czebreszuk 2011). Czebreszuk sug- in the so-called fi ne ware, while the form gests the following course of the overland and decoration of others are characteristic stage of amber’s journey south: the Baltic of the Hatvan culture (Stanczik, Tárnoki coast at the mouth of the Vistula → Kujawy 1992: 125; Dani, Máthé, Szabó 2003: 93). → Wielkopolska → Dolny Śląsk (Lower Sile- In the case of the Včelince site the smooth sia) → Moravian Gate → the region on the process of cultural change can be observed upper Tisza → Caput Adria (Czebreszuk in the separate Hatvan-Otomani settle- 2011: 161-162). It should be emphasised, ment horizon (Furmánek, Marková 2001: however, that the numerous fi nds in the 106). A telling example comes from Polish Carpathian Basin (Marková 2003: 351, territories. Th e appearance of Otomani-Fü- Karte 1) demonstrate, besides the “liaison” zesabony material culture (population?) in role of the Otomani-Füzesabony com- the fortifi ed settlement in Trzcinica, built munities in the transit of amber further by the Pleszów group of the Mierzanowice south (Mycenaean culture), the existence culture, shows no evidence of a violent of something that might be called an “in- event. Th e area of the settlement was en- side Carpathian” market of its distribution larged, and new elements were added to (Jaeger 2016). Amber fi nds in the cultures Pleszów fortifi cations that never stopped of Vatya, Encrusted Pottery, Mad’arovce functioning (Gancarski 1999: 139). Th e re- and Otomani-Füzesabony and Hatvan called example from the region of the Low- were mostly elements of grave furnishings er Beskids is connected with the northward and objects from the so-called ritual sites expansion of the Otomani-Füzesabony cul- (eg the sacrifi cial well in Gánovce) (Stan- ture from the territories of modern Slovakia czik, Tárnoki 1992: 124-125; Marková

Comparative analysis of research areas 145 1999; 2003: 340-341; Horváth 1999: 279, was not possible. Wild animal species were Table 1). Th e context of the fi nds suggests basically of little signifi cance (Jaeger 2012c: that amber was not just a raw material to 150-151), though even in that case there be exchanged far and away but an impor- might have been extraordinary situations, tant and exclusive commodity used by the as exemplifi ed by the considerable amount local communities. In the Carpathian Ba- of beaver remains recorded in the collec- sin, succinite was the predominant type of tion from Nižná Myšl’a (Olexa 2003: 53) amber. However, one has to stress that the and the postulated exceptional meaning of use of local types of resins is evidenced by hunting and consumption of game in the fairly numerous examples (Jaeger 2016). settlements of Százhalombatta (Choyke, Th e interest in the latter is likely to have re- Vretemark, Sten 2003: 183) and Brusz- sulted from the original infl ux of material czewo (Makowiecki, Drejer 2010: 294, 300). from the coasts of the Baltic Sea. Th e most important domesticated animal Th e sources described above clearly in- was cattle. Numerous herds probably con- dicate the intensive inter-regional relation- stituted the basic wealth of the communi- ships within the Carpathian Basin. I believe ties and at the same time were an object of that it was this complex network of rela- competition of particular groups (Louwe tions linking particular groups that decided Kooijmans 1998: 334-335; Fokkens 1999). about their strength and permitted progress Th e crucial role of crop production can up to the moment when Carpathian com- be assumed for most fortifi ed settlements. munities became equal partners with the Similarly to archaeozoological data, the civilisation of the eastern part of the Medi- analyses of plant macroremains reveal terranean. a diversifi cation of the contribution of par- Engagement of these communities in ticular crops in the trial areas. Th e postu- the far-reaching exchange was essentially lated spatial pattern of domination of some connected with desire for obtaining locally wheat species in the Vatya culture settle- unavailable resources – copper, tin, gold ments is particularly telling (Nováki 1969: and amber. Along with those there trav- 40-41, Abb. 1; Gyulai 1993: 25-26, Fig. 1). elled ideas, new elements of worldview and Furthermore, the available sources indi- life-style. Bearing in mind the importance cate the possibility of obtaining and storing of exchange and the openness of fortifi ed large quantities of grain (Bóna 1975: 74; settlements communities, it cannot be for- Endrődi, Gyulai 1999: 27; Kneisel 2010a: gotten that their stability and survival were 146). Th e storing jars/granaries in the in fact guaranteed by their effi cient eco- Alpár settlement (Bóna, Nováki 1982: 42- nomic system. -43, Fig. 11-12) notwithstanding, no special Accessible sources concerning the eco- constructions or buildings connected with nomy of fortifi ed settlements, though fre- grain storage were found. Also, one of the quently incomplete, allow to draw a few huts in Kakucs-Turján revealed numerous important conclusions. Settlements were accumulations of a large number of grains not immersed in some ecological niche. and lentils. Some of those most likely rep- Th eir communities possessed a consider- resent a proof that grains were stored in or- able ability of adapting to the existing en- ganic containers, which have not survived. vironmental conditions. Th is is testifi ed Th e St. Veit Klinglberg settlement is an out- by the quota of respective domesticated standing case among the sites. Absence of species, particularly of goat/sheep and pig traces of grain processing was interpreted (Choyke, Bartosiewicz 1999: 244, Fig. 3) as a proof of “ready-made”, that is, threshed, and by changing strategies of animal hus- grain being obtained from valley-located bandry. Th e Százhalombatta settlement regions (Shennan 1995: 285). Accepting produced unambiguous data showing that that this thesis is hard to verify, it must be the number of sheep slaughtered at a ma- stressed that the remaining Alpine area ture age increased with time (Vretemark, settlements provided evidence testifying to Sten 2005: 162-164). Due to lack of appro- both utilisation and production of crops. priate analyses, capturing similar trends in Apart from macroremains, fi nds of sickle most of the settlements under discussion fragments, querns and grinding stones have

146 Comparative analysis of research areas been known (Rageth 1986: 83-84; Swidrak, defensive sites were erected. In the case of Oeggl 1998; Schmidl, Oeggl 2005: 305). Bruszczewo, the surviving traces of build- What is more, palynological data from ings suggest that the population of the set- some regions show a distinct decrease in tlement consisted of 50-100 persons. For the quota of tree pollen with simultaneous the Carpathian Basin the estimated popu- growth of the crop pollen curve (Krause, lations stand much higher, reaching even Oeggl, Pernicka 2004: 10-11). up to 300-350 people (Nižná Myšl’a, Olexa Some of the sites produced data indica- 2003: 5) and 400-500 (Százhalombatta, Po- tive of a skilful and gradual broadening of roszlai 2003: 153) inhabiting the settlement the range of cultivated plants. In each of the at a time. relevant regions pulses were cultivated, and Th e cited diff erences in the hypothetical wild fruit from the nearest vicinity collect- numbers of communities in fortifi ed settle- ed (Gyulai 1992: 66; Swidrak, Oeggl 1998; ments are vital for their estimation as ob- Hajnalová 2001: 32-33; Kroll 2010: 264). jects of defensive, military character. Th e postulated special situation of St. Veit Undoubtedly, warfare was an impor- Klinglberg excepted, the communities in- tant element constituting the Bronze Age habiting fortifi ed settlements with their – a period during which there appeared diversifi ed farm and husbandry economies and spread objects performing solely the were totally self-suffi cient. In none of the function of weapons (Kristiansen 1984; settlements any symptoms of crisis, such as Carman, Harding 1999; Osgood, Monks, the prevalence of wild animal remains over Toms 2000; Kristiansen 2002; Harding domesticated ones, were registered. 2007) and when a huge number of defen- Absence of detailed analyses most oft en sive settlements grew up in various parts hinders a full estimation of the productive of Europe (Rind 1999: 4, Abb. 1, 342-345). potential of the fortifi ed settlements’ com- A total negation of the military meaning of munities. Th e data for Bruszczewo show fortifi cations surrounding Bronze Age set- high effi ciency of crop production, as ex- tlements would be a risky and somewhat emplifi ed by relatively big weight of the pointless task. Yet, I do believe that it was preserved grain (Kroll 2010: 266). Due to not by sheer coincidence that in the large its fairly good level of recognition the settle- body of excavated settlements there are no ment also yielded exceptional data demon- traces of violent events that might be con- strating the scale of anthropological pres- nected with a possible invasion/aggression. sure that could have led to a local ecological I will return to that issue in the further part disaster. Along with substantial deforesta- of this chapter. tion at the fi nal stage of the settlement’s ex- Fortifi cations in the selected trial areas istence the quality of water in the lake fell were highly diversifi ed in terms of tech- dramatically. Palynological studies revealed nologies applied as well as their size and the presence of parasites and coprophilic building material. fungi related to the contamination of the Cases of locating fortifi cations only in reservoir with a large amount of excrements places not defended by the topography (Haas, Wahlmüller 2010: 78, 80). of the terrain are known in some regions. An effi cient economy was crucial for the Most of Otomani-Füzesabony settlements demographic success of the communities in Slovakia and those in the Alpine area discussed. Th e number of inhabitants as- were fortifi ed in this way (Shennan 1995: cribed to particular defensive settlements 75, Fig. 5.1; Gašaj 2002b: 21, 35, 39; Krause oscillates between several to a few hundred. 2005: 396, Abb. 5). Populations inhabiting the Alpine area set- Size-wise, the fortifi cations diff ered con- tlements are estimated at the lowest fi gures, siderably. Th e most impressive ones are to between 16-20 individuals for Sotćiastel be found in Otomani-Füzesabony settle- (Krause 2005: 397) up to 100-110 at a time ments in Slovakia. Th e ditch of the younger in the St. Veit Klinglberg settlement (Shen- settlement in Nižná Myšl’a was 25-27 me- nan 1995: 283). Th e low number of inhab- tres and 5-6 metres deep, and behind there itants would correspond with the small size was a wall 8-10 metres wide, additionally of the areas in which the eastern Alpine reinforced with a stone wall ca 1 meter wide

Comparative analysis of research areas 147 (Gašaj 2002b: 31; Olexa 2003: 40, 42). In Th e traditional use of stone for the con- Bruszczewo, apart from the ditch up to 20 struction of fortifi cations in the Carpathian metres in width and ca 4.5 metres in depth Basin settlements was perceived as a civili- (Czebreszuk, Ducke, Müller, Silska 2004: sational impact of the Aegean-Anatolian 71-72, Abb. 26) rows of palisades were zone. As it has been shown above, the most also constructed. Furthermore, the part of spectacular example of stone construc- the settlement bordering on the lake was tion known from the Spišský Štvrtok set- strengthened with three lines of wooden tlement is open to doubt, the most serious constructions (Fig. 14). Fortifi cations of one concerning the chronology of fortifi ca- such dimensions must have off ered eff ective tions (Jaeger 2014). It is probable that stone protection. Th e stone defences surrounding constructions discovered there date to the some of the Alpine area settlements seem La Tène period and should be linked with to be less functional. In Gschleirsbühel the the Púchov culture. It is worth emphasiz- stone wall in the preserved part of the base ing that the remaining examples of defen- was less than 1 meter wide (Zemmer-Plank sive structures made of stone in the Car- 1978: 182) (Fig. 3). Walls of some dwellings pathian Basin do not seem to be reliable, were parts of sections of the surrounding either (Bader 1990: 182). Some scholars wall. In the case of the Friaga Wald settle- believe that the Olomouc site, mentioned ment huts were situated directly next to as an instance of stone architecture deve- the wall (Fig. 2). Solutions of that kind put loped under the infl uence of Mycenaean the buildings in considerable danger, the culture (Vladár 1973: 280, Abb. 26), also more so that they were probably taller than should be connected with the Púchov cul- the fortifi cations themselves. In Brusz- ture (Novotná 1996: 23-24). czewo and Alpár an empty space separating Certain elements of the fortifi cations, huts from the fortifi cations lines was regis- like for instance wattle structures registered tered (Bóna, Nováki 1982: 115; Czebreszuk, in settlements geographically as far-fl ung Ducke, Müller, Silska 2004: 73). as Bruszczewo (Müller 2004: 125-133), Diversity of defensive constructions no- Rozhanovce (Gašaj 1983: 132, Abb. 64-78) ticeable at the level of particular research and Baracs-Földvár (Kovács 1982: 287) re- areas can be most easily seen within the sulted from the similar Neolithic tradition Carpathian Basin, while the defensive of construction of dwellings. structures of the eastern Alpine area, with In the case of the Vatya culture it is dif- stone as the building material common fi cult to relate to the problem of diversity in to all sites, appear to be the most homo- the construction of fortifi cations, since we genous. Due to the considerable impact of have no relevant information for most sites. post-depositional processes it is diffi cult One can observe, however, varied planning to decide whether the partially preserved of the settlements’ structure. Some of them wooden elements reinforcing stone con- had a simple form, ie the space of the settle- structions, sometimes registered in the ment was surrounded by fortifi cations, be it settlements, were also to some extent con- a wall, a ditch or a palisade (e.g. Százhalom- current. In the Carpathian Basin defensive batta, Nagykőrös-Földvár), while others constructions were built of clay/earth and were partitioned inside. Particular sectors wood. Th e biggest amount of information probably performed diff erent functions. was provided by the Otomani-Füzesabony Such interpretation is supported by the re- sites. In their case stone was an incidental sults of geomagnetic research conducted material for additional elements reinfor- in the settlement in Kakucs (Fig. 24). As cing the fortifi cations proper (Olexa 2003: I have mentioned above, the procedure of 40, 42). Reinforcements of individual set- dividing up the settlement into smaller sec- tlements diff ered considerably in details. tors could have had a military signifi cance. In some cases unique solutions were in- By grouping the dwellings it was possible to troduced, such as inward-leaning wall in enclose them with a relatively shorter and Košice-Barca (Točik 1994: 63) or stone- thus more easily defensible line of fortifi ca- reinforced walls of the gate in Nižná Myšl’a tions. Th e inside partitioning of fortifi ed (Gašaj 2002b: 27-28, Fot. 9). settlements is a phenomenon exclusive to

148 Comparative analysis of research areas the Vatya culture. It should be noted that it mentioned above presumes warfare of had nothing in common with the postulated relatively short duration. On the one hand, rather than confi rmed division of fortifi ed warriors could not leave their homes for settlements in the Carpathian Basin into the a longer period of time, and on the other “core” – fortifi ed – part and the “artisan” – there must have considerable logistic and open – sector (Vladár 1973: 288; Bóna 1975: organisational limitations concerning sup- 123-124, 146, 172). In the Vatya culture all plies (Christensen 2004: 153). It is open to separated sectors of the settlements were doubt that during raids it was possible to encircled with fortifi cations. Th e opinion besiege a fortifi ed settlement awaiting the just mentioned refers to the existence near surrender of its defenders. Rather, the only defensive sites or tells, “satellite” or “outer” way was to try to get inside the settlement settlements which ser ved as an economic using the element of surprise, eg under the base of the “core” ( Fischl et al. 2014: 344). cover of darkness (Roscoe 2008: 508; Uh- No complex of sites of this type has been nér 2010: 307). In the outcome there was excavated so far, and for this reason it is still probably little substantial damage that diffi cult to take a stand on chronological could have left a legible trace in archaeo- and functional relations between the open logical sources. Th e primary aim of the and defensive (or tell) settlements. Th e hy- raids was to swift ly achieve the goal by kill- pothesis claiming that tells were only ele- ing encountered individuals and obtaining ments of larger complexes surrounded by locally unavailable goods while minimis- smaller settlement forms is placed within ing the risk of casualties within one’s own the framework of research into the Neo- “ranks” (Christensen 2004: 131). In view lithic of south-eastern Europe (Reingruber, of the above information the defences of Hansen, Toderaş 2010: 172). Its verifi cation fortifi ed settlements in the Bronze Age, could point to yet another vital element of and particularly the massive fortifi cations the Neolithic tradition observable in the known from Otomani-Füzesabony and defensive settlement of the “southern” trial Vatya settlements, provided an eff ective areas during the Bronze Age. protection for the inhabitants and their Th e eff ort invested into the construction belongings. Th e size of fortifi cations was and maintenance of fortifi cations suggests a clear signal of organisational capabilities their authentic military function. Th e re- and strength of the inhabitants. Th is had constructed model of warfare for this sec- a crucial preventive implication and could tion of Bronze Age presumes principally result in few real confl icts. Sources men- small-scale confl icts. Th e main method tioned above reveal a frequently smooth of warfare were probably raids (Otterbein nature of changes in material culture (pot- 1989: 40). Small groups of warriors would tery stylistics) in settlements and intensive set out to neighbouring territories a few contacts between regions and concrete days’ march away from home to abduct fortifi ed sites, indicative rather of possible women, capture slaves, steal cattle or other alliances and other type of relationships easily transferable goods (Louwe Kooij- oriented towards cooperation. Th e aggres- mans 1998: 338; Uhnér 2010: 285-286). siveness demonstrated in rich hoards of Taking into consideration the posited size arms functioned on ideological level, but of populations of particular settlements, did not translate into military power of the groups of several dozen warriors can be communities to be directly employed in stipulated only for the Carpathian Basin. accumulating economic and social capital It is possible that variously estimated sizes (Uhnér 2010: 287). Kadrow (2001) pre- of human groups inhabiting defensive set- sented an opposite view. Describing the tlements in diff erent trial areas account for communities of fortifi ed settlements as the diversity in the massiveness and level of supra-local political organisms (Kadrow complexity of fortifi cations. Assuming that 2001: 162), he pointed to the possibility of the thesis is correct, it has to be accepted a specifi c condition of permanent danger that the manner of fortifying settlements and war, grown out of competition and corresponded with the level of real dan- rivalry between particular centres. In his ger in a concrete region. Th e raid model opinion, the main argument are traces of

Comparative analysis of research areas 149 destruction registered in settlements and must be emphasised that similar arrange- their considerable instability perceivable ments of dwellings situated quite close to over the short period of their functioning. one another appeared independently in all A survey of sources made for the needs of cases and followed from the determination the aspect description of trial areas fails to optimally exploit the settlement space. to present evidence that would validate Some settlements were probably built over the above thesis. On the contrary – infor- in a less regular way. In the case of Brusz- mation provided by the work of the SAX czewo and more broadly – the Únětice project shows the possibility of the exist- culture – we can assume the existence of ence of a larger political unit (which meets dwellings with the same orientation but ir- the criteria set by Kadrow in reference to regularly and less closely situated (Pleiner, a supra-local political organism) consisting Rybová 1978: 370, Fig. 102; Schunke 2010: of a few fortifi ed settlements and several 274, Abb. 1). open ones situated in the Benta river valley Th e manifestation of a planned develop- (Uhnér 2010: 146-148, Fig. 66). Th e main ment was not just the way dwellings were actor of the arrangement was the settle- located. Some of the settlements provided ment in Százhalombatta. Radiocarbon dat- data indicating a separation of zones with ing demonstrates that it could have func- defi nite functions and a planned location tioned even for few hundred years (Uhnér of out-buildings. A grouping of kilns was 2010: 347-348). found in the Százhalombatta settlement As I have mentioned above, some Vatya (Poroszlai 1996: 10). Th e one in Alpár was culture settlements were characterised by characterised by kilns constructed near the a specifi c structure. Th e results of geomag- dwellings and storage pits situated close to netic studies in Kakucs revealed huts locat- the walls (Bóna, Nováki 1982: 109). With ed probably only in one sector of the settle- the most complete source basis in the case ment, partially arranged in a regular way of Bruszczewo, it was possible to capture along the line of fortifi cations (Pető et al. the spatial arrangement of particular zones 2015: 221). Th e regularity of development of economic and artisan activities refl ected was traditionally seen as a manifestation by the concentrations of particular cat- of urban planning grown from familiarity egories of sources (Kneisel 2010e: 187- with Mycenaean architecture (Vladár 1973: -188, Abb. 17). Th e small number of data 288). Location of huts in rows or lines was confi rming the existence of the so-called registered in the “southern” settlements of metallurgists’ workshops is of relevance. the research areas, connected with both the We known them only from Lovasberény- Otomani-Füzesabony (Olexa 2003: 42-43) -Mihályvár (Petres, Bándi 1969: 175, kép and Vatya cultures (Poroszlai 1992c: 158). 6) and the alleged fortifi ed settlement in Linear arrangements of buildings were Savognin-Padnal (Rageth 1986: 67). In also found in the settlements of Friaga Bruszczewo it was possible only to demon- Wald (Krause 2007a: 125, 134, Fig. 20) and strate the sector of the settlement in which Savognin-Padnal (Rageth 1986: 68). Th e the artefacts related with founding were ac- formerly mentioned Neolithic tradition in cumulated (Jaeger, Czebreszuk 2010: 223; the Carpathian Basin notwithstanding, it Kneisel 2010e: 187).

150 Comparative analysis of research areas Conclusion

Th e aim of the present work was a presen- has it, the devil’s truly in the detail. Simi- tation of the fortifi ed settlement communi- larities between regions and particular set- ties from the angle of specifi c archaeological tlements within their reach are limited to sources. Th e study has revealed a series of the big picture. Each of the sites discussed, gaps in our knowledge. Th ey mainly result even at the current level of archaeological from the complexity of fortifi ed settlements recognition, demonstrates unique features which provide plenty of sources that oft en demanding an individual research strategy. elude the analytical capabilities of tradi- Th e available sources allow the presump- tional archaeology. Th e history of research tion that in many cases (in the majority conducted so far demonstrates an obvious of cases?) particular settlements were not scarcity of interdisciplinary projects within isolated islands but on the contrary – they the compass of which archaeology could stayed in stable networks of cooperation, be supported by natural sciences. Yet the oft en forming larger socio-economic and level of diversity and dynamics of the for- political organisms. Th e use of previous tifi ed settlement populations observable research procedures renders their recogni- in the sources makes an employment of tion in archaeological sources impossible. a single scientifi c procedure impossible. In Excavation work devoid of analytical op- many cases essential issues were neglected. portunities off ered by natural sciences will One of them is above all the absolute chro- not yield good results. nology calendar. Th e body of radiocarbon Th e overall picture of the communities datings currently available does not permit of fortifi ed settlements has to be made up a study of the potential synchronisation anew, this time of small pieces that will in- of cultural processes in the trial areas. We clude properly – that is, interdisciplinarily can say equally little about the economy of – recognised sites. the communities involved. Th e macroscale Th e outlined scenario is not the easiest adopted by European archaeology for pre- one. Its realisation is possible in a long- senting fortifi ed settlement issues allowed term perspective only, and overcoming to wave aside the gaps mentioned above – mundane fi nancial and organisational and many others as well. problems involved demands a coopera- An attempt to overcome the research tion, on the international level as well, of problems diagnosed above can have seri- many bodies. Th ese are not, however, diffi - ous consequences. First of all, I believe that culties to hinder modern archaeology from it is essential to discard the hitherto typi- opening a new episode in the research into cal perspective of approaching the com- the vital issues of the communities of the munities en bloc. Th e present work has Bronze Age fortifi ed settlements. clearly demonstrated that, as the proverb

Conclusion 151

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