Mono-Industrialism and the Struggle for Alternative Development: the Case of the Ros¸Ia Montana˘ Gold-Mining Project

MONO-INDUSTRIALISM AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT: THE CASE OF THE ROS¸IA MONTANA˘ GOLD-MINING PROJECT

LUCIAN VESALON* & REMUS CRET¸ AN** *Department of Political Science,West University of Timis¸oara, Bulevardul Vasile Parvan. No 4, 300233 Timis¸oara, Romania. E-mail: [email protected] **Department of Geography, West University of Timis¸oara, Bulevardul Vasile Parvan. No 4, 300233 Timis¸oara, Romania. E-mail: [email protected]

Received: July 2012; Accepted March 2013

ABSTRACT This study proposes a critical discussion of a recent gold-mining project at Ros¸ia Montana˘, Romania and of the alternative development solutions for the area. The aim of the research is to examine the socio-economic consequences of the mining project proposed by the multinational company Ros¸ia Montana˘ Gold Corporation and the struggle of the resistance movement to the mining project for an alternative development, in order to understand the complexity of development processes in rural communities in post-communist Romania. In analysing the socio- economic risks involved in conventional development, we focus especially on revealing the intrinsic limits of mono-industrialism and on the issue of population displacement by development. In the second part of the paper we discuss the feasibility of alternative development solutions for the area. The paper relies on a theoretical framework that combines the critical literature on conventional development and the recent debates on grassroots development.

Key words: gold mining, mono-industrial areas, alternative development, NGOs, Ros¸ia Montana˘

INTRODUCTION important debates about the social and economic development opportunities for the village In 1999 Ros¸ia Montana˘ Gold Corporation of Ros¸ia Montana˘ have taken place, as well as announced its intention to open four gold- controversy over conventional, industrial devel- mines in the area surrounding the village of opment and its alternatives in contemporary Ros¸ia Montana˘. The project is currently await- Romania. ing ﬁnal approval from the Romanian authori- Although the issue of the gold mining ties. In the last decade the project sparked project is of public and scholarly interest, there numerous and heated debates, both in are still very few studies published on the topic Romania and internationally, with regard to its (Zaharia 2010; Egresi 2011). However, more social and environmental costs. It was also the numerous are the reports, position papers and catalyst for the emergence of one of the most policy papers on the social, economic and envi- signiﬁcant environmental protest movements ronmental impact of the largest mining project in Romania’s history. Within this context of its kind to be proposed in Europe and on

Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie – 2013, DOI:10.1111/tesg.12035, Vol. 104, No. 5, pp. 539–555. © 2013 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG 540 LUCIAN VESALON & REMUS CRET¸AN the current socio-economic context of the area In this paper we discuss the social and econ- (Alburnus Maior 2004; Richards 2005; IGIE omic impact of the proposed gold mining 2006; Olaru-Za˘inescu 2006; RMGC 2006; Toma project and assess the main alternatives to 2012; Oxford Policy Management 2009; industrial development at Ros¸ia Montana˘. We Academia Româna˘ 2012). While these docu- borrow concepts from theories of development ments provide useful information, the choice studies, in particular with regard to critiques of and interpretation of data is often shaped by industrial development and alternative devel- actors’ legitimation of various stances related opment strategies for rural areas (Griffin 1999; to the mining project. As we demonstrate in Chambers 2005; Bunker 2005; Smith 2007). We this study, the socio-economic data cannot in add to the theoretical framework of alternative itself offer a solid ground or ultimate motiva- development the discussions on development- tion for or against the project. A decision on induced displacement, in order to reveal the the mining project would inevitably be based complex social and economic costs of indus- on more complex arguments, including ethical trial development (Cernea 2000, 2003; De Wet reasons, cultural and historical considera- 2006; Koening 2006). The related geographical tions and environmental concerns. Therefore, analysis refers to the socio-economic assess- exploring such arguments, in parallel with ment in small or rural communities (Bowles the analysis of the socio-economic data is essen- 1981; Barrow 2000; Burdge 2004; Taylor et al. tial to understanding the complexity of 2004). Recognising that the environmental what has been labelled the ‘Ros¸ia Montana˘ risks of the mining project are highly signifi- problem’. cant, we will focus instead on the social and Initiated in 1998, the project is a joint economic consequences, given that they repre- initiative of the Canadian company Gabriel sent a distinct problem in industrial develop- Resources, owning 80.69%, and of the Roma- ment, and in particular for Ros¸ia Montana˘. In nian company Minvest with a share of 19.31% addition, we provide an analysis of the alterna- of the holding (RMGC 2006; Oxford Policy tives to industrial development recently pro- Management 2009). The RMGC mining posed and offer a contribution to the debates project proposes to use open-pit mining tech- on the development agenda for the area. nology and cyanide-based processes for gold extraction from the ore. If approved, the CONCEPTUALISING INDUSTRIAL project will lead to the destruction of an entire DEVELOPMENT AND ITS ALTERNATIVES mountain area, including the demolition of the 16 localities which form the Ros¸ia Montana˘ The so-called ‘Ros¸ia Montana˘ problem’ has comuna˘1 and the resettlement of all their been at the centre of numerous public debates inhabitants. The size of the affected mountain during the last decade and consists in deter- area has been estimated at 1,277.8 hectares, to mining what is the best development strategy be utilised by the mining project as mines, for the area and what potential costs and ben- waste dumps, dams and other project-related efits the proposed RMGC project would bring facilities (RMGC 2004). In the latest version of to the area, the region and the country as a the plan the area of the project was increased whole. The limits of the intensive exploitation to 1,663.89 hectares (RMGC 2006). However, of natural resources are widely discussed in an independent expert team claims that this the context of critical assessments of industrial surface would in fact be used only for the waste development (Barham & Coomes 2005; dumps and shows that the actual impacted Ciccantell & Smith 2005). The related topic of area will be much larger and make any perma- mono-industrial development is particularly nent human residences in the area impossible relevant for understanding the consequences (Buza et al. 2001). A serious environmental of the past economic development pattern of risk of the proposed mining project is related Ros¸ia Montana˘ and the prospects of the pro- to the use of cyanide, and especially with the posed gold-mining project. Several problems construction of a 363.12 sq hectare decanta- related to mono-industrialism are studied tion pond, which would be one of the largest in Romania. Thus, Chiribuca˘ et al. (2000) in Europe. examine the decline of infrastructure in

© 2013 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG MONO-INDUSTRIALISM AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT 541 mono-industrial towns, such as Ca˘lan, and also consensus in the field is that compensation show that these are often in the situation of alone is not sufficient for alleviating social risks, ‘generating social unrest’. Other studies let alone sufficient for improving the economic examine the consequences of mono- welfare of the resettlers (Cernea 2003). The industrialism on public health and, in general, policy proposals for restoring resettlers’ liveli- its environmental costs (Eckart et al. 2003; hoods range from the requirement to employ Smith 2007). Despite well-known problems resettlers in the project (De Wet 2006) to offer- involved in this model of development, it is still ing the resettlers a ‘share in the product of the considered an important economic growth project’ (Fernandes 2000, p. 210). strategy, mining centres playing a pivotal role A familiar distinction in development studies in this context. Such centres continue to be opposes conventional development to alterna- viewed as ‘growth poles located at the border tive development, the latter stemming from an between centre and peripheral sub-regions’ array of new theoretical reflections and con- (Ramboll Group 1997, p. 5). crete solutions for developing areas. Several One of the most controversial consequences terms were proposed to refer to these new of big industrial projects is the forced migration proposals in the field of development, such of population or ‘development-induced dis- as people-centred development, grassroots placement’, as it is commonly referred to in the development, ‘development from below’ or literature. The field of development-induced ‘development-by-NGOs’ (Thomas 2000; Willis displacement emerged both as a policy and as 2005; Pieterse 2010). Initially situated outside an academic response to the social and econ- the mainstream of development practices, they omic problems caused by population displace- have gradually gained currency and influence ment, the majority of studies focusing on the both as a theoretical reflection and among interconnectedness of social, economic and institutions that shape development policy. political issues involved in this phenomenon The main characteristics of alternative devel- (Cernea 1996, 2000; Turton 2006). The risks opment arise from the critique of conventional involved in displacement are cumulative and development. If conventional development is combine to generate a ‘downward mobility’, centred around economic growth, based on a which can often reach the point of community top-down approach, technocratic expertise annihilation (Cernea 2000, p. 26). In rural and bureaucratic management, alternative communities, these risks are basically con- development promises to offer a grassroots, nected to the loss of land. The phenomenon of participatory approach which empowers local community disintegration has been the subject communities, and engages them in develop- of a number of studies (Scudder 1996; Stein ment processes that aims to enhance their 1998; Rew et al. 2006). The related concept of autonomy (Kingsbury 2004; Remenyi 2004; ‘social disarticulation’ was used by Cernea Chambers 2005). Similarly, if conventional (2003, p. 40) to denote the combined conse- development is based on a conception of quences of forced migration and reflects the sustainability that subsumes environmental socio-economic and ethical complexity inher- issues to economic growth, alternative develop- ent in development-induced displacement, and ment places ecological concerns at the centre continues to be carefully explored and docu- of the development agenda (Elliot 1999). Alter- mented in the recent scholarship on involun- native development thus promises a model of tary resettlement (De Wet 2006; Bisht 2009; development which is more open, democratic, Price 2009; Padel and Das 2010). participatory, socially responsible, environmen- A critical component in resettlement plan- tally sensitive, and sustainable in comparison ning is the strategy of livelihood restoration to conventional development (Willis 2005). (Cernea 1996, 2000, 2003; Koening 2006; De Gradually however, the vocabulary, not to Wet 2006). A resettlement project in which mention several practices associated with people do not experience impoverishment, alternative development, has found its way into and social disarticulation does not occur, has the lexicon of conventional development better chances of acceptance, both by affected (Pieterse 2010). This makes it more difficult communities and by society in general. The to identify the discursive differences between

© 2013 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG 542 LUCIAN VESALON & REMUS CRET¸AN conventional and alternative development. In Hall 2012; INSSE 2012a). After the closing of practice, and especially in underdeveloped the mines, the population decreased signifi- areas, NGOs remain better adapted to facilitate cantly, mainly because of the lack of local an autonomous community development, employment opportunities. Mortality rates are although this is not always in itself sufficient for presently among the highest in the country, ensuring social and environmental sustainabil- due to a number of factors, such as work-related ity in the longer term. diseases and an ageing population. The ethnic structure and the religious diversity of Ros¸ia IS ROS¸IA MONTANA˘ IN DANGER OF Montana˘ is closely related to the history of BECOMING A ‘GHOST TOWN’? mining in the area. During the Habsburg era the area was colonised by migrant workers The ‘comuna˘’ of Ros¸ia Montana˘ includes 16 mainly of German and Hungarian origin, con- villages situated in Alba county in western tributing to the multicultural diversity of the Transylvania, Romania (Figure 1). The village village. But if we compare data from the 2002 of Ros¸ia Montana˘ itself is one of the oldest and 2011 censuses, it appears that ethnic attested settlements in the region. It was known minorities have sharply decreased both in abso- as Alburnus Maior during the Roman Empire lute and in relative terms (INSSE 2012a). and it was one of the most important gold- During the communist period, a gold mine mining centres in the ancient European world. operated at Ros¸ia Montana˘ with 1,230 employ- Gold-mining activities have taken place there ees and a significant industrial output (Minvest almost uninterrupted up until very recently. S.A. Deva 2007). After 1989 mining activities During the communist era the gold mines were continued, but there was a constant decrease in further developed and attracted miners from investment and in the government’s interest other parts of the country. After the Romanian for the gold mining industry, which led to the revolution in 1989, mining activities declined decline of the industrial activities in the area. In sharply, and the mines closed in 2006, amid 2006 only 360 persons were employed in the rising unemployment and worsening ecologi- mining sector. The working conditions wors- cal problems. This context calls for immediate ened, the ageing equipment and the deterio- social and economic development solutions, rating infrastructure took its toll on the general although it should be already noted that the condition of Ros¸ia Montana˘ mines. Currently, kind of social problems witnessed in Ros¸ia employment opportunities at Ros¸ia Montana˘ Montana˘ are present in hundreds of other are scarce and less diversified. Only eight com- rural communities and small towns across the panies are registered in the commune and the country. Currently the discussions evolve official unemployment rate is 15 per cent around the RMGC project and Romanian (INSSE 2012a). The preservation operations of public opinion on the issue is divided into two the existing mines presently represent the most camps, the defenders and the opponents of the important job opportunity. project. The demographic data above is of interest Assessing socio-economic impact is a key within a wider Romanian demographic element in development planning, both in context. If we compare the local data with small communities (Bowles 1981) and in national level data, it appears that Ros¸ia Mon- general (Barrow 2000; Taylor et al. 2004; tana˘’s situation is far from exceptional. Similar Burdge 2004). As it was not our aim to under- data can be found in many other communities, take a broader social impact assessment, we especially in former mono-industrial areas. The analysed three main quantitative elements of demographic analysis is used by the RMGC in socio-economic impact assessment of Ros¸ia their advertising campaigns to demonstrate the Montana˘: population growth, ethnic and reli- need for immediate investment in the local gious structures as background for cultural industry. This campaign has had a considerable diversity, and employment. The population of impact on public opinion in Romania, the Ros¸ia Montana˘ gradually decreased from 3,290 majority now supporting the mining project inhabitants in 2002 to 2,609 in 2011, according precisely because it would offer employment to the last two censuses (Ros¸ia Montana˘ Town opportunities for the local community. Accord-

Figure 1. Location of Ros¸ia Montana˘. 543 544 LUCIAN VESALON & REMUS CRET¸AN ing to a recent poll, no less than 80 per cent offered to investors in these areas. The law also favour the beginning of gold-mining opera- aimed at stimulating exports. Despite the tions in Ros¸ia Montana˘ (Active Watch 2012). expected outcomes, the actual impact of the On the contrary, critics of the mining project strategy was rather modest (Renascc 2012). usually point to demographic and geographic Among the main explanations for this record, advantages on which alternative development we could mention a lower emphasis on commu- solutions could be based (Olaru-Za˘inescu 2006, nity development, the lack of co-ordination 2012). This is in line with the argument that the among state and non-state actors involved in mining project brings certain benefits for the the strategy, the fact that bigger neighbouring local community, but at the same time it would towns and cities attracted more foreign invest- generate significant costs for the rest of the ment, unrealistic goals, poorly defined develop- population. ment projects, and deficient staff training. A significant stage was the inclusion of Ros¸ia The less-favoured areas strategy proved to be in Montana˘, together with the entire region of the itself insufficient in addressing the most press- Apuseni Mountains in the less-favoured areas in ing social and economic problems. 1999, a status which expired in 2008. According From a social perspective, mono- to Romanian law, less-favoured areas are industrialism is considered dangerous because defined as areas having at least one of the fol- chances for a more socially sensitive develop- lowing conditions: are mono-industrial (with ment are generally lower than in more complex minimum 50 per cent of population employed economic environments. Economically, mono- in the respective industry), are closed mining industrialism offers limited chances to access areas, have more than 25 per cent affected by jobs outside the existing industrial profile and collective lay-offs, unemployment rates more other economic initiatives are too dependent than 25 per cent above the national average, or on the activities of the main industrial actor. have an underdeveloped infrastructure (Annex From an environmental perspective, mono- 2, Law no. 350/2001, updated in 2006). industrial areas are usually among the most Mono-industrialism was a central issue in the polluted and environmentally degraded areas public debates on the development strategies in a country (Eckart et al. 2003). In practice of the Romanian economy during the post- however, investments in previously mono- communist transition (Ianos¸ 2000; Cret¸an et al., industrial areas and the opening of new indus- 2005; Dumitrescu 2007). Communist-era devel- trial sites boosted the confidence of the opment policies strongly favoured the creation political decision-makers in the future of the of industrial areas as a strategy of economic mono-industrial towns. Examples of newly growth, but also as a means of bolstering emerged or re-emerged mono-industrial towns autarky as a national economic principle. in Romania are Mioveni with its automotive Numerous towns thus became highly special- industry, Na˘vodari with its chemical industry, ised in specific industrial activities, such as the and Sânnicolau Mare with its automotive and chemical industry in Cops¸a Mica˘, and steel pro- IT industries. It is worth stressing that the production in Ca˘lan and Aiud, although in certain posed mining project at Ros¸ia Montana˘ raises instances it was more a case of continuing the precisely this fundamental issue of preserving industrial development pattern from the pre- the mono-industrial character of the area. communist period. After the fall of commu- The total projected revenues in the proposed nism, it soon became apparent that mono- RMGC mining project were initially estimated industrial areas presented serious social and at US$3.2 billion and the Romanian state’s roy- environmental problems, and were based on alties were set at 2 per cent (RMGC 2004). In an models of economic development that were effort to obtain the green-light for the project, considered incompatible with regional econ- RMGC re-drafted the project and promises to omic and political trends. ‘infuse as much as US$4 billion into the Roma- The declaration of less-favoured areas was at nian economy’, to employ more than 2,000 that time an important development strategy people and to offer new opportunities for the pursued by the Romanian government in many development of the local community (Gabriel de-industrialised areas. Fiscal advantages were Resources 2012). The royalties were doubled,

© 2013 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG MONO-INDUSTRIALISM AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT 545 being set at 4 per cent. In general, it is sug- overcome by the more complex strategies gested that the mining project brings numer- offered by alternative development, or by a ous advantages for the local community, for the combination of conventional and alternative economy, and also for the natural environ- measures. Alternative development strategies ment, which is currently affected by the previ- for Ros¸ia Montana˘ should first take into ous gold mines operating in the region. In account its unique cultural heritage. This addition, the project would also have a signifi- mainly includes archaeological sites, churches, cant horizontal economic impact, including and other historic buildings. The most impor- stimuli for developing the connected economic tant archaeological heritage consists of several sectors, especially the production of industrial old mining galleries dating back from the equipment and construction materials. Roman period, but also valuable archaeological The mining project requires the displace- sites belonging to the old Roman Alburnus ment of the entire population from the region, Maior settlement (Piso 2012). These are only involving the resettlement and relocation of at partially open to the public. Apart from the least 974 households according to the data Roman galleries, there are also valuable pieces offered by the RMGC (2006). Population dis- of mining technology deposited in the local placement raises a series of sensitive social mining museum. The cultural heritage also issues. In the first phase the project, between includes several churches built mainly during 2002 and 2004, RMGC made extensive prop- the nineteenth century. Besides this, there are erty acquisitions in the region, following the numerous other buildings which have a special rule of voluntary relocation, on the ‘willing value for the architectural patrimony, the Old seller/willing buyer’ principle (RMGC 2006, p. Town Hall, and several monuments (Haiduc 9). Then, the relocation operations were sus- 2012; Piso 2012). pended because of significant protests against The richness of the local cultural heritage the mining project and because the final and of the environment is frequently men- approval from the relevant Romanian authori- tioned as a significant economic opportunity ties was postponed. Numerous independent for the community of Ros¸ia Montana˘ by the experts signalled that the project is based on a NGOs involved in designing alternative devel- superficial understanding of the economic and opment projects in the area (The Golden social context in the region of Ros¸ia Montana˘ Way 2012). The local environment merits par- (Bran et al. 2003; Toma 2012; Haiduc 2012; ticular attention. On the one hand, there is a Moran 2012; Olaru-Za˘inescu 2012). Beyond mountain area composed of forests, pastures, the stage of apparently generous financial com- valuable biodiversity, and scenery much appre- pensations, the social problems of the commu- ciated by visitors. Of particular interest from a nity remain unaddressed and the resettlement geographical point of view are the dispersed project offers no policy guarantees that the households, small farms and villages (Turnock current social problems would not persist or 2005). But on the other hand, previous that a social crisis would not occur in the new mining activities destroyed a part of this land- community. The relocation started while the scape by a large open pit and heavily polluted mining project was pending the authorities’ the area, waters streams being the most approval, the mining company engaging in affected. actions with enormous social and economic The socio-economic data from Ros¸ia consequences before a legally defined frame- Montana˘ portrays a community under signifi- work for the case was in place (Vesalon & cant economic, social and environmental Cret¸an 2012). threat. The existing data, corroborated with the estimated social and economic impact of the CONSTRUCTING DEVELOPMENT RMGC project indicate that both maintaining ALTERNATIVES the current situation and beginning the mining project do not contribute significantly to We have seen that mono-industrialism is intrin- improving the living conditions at Ros¸ia sically undermined by serious social, economic Montana˘ in the longer term. This calls for the and environmental problems, which can be elaboration and implementation of a different

© 2013 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG 546 LUCIAN VESALON & REMUS CRET¸AN development model, in which issues of Although it is by no means the only organisa- community development and sustainability tion opposing the mining project in area, should be more carefully and comprehensively Alburnus Maior has become the core of the addressed. coalition against it. The contribution of inter- Let us now briefly review several initiatives national NGOs was also significant, their activi- proposed by local, national or international ties mostly consisting in organising protests NGOs as alternative development strategies for and marches against the mining project, and Ros¸ia Montana˘. These proposals belong to dif- various events to make known the problems ferent economic activities and cultural initia- of the local community at national and inter- tives, all having in common the rejection of national levels. For example, Mining Watch mono-industrialism, the opposition to indus- constantly reported on the Ros¸ia Montana˘ trial development in general, and a focus on problem, while Greenpeace was involved in participation and on enhancing the welfare of organising protests against the mining project, the local community. These proposals go its most recent action being a sit-in at the Min- beyond basic economic growth strategies and istry of Environment’s office. Besides organis- include initiatives which are more sensitive to ing such actions, the NGOs contributed social and environmental issues. The develop- immensely to raising the public awareness of ment proposals by NGOs can be grouped in the social and environmental consequences of several categories: tourism, manufacturing, the mining project, to exposing prejudices, small industry and farming (Figure 2). Differ- biases, and misinformation resulting from ent tourism activities have good potential. One the pro-mining campaign of the RMGC, and is based on opportunities related to the local to offer the background knowledge for cultural context, especially the architectural future alternative development initiatives heritage (churches, historical buildings, (Olaru-Za˘inescu 2006). Not least, it offered a museums), ethnic and confessional heritage. platform for public debates on the mining The festivals and art camps recently organised project and its alternatives in the area, and at Ros¸ia Montana˘ (for example, the Fân Fest offered a voice to marginalised actors in the (Hay Festival) and the painting/wood sculp- local community. ture camp) are also interesting initiatives. A well articulated alternative development Another type of cultural tourism is based on the project is the ‘Gold Road’, co-ordinated by the local archaeological heritage. Two different NGOs Floarea de colt¸ (Edelweiss) and Albur- kinds of archaeological heritage are relevant, nus Maior. Their goal is that of ‘involving the both related to the history of mining in the locals from Ros¸ia Montana˘ in activities that can area. One is represented by the old Roman bring alternative income and empowering mining galleries, while the other is the more them to develop private initiatives’ (The recent, modern mining facilities (mining Golden Way 2012). This is a good example of equipment and galleries). In addition, moun- an alternative development project in the field tain tourism and winter sports should present of eco-tourism and is among the most encom- interesting options, with small initiatives passing initiatives of promoting the cultural already available, but which cannot develop and historical heritage, but also the local envi- further without investment in infrastructure. ronment, nationally and internationally. The Local farming can also be regarded as an benefits for the local community consist in the important resource for agro-tourism. preservation of their heritage and the creation Alburnus Maior is the most known and of new jobs in tourism and farming (agro- active NGO, created to stimulate the coales- tourism). In more concrete terms, the ‘Gold cence of opposition to the RMGC gold-mining Road’ consists in the creation of three tours project and to offer alternatives. Their main which include the main architectural heritage campaign, ‘Save Ros¸ia Montana˘’, has devel- (e.g. Ros¸ia Montana˘’s main square), the trip to oped over a decade and through it the anti- the neighbouring mountains and lakes, the five mining campaigners and supporters of the local churches, and the visit to the smaller vil- preservation of the local community fought lages in the area (for example, Bucium) (The against the RMGC gold-mining project. Golden Way 2012).

Figure 2. Alternative development initiatives at Ros¸ia Montana˘. 547 548 LUCIAN VESALON & REMUS CRET¸AN

The rich global experience in restructuring usually found in mines. A restaurant was economic activities following the closure of opened in a former warehouse and the old gold mining activities offers valuable lessons for refinery was transformed into a residential future projects in post-mining development at building in Yellowknife, Canada (Silke et al. Ros¸ia Montana˘. A significant aspect is that the 2005). very existence of the entire mining infrastruc- Besides other shortcomings, shifting the ture is not necessarily a burden and can industrial profile at Ros,ia Montana˘ is further become a unique asset for future development limited by the poorly developed local infra- strategies (Eckart et al. 2003; Harfst & Wirth structure. Farming represents a more valuable, 2011). In the field of mining restructuring and and currently under-utilised, economic oppor- post-mining development various strategies tunity. The land suitable for agricultural activi- were experimented with in the last decades. ties in the area includes 4,161 hectares, out of One main approach is to shift the industrial which only 225 hectares are currently cultivated profile of the mining area. For example, the IT with crops, the most important of these being and electronics industry was developed as an fruit trees adapted to the local colder climate. economic alternative to coal mining in the The population employed in agriculture works Ruhr region in Germany. In Bochum for mainly in cattle farming, the number of small, instance, a professional training centre was and subsistence farms being 1,042. Dairy prod- opened in the location of the former Zeche ucts and home-made spirits are usually pro- Holland mine (Eckart et al. 2003). duced by these small farms. The agriculture Shifting the industrial profile of a former equipment available in the area is scarce and mining area is not the only, and in many old, for example only three tractors are regis- instances not the most appropriate, strategy for tered in the entire ‘comuna˘’ (INSSE 2012b). re-development. An alternative to shifting the This shows that farming in the area has good industrial profile is the implementation of potential, which is currently less exploited, small, local initiatives which rely more on but is potentially one of the most productive bottom-up, participatory approaches. From the economic assets in the area. Additionally, numerous examples of such initiatives, we opportunities which are at this time less could refer to the case of the reconversion of exploited are recreational activities at the sur- mining in the north-eastern part of Belgium rounding lakes, both significant assets for (Baeten et al. 1999) or to the situation in the recreational activities in the context of agro- Netherlands, in the region of Limburg (Derix tourism and mountain tourism. Other oppor- 1989). Such cases show how the previous tunities would require major investment in mining industry can be successfully replaced by infrastructure and are therefore dependent on small enterprises and tourist facilities. more complex development planning, involv- The restructuring of mining is obviously ing local and central institutions and agencies. dependent on the economic, geographic and social circumstances, the best new develop- FRAMEWORK FOR ALTERNATIVE ment proposals being adapted to the socio- DEVELOPMENT AT ROS¸IA MONTANA˘: economic context. For instance, a project like LIMITS AND FUTURE PROSPECTS the ‘C-Mine renovation’ in Belgium, consisting of the creation of a cultural and tourist centre The RMGC gold-mining project is criticised at Winterslag mine, near Genk, cannot repre- both for its social and environmental conse- sent a realistic alternative in other areas which quences, which calls for rethinking the devel- are not close to important cities or lack a good opment framework for the area of Ros¸ia transportation infrastructure (Inhabitat 2011). Montana˘. Tourism for example, avoids the Mining galleries can also be used in a variety of specific environmental dangers posed by indus- small industries and manufacturing. Interest- trial development, while manufacturing and ing proposals are, for instance, the opening of farming contribute to the prosperity of the cinemas in the old mines or using the galleries families living in the area over a longer period as warehouses for a variety of products needing of time. Cultural initiatives related to the local the temperature and humidity parameters architectural heritage help the preservation of

© 2013 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG MONO-INDUSTRIALISM AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT 549 the historical background of the area, enhanc- viding adequate economic incentives and an ing the stability and sustainability of smaller appropriate legal framework. For instance, the economic projects. Other projects, such as fes- inclusion of Ros¸ia Montana˘ in mono-industrial tivals and arts camps help promoting the village areas limits the types of development projects both nationally and internationally. But alter- which can be implemented in the area, basi- native development projects have their own cally of those projects which are not compatible limits, which have to be carefully addressed in with the declared main industrial activity order to improve the prospects of a genuine (Toma 2012). alternative to conventional development. Alternative development initiatives are Tourism is generally seen as a strategy for usually based on a shorter-term and project- rapid economic growth, mainly in small towns based funding. While this ensures the flexibility (Prosser 1994; Giaoutzi & Nijkamp 2006; of development planning, it also makes it vul- Ferreira 2007). There are different opinions on nerable to changes in the local socio-economic the development of tourism at Ros¸ia Montana˘. context, to changes in the legal framework and While some authors (Paven-Gavrila˘ & Muntean also to changes in the national development 2012) agree that tourism is a unique alternative policies. The recent experience at Ros¸ia for the former mining community, others show Montana˘ shows that the contribution of NGOs that it could not be regarded as a panacea for with small projects is fundamental for explor- the development problems facing rural com- ing development alternatives. But it also points munities in Romania (Matei 2010). In general, to the fact that the survival of such projects over the limits of tourism-based development are a longer period of time depends on the capacity connected to the stress on the environment to fund their projects and on their full commit- and on the community. First of all, it can have a ment to the role of stewards for the local com- negative environmental impact, mostly corre- munity. As already pointed out, participatory lated to winter sports, to the building of infra- approaches are further limited by the fact that structure (new roads and buildings, ski slopes, the majority of the local population reportedly ski lifts), to road traffic and air/phonic pollu- supports the mining project. By involving their tion. Another limit is the vulnerability to fluc- specific goals and practices, global NGOs can tuations in the national and global economy, also interfere with the participatory processes meaning that during an economic slowdown on which the local alternative development fewer tourists would be attracted in the area. projects are based. Tourism can also gradually change the local Another important limit is that NGOs do not landscape and architecture, with newer tourism always promote participatory development. facilities replacing the traditional architectural NGOs opposing the mining projects are not the landscapes and also changing the natural envi- only organisations acting in connection to the ronment. Another important limit is related to ‘Ros¸ia Montana˘ problem’. At least two local the cultural impact, tourism transforming the NGOs, Pro Ros¸ia Montana˘ and Pro Dreptatea local community into providers of services for (Pro Justice) are currently involved in support- tourism (Butler 1990). Sometimes, and espe- ing gold exploitation in the area. Leaving aside cially in peripheral destinations, as the former the ambiguity of their denomination, they mining areas, tourism can also deteriorate the co-operate with the miners’ trade union Vii- social order of local communities (Buhalis torul mineritului (The Future of Mining) and 1999). claim to represent the entire community’s eco- Development planning done solely by NGOs nomic interests. Claiming that mining is a tra- can also be vulnerable to other factors, such as ditional activity in the region and that the lack of co-ordination among various stakehold- RMGC project represents a unique economic ers, implementation deficiencies or unrealistic opportunity for the local community, they par- estimations of results. Therefore, alternatives to ticipate in an active pro-mining campaign. industrial development have to be carefully Their main activities include the release of integrated into more comprehensive frame- open letters to officials and stakeholders, orga- works and state institutions should be involved nising public consultations, publishing materi- in ensuring infrastructure development, pro- als on the RMGC project, and co-ordinating the

© 2013 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG 550 LUCIAN VESALON & REMUS CRET¸AN activities of the pro-mining activists (Pro Ros¸ia for participation. Organising public consulta- Montana˘ 2010). They are opposed to declaring tions for example, require complex logistics the area a UNESCO site. Pro Ros¸ia Montana˘ and funding which are not always available was specifically created by the RMGC to defend (Turnock 2004). Even when participation in the mining project and mobilise the local com- development processes is guaranteed, there munity and the general public in favour of the can still be a limited empowerment achieved mining project. This demonstrates that NGOs for local communities. Thus, there is a risk in can also be effectively used as tools for muting alternative development for communities to public discontent and disarticulating protests, remain dependent on the support of external as it happened with the counter-initiative actors and less reliant on their own capacity to against the anti-mining campaign. It should be develop. Being formulated in a context of an therefore noted that NGOs are not in them- environmental conflict, the majority of the pro- selves a warrant that collective decision-making posed alternative development projects seem is always open and democratic, especially in to last as long as environmental NGOs and smaller communities (Kapoor 2002a). other protesters are active in the region. These Participation is among the most sensitive alternative projects are likely to disappear once issues in development. Alternative develop- the mining project is cancelled. Moreover, par- ment promises indeed to offer a more partici- ticipatory development cannot always over- patory approach, but in practice this is come the divergent interests within the local tremendously complicated to accomplish. In communities and the tensions between them the case of Ros¸ia Montana˘, many development and other stakeholders. Not least, sometimes projects proposed by NGOs formally include the lack of an adequate theorisation under- the local community in designing, implement- mines the framework for participatory developing and evaluating the proposed projects. ment (Kapoor 2002b). This confirms that However, the actual involvement of the local alternative development remains a contested population remains weak and the proposed terrain, where various interests meet and some- alternatives are many times perceived as uncon- times collide (Robertson & Shaw 1998). vincing and unfeasible (Earth Works Action 2012). In parallel, RMGC mobilised them to CONCLUDING REMARKS defend the project and involved them in a well- funded pro-mining campaign, organised by The limits signalled above do not call for aban- media and PR professionals. The financial and doning alternative development. At Ros¸ia human resources employed by NGOs and by Montana˘, this should not be interpreted as an bigger companies in promoting their projects argument for industrial development and for are many times so unequal that the local popu- the beginning of the mining operations. On lation’s preferences and representation of the contrary, these limits draw attention to the opportunities fall prey to the interests of the fact that alternative development needs a better economically stronger actor. After all, alterna- policy framework and a broader participation tive development remains a contested terrain, which should include the members of the local and the mere involvement of NGOs in develop- communities, NGOs, but also state institutions ment is not in itself a warrant of a democratic and other political and economic actors. The process. And there is always the danger of emphasis on local solutions sometimes leaves uncritically accepting alternative development unaddressed the structural problems of the simply due to its appealing rhetoric of offering Romanian economy. Local development is a ‘different’ and an ‘unconventional’ develop- vital, but is undermined by significant risks ment (Pieterse 2010). without a better and more complex co- Development-by-NGOs is generally consid- ordination, involving all stakeholders and ered the privileged method for ensuring a decision-makers. more democratic alternative to conventional The community of Ros¸ia Montana˘ was development (Bebbington et al. 2008). How- involved in proposing several alternative ever, in concrete contexts, it is not always pos- projects in co-operation with international and sible for NGOs to offer the appropriate context national NGOs. These alternative models were

© 2013 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG MONO-INDUSTRIALISM AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT 551 produced in a context of environmental con- to provide sources of income for the local flict and as a specific response to the resettle- population and respond to the imperative of a ment and relocation plans of the mining more socially and environmentally sensitive, company. The reinterpretation of the idea of but also a more democratic development. ‘sustainable development’ was a vital aspect of However, these alternatives should be inte- the movement against the mining project. grated into a comprehensive development Members of the local community and a large framework for the entire area, which includes coalition of NGOs participated in the debate opportunities for a broader participation and for promoting diverse alternatives to the co-operation among different stakeholders mining industry in the region, ranging from and state institutions. The situation at Ros¸ia ecological farming and light industry to creat- Montana˘ represents the most important chal- ing a national park in the region as possible lenge to the accepted development patterns in alternatives to the mining project. Romania and the first significant attempt to The protests against the mining project were question the strategy of exploiting natural integrated into a larger movement engaging resources for short-time profits and disregard- many actors from Romanian society and ing the social and environmental conse- numerous international NGOs. This is a unique quences. It is, therefore, a unique opportunity case in Romanian post-communist history to signal the deep-rooted problems associated when groups from civil society opposed a busi- with mono-industrialism, but also a chance to ness development project. The magnitude of consolidate alternative development processes the movement, the complexity and novelty of in post-communist economies. repertoires of action, the new language of protests and the magnitude of the coalition have Acknowledgements no precedent in post-communist Romania. The capacity of the local community to challenge The research for this paper was supported through the conventional development agenda is one of the grant ‘Trans-national network of integrated man- the contributions to the movement against the agement for post-doctoral research in the field of RMGC mining project, with the international science communication. Institutional construction NGOs making a major contribution in shaping (post-doctoral school) and fellowship programme the counter-development discourse. To a sig- (CommScie)’, POSDRU/89/1.5/S/63663. nificant extent, the movement against the mining project succeeded in reinvigorating Note public debates on the current transformations of post-communist economies and societies. In 1. In Romania, ‘comuna˘’ is an administrative- this respect, the Ros¸ia Montana˘ movement is economic unit which includes at least one village. more than a single-issue movement and acts as an important element in coagulating the con- REFERENCES tributions of civil society actors and state institutions to the creation of a new participatory Academia Româna˘ (Romanian Academy) (2012), culture. It was a valuable opportunity for the Puncte de Vedere privind Ros¸ia_Montana˘ (Points local community to interact with civil society of View on Ros¸ia_Montana˘), Bucharest. Available and experiment with new forms of social action at . Accessed on 6 April 2012. communist Romania in which solidarity Active Watch (2012), Rubrica Cetateanului beyond narrow social or economic interests was Necenzurat: Manipulare (The Heading of reinvented. Uncensored Citizen: Manipulation). Bucharest. The assessment of development alternatives Available at . alternative development projects represent Accessed on 10 April 2012. challenging prospects for the local community. Alburnus Maior (2004), Anticipating Surprise These projects include both tourism initiatives – Assessing Risk, Investors Guide to Gabriel and small economic enterprises, which are able Resources Ros¸ia Montana˘ Mine Proposal. Ros¸ia

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