(i)

THE SOCIAL WELFARE PHILOSOPHY OP THE

SOCIAL CREDIT PARTY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

A Descriptive Study of the Origins and Basic Tenets of Social Credit and of their significance in the Social Welfare Philosophy of the Social Credit Movement and Government as they have emerged in British Columbia.

by

BYRON DAVID BENTLEY JOHN DAVID SHILLINGTON UTHO- CHARLES STEIDLE RAYMOND JOHN THOMLISON

Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK in the School of Social Work

Accepted as conforming to the standard required for the degree of Master of Social Work

School of Social Work

1965

The University of British Columbia In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of

British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my

Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.

School of Social Work

The University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. (iii) ABSTRACT

Social welfare attitudes and policies are rooted in philosophical approaches. The attitudes and policies of political parties to social welfare are to be sought in the political philosophies of these parties. It has been the purpose of this thesis to explore the political philosophy of the Social Credit

League and Government of British Columbia in order to ascertain how this is reflected in matters of social welfare.

The theoretical father of Social Credit was Major Douglas of

England. His economic and monetary theories were formulated in the 1920s. In 1935 these theories found an opportunity of being put to the test when, under the leadership of Premier Aberhart, the Social Credit Party came to power in Alberta. In British

Columbia Social Credit was elected to power in 1952 and has since held the reigns of power continuously.

An exploration of the welfare policies of the British Columbia

Social Credit Party required an investigation of the genesis of this movement. Thus it was necessary to delve into the literature of and about Major Douglas. The development of the Social Credit movement of Alberta and a study of its relationship to the economic theories on which it was created proved to be a helpful approach in understanding thinking on social welfare issues. Finally, this thesis turns to the scene in British Columbia and traces the rise to power of the Social Credit party. Power is expressed in policy.

Thus it was necessary to focus on the possible policy-making sources.

The British Columbia Social Credit League represents one such source.

The other is, of course, the government itself. (iv)

Prom the accumulated evidence there emerges a picture of

Social Credit social welfare philosophy. Douglas placed emphasis on the provision of a basic dividend. He maintained that the problems confronting people stemmed from their inability to purchase the product of an ever-growing ability to produce. Douglas argued that if his economic theory was linked to the growing leisure imposed by the industrial system, then the welfare of the individual would be assured.

Aberhart's understanding of the Douglas theory appears to be confused. A strong religious component is evident in the Aberhart approach. Individualism and self-reliance, these are the in• gredients of the Aberhart thesis. Coupled with this is to be found a concern for the blind, the widowed and the sick. The biblical injunction is preserved both in word and content so that social welfare might well be said to be understood in just this way. Aberhart's attempt to undertake elements of Douglas' ideas were frustrated and so the testing ground for this economic theory was tested in court rather than in practice.

In British Columbia we note that the Social Credit League demonstrates adherance both to the Douglas theory and the religious conviction of Aberhart. Both the League and the Government are

strong adherants of the free enterprise system. Both emphasise the virtue of work and stress the idea of self reliance. While important segments of the League advocate monetary reform a la

Douglas, the Government has avoided this issue. The evidence

shows that the Social Credit movement makes a distinction between those who are worthy of help and those who are not. This, to a (v)

large extent, creates the base upon which social welfare policy

is created. At a governmental level the emphasis is placed on economic stimulation, vocational training and rehabilitation. (vi)

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We wish to express our sincere thanks to the

Hon. Mr. W. D. Black, Minister of Public Welfare, who generously offered and gave his valuable time

to assist the Thesis group in a long interview.

Similarly, we are indebted to Mr. S. T. Madeley,

Exec. Director of the Social Credit League of B.C.

for his friendly cooperation.

Finally, we wish to express our gratitude to

Prof. Ben Chud, of the School of Social Work, UBC, who supervised the Thesis group, offering suggestions

and advice and providing guidance and encouragement. (ii)

TABLE OP CONTENTS Page

Chapter 1. An Historical Perspective

Introduction, purpose, scope, method. Origin of Social Credit Philosophy. Major Douglas, Control of Credit, The Just Price National Dividends.. Social Credit Put Into Practice, The Province of Alberta, Major Douglas and William Aberhart. Aberhart's Social Credit Philosophy and Social Welfare. The Development of Social Credit in British Columbia

Chapter 2. Social Welfare Philosophy and the B. C. Social Credit League;- Resolutions presented to the Annual Conventions from 1953 to 19^1

Introduction, Objective, The Material, The Approach. Basic Philosophy. Principles and Methods. Our Worthy Poor, the Aged. Other Categories of Worthy Poor. The Unworthy Poor, Social Assistance. Other Social Welfare Areas. Comments

Chapter 3. Social Welfare Philosophy and the Social Credit Government of"B.C.:- An interview with The Honourable Mr. W.P. Black. Minister of Welfare.

The Industrial System versus Financial System. Economic Measures and Social Welfare Measures. Basic right to Social Assistance versus Individual Responsibility. Government Responsibility to Provide Employment versus Individual Responsibility. For Finding Same Long Range Planning in Field of Social Welfare and Long Range Planning in other Fields. The setting of priorities in Social Welfare Measures. Formulation of Social Credit Social Welfare Philosophy

Chapter Li_. Conclusions on the Social Credit Party and its Welfare Policy.

Douglas' Economic Theory and Social Welfare. Aberhart's Social Welfare Policy. B.C. Social Credit League and Social Welfare. Summary of B.C. Social Credit Party Welfare Policy. Further Areas for possible Investigation

Appendices:

I. Interview Schedule II. Transcript of Interview Ill Bibliography CHAPTER I

A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Introduction

(a) Purpose

The purpose in undertaking a study of this nature lies in the relationship between politics and the field of social welfare. It is important to understand the relationship which exists between these two institutions because of the ways in which political phil• osophy affects social welfare legislation. The political party in power is naturally the dominant force in determining the nature of the legislation to be passed. On the other side, the opposition parties influence the government's decisions by providing criti• cism on the basis of their respective political philosophies. Thus, social welfare legislation can be said to be the product of polit• ical philosophies.

The profession of Social Work is concerned with human welfare and necessary social legislation. It is therefore anticipated that this study will further to some degree the profession's understand• ing of Social Credit party philosophy and more specifically the phil• osophy pertinent to Social Welfare.

(b) Scope

This thesis will represent the first of a series dealing with the social welfare philosophies of the political parties in the

Province of British Columbia. It was initially thought that this topic could be embraced within the contents of this thesis, however it was realized that it would be necessary to focus on one political party in order to assure a more accurate assessment. The Social Cred• it party was.selected as being more appropriate for this initial study -2- for two major reasons. Firstly, the Social Credit party has con• stituted the government of British Columbia since 1952 and secondly, as a result of this administration the Social Welfare philosophy would be more readily ascertained. To our knowledge, no study of this nature has previously been undertaken and accordingly, many questions were without answers thereby preventing the formulation of a hypothesis. For that reason this thesis may be regarded as an exploratory study of Social Credit philosophy in the Province of

British Columbia.

The study is concerned with three major areas; (1) a discus• sion of original Social Credit philosophy and its evolution to So• cial Credit in British Columbia; (2) the Social Welfare philosophy of the followers of Social Credit as represented in the Social Cred• it League annual recommendations and, (3) the Government's philos• ophy as represented by the Minister of Social Welfare, the Honour• able Wesley Black.

(c) Method

Many methods or ways of approaching this study were possible.

Information could have been obtained from an examination of the political activity of the members in the legislature. The philos• ophy could perhaps have been ascertained by viewing the party through an examination of the feelings and attitudes of the elec• torate at the grass roots level. The approach that was finally de• cided upon attempted to integrate these approaches but choosing a historical perspective as a point of departure.

It was decided to take a historical perspective as the basis for the thesis, anticipating that an understanding of the original

Social Credit philosophy would assist in establishing the relation- -3-

ship between Social Credit in British Columbia and, original Social

Credit theory. Since the theory was formulated in England and a So• cial Credit government was elected in the Province of Alberta in 1§35 it could be suggested that some diversity of philosophy might occur by the time a Social Credit government was elected in British Colum• bia in 1952.

After having attempted to derive the basic Social Credit phil• osophy from the literature available, the focus was then turned to the main concern of the study, i.e. social welfare philosophy in

British Columbia. In order to accurately assess the Social Credit philosophy it would be necessary to establish some understanding of government philosophy and, as important, some understanding of the philosophy of the Social Credit electorate.

To evaluate thephilosophy of the Government an interview sched• ule was prepared to be presented to Premier W.A.C. Bennett, the Hon• ourable Eric Martin, Minister of Health and a long time British Col• umbia Social Credit supporter, and, the Honourable Wesley Black,

Minister of Social Welfare. Mr. Black was the only representative of the Government available and although, Mr. Black was fully co• operative it is realized that the evaluation would have been strength• ened had the other representatives been available.

In an attempt to ascertain the philosophy held by the supporters of Social Credit in British Columbia the presidents of the respective

Social Credit Leagues were taken to be representative of the opinions of the Social Credit population. It was intended that questionnaires would be sent to these persots however, the necessary addresses proved to be unavailable. As an alternative, an examination of the annual reports from the Social Credit League conventions was undertaken. Prom the recommendations in these reports it was anticipated that some conclusions regarding the philosophy of the league could be made.

Origin of Social Credit Philosophy.

Major C. H. Douglas (1§78 - 1952).

During-the 1920*s in England Major Clifford Hugh Douglas, a mechanical engineer, was concerned with his observations of the dis• crepancies in the economics of production and consumption.

Douglas published many books which were designed to both acquaint the reader with the existing conditions and provide a solution for these ills.

His original intention was not to build a new political move• ment but rather to make known his observations to those individuals who were in influential positions. C.B. MacPherson observes that the development of Social Credit in England can be seen in three stages.

"In the initial period no public movement was contemplated; the appeal was to those in in• fluential circles In the second period, from about 1920 to 193U^, efforts were made to build up an extensive public opinion among educated readers.... In 1931+ a political stra• tegy was worked out, designed to turn social credit opinion into an effective political pressure group."

Douglas published his first book Social Credit in 1921+. The same book underwent considerable revision when the third edition was pub• lished in 1933. Other books written by Douglas were also published in the late 1920's and early 1930*s indicating the redirection of his efforts.

I MacPherson, C.B. Democracy in Alberta; Toronto, University of Toronto Press; 1953, p. 121. An attempt will be made in the following pages to set down the bas• ic premises as they have been advanced by Douglas.

Major Douglas observed, during the first World War, that the total value of goods produced in a given period of time invariably exceeded the total wages of the persons employed in the production of these goods. This conclusion led Douglas to formulate his con• troversial "A + B Theorem." According to Douglas,

"A factory or other productive organization has, besides its economic function as a producer of goods, a financial aspect - it may be regarded, on the one hand as a device for the distribution of purchasing power to individuals through the media of wages, salaries, and dividends, and on the other hand as a manufactory of prices - financial values. Prom this standpoint its pay• ments may be divided into two groups. Group A - All payments made to individuals (wages, salaries and dividends). Group B - All payments made to other organizations (raw materials, bank charges, and other external costs)• Now the rate of flow of purchasing power to in• dividuals is represented by A, but since all pay• ments go into prices, the rate of flow of prices cannot be less than A + B. The product of any factory may be considered as something which the public ought to be able to buy, although in many oases it is an intermediate product of no use to individuals but only to a subsequent manufacture; but since A will not purchase A + B, a proportion of the product at least equivalent to B must be distributed by a form of purchasing power which is not comprised in the descriptions grouped under A nl

•Tl • • • •

Perhaps the following simple example may assist the reader in understanding the "A + B Theorem." Suppose a bakeshop employs two bakers salaried at $10.00 per day each. Further, suppose the cost of the raw materials per day totals $10.00. According to our under• standing of the A + B theory, A totals $20.00 and B totals $10.00.

The total cost of the daily product would be A + B or $30.00.

Douglas, CH.-Credit Power & Democracy: London, C. Palmer Ltd; 1920. pp. 21-27; Hence, the cost of production inevitably exceeds the total wages paid out or as Douglas refers to it, the purchasing power. Thus, there exists an imbalance between the total purchasing power avail• able and the total cost of production. This imbalance inhibits the consumption of the production that an industrial community is cap• able of bringing forth. This in turn means that some people will be unable to buy the products produced.

Douglas advocated the alleviation of these imbalances by the introduction of monetary reform in the form of what he called Social

Credit. For the purposes of our discussion of Social Credit we can classify Douglas' proposals into three categories; (1) Control of

Credit; (2) The Just Price and; (3) National Dividends.

(1) Control of Credit;

Douglas was concerned with^the way in which the banking system was permitted to create credit and in this way facilitate profit making. He emphasized that we should recognize the fact, "that what is commonly called credit by the banker is administered by him pri• marily for the purpose of private profit, whereas it is most defin• itely communal property."1 He was of the opinion that if there was to be a "Monopoly of Credit", it should not be in the hands of pri• vate interests but rather in the control of the community i.e. the

Government. This did not entail nationalization of the banks but rather a change in the policy of the use of money. Douglas stated that "the proper function of a money system is to control and direct distribution of goods and services. It is, or should be an order system, not a reward system." For the purpose of clarity he points

Douglas, CH. Economic Democracy- London, C.Palmer Ltd. 1921, BP« 120-121. ^Douglas, CH. Social Credit. London, Eyre & Spottiswoode; 1933,P• -7- to a railway ticket as an example of a means for the distribution of transportation. The fact that the ticket is worth money has no bearing upon the function of entitling the holder to travel from point A to point B.

According to the Douglas theory, "the business of a modern and effective financial system is to issue credit to the consumer, up to the limit of the productive capacity of the producer, so that either the consumer's real demand is satiated, or the producer's ca- 1 pacity is exhausted, whichever happens first." The way in which this could be accomplished would be to issue money or money in the form of credit at a rate which would maintain an equilibrium between the pur• chasing power of the population and the total cost of the produce available. In this way, Douglas felt the injustice of financing only production at the expense of financing consumption would be allev• iated. The basic Social Credit premise underlying this control of the banking process is that production regardless of quantity, with• out the ability to purchase leads to economic imbalance and hence inadequate use of the Nation's wealth.

(2) The Just Price.

Douglas describes the Just Price by saying"ln a community where• in the financial system is based on Real Credit, the Just Price of an article to a consumer bears to the cost of its production the same ratio as the gross Depreciation of Real Credit bears to gross Appre- 2 elation thereof."

In order to attempt an understanding of what is meant by the

Just Price let us first examine two important forms of credit, as I Douglas, op. cit., pp. 106-107. 2 Tutte, W.A. Douglas Social Credit for Canada; Vancouver Social Credit Publishing To., 193^, P. J-V3. -8- seen by Douglas. Douglas differentiates between "Real Credit" and

"Financial Credit". Financial credit is that which exists in our banking systems today and is "simply an estimate of the capacity 1 to pay money - any sort of money which is legal or customary tender".

Douglas' conception of what he calls real credit is "the correct es• timate of the rate, or dynamic capacity, at which a community can 2 deliver goods and services as demanded," i.e. the raw materials or natural resources of a community. It is this latter type of credit which Douglas stated would provide the basis for the creation of new money. Douglas is of the opinion that financial credit is a means by which real credit is developed and accordingly, financial credit is a reflection of the real credit of the community.

Now, according to Douglas, in order to make money available to the consumer, it is necessary to have control of financial credit.

Further, in order to balance the difference between the purchasing power and the production available, we have two alternatives. We could simply provide more money to people by printing more. How- 3 ever, this would result in inflation. Alternatively, he states that the simplest way of increasing the purchasing power is by re• ducing prices. The price of a particular amount of produce under this system, would be borne in part by the individual and in part by the community. At this point, let us link together the above 1 Douglas, CH. The Control and Distribution of Production; London, Nott; 1934- 2 Ibid., p. 10. 3 Tutte, W.A.. Douglas Social Credit for Canada; Vancouver, Social Credit Publishing Co.; 1931+, p. 190. -9r discussion of credit to this latter thought. Remembering that Doug• las sees real credit as being available to the community for increased wealth, he extends this to the National (Real) Credit, which as the term suggests refers to the national community. Now, Douglas sug• gests, if we defray total cost of a product in part to the individual and in part to the community, the communities' contribution could come from the national credit. Here we have the basis of the Just

Price, wherein goods can be sold to the individual at or below cost price and the producer's deficit be made up by drawing upon the na• tional credit .

How the Just Price is arrived at is an interesting and compli• cated process. It is based on a calculation involving three factors:

(1) The National real wealth at that particular time;

(2) The Appreciation of the real credit which is in turn dependent upon the development of community assets and;

(3) The National Depreciation or the consumption involved in pro• duction of real credit.

Now, the cost of any product which is to be borne, by the consumer is referred to as the Just Price Factor which is in fact, the ratio of the National Depreciation to the Gross National Appreciation.

The cost to be borne by the community is the Just Price Discount and represents the remaining cost of the item.

Perhaps the following example would aid in clarifying the cal- 1 culation of the Just Price. Suppose that during a particular pro• duction year the National Real wealth is 100 units. Further sup• pose that the gross production for that year is 2$ units. When any product Is produced certain quantities of material are expended.

Ibid., p. 193. -10-

For the purposes of this example, let the consumption in production equal 10 units. Douglas would refer to this as the National Depre• ciation. Douglas takes the gross production as the Gross Apprecia• tion at that time i.e. 25 units. The just price factor would then be equal to the National Depreciation/Gross National Appreciation or 10/25=2/5 of the cost of the article. The Just Price discount would be 3/5ths,

(3) National Dividends.

Douglas1 proposal to issue an amount of money to each citizen to supplement his income was arrived at upon consideration of the increasing displacement of men in production by machines. He stated that the individual is entitled to this dividend as the result of his membership in society. This he referred to as the individual's

"Cultural Heritage". Closely linked to the individual's Cultural

Heritage was the unearned increment which is the entitlement of the individual to a share of the national wealth as a result of his con• tribution to the community as a consumer or producer. Douglas stated,

"in place of the relation of the individual to the nation being that of a taxpayer, it is easily seen to be that of a share• holder. Instead of paying for the doubtful privilege of being entitled to a particular brand of passport, its possession entitles him to draw a dividend, certain and probably increasing, from the past and present efforts of the community of which he is a member."-'- It seems that the finances of this national dividend would be drawn from the national money or credit, which as we have already seen will also supply the just price discount. This dividend issuance has par• ticular implications for social welfare and shall be considered in this light in the following section.

Douglas. CH. Monopoly of Credit: London. Chapman & Hall; 1933, PP. 80-8l. -li•

lt is anticipated that this brief discussion, of what was felt were the three important areas of Douglas Social Credit theory, will provide a basis upon which to evaluate the Application of Social Cred• it philosophy as it was first known in Alberta and more recently in

British Columbia.

Let us now, with our understanding of original Social Credit philosophy, attempt to examine any implications it might have for the field of Social Welfare.

Implications for Social Welfare.

Douglas' two most important avowed goals were to establish in• dividual freedom by alleviating the economic control which the bank• ing system held and secorafflly, to bring about economic reform in or• der to provide purchasing power for all individuals. Douglas stated that every person should have the "power to make decisions, to choose or refuse, one thing at a time." This is "freedom for the individ• ual." He observed that with increasing unemployment and poverty this freedom was being taken from the individual. The question was then, how to deal with this unemployment.

Douglas observed, that the industrial system was capable of pro• ducing what was required of it, and at the same time, decreasing the amount of human labor required. Further, the replacement of human labor by machines was increasing and this would unavoidably lead to 1 a situation, which he chose to call a "condition of leisure" rather than unemployment. Douglas stated that "some agreement is necessary as to whether unemployment, in its alternative description of lei• sure, is a misfortune or whether it is a release. If it is a release,

1 Douglas, CH. Warning Democracy; London, Nott; 193^-, p.82. -12-

t then obviously it must not be accompanied by economic, or rather fi- 1 nancial penalization." Douglas felt that in the industrial society, there was nothing to compel the man to work nor should there be any stigma in the event he was not working. According to Douglas, "the banking organization as existing is by its expressed philosophy seriously handicapped in dealing with this situation. This philos• ophy exalts industrial work as an end in itself, and deplores as one of the major evils of the time, the leisure which it labels the un- 2 employment problem."

The solution to this problem, as Douglas saw it, was the issu• ance of a dividend to each member of the community. The obvious im• plication of the dividend was to provide a basic income or economic security for the individual. At the same time the issuance of this dividend was to contribute to the stability of the national economy.

Douglas discounted the idea that this dividend would lead to demoralization of the population. He stated that people with eco• nomic security were able to find activities which bring them satis• faction whether these activities are remunerative or not. Douglas derived from this many positives for the social situation of a na• tion. He stated that the individual, "having more leisure...is less likely to suffer from either individual or national nerve strain, and having more time to meet his neighbors, can reasonably be expected to understand them more fully. Not being dependent upon a wage or sal• ary, for subsistence, he is under no necessity to suppress his indi• viduality, with a result that his capacities are likely to take new _ Douglas, op. cit. , p. 78. 2 Ibid., P. 77. -13- 1 forms of which we have so far little conception."

Without attempting to draw any conclusions as to whether or not

Social Credit monetary theory is or is not a legitimate economic the•

ory, we can perhaps make certain observations from the immediately preceding discussion. It would be safe to conclude that Douglas felt

individual freedom was being threatened by the existing financial sit• uation. Included in this was the lack of consumer spending power and

increasing displacement of individuals in industry. These three fac•

tors- constituted the social ills as Douglas perceived them. The al•

leviation of these problems lay in the incorporation of Social Credit

theory into the National economy. Further, the issuance of a divi•

dend to each member of the nation was by far the most striking fea•

ture of this philosophy. It is difficult to know what restrictions

Douglas would put on the receiving of such a dividend, if any. He

states that there is no necessity for the individual to work because

the reality of the situation is that automation is creating increased

"leisure." However, on the other hand it seems that there is an un•

derlying assumption throughout the theory that the individual has con•

tributed to the development of the "national wealth" by working, lea•

ving the impression that an individual would have to make this contri• bution before the receipt of a dividend could be justified. Further,

it appears that Douglas" Social Credit Philosophy would attempt to

remedy all the problems of society by alleviating the imbalance be•

tween purchasing power on the one hand, and productive capacity on

the other.

1 Ibid.. P. 81. -Ill-

In conclusion, Douglas Social Credit can be said to be basical• ly an economic theory which was concerned with assuring the individ• ual's freedom in society by providing the consumer with purchasing power in the form of decreases in prices and dividends.

Social Credit Put Into Practice?

The Province of Alberta.

Although Major Douglas advocated his Social Credit theories in

England, they were never put into practice in that country. Strangely enough, Social Credit emerged as a political force in the Province of

Alberta. This phenomenon has been examined by a multitude of authors, some looking at the purely economic side and others examining the psy• chological and sociological implications. The presentation which fol• lows is perhaps a combination of these approaches with a focus first, on the leader of the movement and secondly, on the social welfare phil• osophy.

In the late 1920's and early 1930's the general economic depres• sion was having noticeable effects on the population of the Province of Alberta. As was the case in other parts of the world, Alberta suffered from unemployment, thousands were on relief, others were lack• ing food, clothing and other necessities of life. In this province, where the economy was primarily dependent on agriculture, the farmers were confronted with problems resulting from both natural and man-made causes. Grasshoppers and droughts had plagued the farmers destroying their crops. They were faced with heavy tariffs, low prices for their products, disappearing markets and accordingly, debts and high mort• gages on their property.

Prior to the onslaught of this depression a Calgary high school principal, William Aberhart, had formed a fundamentalist religious -15- group, which by the mid 1920's had grown to have a large following.

During this time he was broadcasting by radio, his religious teach- 1 ings to over 350,000 people. This religious following and the feel• ing which they had for Aberhart was to play an integral part in his future political achievements. Although Aberhart was concerned with the effects the depression was having on Alberta, it is reported that he did not become motiv• ated to seek a solution until two disturbing events struck close to 2 him. One of Aberhart's students succeeded in taking his own life apparently as a result of family stress which was directly related to their economic situation. Secondly, due to a lack of adequate financial resources, the school teachers in the province received a sharp decrease in their salaries. It is reported that Aberhart was deeply concerned over these events and felt that something had to be done.

In 1929, Aberhart became acquainted with a fellow teacher Charles

Scourbourgh, who introduced him to the economic philosophy of Major

Douglas. Scourbourgh had met Douglas in 1925 and became somewhat in• trigued by the latter's proposed solution to the depressed economy.

Initially, Aberhart was not interested in Social Credit philosophy.

However, Scourbourgh persisted and after reading Maurice Colbourne's 3 book Unemployment or War, Aberhart felt "that Social Credit was ex• actly what the people of Alberta needed to redeem their province from k the depth1 . s into which the bankers and financiers had plunged it." Irving. Social Credit; p.31. 2 Ibid., p. I4.7 3 Ibid.. p. I4.8. k Ibid., p. 1+9. -16-

Aberhart integrated Social Credit theory into his religious teach• ings gradually, giving the appearance that it was a part of those teach• ings. Study groups were organized by Aberhart for the purposes of educating those persons interested in Social Credit. Until the Spring of 1931+, the people of Alberta continued to look toward Social Credit as an educational undertaking. The political implications however, became increasingly more evident.

The United Farmers of Alberta which was the political party com• prising the government since 1921, had been approached by the advo• cates of Social Credit suggesting monetary reform based on Social Cred• it principles. The U.F.A. refused to do this and took an adamant stand against Social Credit. However, with the increasing popularity of Social Credit, newspapers began to press for further investiga• tion of the plans advocated by Social Credit. The government feel• ing the pressure set up a hearing before its Agricultural Committee on the Douglas System of Social Credit. Evidence was heard from many people, including Douglas himself. The committee's conclusion stated:

"Your committee is of the opinion that while -the evidence given disclosed the weakness of the present system and the necessity for controlled Social Credit, it did not offer any practicable plan for adoption in Alberta under the existing constitutional condition. Major Douglas recognized this and urged that a thorough study be made, first to arrive at a definitive objective, and second, to get a clear idea of the obstacles to be overcome and the limitations to be removed in order to clear the way, and the best method of pro• cedure to secure results."

Aberhart refused to accept the suggestion that constitutional difficulties were involved here. However, the reality of the situa• tion was that there were restrictions upon the implementation of a pure Social Credit plan. These restrictions, of course, are estab-

Ibid.. p. 95 -17- lished in the Canadian Constitution. In Section 91 of the British

North America Act I867, it is set down that the Federal Government of the Dominion of Canada shall have exclusive legislative authority over

"currency and coinage; banking, incorporation of banks and the issue of paper money; savings banks; bills of exchange and promissory notes; interest and legal tender." Now with such an explicit and understand• able definition of jurisdiction one would question how Aberhart in• tended to bring about monetary reform in the Province of Alberta.

In setting down his goals of monetary reform, Aberhart saw no diffi• culty. Section 92 of the B.C.N.Act gave exclusive rights to the Pro• vincial legislations in the areas of "property and civil rights."

As Aberhart saw it, there was an alternative and he made as much use of this alternative as he possibly could. He argued that the imple• mentation of Social Credit was not to concern itself directly with banking or any other financial matters over which the Federal Govern• ment had jurisdiction. Social Credit philosophy, it was argued, was to concern itself with protecting the property and civil rights of the people of the Province of Alberta. There remained however, a safeguard for the Federal Government. Section 90 of the B.N.A. gives to the Governor-General of Canada, the power to disallow any provin• cial legislation which can be cited as unconstitutional. Undoubtedly, then, the powers of a provincial legislation are limited and more spe• cifically, as Aberhart was to find out, monetary reform could not be carried out on a provincial basis.

The test came when in I9I4.6, Aberhart's government passed the

Alberta Bill of Rights. The Act had two parts; the first of which was to provide for the rights of the people of Alberta. The second part was an attempt to balance the purchasing power of the people against - -18- the prices of goods. The Supreme Court of Alberta held that Part

II of the Act was invalid because of its infringement on Section 91

of the B.N.A. Act. Upon reference, the Privy Council was not con• vinced of the validity of the Act and ruled the Act ultra vires on

July 2k, 19117.

Aberhart and his followers maintained that it was not their or•

iginal intention to form a Social Credit political party. They sta•

ted however, that in view of the fact that they had presented the theory to the other political parties and none chose to incorporate

it, they had no other alternative but to form a separate party.

Aberhart repeated his stand many times saying he d id not wish to

enter into politics, nor was he desirous of becoming leader of a political party. The reality of the situation was however being re•

alized for the first time. Aberhart and Alberta Social Credit were

inseparable.

The election date of August 22nd, 1935, was now becoming the fo•

cus. It was agreed within the party that Aberhart would not have to

contest a eonstitutency in the forthcoming election but in the event

of a Social Credit victory, he would assume leadership. The pur• poses underlying this appear to be two fold. Firstly, Aberhart would be able to campaign throughout the province and secondly, it miti•

gated the possibility of Aberhart suffering personal defeat.

The ensuing months saw a great deal of political and community

organization with Aberhart at the helm. The political strategy was

undoubtedly aimed at presenting Aberhart as a great leader who, with

Social Credit, would take Alberta out of its financial crisis. The

people's participation was encouraged. This led to an increase iden•

tification with the movement. The whole process led to the election -19- of a Social Credit Government in Alberta on August 22nd, 1935, with

William Aberhart as Premier. The election was a triumph for all in• volved in the movement, as the Social Credit candidates won 56 out

of 63 seats.

Major Douglas and William Aberhart.

Since the Douglas philosophy of Social Credit has been examined,

it was deemed advisable to present Aberhart's philosophy in the con• text of the former. In order to approach the subject in this man• ner, Douglas Social Credit and Aberhart Social Credit will be taken as one and the same.

It is very difficult and perhaps impossible to concretely ascer• tain the relationship which existed between these gentlemen. The two men met on only two occasions, the first resulting in a quar• rel over the contents of Aberhart's Yellow Pamphlet, (an exposition

of Douglas Social Credit entitled, The Douglas System of Economics, written by Aberhart). The press were constantly attempting to drive

a wedge between the two men with the hope of weakening Aberhart's appeal.

In the Spring of 1935, Douglas arrived in Edmonton to report to the government on Social Credit. The newspapers reported that Doug• las had been critical of Aberhart's interpretation of Social Credit.

Aberhart informed his followers at a mass meeting, "that his Social

Credit proposals and Douglas' proposals were identical; if they were

not he (Aberhart) would be willing to make changes where necessary."

Douglas, on the other hand was beginning to sense his unpopularity

and wrote to Aberhart:

"In view of certain mischievious comments in the public press suggesting the existence

1 Ibid., p. 171. -20-

of wholly non-existent friction in regard to our personal relations, I think it is desirable to assure you that no statement in regard to matters in Alberta which is not a written statement signed by me, has any authority from me

This statement, although it said very little, did serve to sat•

isfy the followers of Aberhart that there existed no disagreement

between Aberhart and Douglas. Further, it weakened the effect of

any statements reported to be criticisms of Aberhart by Douglas.

Douglas did however, two years later publish The Alberta Ex•

periment , in which he states many criticisms of Aberhart's inter•

pretation of Social Credit. Some of these will be presented where

they have pertinence and apparent validity. Firstly, and perhaps

most observable, Aberhart presented Social Credit in a religious

context which was totally incomprehensible to Douglas who presen•

ted Social Credit in the context of economics.

Douglas stated that "it would not be possible to claim that at

any time the technical basis of Social Credit propaganda was under- '

stood by him, (Aberhart), and, in fact, his own writings upon the 2

subject are defective both in theory and in practicability.."

Specifically Douglas took exception to Aberhart's understanding of

both the Just Price and the financing of the Dividend. Douglas sta•

ted, in relation to Aberhart's conception of the Just Price

"I may say that the explanation of the Just Price is not that which

can be applied to the same phrase as used in the responsible liter•

ature of Social Credit... The proposal appears to contemplate a fixed

price regardless of costs, which seem to be assumed as constant, and

1 Ibid., p. 172. 2 Douglas, CH. Alberta Experiment: Eyre & Spottiswoode; London, 1937; p. 22. -21- this price includes something labelled "the unearned increment" which has, however, no relation to that phrase as used in the Social Credit 1 literature." If we remember our earlier discussion the Just Price was a measure to ensure that produce could be purchased under cost by the individual with the loss being made up from the National wealth. However, Aberhart's interpretation of the Just Price in• volved determining a "fair" price on all goods which in effect was to determine the profit a producer could be allowed to make.

In relation to the National Dividend, it was Douglas' philoso• phy that the recipient would not be required to participate in work to earn this dividend because its finances would be covered by the

National Wealth. Aberhart made perhaps, his most serious mis-inter• pretation in relation to the National Dividend. Aberhart's inter• pretation placed the receipt of a dividend on the conditional basis of work. This is readily observable in the following question and answer which appeared in Aberhart's Social Credit Manual, in 1935. "What would be done if a citizen would not co-operate or refused to work when oppor• tunity called for it?

Answer - Immediately after such conduct was called to the attentio n of the State Credit House Inspector, the offender would be warned that if he persisted in refusing work, his dividends would be cut off or temporarily suspended. Then, as tho»e is no relief or dole, he would be compelled to work."

This statement has very serious implications for our next section

and will be discussed there.

Further, in relation to the financing of the dividend, Aberhart

I : ~ Ibid., p. 36. 2 MacPherson, C.B. Democracy in Alberta; University of Toronto Press; Toronto, 1953, p. 150-157. -22- neglected to understand Douglas philosophy for he undertook to de• sign a form of taxation for this purpose. This taxation amounted to collecting a levy on commodity transactions, which would be for• eign to Douglas Social Credit.

Basically, it would be fair to say that Aberhart attempted to follow a philosophy which was laid down by Major Douglas. However,

Aberhart did modify this theory in some important areas. It is sus• pected that this modification could be attributed to both lack of understanding and over-simplification for the purposes of practical• ity. It is suggested that the misunderstanding of Douglas Social

Credit by Aberhart is evidenced by his inappropriate statements re• lating to the financial aspects of the Just Price and Basic Dividend.

Nor should the fact be over-looked that Douglas Social Credit was purely theoretical while Aberhart was the first man who attempted to put it into practice.

With this in mind however, we can draw one important conclusion.

That is, Aberhart Social Credit philosophy was not in fact Douglas

Social Credit in the pure sense.

Aberhart's Social Credit Philosophy Pertinent to Social Welfare.

In discussing Aberhart's Social Credit philosophy in the context of the topic of this thesis, one encounters the same difficulty which was involved in the discussion regarding Douglas Social Credit.

That is, almost every social ill can, according to the theory, be alleviated by establishing a Social Credit monetary system. With this limitation in mind, we can attempt to draw certain inferences about the Social Welfare philosophy from an examination of Aberhart's

Social Credit Manual, and the Social Credit election platform of 1935.

Aberhart's basic premise as cited in his Blue Manual, (Aberhart's^ -23-

Social Credit Manual of 1935), stated that, "it is the duty of the

State through its Government to organize its economic structure in such a way that no bona fide citizen, man, woman or child, shall be allowed to suffer for lack of the bare necessities of food, cloth- 1 ing.and shelter, in the midst of plenty or abundance." The means by which this assurance of a basic standard of living was to be a- chieved through the issuance of a basic dividend. This dividend, as in Douglas Social Credit, would provide a basic income and accord• ingly, economic security for the individual or family in the province.

The dividend was to be provided to all adults over the age of 21.

Aberhart later changed this as the election drew nearer. He stated that dividends would be paid monthly as follows: $5.00 to those of sixteen, $10.00 to those of 17 and 18, $15.00 to those of 19, and to those of 20 years would go $20.00. Aberhart felt that paying the dividend to children had two other advantages besides the obvious assistance in support of the child. He was interested here in both removing "the hindrances to any student proceeding along any line of instruction that appeals to him" and also retaining "our young peo- . 2 pie longer in schools of training" and thereby preventing their en• trance into the labour market.

At the other end of the scale, Aberhart suggested that older men would tend to gravitate away from productive employment if their share of the basic dividend were increased after the age of 50 years.

The implication here, of course, is that there would be greater em• ployment opportunities for the younger person. Coupled with discour-

1 Irving, Social Credit in Alberta; p. 357. 2 Ibid.. 3U.9-350. -2lj.- aging the younger people to enter employment the obvious intent was to lower the number of employable people.

There existed, in Aberhart*s philosophy, a confusion as to wheth• er a person would be required to work for the benefit derived from his basic dividend. After considering apparently opposing state• ments made by Aberhart, it has been concluded that Aberhart's phil• osophy was that an individual would receive his dividend as long as theee existed no opportunity for him to become employed. However, in the event such employment was made available the individual would have to avail himself of the opportunity or forfeit his eligibility for the-basic dividend. According to our understanding of Aberhart's philosophy there would be no need for any Social Service legislation providing for the payment of what is termed "relief benefits."

This is evidenced most observably in Aberhart's explanation of the dividend. He stated, "this would at once remove all relief and dole 1 from our land and recover the morale of our people.." Aberhart extended his consideration to "any who were handicapped 2 physically or mentally" by suggesting that these individuals would be eligible for bonus dividends over and above their basic dividend.

To ensure that all individuals in the province would receive

adequate care in the event they could not be cared for under any of the other provisions, Aberhart included one blanket statement in his

1935 platform; "every sympathetic consideration will be extended to 3 those in immediate need."

I 3 Ibid., p. 358. 2Loc . Git. Ibid., p. 359. -25-

Brief mention should also be made of the health provisions Aber• hart proposed to institute. Aberhart stated in the 1935 election platform:

(a) Definite action should immediately be taken to provide satisfactory health attention for the people in all parts of the province, and any patient of a hospital should be per• mitted to secure any type of qualified licensed practitioner he or she may de• sire . (b) We are favorable to the ultimate intro• duction of^State Medicine into the Province Even though these proposals were stated as part of his election plat• form, neither proposal was incorporated as legislation while Aber• hart was Premier.

Aberhart neglected to think of other aspects of social legis• lation which would involve child protection, family conflicts and other aspects of human stress which operate independent of the econ• omy of the country. This was of course characteristic of Douglas

Social Credit which said that the greater measure of economic free• dom which could be achieved leading to equilibrium between produc• tion capacity and purchasing power, the less employment and other social problems there would be.

A discussion of both Douglas Social Credit and Aberhart Social

Credit was deemed necessary in order to gain an understanding of So• cial Credit origins and its evolution to the present. Further, if a discussion is to be centered on the Social Welfare Philosophy of the Social Credit Party in British Columbia, it is necessary to have some knowledge of basic Social Credit philosophy.

1 Loc. Cit. -26-

The uninterrupted reign of the Social Credit party in Alberta has no doubt had some influence in the election of a Social Credit government in the Province of British Columbia. It is on this move• ment that we now focus our attention.

The Development of Social Credit in British Columbia.

Aberhart's political success in Alberta due in part to his use of Social Credit theories, began to arouse considerable interest in

B.C. during the 1930's. This interest grew into a grass roots move• ment whose momentum at first was slow and hesitant, but which with the years, matured into a fast moving, well organized political ma• chine.

The genesis of B. C. Social Creditism was influenced by Douglas' monetary theories, (as will become evident in subsequent sections of the thesis) and their effect on sections of the community who were very dissatisfied with the political and economic structure of the province. The time was ripe for change and people more susceptible to new ideas; even the politicans began to take notice of the in• creasing unrest among the people.

Douglas' theories were one of the new influences which began to be circulated and discussed in the political arena. For example, 1 in 1935, an "expert chartered accountant" in Vancouver believed that

Social Credit could be applied on a provincial basis to B.C. He even worked out a system in actual figures and presented it to Pre• mier • Pattullo. The Premier was interested and had it examined by mathematical experts. Pattullo said this system involved an enor• mous bookkeeping apparatus, but on the surface appeared to have merit.

"Pattullo Examines Social Credit." Vancouver Daily Province.^ 5 October, 1935, p. 30. -27-

However, he also pointed out that the constitutional limitations would be a stumbling block to implementation of such a provincial system. Perhaps he had in mind what happened in Alberta where it became a court case.

In May 1936, the Social Credit League's first convention issued a manifesto. It covered a multiplicity of areas but primarily fo- cussed its message around Douglas' economic theories, and the hope they offered to the public. The social services were also discussed in the manifesto; the League members were sympathetic to the needs of those people who for one reason or another could not enjoy the same financial rewards as their more fortunate brothers in industry.

"We pledge ourselves to maintain and to extend as far as public opinion directs and the productive capacity of the nation will allow, all existing social services; and in addition to add the National Divi• dend or any provincial equivalent to all payments now made to individuals in respect to Old Age Pensions, Military Pensions, Workmen's Compensation, Health Insurance, Unemployment Insurance and Relief Allow• ances now made to persons who are unem• ployable and therefore unable to benefit from an emergency employment measure, or from the normal remuneration received by those actively engaged in industry.

They stressed that the first concern of the modern state was the social welfare of the people under the following categories.

(1) Public Health. (2) Care and education of the young.

(3) Security and comfort for the aged. (q.) Adequate maintenance for those who for any reason are not able, or are not permitted to participate in industry.

1 Social Credit League Manifesto, 193&. -28-

"We recognize the duty of the state in these matters. Therefore we declare that such ser• vices are a primary charge on the real wealth of the nation, and that they must expand as the people wish and increasing production of wealth permits."

During the next decade the B. G. Social Credit League became active in the provincial political field. In the election of June 1

1937 they entered 18 members to contest 13 ridings, the heaviest concentrations being in Vancouver and Victoria City. The result of this election gave the Hon. T. D. Pattullo the position of Premier and a majority government. His Liberal Party had won 31 seats com• pared to the 8 for the Conservatives, 7 for the C.C.F., 1 for La• bour and 1 Independent. The Social Credit league collected less than Vfo of the total votes cast.

It was in August of 1914-0 that the B. C. Social Credit movement received outside help when Mr. Aberhart came to the province, and began to campaign in the interests of Social Credit. His discus• sions on the monetary system were well received at well attended meetings and, as a result, stimulated the activities of the league.

The league made preparations for a convention in the following

January and hoped to be able to run candidates in the provincial election in the spring.

During his campaign, Mr. Aberhart and his proposals became the major topic of political news. He proposed complete control of money and credit by the state; the issue of debt free money and the banning 2 "2 of interest; the assurance to the individual of piur.:c:hasi.ng power.

1 British Columbia General Election; Statement of Votes by Electoral Districts; June 1937; Victoria, B.C. King's Printer,1937. 2 Smith, H.B. "Mr. Aberhart leads a foray." Country Guide. Vol. 59 (October 191+0) P»3. -29-

He emphasized these proposals plus others from the Social Credit rep• ertoire, and terminated the talks with the contention that the So• cial Credit plan was opposed by financial interests, who did not want the control of money and credit taken away from them.

In October 191+1 the Social Credit party did not offer any can• didates in the provincial election. However, Mrs. Tilly Rolston, and Mr. W.A.C. Bennett, future Social Credit members, did win seats 1 as Conservatives. The election of 19l|5 saw the Social Credit party contesting 12 ridings with If? members. At this time there were 15 parties fighting for the votes, however, the contest was really be• tween the two main parties, the coalition and the C.C.P. Premier

John Hart and his Coalition party, made up of Liberals and Conser• vatives, won 36 seats; the C.C.P. 10; Labour 1 and 1 was left va• cant. At this time the Social Credit standard bearers did not ap• pear to represent any one strata of the society. The contestants were from all walks of life and included Evangelist Oswald Scheir, f-ublisher Margaret Murray and Eric Martin an accountant.

The election of June 19H-9 saw a change in the Social Credit movement. The candidates entered the contest either as members of the Social Credit party or as members of the B. C. Social Credit 2 league. We could not find a reason for this change, even the tab• loids of that time classified the two groups under the heading of

Social Credit party, when describing the election and publishing the results.

1 B.C.General Election. "Statement of Votes by Electoral Districts. October 19i|l»" Victoria, B.C. King's Printer, 1914-2. 2 B.C.General Election. "Statement of Votes by Electoral Districts. June 191+9." King's Printer, 1914-9. -30-

Possibly this was one of those schisms in the party which appeared from time to time in its history, usually over a dispute on basic dogma.

Eric Martin and Lyle Wicks were two of the seven Social Credit contestants; the B.C. Social Credit League entered 9.

The coalition under Premier Byron Johnson won 39 seats; the

C.C.F. 7j Independents 1; and Labour 1. In votes, the Social Credit ranked third and the B.C. Social Credit League fifth. Together they collected 11,000 votes out of 700,000 cast by the 7l\% turn-out of voters. At this time, the Social Credit party or league did not represent a very large force in B. C. politics. 1

In 195l, George E. Bonner, a prominent Esquimalt Liberal said he had asked W.A.C. Bennett to form an independent party which would offer its first candidate in the Esquimalt by-election.

(Mr. Bennett had split with B.C.'s coalition of Liberals and Pro• gressive Conservatives at the last session of the legislature and now stood as an independent representing South Okanagan).

Mr. Bennett's answer from Kelowna was "the question of an independent

People's Party based on genuine free enterprise in favour of social 2 reform is under consideration at the present time." He further mentioned that such a party must be based on economy and that the members would have to represent their constituents, not act as rub• ber stamps. In 195>0, Mr. Bennett had unsuccessfully challenged the provincial leadership of Finance Minister Herbert Anscomb at the I "New B.C. Social Reform Party planned with Bennett as Leader." Vancouver Sun, 15 June 19 5l, p.Ij.8. 2 - "New B.C. Social Reform Party planned with Bennett as Leader." Vancouver Sun, l5 June 195l, p. 14-8. -31-

B. C. Progressive Conservatives convention and joined the Social

Credit in December 195l. Now though a Social Crediter, he remained

an Independent in the House. Mrs. Rolston of Vancouver Point Grey, who had followed Mr. Bennett across the floor of the House later in

the year, stated that although she was interested she would not join

Social Credit for the time being. "I have just come back from Al•

berta and everybody is thoroughly well satisfied with the Social

Credit Government. But I felt I was doing a good job as an Indepen- 1

dent and I'm going to remain."

Lyle Wicks, President for 15 years of the B. C. Social Credit

League said, - December 5th, "that the movement hoped to hold a con- 2

vention in order to select a political leader for the province."

The need for a leader had arisen from the convention held earlier

in the year in Hew 'Westminster, where the national leader, Solon Low

had announced that the party would contest every seat in the next

provincial election, and it was felt that Mr. Bennett was in a strong

position to be nominated for the leadership.

In April 191+9 the present B. C. Social Credit league received

its charter and started to build the platform which would bring it

to power in 1952. There was rejection of Douglas' ban on political

activity and retention of the theory that there was a serious short- 3

age of purchasing power in the hands of the people. The platform

paralleled that of the Alberta Social Credit party, including the

religiou1 s overtones. "Okanagan's Bennett quits Tories" - Vancouver Sun. 6 December, 1951, p. 1. - - - 2 "Bennett in Line to be Socred Boss." Vancouver Sun. 7 December,- 1951. P. 17. „ , ^Reynolds, Mac, "How Social Credit took B.C."MacLean's Magazine. Vol. .^ISepi.l'. 1952J. p.7-9.51i. r < ~~ -32-

To many British Columbians Social Credit was synonymous with

"funny money" and it took the flight of Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Rolston from the Progressive Conservative ranks to the new party to add the needed respectability and experience.

The New Westminster convention in April 195l, was under press• ure from the Alberta Social Credit to accept the campaign leader• ship of the Rev. Hansell, an Albertan and the President of the

National Social Credit Association. The Rev. Hansell and others such as Alderman Donald Smith, the latter (who until recently had been a member of the Provincial Young Liberals), joined a horde of

Social Credit M.L.A.'s and M.P.'s from Alberta led by Premier E.C.

Manning and Federal leader Solon Low. They operated a province wide program of public speeches, meetings and policy discussions. With evangelical fervour, the Rev. Ernie Hansell began stating the credo 1 of the party. "You don't get Social Credit - it gets you."

They wanted abolition of B.C.'s contentious and compulsory hospital insurance scheme and to replace it by a voluntary system. There was to be encouragement of free enterprise and discouragement of monopolies, a demand to reduce debts and institute a pay-as-you-go plan in provincial expenditures; and a promise to achieve for the people of B.C. a more equitable return from their natural resources. 2

In June 1952, the Social Credit came to power by a narrow mar• gin over the C.C.F. The latter had tried a new legal gambit to stop them. They had sought a writ of mandamus so that Judge McGeer would _ Ibid, p. 7. 2 "C.C.F. move blocks Social Credit from setting up Government." Vancouver Sun, 1 August, 1952. -33- 1 compel a recount in Burrard. The Appeal Court in Victoria had al• ready rejected one C.C.F. move for a recount when the three Judges ruled that they were without jurisdiction to try the appeal.

The political situation was precarious for if C.C.F. Grant MacNeil overtook Socred winner Bert Price for the Burrard seat then the party standings would be reversed and the C.C.F. would have formed the new Government.

Lt. Governor Wallace under advisement from outgoing Premier

Byron Johnson asked Mr. Bennett to form a Government. Naturally, this caused a certain amount of consternation among the C.C.F. par• ty members, whose leader Harold Winch mentioned that he was amazed that the- new Government was called before all the election units were in.

The standing in the legislature was Social Credit 19; C.C.F.

18; Liberals 6; Progressive Conservatives q.. Most of the Social

Credit members had Alberta backgrounds, a very strong and sincere desire for good government, and a distaste for liquor, tobacco and profanity. It is a matter of speculation whether the population were giving a popular vote to Social Credit or a negative vote to the Coalition.

Mr. Bennett as Premier established a cabinet which was to re• main relatively unchanged for the next twelve years. It was an in• teresting organization, for two of his ministers were not members

of the legislature. Robert Bonner, a Vancouver Lawyer, was the

Attorney General, and another non-member, Einar Gunderson became

the new Finance Minister. Mr. Bennett made the unprecedented sug-

1 "C.C.F. move blocks Social Credit from setting up Government." Vancouver Sun. 1 Aug. 1952. -31*-

l gestion that Liberal, C.C.P. or Conservative M.L.A.'s from Vancouver

Island Ridings should resign their seats in order that the two non- member Socred cabinet ministers should have a chance to gain seats 1 in the legislature. Subsequently, Bonner was elected in Point Grey and Gunderson was never elected although he plays an important part in Social Credit politics.

Tilly Rolston became Minister of Education; R. E. Sommers, the

Minister of Lands and Forests; with W.D. Black, the Provincial Sec• retary and Minister of Municipal Affairs. The Rev. P.A.Gaglardi was Public Works Minister and Ralph Chetwynd, the Minister of Rail• ways, Trade, Industry and Fisheries. Eric Martin was given the

Health and Welfare post (this was subsequently divided, Martin kept the Health portfolio and Black, the one for Welfare).

Premier Bennett and Mrs. Rolston were the only government members who had had any legislative experience, but they were all undaun• ted even in the face of the inheritance they had been left by the former government - crippling industrial strikes and falling markets. 2

Mr. Bennett stated that the Social Credit and C.C.F. would form a new two party system in B.C., that others such as the old line 2

Liberal and Progressive Conservatives would fade from the scene.

He further emphasized that his party's first act would be a review of the financial structure of the government, followed by a thorough review of all public works. 1 "Socreds form Government. Name 11 to Cabinet." Vancouver Sun, 2 August 1952, p. 1. 2 "C.C.F. move blocks Social Credit from setting up Government." Vancouver Sun, 1 August, 1952. -35-

In November of 1952, the much disputed Hospital Insurance Act again came into the news and Premier Bennett reaffirmed his govern• ment's position, that they had no power to change the act by regu• lation, but payroll deductions would continue and be expanded, 1

He said "the government is also trying to make changes leading away from compulsion in an orderly manner." This is interesting be• cause it ties in with the Aberhart medicare plan.

In July 1953, Premier Bennett gave his backing to the Socred

Federal campaign. He reaffirmed his political position by support• ing all Social Credit principles including the monetary theory. "The Social Credit movement has provided the most solid government this country has ever seen....if there is any funny money party in Canada it is not the Social Credit but the Liberals."

These statements were typical of the times.

Although Premier Bennett had stated his position in regard to

Social Credit principles, it appeared that the grass roots organi• zation of the party was not very happy. Towards the end of 1953, the B. C. Social Credit league's convention refused to elect to office any person who was already a member of the legislature.

The league believe that Premier Bennett and a majority of his cab• inet were carrying on a business and free enterprise government quite 2 unrelated to the tenets of Douglas. (Instances confirming the dis• satisfaction of members of the league with government spokesmen,

1 "Hospital Act Compulsory." Vancouver Sun, 7 Nov.1952.p.1. 2 Brown, Roy. "B.C. gets a Second Socred Party." Financial Post. Vol. q.7 (7 November 1953). p. 20. -36- will be illustrated in the next chapter).

Convention chairman Tom Irwin, also Speaker of the House ruled the motion "no member of legislature or M.P. could be accepted as an officer in the Provincial Social Credit party" out of order.

The convention members voted again and reversed his decision and then went ahead to choose Noel Murphy as convention president.

Murphy acknowledged the feelings the Socreds had about their polit• ical and economic principles with such statements as

"with your help (the delegates), we can build Social Credit in B.C. into such a force it will not only keep us in power 50 years and longer, but it will sweep across the Dominion so that we as a people can be free in our own right to enjoy that which we produce by taking back what is rightfully ours; the creation of our own medium of exchange and make it our ser• vant instead of our master. Words without ac• tion mean nothing to me,"^-

Irwin brought to the delegate's attention the fact that when they passed the resolution excluding M.L.A."s from Socred league executive positions, they were keeping Premier Bennett from sitting on the board of directors of his own party. Eric Martin, Minister of Health and Welfare and a ranking Douglasite, supported this res• olution. This shows that the split between government and party had not healed. One can speculate that this split was between old members and those who had just corne to the party i.e. Premier Bennett.

We terminated the history at this point where there appears to be a break between the government and the "grass roots" movement.

This break is to be explained in part by the fact that theory and practice are not easily compatible and political considerations do play an important role in policy making and government action.

1 Loc. Cit. - 37 -

This raises two important issues:

(1) To what extent is the Social Credit government adhering to orthodox Social Credit philosophy.

(2) Have the Social Credit government and league the same social welfare policy.

We hope to answer these questions in the following chapters. CHAPTER II

Introduction

(a) Objective

One of the objectives of this thesis has been to assess Social

Credits "grass roots" opinion and philosophy, and to correlate this with official government policy and philosophy, with particular re• spect to the field of Social Welfare. It had been hoped that we would be able to obtain some insight into grass roots opinion by distributing a questionnaire to branch presidents of the Social Cred• it League. Unfortunately, this was not possible, in that the execu• tive of the League felt they were unable to furnish us with the nec• essary mailing lists. Reasons given were, firstly; that information as to the names and addresses of branch presidents is considered con• fidential to the organization and to .the individuals concerned, and may not be distributed for any particular purpose without their ex• press approval, and secondly; it was felt that the personal statis• tical information sought was an intrusion and not pertinent to our enquiries.

As an alternative approach, to uncovering some information on grass roots opinion, and with the co-operation of the executive office of the Social Credit League, we have examined the proceedings of the annual conventions of the League, with a particular focus upon res• olutions which have to do with Social Credit Theory, and with Social

Welfare. The information has a number of limitations which might be

enumerated as follows:

(1) Annual conventions were first instituted in 191+9. However -38- for the years 19i|-9 to 1953, records of proceedings, as far as could be determined, are no longer available. This is most unfortunate, as these represent the years prior to Social Credit's assumption of office, and might have revealed some interesting contrasts with material presented in later years.

(2) Information concerning the passage or rejection of resolu• tions is not available in most instances for the years 1957, 1958 and I960.

(3) No vote counts are recorded.

(I4.) The rationale or reasoning behind the passage or rejec• tion of resolutions is not recorded.

(5) The passage or rejection of resolutions at any convention tends to be affected by a number of factors not relevant to the more considered opinion of the participants. Thus, for example, the sta• tus of speakers, and the persuasiveness of their orations, may be of more significance than the validity of their arguments.

Further, the general mood of the convention, and the point in time at which the resolution is introduced, may also be relevant to the result.

(6) A considerable number of resolutions were "referred to the

Minister." This may be interpreted in a variety of ways and may, for example, represent in any instance anything from seeking a pro• fessional or expert opinion, to quietly tabling or disposing of the matter. Further research would be required if this were to be prop• erly assessed.

Two further general comments should be made, that is in terms of what we understand by grass roots opinion. Within a political hierarchy there are a number of levels or ranks. The voter may-be looked on as being at the base of the pyramid. Next come the card- carrying members of the party, a selection of whom are likely to attend and vote at meetings of the local branches of the Social Cred• it League. We then move up through branch executives, to the exec• utives of the Provincial office and finally, of course, to members of the Legislature headed by the Premier and his cabinet.

The resolutions we shall be discussing are initially introduced and voted on at branch meetings, and may be said to be representative of the opinions of active card-carrying members of the Social Credit party. These resolutions are later voted on at the Annual Conven• tions of the League, conventions at which secondary leadership or the middle rank of the hierarchy, is likely to be fairly strongly represented. True grass roots opinion would presumably be opinion as offered by the mass of those that vote for the Social Credit Party.

One would suspect that in the field of Social Welfare, if not in the area of Social Credit Theory, there is a distinct correlation between opinion held at the true grass roots level and that apparent in the resolutions as they are presented to, and dealt with by, the Annual

Conventions. However, this is a matter of conjecture, and the poss• ible limitations.of the material that we are describing as "grass roots opinion" must be recognized.

Our second observation is that, undoubtedly, because of the mechanisms of feedback andbecause of the assumptions of ministerial or administrative expertise, grass roots opinion tends to be some• thing of a composite of the soil in which it has been nurtured, and the political climate in which it lives. Further research would be required to establish the extent and quality of formal communication -14.0- between the hierarchy and grass roots levels within the Social Cred• it Party. Through more informal channels, and through some of its more readily visible programs, one would hazard a guess that the

Social Credit party has been particularly effective in creating cer• tain images for its constituents.

(b) The Material.

The material consists of transcripts of all resolutions pre• sented to the Annual Conventions of the Social Credit League for the years 1953 to I96I4.. In each case representatives were present from all of the forty-two (l\2) branches. Each branch is entitled to send 25 delegates, but there is no record of the total number of delegates attending. It is believed this is in the order of five to six hundred. Without exception, conventions have been held in

Vancouver and it is to be presumed therefore, that taking into ac• count factors such as time and expense, local constituencies would probably be better represented than those from far afield.

However, the League try to minimize this tendency through a cost equalization scheme. The resolutions are recorded without elabor• ation and are largely grouped under the Department of Government that would be primarily concerned. Of the over eleven hundred res• olutions submitted during the years 1953 to I96I4., approximately one hundred and fifty, representing submissions from thirty-three branches, were selected, perused and categorized as relevant to our subject.

(c) The Approach.

The resolutions were grouped under general classifications as to subject matter. These classifications will be dealt with in turn.

This will be followed by some general comments and tentative conclu- -0,1- sions as to grass roots thinking. Because our information is in• complete, and the number of resolutions small for statistical pur• poses, an analysis will not be attempted.

Basic Philosophy. Principles and Methods,

(a) General.

A resolution that appears every year and that is always worded in identical fashion reads as follows:

"Be it resolved that the British Columbia Social Credit League in Convention do reaffirm the basic principles of Social Credit as set forth in the National Manifesto adopted by the Social Credit Associ• ation of Canada on Oct. l5th and 20th, 1950."!

This is one of a number of introductory commendatory and other general resolutions, that are prepared by the Resolutions Committee, consisting primarily of non-executive members of the Social Credit

League. It is of course open to question as to how familiar dele• gates are with the content of this document, to which they annually give their stamp of approval. However, certainly some of the con• tent is reflected in resolutions presented by the various constitu• encies at the Annual Conventions. The following is a summary of the relevant sections of the manifesto.

"It is stated, in the preamble, that A Christian democracy so organized to serve the requirements of its individual citizens, is the only social system that will ensure the individual freedom."2

1 1955 Resolution 2 (et al.) 2 The Manifesto of the Social Credit Association of Canada, October 1950, p. 1." Social Credit Association of Canada. -1*2-

Freedom is described as the freedom for people to develop their resources to the optimum degree, and to share equitably in the abundance of the good things the nation can produce.

Freedom is purchased, as it were, through Social Credit, by which financial credit is brought up to the level of real credit, which in turn is foased on the real wealth or level of production of goods and services of the country. Among other things, it is recommended that a monetary commission should be set up to distribute the addi• tional purchasing power, through discount or adjusted prices on wanted goods available for sale, and through a National Dividend, when further amounts need to be issued to maintain the balance, paid at regular intervals beginning in the initial stages with the aged, the physically incapacitated and other unemployables.

The flaws in the money system are seen as creating unemployment, a primary problem leading to depression and a succession of further cyclical national and international problems.

In the field of Social Security it is stated:

"(a) That the basis of economic security of the individual lies in the abundant production of required goods and services.

(b) That every Canadian citizen should be afforded the opportunity to gain economic security commensurate with the resources of the country.

(c) Poverty in the midst of plenty must be abolished.11 i-

1 The Manifesto, Op. Cit. pp. 11-12 Price discounts and consumer dividends must be provided to sup• plement earned incomes sufficiently to maintain full distribution of all wanted production. A decent standard of living in case of need, Is to be afforded the aged and the permanently disabled or mentally incapacitated, who are unable to obtain gainful employment.

The Manifesto goes on to advocate a national health program fi• nanced by per capita grants, to enable provinces to establish an adequate system of health services accessible to all. However, it is not made clear whether what is advocated is a voluntary program of supplemented private insurance, or an outright, state operated, medicare scheme. Appreciable space is devoted to increasing ser• vices to Veterans. Increased Federal participation in education is urged. The Social Credit Association of Canada, finally -

"recognizes that 'the real strength of any nation stems from comfortable happy homes and well-ordered family life. 'Every Can• adian a home-owner' is an objective towards which our organization continues to strive."1

To this end Federal participation in municipal home building and low-rental housing, is encouraged.

In commenting one would note firstly the emphasis upon indi• vidual freedom and upon free enterprise as the basis of "Christian democracy." The distinction between Social Credit as a 'monetary reform' as opposed to a 'social reform' party is an important one.

1 The Manifesto, Op. Cit. p. lq.. -kh-

According to the Social Credit view, Social Reform is largely something that can be achieved simply through Monetary Reform. Individual freedom is conceptualized as something that can be pur• chased through manipulation of the money system. This view of man• ly • . kind is an essential^hedonistic one, and although enforced collec• tive responsibility is not entirely negated, for it is stated else• where, for example, that monopolies must be curtailed,^ the empha•

sis is upon minimum, state control. This approach may well be con•

trasted with those of such writers as R. K. Tawnay, who are not so

complacent about the beneficence and largesse of human nature and who while also supporting and emphasizing the concept of individual

freedom as the freedom of the individual to develop his resources

to the optimum degree at the same time warns that "'freedom for the 2 " " pike is death for the minnows." In order to secure freedom and equality for the mass of the people and to prevent the exploitations

and depredations of the few who by superior skills and special tal•

ents are able to accumulate and misuse excessive power, social planning and social controls are necessary. A society in which the

legitimate efforts of one person are to be essentially beneficial

to his neighbour is necessarily a planned society.

Secondly, and closely allied, poverty and unemployment are seen

as basically the result of failures in the money system and within

the individual' the result of age and physical or intellectual dis•

ability. The situation is to be rectified by stimulating employ-

The Manifesto, Op. Cit. p.9. 2

Tawney, R.H. Equality published by Capricorn Books, New York;

1931; p. 182. -1*5- merit, and by providing adequate pensions for the aged and disabled, and among the disabled the particular concern for the Veteran, who has suffered in the service of his country is worthy of note.

Yet, there is a conspicuous gap here, for while we are told that

"poverty in the midst of plenty" must be abolished, it is also noted that the means by which this is to be apparently achieved, is that every Canadian should be afforded the opportunity to gain economic security. Even allowing for the fact that within 'opportunity' are included the opportunities of a job, good health and education, and assuming that manipulation of the financial system can solve the problems of lack of employment, what of these whose socio-personal or cultural inadequacies and problems, disable them from availing themselves of the proffered opportunity? It is not explained how poverty in their case is to be eliminated. The basic dividend by the interpretation offered in the Manifesto, is not a means of pro• viding for the poor per se, but simply of eliminating some of the causes that lead to poverty.

A further note should be added concerning the concept 'poverty'.

We have no guide from the Manifesto, which is after all only intended to be a brief summary document, as to what criteria are to be used in describing poverty. One resolution that as we shall see later states that: "Social Credit principles are designed to distribute the growing abundance of production at stable prices over the whole population."1

1 Resolution 79, 1958 Point Grey -1*6-

seems to infer a fairly liberal point of view. Another resolution urges that all Canadians who cannot find work for wages should be 1

sustained. However, the resolutions taken as a whole rather sug• gest that the poverty line is to vary according to the worthiness of the poverty stricken. For the aged, fairly liberal criteria are applied. For the social assistance client, a television set or a car under purchase are signs of untoward wealth. As we shall note later a number of studies have indicated that Social Assistance rates are inadequate to maintain even a minimum standard of health and de• cency, which in Social Credit terms one could take to include the opportunity for sound nourishment and good health and the chance to benefit to the fullest extent of one's natural capacities from avail• able educational facilities. Neglecting the more frivolous question of recreation, it is open to doubt that Social Assistance rates per• form either of these functions effectively and yet we have no pro• test from the grass roots level.

A liberal approach assumes that poverty is something which is relative to the general standard of living and as such, in an age of increasing prosperity, the level of what might be considered ba• sic need, is an ascending one. Many Canadians have endured the pri• vations and hardships of "'the Depression' and 'the hungry thirties' with very little help and this experience is very much alive in their minds today. As we shall discover the attitudes adopted to the Social

Assistance client in the resolutions to be examined seem quite harsh,

1 Resolutions 103, 1951*, Fort George. -1+7- and one aspect of this is, perhaps, that this is in some measure an exhibition of a form of cultural lag by which the standards of a depressed society are applied to the problem of poverty in our pres• ent day, relatively affluent society.

A final comment to be made on the Manifesto is with respect to the aim that every Canadian should be a contented home-owner. The focus is a middle-class one upon those whom it is assumed that given certain material opportunities will achieve comfortable, happy homes and well ordered family lives. Without expanding unduly, one would note that there does seem to be some stereotyping of people in this objective, and further that it is assumed that by and large, monetary reform and the hoped for affluence that evolves are the basic solu• tions to happy family life. The need for sustenance and protection of family life through a system of family and social services, be• yond the provision of health and education facilities, that is, is not considered.

"Social Credit - Where do we stand?" (11+ Resolutions) .

As has already been noted elsewhere (see pages 35,36), at the

Annual Convention in 1953, there were indications of a rift between the Social Credit League at the grass roots level and the govern• mental hierarchy. As was mentioned, the League believed that "Premier

Bennett and a majority of his cabinet were carrying on a business and free enterprise government qiite unrelated to the tenets of Major

Douglas." (See page 35). At this convention it was decided over a considerable amount of objection, that members of the Legislature should be ousted from their posts in the Social Credit League. As one reads through the resolutions, one becomes aware of a signifi• cant number in which the grass roots organizations express concern cern about the lack of discussion, of, interest in, and public edu• cation on, Social Credit principles. Interest in this area appears to have received some slight impetus from the years 195k- to 196l, although no resolutions have been presented in the past three years on this topic. In some instances it is suggested that the Social

Credit League should take a more active role in publicizing Social

Credit theory and philosophy. Considerable frustration with the lack of a clear statement is apparent and in 1961 we have it said that:

Five resolutions asked that the members of the Legislative

Assembly

"place more stress in their speeches on the principles of Social Credit, so that the public will better under• stand what Social Credit stands for."

Two of these resolutions were turned down and in three cases the results were unknown. It does appear that within the League there is a significant group that are at least somewhat familiar with, and committed to, basic Social Credit theory. It seems not unreasonable to conjecture that at the grass roots level there is some doubt ex• isting as to whether the Government is similarly committed. Whether the fact that some of the resolutions failed, is indicative of some disagreement, of unwillingness to criticize members of the Legisla• ture or of soft-pedalling of the issues in due recognition of the

1 Resolution 17, 196l, Point Grey. 2 Resolution 29, 1958, Cranbrook, Nelson, Creston. -U.9- fact that, under present legislative conditions, introduction of

Social Credit measures at the Provincial level is not possible, is a matter for speculation.

It is of some Interest that Vancouver Point Grey, perhaps rep• resenting an urban "intellectual" constituency, expressed consider• able concern in this area being involved in no less than half of the fourteen resolutions in this group.

Monetary Reform - 12 resolutions.

Closely linked with the first group of resolutions asking for reaffirmation of Social Credit principles, we have a further group advocating monetary reform which is of course, basic to Social Cred• it theory. Again it is of interest that Vancouver Point Grey is very prominent. While It is observed that automation has been con• tribution to unemployment, it is held that it is not the Industrial

System that is at fault and requires regulation, but it is the Fi• nancial System. Automation produces not only unemployment but also under consumption.

"Many Canadians are living in poverty and privation in the midst of plenty either unemployed or on low wages and mortgaging their future for the ne• cessities of life."

In essence, in most instances, it is urged that the Federal Govern• ment, through the Bank of Canada, increase the purchasing power of the consumer, so that it equates with production, through a direct distribution of money and credit. It is suggested that in this way

1 Resolution 105, 195U\, Fort George. -50- consumption, and therefore employment, are maximized, prices and wages stabilized, in the interests of these on fixed incomes and in preservation of foreign markets and that all, whether- employed or unemployed, are able to share in a steadily increasing real wage. 1

A resolution from Point Grey in 1958 states that artifically cre• ated work can be both wasteful and a means of increasing the power of the state, the politican and the bureaucrat over the individual citi• zen and the economy, and its usefulness is seen as being only lim• ited. The consequences of not taking radical steps toward monetary reform we are warned "create Communism and its nearest relative Socialism in Canada and the world which eventually .negotiates all freedom. Again, it would appear that at the grass roots level there is at least some commitment to basic Social Credit monetary theory.

In comment we again find that, while there is concern with unem• ployment.and poverty, it is considered that it is largely through monetary reform that these problems are to be resolved. There is a great reluctance to tamper in any way with the free workings of the industrial system, for as is stated elsewhere among the resolu• tions, "the Social Credit Government stands for free enterprise" in 3 the world of business. The enormous productive capacity of indus• try is sufficient, if uninterrupted, to satisfy almost every need and whim. Social Credit principles which are designed to distribute

_ . . .

Resolution 9, 1958, Point Grey. 2 Resolution Port George. 3 105, 1951+, Resolution 53, 1953, Mackenzie. -5i- production at stable prices, over the whole population, will avert

the interruptions in which lines of battle are drawn between in•

dustry and labour, by increasing the "real" wage in contrast to the

deceptive inflationary wage rate created by orthodox financial meth- 1

ods. Here it is to be noted that it is recognized that some will

remain unemployed, yet as of right these people are to share in the

"increasing real wage."

The conclusion that one would draw is that there is a view that

those who remain unemployed are nevertheless to be provided with an

adequete standard of living, and that a basic dividend or some such

device will take care of these people. There appears to be some con•

flict here with the statements or perhaps lack of statement apparent

in the 1950 Manifesto, which makes no reference to such provisions.

We are left, in the Manifesto, to assume that, either it is con•

sidered that monetary reform does away with the Social causes of

poverty and poverty itself, or that these who remain unemployed a-

part from the aged and infirm, do so by choice electing deprivation

and poverty rather than the opportunity offered to share in the gen•

eral wealth. A basic dividend will only be paid when the contingen•

cies of the imbalance of credit and production so demand and not on p

a consistent basis for the relief of poverty directly.

Low Cost Financing - 13 Resolutions.

Pursuing the matter further of those resolutions which are con•

cerned with basic Social Credit theory and with monetary reform, we

"'"The Manifesto, Op. Cit. p. 6. 2 Resolution 79, 1958, Vancouver Point Grey. -52- now have a further group of closely allied resolutions. To this point we have been concerned with the question of increasing the money or credit supply in order that it meet the level of produc• tion. Social Credit is also concerned with the rate of flow of avail• able money. Low cost financing may be seen as a means both of in• creasing the available credit supply, and also as a means of ac• celerating the rate of circulation of available money.

As an alternative to the direct distribution of money and credit, from 1953 to 1958, various measures from the institution of treasury versus skin branches, skin to those m Alberta, and the setting up of a Provin• cial Bank, to the revision of the Bank Act are suggested, to permit the slackening of credit restrictions and the freer circulation of

money. Either the Federal or Provincial Governments are adjured to engage directly in low-cost financing. The regular banking system as presently operated, is seen as effecting a strangle-hold on the economy. Finance companies charge high rates, and the costs to mu• nicipalities of floating debentures is becoming progressively more exorbitant. A variety of objectives are suggested the following being typical: (1) (In 1953-1951+) to permit the expansion of housing construction, thus boosting the lagging lumber industry.

(2) To enable municipalities to keep up with the general economic development and to permit them to expand public services, such as schools, hospitals, water systems, sewers, bridges, sidewalks, roads, etc.

(3) To permit and encourage the growth and establishment of small businesses and firms.

(1+) From all this evolves the creation of employment and the re• duction of unemployment for; -53- i

"whereas people are the greatest resource of any country this resource is being wasted to• day because of unemployment."•*-

Here again the emphasis upon the monetary system is to be noted.

Two resolutions, whose fate is unknown were presented that com• mend the Government for its financial policies and which might be taken as some intrusion into the industrial system, permitting, as they do, some expansion of public services and projects;

"Whereas the principle of reserving current revenue for current public services permitted guarantees on social capital need for schools, sewers, water, transportation and power to be remarkably extended during the past six years Be it resolved that the Minister of Finance be urged to consider extending the principle of guar• anteed liabilities, to include bonds floated for a more extensive loan program for university students, an expanded self-liquidating old age housing program and a pioneer program in financing small enterprises."^ Another resolution endorses paying off the net debt of the Province so that

"public projects can be financed by Government issues at favourable interest rates guaranteed by the Province."3

In the first instance, one would note that the one project that might be deemed an intrusion into private industry has to do with the Aged, a section of the populace for whom the grass roots show considerable concern, as we shall see later, and where the idea of collective

1 Resolution 13, 1958, Chilliwack. 2 Resolution 60, 1958, Comox. 3 Resolution 6l, 1958, Chilliwack. responsibility is pretty much accepted. One might speculate that in referring to public projects in the second resolution, what the proponents had in mind was basic services such as are mentioned in the first resolution. Transport communications and power develop• ment can be argued as merely bringing resources for development and industrial expansion within the financial reach of private industry and private enterprise.

It has been suggested that the Social Credit Government by its taking over of the ferry system and more particularly, its recent acquisition of the B. C. Electric Company, has been departing from the principles of Social Credit Theory, and entering the realms of

Socialism. In the case of the B. C. Electric Company, the take-over had even international repercussions with, for example according to the local news media, expressions of shock and concern in English financial circles, and with doubts felt as to the wisdom of invest• ing in British Columbia. The take-over was also of course a source of lengthy litigation in the courts. The Manifesto to which we have previously referred, states in relation to public utilities that:

"The Government should be prepared to establish a public utility only where individual enterprise has failed to provide, and from the cir• cumstances cannot provide adequate services at reasonable cost, the utility or service to remain a govern• ment enterprise only until the change situation warrants private development

In discussing natural resources, the Manifesto goes on to state that:

"A Social Credit Canadian Government would co-operate with the Provincial

1 The Manifesto, Op. Cit. p. 9. -55-

Governments in stimulating the opening up of new areas and fields for discovery and development of natural resources, with a view to establishing national policies of self-sufficiency in the essentials of living. Then general policy would be to encourage the de• velopment of all those resources which can contribute to the economical production of goods within the country.

Within these two statements might perhaps be found a somewhat tenuous rationalization for the take-over of the B. C. Electric that would bring the action within the realm of Social Credit theory and philosophy as enunciated in this Manifesto. However, in view of the arbitrariness with which the move appeared to take place, one won• ders whether this can be more than a rationalization.

Comment.

In commenting on the resolutions so far discussed one would make the following general observations.

(1) The Annual Conventions appear to be committed to a policy of minimum government invasion of individual freedom. The 1950 Mani• festo is significantly subtitled "Canada's Charter of Freedom."

(2) A significant representation is committed to Social Credit o

Monetary Theory. Monetary Reform, when combined with the provision of health and education facilities, and with pensions for the aged and infirm, is seen as largely doing away with unemployment, and, it is to be presumed, for the need for Social Welfare Services.

(3) There is some suggestion in the resolutions of a recognition that Monetary Reform will not necessarily entirely do away with

1 The Manifesto, Op. Cit. pp.10-11 -56-

» lack of employment. Two resolutions note that the Social Credit pro• posals will guarantee every worker and every other member of the 1 community a steadily increasing real wage and that all Canadians 2 who cannot, find work for wages will be sustained.

However, beyond a basic provision of money, at a level which is not defined, there is no indication of what additional services, if any, should be provided those who fail to grasp the opportunities offered.

Prom a consideration of overall principles and philosophy, we now turn to examination and discussion of attitudes of the Annual

Conventions, as these become apparent when attention is focussed upon specific problems falling within the broad Social Welfare Field.

Our Worthy Poor.

The heading to this section has been deliberately chosen, as the resolutions both numerically and attitudonally, tend to favour a group that might traditionally be thought of as having membership among the "worthy poor." In reading the resolutions one finds a carry over of some of the influences that were apparent in 19th cen• tury England and that are probably quite widespread in Canada, and elsewhere today. The Royal Commission into Poor Law Administration and Operation set up in 1832, advocated that "outdoor relief" should be reserved only for the worthy poor, the sick, the aged and widows with children, whose destitution was something beyond their personal control. On the other hand, all able-bodied applicants were to be 1 Resolution 79, 1958, Vancouver Point Grey. 2 Resolution 105, 195U,, Fort George. -57- placed in the workhouse. The principle of "less eligibility" as a means of helping the shiftless off assistance, was widely supported, as was the keeping that the "Welfare State" encouraged people to be lazy and spineless. In the resolutions, in advocating increased pensions and facilities for the aged, we find advocacy of the prin• ciple of outdoor relief for the worthy poor. In encouragement of the institution of work-for-relief, we find something of the prin• ciple of indoor relief for the able-bodied or unworthy poor.

By very virtue of the fact that, in the face of obvious anomalies, we find no concern expressed about the level of assistance paid to the "unworthy poor", there survives something of the principle of less eligibility. Assistance is maintained by and large at rates lower than those received by the lowest paid worker.

In dealing with the "worthy poor", we will turn our attention first to the Aged, a group for whom the Annual Conventions show a considerable amount of sympathetic concern.

(a) The Aged - 32 Resolutions.

In essence these resolutions fall into three categories, those that recommend broadening of the basis of eligibility, those that recommend an increase in benefits, and those that have to do with the provision of various types of residential facilities. In al• most every case, it is to be noted that resolutions recommend an extension of service. It is of interest that, where the results are known, the majority of resolutions were passed or at least re• ferred to the Minister. The figures were, passed 15; referred to the Minister 3; not known 10, and rejected -58- <

(i) Broadening the Basis of Eligibility (XU. Resolutions) .

All of these resolutions are concerned with liberalizing and ex• tending the basis of eligibility for Old Age Pensioners and those on Old Age Assistance. Two resolutions for example, one from Kam• loops in 1954- and the other from Delta in 195b, ask that residence requirements for the "cost of living" bonus be much freer allowing the pensioner to move to and from the Province without losing his eligibility. A resolution, presented by Vancouver Point Grey in

1959 and passed, urges that the Federal Old Age Pensioner be free to live in the country of his choice. Six resolutions deal with assets, suggesting that the regulations regarding home- ownership, and possession of cash assets or Government annuities be relaxed.

In one instance, it is urged that the income ceiling for eligibil• ity for supplementary assistance should be raised and in another that the Means Test for the over 70's, wishing to draw supplemen• tary assistance, should be totally eliminated. Five resolutions ask that, at least on a selective basis, pensions should be made available for the sixty to sixty-five year olds. Significantly, perhaps, it is stated that there is:

"Inadequate or no coverage for those -within the age group between 60 and 65."1

It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that wlat is inadequate at

55 or 50 or even l+O, 30, or 20, suddenly and magically becomes in• adequate at 60.

1 Resolution 57, 1956, Chilliwack 759-

(ii) Increase in Benefits (11 Resolutions).

In seven instances from 1955 to I960, direct increases in pen• sions are recommended, it being suggested for example in 1957 and

1958, that the Federal Government be pressed to raise the Old Age 1

Pension to $100.00. Again, it is to be noted that the Social Ser• vice benefits paid to elderly people, not of pension age, are inad• equate, but no mention is made of younger people who are required to subsist on similar amounts.

(iii) Housing and Residential Facilities for the Aged and

Chronically III (lit. Resolutions).

Interest varies from concern with the provision of low-cost housing, to the provision of retirement or rest care homes, where minimal care and supervision is required, through to nursing homes and finally chronic care hospital-type facilities. There is an in• dication that it is considered that the Government has a responsibil• ity if not to participate in, at least to foster the development of residential facilities of all types, and to maintain a watchful eye over the standards of care provided. The financial burden upon fam•

ilies and individuals is to be minimized, either through the foster• ing of non-profit organizations, or through provision of coverage under British Columbia Hospital Insurance Services.

In brief, the general tenor of the resolutions in this area,

seems to be toward more liberal provisions for the aged, with the

suggestion, implicit in some instances, that at a certain age, the

1 Resolution 117, 1957, Fort George & South Peace River. -60- pensioner should be entitled to an amount sufficient to support him regardless of his circumstances, without Means Test. In other words, this does approach something of the concept of a basic dividend to be distributed to a limited section.of the population. However, there is a sort of blanket conclusion that old age makes a person respectable, and that this right, rather than resting upon a basic right to share in the real wealth of the Province, rests upon an assumption of the contribution the pensioner has made toward the development of the Province throughout his life. In other words, the pension is given upon the basis of moral considerations of worth, considerations in which, in the case of the elderly, the benefit of the doubt is given to the applicant.

It should be noted perhaps that Old Age Pensions, at least for the over 70's, are in large measure a Federal responsibility and frequently, although by no means always, it is the Federal rather than the Provincial Government that is being asked to extend its financial commitments. This may have some bearing on the liberality sometimes observed in the resolutions.

(b) Other Categories of Worthy Poor.

A few resolutions (3) urge extension of benefits to veterans and their families, an area of Federal responsibility. No doubt, were the service less well established, there would be more resolu• tions. Fourteen resolutions have been presented recommending ex• tension of benefits to victims of industrial accidents, and urging better legal protection for the claimant in the event of a dispute.

Again these two groups may be seen as falling within the general category of worthy poor, since they have become disabled in the ser• vice of their country or in making a desirable contribution to the -61-

industrial or productive system.

Three resolutions all presented in 1956 by the Dewdney con•

stituency, and all referred to the Minister, concern Mothers' Allow•

ances. Two recommend extension of benefits and one that common-law widows should be included under coverage. This perhaps might be

thought of as a borderline (worthy-unworthy) group, and it is per• haps of interest in this regard that support for them should be

found at the Social Credit grass roots level in a riding which is held by the New Democratic Party, and where a rather liberal public

approach to such a group might perhaps be expected.

Mothers' Allowances, when it was payable, was applicable to widows,

divorcees, if they had not been the guilty party, deserted wives who had made every effort to secure support from their delinquent husbands, and wives living with a totally disabled husband. There were other limitations which made those eligible a relatively ex•

clusive group. It is perhaps significant that in the first two in•

stances, benefits should be sought for "respectable" women only,

rather than those who might be construed as morally at fault, al•

though in the third instance, there is some broadening of attitude.

Since these are three of a series of successive resolutions that were referred to the Minister, an a-typical situation, the results

are not meaningful.

The Unworthy Poor Social Assistance (7 Resolutions).

We now turn from resolutions having to do with the Worthy Poor,

to those that might be construed as having to do with the Unworthy

Poor. Whereas there was a considerable amount of interest and una•

nimity concerning the aged, that is not so in the case of Social -62-

Assistance clients. Three resolutions recommending relaxation of regulations, or increased services were all defeated. Thus a reso• lution from Salmon Arm in 1953, asking that the physicians have a wider selection in prescribing drugs was defeated. So, too, was a resolution from Delta in 1959, making a plea that Social Assistance be given where the applicant was owed money which was not forth• coming, and that income be calculated on actual, versus theoretical income, in making grants. A third resolution from Victoria in 196l recommended that:

"Whereas in cases of persons on Welfare for an extended time in some cases the natural'incentive to maintain themselves is lost; And whereas the financial worries and pressures attached to being on Welfare would act as a distraction from study; Therefore be it ssolved to give persons who are willing to take courses, the added incentive of higher welfare payments as a bonus, thus enabling them to ©cover their dignity and useful role in society."1

The resolution was defeated and it is particularly unfortunate in this case that we know neither the rationale for the defeat nor the vote count. The following comments therefore may only be taken as indicative of a minority opinion. While this resolution does rec• ommend relief is to be noted that, although it is recognized that living on assistance creates financial worries and pressures, the focus is upon relieving only those, who by so doing, may be rehabil• itated and regain their position as free enterprising, dignified in• dividuals. By implication, an adequate standard of living, or at

least one that does not create undue financial pressure and worry,

1 Resolution 58, 1961 Victoria -63- is not a basic right, but is to be provided only on a limited basis as an inducement to those with. certain qualifications and abilities, and with a commitment to being self-sufficient and self-supporting.

Not neglecting the value that is placed on education at an individ• ual level, the manipulation of money may again be seen as a prime mover in the solution of social problems.

Of the four remaining resolutions, three recommend "work for relief", two in unequivocal terms. Of these resolutions two were passed and in the third case, the result is unknown. Because of the points of view expressed, one of the resolutions presented by the Chilliwack constituency in 196l and passed is quoted in full.

"Whereas many people in British Columbia are receiving Social Assistance while being able to work;. And Whereas many have a large in• come in the summer months and spend this foolishly because they know they can go on Social Assistance in the winter; And Whereas many people do not work because they are satisfied with the income from Social Assistance; And Whereas some receive Social As• sistance besides holding a job (the latter allowed to pay for a car, T.V. and such-like); And Whereas these things ruin the init• iative of the individual and place a heavy tax burden on those that work for a living and try to get by with what they have; Therefore, be it resolved, that the Government take immediate steps to in• vestigate the issuance of Social As• sistance and provide work, making work a condition for those wishing to receive Social Assistance with the exception of those not able to work such as widows, invalids, etc."-*-

1 Resolution 59, 1961. Chilliwack -61+-

The views expressed certainly suggest a rather skeptical view of the Social Assistance client who is seen as by and large, a shift• less and lazy, if not dishonest, person, to be subject to investiga• tion and limit setting. This is in sharp contrast to the position taken with the aged, where there seems to be a general assumption of moral responsibility and of one-time industry, and therefore of a right to generous service. Douglas' position on "work" as indi• cated in Chapter I was a rather nebulous one in an age of lei• sure, the dividend should be paid to all, and should be adequate to sustain those without other income. Yet elsewhere he states that payment of the dividend should be dependent upon past or present contribution to the productive system. Aberhart was somewhat more explicit. The cases of the few that were not employed, after the institution of Social Credit monetary principles, should be reviewed by a committee and those whom it was felt should and could be working would be liable to forfeiture of their dividend and would hence be compelled to work. Our resolutions appear to go even further and present us with a real dilemma, for whereas on the one hand we are told that unemployment is basically a result of failure in the mone• tary system, when it comes to dealing with the individual unemployed person, operating in a competitive market, unrelieved by the intro• duction of Social Credit monetary reform, we are faced with a posi• tion that tends to assume individual moral irresponsibility.

The final resolution in this area which was also passed, eman• ated from the Cariboo constituency, who in 196l, were particularly concerned with the influx of transient unemployed employables.

It was noted that this situation was placing a heavy load on social -65- workers and leading to the curtailment of other vital services;

"Whereas adequate individual time cannot be given to checking the sin• cerity of the applicants; And Whereas exploitation by many re- cipents of Social Assistance is common knowledge in these aseas; Therefore be it resolved that a concen• trated effort be made to allot a special section and worker to handling and cheek• ing the validity of said Unemployed Em• ployable s."l

Again, the position is one of skepticism and of concern with policing the situation, rather than with providing a service, al• though as we shall note later this resolution is concerned with

services in other areas.

In commenting on these resolutions one would note firstly the commitment to the idea of work as being in itself a moral value and as strengthening the fibre of the individual. Secondly, those who fail to find work are suspect, and tend to be viewed as morally defective. Thirdly, the idea of a basic right to support is a strict• ly [Limited one, in that it is felt that go give money to an Unemploy• ed Employable person is both immoral and demoralizing, and rather he should, work for his relief. As will be indicated in Chapter 3

(see page99) , the Government's position on work for relief has been a somewhat inconsistent one, Mr. W.A.C. Bennett in June 1961+, hav- 2 ing advocated "Work for Welfare", whereas Mr. W.D. Black, in our interview with him, stated that the Provincial Government had never advocated such a policy.

1 Resolution 60, 1961, Cariboo. 2 "Work for Welfare backed by Bennett." The Vancouver Sun. 9th June, 1961+. p.6. - . -66-

A final general point that should be made in this area Is the lack of concern with the level of support paid to the Social Assist• ance client. By contrast, as we have already noted there was con• siderable interest in raising Old Age Pensions and Old Age Assist• ance, already well in excess of Social Assistance rates, to ade• quate levels. This lack of concern exists in the face of a consid• erable amount of widely publicized professional concern that Social

Assistance rates are not adequate. The report to the Community Chest

& Council on the Adequacy of Social Assistance Allowances in the City of Vanouver published in 1958, reached this conclusion. A revision of this study, completed this year, showed that payments in certain instances fell as much as h)\% below meeting basic need. At least one study has indicated that Social Assistance rates are similarly 1 inadequate when applied to the rural family. Again, this lack of concern is indicative of a rather punitive approach to the Social

Welfare recipient.

Other Welfare Areas.

The remainder of the resolutions are scattered over a range of topics that have varying degrees of relevance to our subject. For want of a more satisfactory means of organizing the material, the topics will be dealt with in accordance with the weight given to them as determined by the number of resolutions presented.

(a) Unemployment (l5 Resolutions).

In considering the resolutions under the headings "Monetary Re• form" and "Low Cost Financing", it was noted that considerable I Brown, Beverly Blake & Spence, John William. "Measurement of Need in Social Assistance; - An Approach to The Definition"of Adequacy in Relation to Social Assistance Budgets". Master of "

Social Work Thesis, University of British Columbia (1962)0 _67- attention was paid to the problem of the elimination of unemployment.

It is not surprising therefore to find that fifteen resolutions deal expressly with unemployment and that, in a number of instances, con• cern is implicit. Thus five resolutions advocate monetary reform and relaxation of credit restrictions as basic to the amelioration of the problem of unemployment. A number of resolutions, not in• cluded in our subtotal, in discussing monetary reform, refer to re• cessions and slumps which are assumed to be natural corrollaries of unemployment. Considerable weight is given to the idea that through alterations in the financial system, as has previously been indicated, not only can unemployment be minimized, but those who still remain unemployed can expect as of right, a share in the vastly increased wealth of the Province. However, we have a division of opinion or inconsistency here for, on the one hand, it is said that what we do, is through our monetary policies minimize unemployment and pro• vide adequately as of basic right for those unemployed. On the other hand, as we have already seen, we find that when we are faced with the Social Assistance recipient many of whom fall within the ranks, at least theoretically, of the Unemployed Employable, a decidedly skeptical, if not punitive approach is adopted with, in some cases, not even lip-service paid to the idea of a basic right to assistance.

On the one hand, it is the financial system that is at fault and on the other the individual because he has failed to act with indepen• dence and initiative.

There seems to be a certain amount of controversy as to how far the Government should enter the picture by providing direct employ• ment,, the one view, as we. have already indicated,- advocating minimum -68- intervention of this kind and the other recommending a massive ex• pansion of such programs as Government assisted winter-works project.

However, winter-works projects tend to be a means of accelerating the development of schemes that would, in any event, be undertaken by a public authority.

On resolution introduced in i960 that was defeated, asked for 1 a Government study of the effects of automation. Again, the rea• sons for the defeat are not known, but it is interesting that as is indicated in Chapter 3, (see page 86), Mr. W.D.Black showed consid• erable concern about the problems inherent in automation.

A resolution that passed asked for a joint study to sview the sea• sonal unemployment problem in the logging industry. Under educa• tion and the need for vocational training are stressed in a 196l 2 resolution as being of significance and importance.

It is to be remarked that the Federal Government is seen as hav• ing a prime responsibility in dealing with unemployment in that - "the Federal Government prior to the Second World War when it invaded the Provincial Taxation Field, agreed to accept fully responsibility for un• employment, seasonal or otherwise."-^ As will be noted in Chapter 3 (see pagelOip, Mr. W.D.Black seemed to feel some ambivalence over the relative Provincial and Federal responsibilities, in the solution of the unemployment problem.

Within the resolutions we are examining, there is also some ambival• ence, for on the one hand we have a number of resolutions urging that 1 Resolution 76, i960. Oak Bay. 2 Resolution 32, 1961. Victoria. 3 Resolution 12, 1958. Dewdney. -69-

the Federal Government revise its monetary policies to provide more

employment, and the statement just quoted that the Federal Govern• ment is wholly responsible, and on the other hand we have a number

of resolutions suggestive of Provincial responsibility. In one res•

olution, Mr. W.A.C. Bennett's promises to promote a great deal of 1 work in the Province, is indirectly applauded. Another resolution urges that the unemployed be provided with practical educational

opportunities by the Provincial Government. The joint Council rec•

ommended to study the logging industry situation previously mentioned,

is to be a Provincial responsibility as are in part winter-works pro•

jects. The request (defeated) for an automation unemployment survey, was also to be conducted at the Provincial leve.

(b) Medicare & Hospital Insurance Services (15 Resolutions).

The British Columbia Hospital Insurance Scheme was introduced

before the Social Credit Government took office and was being oper•

ated on a compulsory premium basis. In May 1952, Mr. Eric Martin,

the future Minister of Health and Welfare, was quoted as indicating

that he was in favour of a voluntary hospital plan. There seems to

have been at least some controversy in the League, following Social

Credit's assumption of power, as to the rights and wrongs of compul•

sory Hospital Insurance. A resolution in 1953, that was not voted

upon reads as follows: "Whereas, in the British Columbia Hospitals Insurance Service Act the Government inherited an Act which is in principle, contrary to Social Credit philosophy and policy;

1 Resolution 77, I960. New Westminster. -70- i

And Whereas the Government is dedi• cated to its eventual replacement with a voluntary form of hospital insurance; Therefore, be it resolved that the Government should clarify its stand on the voluntary compulsory contro• versy." i

However, the same year a resolution, also not voted on, rec•

ommended that hospital insurance premiums should be abolished and

that hospital insurance should be financed by increasing the Pro• vincial Sales Tax, a step that in fact the Government took. It may be recalled that at the time the Social Credit Government took over,

the administration of the Act was in a state of considerable chaos.

By October 1953, 28,000 persons had failed to pay their premiums

and a considerable number had earlier faced prosecution. Without

researching the question, it would be difficult to estimate how much

of the controversy really raged within the Government and within the

League itself, on matters of fundamental principle, or simply based

on the fact that the scheme, as it was then being administered, was

in a state of disorder and disrepute. Suffice it to say that, sub•

sequently no resolutions have appeared within the League reviving

the controversy, and in fact, all subsequent resolutions have rec•

ommended extension of the services to be included under B.C.Hospital

Insurance Services. For example, it has been recommended that the

chronically ill should be covered and in I96I4-, that ambulance ser•

vices should be included. Pursuant to this, it may be of interest

to note that the question of ambulance service coverage is currently

an issue of some importance. It has been argued that ambulance ser-

Resolution 122, Cariboo 1953. -71- vices should be municipally operated and that currently it is beyond the means of many people to meet ambulance costs. Mr. Eric Martin, the Minister of Health, recently indicated that his Department would conduct an enquiry into the whole question of the provision of am• bulance services.

Pour resolutions passed from 1956 to 1961+ have advocated Medi• care. The three earlier ones do not stipulate what kind of plan was envisaged. However, in 1961+, the League voted for a limited voluntary medicare program;

"Whereas the last provincial election indicates that the people of the Province do not want outright medicare; Therefore, be it resolved that our Pro• vincial Government be requested to study the medical plan that has been put into effect in Alberta, where the Government subsidized the individual's insurance premium according to his ability to pay which is gauged by the amount of income tax he pays each year."l

It is again of interest that in introducing Bill No. 36 at the current session of the Legislature, the Government took steps along the lines recommended. Further enquiry would be necessary to de• termine the extent of the League's recommendations influence on the

Government decision to follow this course. There are those who question the extent to which such a plan will bring medical services within the range of lower income groups.

It would appear that the Annual Conventions are prepared to ac• cept a limited degree of compulsion and Government control in that they have endorsed British Columbia Health Insurance Services and

1 Resolution, 1+2, 196q., Yale. -72-

have even recommended extension of services, although with no com• ment as to how additional services are to be financed, or whether

they would be prepared to accept additional tax burdens to achieve

these ends.

There is concern that if medicare is to be introduced this should

not be done at the expense of professional freedom, or by invading

the territories of private business. State medicare is palatable

only in small doses. In tune with this a 19bl resolution (Vancouver

Point Grey) was passed urging that the freedom of the medical pro•

fession not be encroached upon.

"Whereas the right of the individual to choose his own health method is fundamental to human liberty, as is freedom of the press and freedom of speech and freedom of worship; Therefore, be it ssolved that antici• pating a National Health Plan for Canada, all legally qualified members of the health profession be granted the same equitable treatment Federally and Provincially."!

(c) Education (12 Resolutions).

As we have already seen, allied with concern for provision of

health services there is also some commitment to the concept of

the provision of adequate educational facilities as a basic social

service. The main focus of concern in this area seems to be with

the need for provision of Vocational Schools and Junior Colleges.

"to meet the need for skilled workers to keep up with industrial expansion."!

Lack of employment is linked with unemployment and with delinquency.

Other resolutions recommend student loan programs, more Federal Aid

1 Resolution 1*0, 1961, Vancouver Point Grey & Vancouver Centre. -73- for universities and a specialized graduate placement service.

However, it is of interest that the following resolution from Cow• ichan Newcastle in 1959 was defeated.

"Whereas large sums of the public reserve are being spent on public works and even vaster sums are being expended on highway construction; Therefore, be it resolved that miich more careful consideration be given to education and hospital construction."

It is also of interest that as will be related in Chapter 3,

(see page 88 ), Mr. W.D. Black placed considerable stress on the need for vocational training suggesting that Canada as a whole, has lagged in this area.

(d) Child Welfare (8 Resolutions).

Child Welfare provisions under the administration of the Social

Credit Government have been the subject at various times of bitter controversy and criticism. The criticism was perhaps bitterest and most widespread in 1960-1961 with the resignation of Miss Ruby McKay, the then Superintendent of Child Welfare, and with the appearance in the Vancouver Sun of a series of highly critical articles, by prom• inent persons in the Social Welfare Field in Vancouver. However, public interest, as measured for example by the number of letters

submitted to the newspapers on this topic at the time, did not ap• pear to have been very widely stirred. The issue has been revived

spasmodically since, with fairly articulate criticism from workers in the field, such as Mrs. Bridget Moran from Prince George, and with the resignation in I96I4. of Miss Mary King, Miss McKay's successor.

Child Welfare has remained a source of fierce debate in the legisla• ture, particularly at budget time, when Social Welfare appropriations

Resolution 6, 1959, Cowichan-Newcastle. are under discussion. Two briefs submitted by the British Columbia

Association of Social Workers in 19614- to the Honourable Wesley Black,

Minister of Welfare, have both emphasized a need for improved and expanded Child Welfare Services particularly in the field of the provision of residential facilities.

It is of interest that seven of the eight resolutions submitted, have to do with increased Provincial Government concern with and participation in services to retarded children. This is a special group manifestly disabled, for whom there has been, in the last few years, a tremendous amount of lobbying at a grass roots level by par• ent and other voluntary organizations. By contrast, in the twelve years covered in this survey, only one resolution has been presented that makes passing reference to Child Welfare services generally, one asking that an effort be made to see that these services are not diluted by the need to cater to an influx of unemployed employables.

It is impossible that the considerable amount of attention and some• times criticism that has been focussed in this area, particularly by professionals, can have entirely escaped the notice of grass roots

Social Creditors. Without further study, one cannot do more than speculate as' to various possible reasons for this apparent lack of concern. Some of these might be:

(1) The league are satisfied with the Government assurances that services are as adequate as reasonably possible.

(2) That this is a specialized field in which the Minister and his advisers may be assumed to be expert.

(3) An unwillingness to be critical.

This is a residual area, a lower class problem to do with in• adequate people who tend to fall outside the range of concern of -75- grass roots Social Crediters.

It is of interest that as is noted in Chapter 3 (see page 107),

Mr. W. D, Black by contrast expressed considerable concern over Child

Welfare Services and emphasized that his Department saw this as a priority area. By far the largest proportion of Acts and Amendments passed by the present Government in the Field of Social Welfare are concerned with Child Welfare Services, although it must be acknowl• edged that the legislation by and large rarely provides for exten• sion of services, but is usually concerned with protection of rights.

(e) Juvenile Delinquence and Corrections (1+ Resolutions) .

Of the foir resolutions in question two stress the importance of education both in avoiding juvenile delinquence and also in the re• habilitation of the delinquent. One resolution applauds the estab• lishment of Haney Correctional Institution but, presented as it is by the local constituency Dewdney, it is not indicative necessarily of more than parochial interest. The wording of the resolution in this regard is interesting:

"Whereas the Correctional Institution built at Haney and known as Haney Correctional Institute, not only is a source of re-establishment but also a source of employment to our citizens and in addition, has greatly enhanced the business condition within Maple Ridge Municipality; And Whereas, this establishment, with its attendant rehabilitation program is unique in North America and places our goal in advance of anything else in the world....1,1

1 Resolution 17, 1958, Dewdney. -76-

The remaining resolution recommends the setting up of Youth Or• ganization Committees, it being such a committee privilege and re• sponsibility to sit in on all trials of juveniles and, at the request of the presiding judge, offer suggestions and recommendations after hearing the evidence. This resolution presented by the Comox con• stituency in 1963, and referred to the Minister represents an ex• cellent kernel of an idea. As we shall see later, Mr. Black during interview stressed the need for Social problems to be solved at the community level, and in stating this he made specific reference to juvenile delinquence, perhaps a reflection, of the idea contained in this resolution.

One is again struck by the limited attention devoted to juvenile delinquence and corrections. The majority of the resolutions directed toward the Attorney General have to do with the Motor Vehicle Act and in particular with those offenses in which liquor is involved.

These are matters which might be thought of as relatively trivial, when compared with other problems of crime and delinquency, that fall with the purview of the Attorney General. Yet, these offences are of course highly visible, and driving and its abuses, a matter of fam• iliarity to everyone. One does not have to be an expert to fearless• ly express an opinion as to how these matters should be dealt with.

(f) Family Services (2 Resolutions).

Only two resolutions are concerned with family services, again perhaps a reflection of the Social Credit commitment to the concept of the independent free enterprising individual. In discussion of social problems, counselling and social and psychiatric services re• ceive negligible attention, although education and health are both -77-

quite frequently mentioned. One resolution does, however, stress

the importance of family services, and deprecates the inroads being made by the need to cater to the increasing numbers of unemployed 1 employables. The other resolutions, introduced in 1963 by the Similkameen constituency and passed, recommends that more emphasis be placed upon training for Social Workers, both at the University and in-service level, so that they may be better able to offer ad• vice and assistance to people with marital, domestic and other prob-

2

lems. This resolution will be discussed further under Social Work

Training.

(g) Portable Pension Plans (2 Resolutions).

Vancouver East presented resolutions in 1956 and 1957 advocat- 3&4.

ing portable pensions to be handled at the Federal level.

In the earlier resolution they note that this allows the employee more freedom of choice of employment, a lessening of employer re•

sistance to older employees and provision of maximum security with minimum overall cost. Again this shows a concern with the aged,

(h) Religion (2 Resolutions).

Two resolutions which might perhaps have been included under the

"education" section, were passed that have to do with religion.

One urges that the teaching of evolution be removed from the school

1 Resolution 60, 196l, Cariboo. 2 Resolution I4.9, 1963, Similkameen. 3 Resolution 99, 1956, Vancouver East. k Resolution lq., 1957, Vancouver East. -78- curriculum as an aetheistic theory.

"Whereas the Government functions on Christiam principles."

The second resolution recommends removal of sales tax as a means of 2 encouraging wider distribution and reading of the Bible. These resolutions are perhaps statistically insignificant. However, it is of interest that something of the fundamentalist evangelical fer• vour with which the Social Credit movement arose in Alberta, and that was also apparent in its emergence in British Columbia (see Chapter 1, p. 3.2), still finds at least some expression at the grass roots level in British Columbia. In Chapter 3, (see page 96 ), the thread is still apparent in our interview with Mr. W.D. Black, and we again find ref• erences to the Bible, and to the Church as an important educational institution. This adds somewhat to the picture that has perhaps al• ready emerged of a commitment to a rugged middle class protestant ethic in which free enterprise is integral to morality,

(i) The Disabled (1 Resolution).

Whereas considerable attention is given to those disabled by age or industrial accident, negligible attention is devoted to the re- sidially disabled, suggesting that the means by which one becomes disabled, rather than the fact of disability is what is significant in focussing concern. Some mention is made of chronic care facilities for those requiring hospitalization, but only one resolution has to do with extension of services to the disabled at large, one recom-

1 Resolution 136, 1956 Delta. 2 Resolution 55, i960 North Okanagan. -79- mending that they should be eligible for the cost-of-living bonus in case of need.

( j) Social Work Training (1 Resolution) .

Only one resolution was concerned with raising the standards- of service in the Social Welfare- Department by concentrating on im- 1 proving the educational status of the Social Workers employed.

This resolution was passed in 19&3 and as is noted elsewhere (see page ), newly instituted Federal Welfare grants were directed by the Social Welfare Department towards stepping up the number of bursaries available for graduate training in Social Work during the past year.

(k) Welfare Resolutions too time-consuming. (1 Resolution).

Finally a resolution that was presented in 1958 by the Point

Grey constituency complains that Welfare resolutions during the previous wo years had been too time-consuming. Because of the sen• timents expressed, the resolution is again quoted in full. The re• sult is unknown so this may represent no more than a minority opinion. "Whereas the past two conventions have been loaded with welfare resolutions which the convention delegates were unable to deal with other than to ex• press appropriate sympathy; And whereas the heavy agenda of such resolutions was an effective barrier to discussion of issues of the day, and including the application of Social Credit principles to "\ital Provincial, Municipal, National and International problems; Therefore, be it resolved that at the 1958 Convention of the British Columbia Social Credit League, matters dealing with controversial Issues be given first preference, matters illuminating true Social Credit principles be given next precedence, and that as many Welfare

1 Resolution q.9, 19&3, Similkameen. resolutions and local issue resolutions •be consolidated and read to the Convention •under a blanket resolution directing and to the attention of the responsible Minister or other official or authority

Although we cannot know relatively how time-consuming discussion of these resolutions had been, in 1956 of a total of 139 resolutions presented, 8 resolutions were directed to the Minister of Health

& Welfare. In 1957, the figures were 80 and 6 respectively. It

appears that this resolution was not acted on although the figures for 1955 were 111 and 1. However, the normal balance was again ev•

ident in 1959 when the figures were 9I4. and 5.

Comments.

In summarizing and commenting upon the material presented, a

number of observations seem to be in order.

Firstly, If the Social Credit Party may be characterized as a

right of centre, free enterprise party with stress upon rugged -in-'

dividualism. this characterization certainly appears true of the league at the grass roots level-. Educational opportunity is accept--

ed as a pretty basic public service, as is limited medicare, and the league does not expect the individual to be responsible for protect•

ing himself against the effects of such unavoidable hazards as eome with aging. Policy is to be geared toward widening the opportuni•

ties for rugged individualism. There is certainly no cry for the

general expansion of welfare services to those who are unable to fit

the mold. The "residual" welfare client appears to be viewed with

1 Resolution 7, 1958, Vancouver Point Grey. -81- some distaste, as one who is to be ignored if he cannot be coerced into conformity. In an age of increasing automation this is likely to present some real dilemmas.

Secondly, and interconnected, Social Credit philosophy at the grass roots level, while laying stress on morality and christian ethics, is an essentially hedonistic one in which, however, it is

assumed that given the opportunity, for any sane and reasonable per•

son the pursuit of material self-sufficiency and prosperity is suffi• cient rationale for living. Again those who fail to conform are mor• ally deficient.

Thirdly, it seems possible that there is still something of a

split between the Social Credit league at the grass roots level, both within the league itself, and in relation to party leaders.

In the league, there appears to be more concern with basic Social

Credit Monetary'Reform than is articulated by the party leaders.

Certainly, there are those in the league who see the Premier, the

.Hon. W.A.C. Bennett, as an orthodox Social Crediter, whose only rea•

son for not placing more stress on Social Credit monetary principles

is that, such restrictive legislation as the British North America

Act and the Bank Act, do not permit the institution of Social Credit.

The effort, for example to ©tablish a Provincial Bank is seen as a move in the direction of true1Social Credit. The fact that in the past three years no resolutions dealing with this question have been presented may perhaps indicate that the zeal for basic Social Credit

theory has been softened both by the difficulties inherent in in•

stituting such measures and also perhaps by the promise and reali•

zation of an era of rising prosperity. -82-

Fourth^, it would appear that at least within the Social Welfare

Department, the grass roots organization, if not actually exerting

influence in determining and bringing about Government policy, at

least finds considerably sympathy with the kinds of submissions that

it makes. In some areas at least there appears to be a correlation

between the resolutions, the thinking of the Minister of Welfare as

exhibited in content of Chapter 3, and in some cases, subsequent

Government action. For example, the resolution recommending a limi•

ted medicare scheme was followed by legislation and provisions along

the recommended lines.

A final comment is perhaps best achieved by quoting from a pam•

phlet widely distributed by the Social Credit League of British Colum•

bia and published by the National Association. In it there is a state• ment of Basic Principles which are four in number and which read as

follows:

(1) The individual is the most important factor in organized society. As a divinely created being with both spiritual and physical potentialities and needs, he has inalienable rights which must be respected and preserved.

(2) Government must serve the Individual. The major function of democratic government in organized society is to secure for the people the results they want from the manage• ment of their public affairs, as far as such results are physically possible and morally right.

(3) Freedom and Security. The individual can only attain his full stature in a society where his ability to make moral choices is restricted as little as possible. Economic security is a necessary means for attaining this freedom, not an end to be attained by restricting it. -83-

(1+) The Physically Possible to be Financially Possible. Whatever is physically possible and desirable and morally right can and, should be made financially possible."•*-

In making two general comments we could note firstly the commit• ment to the concept of the "divinely created individual with both spiritual and physical potentialities and needs." He has inalien• able rights not the least of which is the right to use his God-given talents, potentialities and capacities for decision making with mini• mum intervention from the State. Economic security is one of the bases from which his needs are met and potentialities released, and implicit is the assumption that given this freedom he will act with initiative. Yet, there is a dilemma here for the person who fails to exercise his initiative or who in other ways, transgresses his as it were sinned against his birthright and the opportunity society has offered him. He becomes morally guilty and presumably either alienated, or he must be reformed.

Secondly, It is stated that there is no reason why the economic or financial system should stand in the way of what is physically possible (through the productive or industrial system). In either instance one might say that economic solutions are held to be of paramount importance in the solution of social problems.

Additionally, there is a real concern with morality and with the independent free enterprising individual, the two being interwoven.

The extent to which the grass roots are familiar with the content and meanings of this statement is again debatable, but the ideas

I ~ "Your Social Credit Questions"Answer". Jan. 1962, The Social Credit-Association of Canada, p. Ill* -81*- expressed do, we believe, find support in many of the resolutions they have been presented. While a slightly higher proportion of interest has latterly been focussed upon the "unworthy poor", and upon those with "social" problems, much of the interest tends to be concerned with limit setting and controlling. The grass root

Social Crediter, by and large, seems to have some commitment to

Social Credit monetary theory and to see this as largely a means of eliminating poverty although recently, as suggested, there seems to have been less emphasis on monetary theory. But for the few who remain, who are not aged or disabled, but who are unable to conform

to the Social Credit image, the right to share in the abundance pro• duce appears to be a severely limited one. CHAPTER III

In the first chapter the history of the Social Credit movement was outlined. It appears that Social Credit philosophy is dynam• ically changing as it is translated into practice.

To assess this change, to evaluate the degree to which the present Social Credit Government of British Columbia has developed its own distinct Social Welfare philosophy, or the degree to which it uses other measures instead, an Interview Schedule was prepared.

(See Appendix I).

By this means it was intended to assess the Social Welfare phil• osophy as represented by the Social Credit Leadership ' "and by the present Government of British Columbia.

One carefully planned interview with the Hon. W. D. Black,

Minister of Public Welfare, took place. No other interviews could be arranged.

It was some time before the Thesis group was able to establish contact with the Hon. Mr. 'E. Martin, Minister of Health Services and Hospital Insurance, who agreed to get in touch with the Thesis group at a later date when he would be available for an interview.

Thus in this chapter the assessment was based upon one inter• view with the Hon. Mr. Black and, upon his request, his latest speech to the Legislature of February 23rd, 19&5.

However, in spite of the above-mentioned limitations encountered by the Thesis group, the interview with the Minister provided con• siderable insight into the Social Welfare philosophy of the present

Government. As the Minister represents his Government in the field of Welfare, his statements were taken as the official Social Credit philosophy on Welfare. In addition, the Minister indicated during this interview that he would be unable to go into details on cer• tain matters.concerning Social Welfare and would do so in his speech to the Legislature a few days later. Upon request the Minister fur• nished the Thesis group with a transcript of his speech. It was used to interpret the deeper meaning behind the Minister's often necessar• ily brief answers. The transcript of the Minister's speech to the

Legislature on February 23rd, 19&5, is marked as Appendix III.

The Hon. Mr..Black had no prior knowledge of the questions the

Thesis group would be asking during the interview. Hence his an• swers and statements were of a spontaneous nature often expressing deep personal conviction, but always emphasizing that he is a Min• ister of the Crown and hence responsible to his Government and to the people of British Columbia.

It should be born in mind that the written word can never con• vey the feeling tone, the significance of non-verbal communication, the interaction between the Minister and members of the Thesis group.

But this is a deficiency of the written word.

Finally, the Minister was offered the opportunity to read and correct a transcript of the interview. Mr. Black availed himself of this opportunity and made some slight corrections.

In general, the Interview Schedule was set up to touch upon the following main considerations:

I. Industrial System versus Financial System.

II. Economic Measures and Social Welfare Measures.

III. Basic right to Social Assistance versus Individual Responsibility.

IV. Government Responsibility to provide Employment versus Individual Responsibility for finding same. -86-

V. Long Range Planning in Field of Social Welfare and Long Range Planning in other Fields.

VI. The Setting of Priorities in Social Welfare Measures.

VII. Formulation of Social Credit Social Welfare Philosophy.

I. Industrial System versus Financial System.

The phenomenon of "poverty amidst plenty" led Major Douglas to state that the Industrial System which makes goods is not to blame for poverty - it is the Financial System. Thus, in order to assess whether present day Social Credit philosophy in British Columbia is in accord with this idea, the following question was put to the Hon.

Mr. Black:

"Major Douglas stated "The Industrial System which makes goods is not to blame for poverty - it is the Financial System." In other words, Douglas believed that the. Financial System, controlled largely as it is by private banks, means that the people have insufficient purchasing power to buy the goods that the Industrial System is capable of producing."

"Is Social Credit philosophy today in accord with this idea?"

"We are living in changing times. What was true ij.0 or j?0 years ago Is not necessarily true today. We are being told by labour and industry that due to automation and technology, people may have to to trained • several times over in a working life-time, to fit them for employment. Our fathers worked more than 80 hours a week. You and I are going to see in the next decade a lessening of the work week to 32-36 hours. People will have more and more leisure time. The social aspects of leisure time are im• portant because people must be taught to use this time, a job not only for the church but for society as a whole. -87-

It has been suggested that in the future $0% of the population will be supporting the other £0%. This is most undesirable and can only be avoided if there is planning and in this, stimulation of the economy and education go hand in hand." (Appendix II. Q.l).

The Minister did not answer this question directly. Choosing another way he made the following observations. Major Douglas lived in different times, hence his philosophy is not necessarily true to• day. Thus the problems confronting our society today are the ques• tion of increased leisure time caused by automation. In the past, men were forced to work more than 80 hours a week. However, in the next decade Mr. Black feels the work week will be lessened to 32-3& hours, and leisure time will become an increasingly larger part of every man's day. Accordingly, the values ascribed in the past to work will require changes. However, Mr. Black did not indicate what these changes ought to be.

In this connection the Minister mentioned the church as one of

the main educational institutions. This is significant in view of

Aberhart's religious political philosophy, to which reference was made in greater detail in Chapter I. One wonders to what extent

Aberhart's philosophy still influences the political movement of

the Social Credit Government of British Columbia.

Mr. Black accepted as fact the steady increase of leisure time

due to automation. Yet he indicated as most undesirable the sug• gestion that in the future S0% of the population will be supporting

the other $0%, He proposed to counteract this trend through plann•

ing, which, in Mr. Black's view, consists of stimulating the econ•

omy and education. -88-

In his answer the Minister did not specifically mention his

Government's responsibility for planning and education. However, the Minister's concern in this general area was expressed in his speech to the Legislature of February 1965.

"During the past year... approximately I4.OO mern and women on social allowance have been encouraged to take training programmes through the Provincial Vo• cational Schools. I am pleased to re• port that the majority of these men and women are now gainfully employed." In addition hostel-type accommodation. was established in Prince George and Dawson Creek for single employable- unemployed men. "Through the closer contact they afforded with the individual, a total of 812 men were placed in jobs from our social assistance roles between May and November of last year."

The statements made in this speech as far as education as part of overall planning is concerned, are consistent with Mr. Black's answer in the interview. Training, one assumes, includes the re• training or further training of persons since "people may have to be trained several times over in a working life time to fit them for employment", to quote Mr. Black.

In general the Minister seems to have indicated in his answer and his speech that Social Credit philosophy is not so much concerned with the problem of Industrial System versus Financial System, but rather with planning and education onthe community level.

To pursue further the question of Industrial versus Financial

System, the Minister was asked the following question:

"Does the B.C. Social Credit philosophy advocate the distribution of a basic dividend as stipulated in theories of Major Douglas, Aberhart and Solon Low as a means of increasing purchasing power and eliminating poverty?"(App.I.Q.2). On this question, "Mr. Black deferred an answer". (App.II.A.2).

This left three possible interpretations -(I), The Minister was not familiar with this aspect of original Social Credit philosophy and hence could not comment; (II), the Minister was familiar with tie idea of the "basic dividend" but was not prepared to make a state• ment on this topic as far as present Social Credit philosophy is concerned} (III), the Minister was consistent with his Government's policy of deferring to speak on basic Social Credit theory.

As pointed out already in Chapter II, the idea of "Basic Dividend" is alive at the "grass root level" of the Social Credit party and found its expression in a number of resolutions calling for members of the Legislature on the side of the Government to speak (fan ibhe question of basic Social Credit theory. Thus Mr. Black and his colleagues, who defer answers to questions of this kind, provide the stimulant for such resolutions.

In general one may conclude that, if Mr. Black's deferral was typical of members of the Provincial Government,avoiding dealing with questions of this kind, then the demands of the "grass roots", namely the Social Credit League, were justified.

II. Economic Measures and Social Welfare Measures.

From the study of Social Credit History in general and of the

Social Credit Government of B. C; in particular, it was felt by the

Thesis group that Social Credit in B. C. appears to emphasize eco• nomic rather than Welfare measures toward a solution of Social Wel• fare problems. Thus the following questions were designed to enable the Minister to talk about his Government's attitude toward the gen• eral question of Social Welfare. -90-

Hence the Minister was asked:

"Has the present Government enacted legislation which reflects its phil• osophy in the Field of Social Wel• fare?" (App. I. Q.if-) .

The Minister answered:

"Let the record speak for itself. We inherited legislation from previous Governments and this we have accepted or amended where desirable. We have also introduced new legislation, and will continue to do so when necessary. The legislation as a whole is repre• sentative of our philosophy on Social Welfare." (App. II. A.I*).

While most of the present Social Welfare legislation has been in• herited from previous Governments, the present Social Credit Govern• ment has pioneered 10 new Acts and has initiated 21 Amendments,

(the majority in the Field of Child Welfare) over the past 12 years.

In general it appears that B. C.'s Social Credit Government has depended to some extent upon existing legislation in the Field of

Social Welfare. However, Acts and Amendments were introduced whem the Government felt the necessity. At times this necessity for new or amended legislation was brought home to the Government by the ur• gent need encountered, at times, however, upon pressure from the public. This may explain the fact, that inspite of a seeming lack- of concern shown by the Social Credit League for Child Welfare, as was shown in Chapter II, most new or amended legislation gives pri•

ority to this area. -91-

To further enlarge upon the general question of Social Welfare, the Minister was asked:

"Do you believe that the present Social Assistance rates encourage numbers of people to go on Social Assitance?" (App. I. Q. 6).

The Minister answered:

We are aware of a small number of people of this type who are tempted to go on Social Assistance unnecessarily. We are working at this problem in Vancouver, where we are endeavouring to reach these people. It is often difficult either to find these people or to establish their motivation for going on Social Assistance. If they are threatened with work they tend to disappear and in the case of the multi- problem family, we don't want to break up the family. However, the longer they stay on Social Welfare, the more individual in• itiative is destroyed." (App. II, A. 6).

In his answer to this question the Minister indicated that a

small number of people are tempted to go on Social Assistance un•

necessarily. In this, the Minister differs considerably from the

Social Credit League which expressed its concern over the consider•

able number of such people as already indicated in Chapter II.

As to the motivation for numbers of people to go on Social As•

sistance, Mr. Black felt it was not only the present Social Assist•

ance rates but also other reasons.

Mr. Black went on to say that under the threat of work these people tend to disappear. In this connection he mentioned the case

of the multi-problem family, implying that under the threat of work,

the father tends to disappear and he stated, "we don't want to break up the family." -92-

The members of the Thesis group are not aware of any statisti• cal figures in support of the statement that fathers leave their families because of the threat of work. Thus research is required in this area.

However, one wonders whether this resignation in the case of the multi-problem family is desirable. It certainly is no solution to the problem as the climate created in such families often leads to

a perpetuation of social disorganization from one generation to the

next. Thus, to help children of multi-problem families break with past norms, it is not a question of risking the break-up of a family, but it is a question of good Social Work.

Finally, the Minister touched upon his conviction that the longer

such people stay on Social Welfare, the more individual initiative is destroyed.

Personal individual initiative is at the core of Social Credit philosophy both on the "grass root level" as indicated in Chapter

II and on the leadership level. Thus it plays a large role in Mr.

Black's thinking. In a previous question and answer, training and re-training has been shown to have enabled 812 men, for example, to return to the economic stream. Hence it would seem that opportunity and some help has to be offered in addition to personal Initiative.

In order to enable the Minister to answer In more detail and provide more insight into Social Credit philosophy on Social Assist• ance, the following question was posed:

"Do you believe that if Social Assistance rates were lower, fewer people would re• main on Social Assistance?" (App.I.Q.7). -93-

The Minister answered:

"We have many complaints from unorganized areas and small rural centers about the abuses taking place among Social Assist• ance recipients. Our rates cut across the Province of B.C. and while they cover the basic needs of recipients in urban areas, those in rural areas are able to supplement their assistance by growing vegetables, shooting game, buying re• ject apples and so forth. Hence some are able to save money which they may use to purchase a T.V. or an instalment plan. The disgruntled community complains to us about these abuses. This is one of the frustrations a Minister has to face.

Our Social Assistance rates are constantly under review and according to our Statutes, we have the right and responsibility to look at individual cases to assess their need. If the need is not being met, our review board can assess the situation, recommend a special increase and notify me.

Our basic premise is that needs are being met above and beyond Social Assistance rates where necessary. Additionally, in case of need, medical, dental, optical, and drug costs are being covered." (App. II. A. 7).

Perhaps this question as posed was not clear to the Minister. Hence,

he did not answer it directly bit chose to deal with it in the above

way. But he raised some interesting points.

The Minister emphasized the many complaints his Department re•

ceives of abuses taking place among Social Assistance recipients

in unorganized areas and small rural centers. However, it was not

clarified what is meant by "many". Furthermore, not only unorganized

areas and small rural centers are sources of such complaints to the

Minister, the Social Credit League also in its resolutions voiced

similar complaints of Social Assistance abuses as was shown in

Chapter II. -9k-

Mr. Black went on to state that Social Assistance rates "cut across the Province of B.C." and "cover the basic needs of recipi• ents." However by comparing urban recipient versus rural recipient the Minister perhaps is suggesting that there ought to be a distinc• tion. Or in other words, one wonders whether this is a suggestion that Social Assistance rates should be adjusted accordingly to a recipient's locality.

This leads one to ask the question whether the rural client is actually able to add a few items to his basic needs, which the ur• ban client, is forced to do without. Or to take it one step fur• ther, are a radio, a washing machine or even a television set in our day and age part of our basic needs? What criteria are pres• ently being used to ascertain basic needs? What research is being conducted to adjust today's basic needs to tomorrow's basic needs?

All these questions are part of welfare philosophy which, in the view of the Thesis group, deserve ongoing evaluation.

Finally, the Minister mentioned that a review board can recom• mend adjustment of Social Assistance rates in a particular case to meet actual basic needs. This may include all types of health needs.

However, note should be taken of the fact that at present unemployed- employables have no health coverage.

In general, one may state that the Minister felt by and large, all Social Assistance recipients were getting an adequate allowance to meet their basic needs even under exceptional circumstances. -95-

III. Basic Right to Social Assistance versus Individual Responsi• bility.

Fundamental to any Social Welfare philosophy is the question of a person's right to assistance. Has any citizen the basic right to assistance and how is this basic right tempered by the individual's basic responsibility for his own welfare? Or is Social Assistance considered to be a privilege which would tend to put a great deal more emphasis upon the individual's responsibility for his own wel• fare?

To assess the attitude of the British Columbia Social Credit

Government to these basic questions, the Minister was asked;

"Do you think that every citizen has the basic right to support by the Government if he has no other means of support?" (App. I. Q. 3) .

The Minister answered;

"If a man is in need he is supported! However, the unemployed-employable single man raises complex problems. He may have come to us because our assistance rates are higher. Sometime ago over 300 such men arrived by train in this Province. We have to be con• cerned with this. We see as one of our primary objectives, the vocational training and re-training of these unemployed-employables in order that they may be returned into the econ• omic stream. This country has not kept pace with the needs of persons who are unable or unsuited to obtain the Univer• sity education. We are behind with vo• cational training as a whole in Canada. We are working as fast as is possible to develop vocational training programs but the most serious difficulty is in finding teachers. Presently some of the qualifi• cations which are required for entrance into vocational training are too high, particularly for people who have teen on Social Assistance for an extended period.

With this problem in mind, we have recently -96-

started crash programs in Vancouver and elsewhere to provide re-training. For example, a person who would like to be• come a plumber but who is unable to do- so because of educational shortcomings, is enabled to become a plumber's helper. In general, we believe that while the economic curve is going up, we have to get these people back into the employ• ment stream because at any other time this is impossible.

There are a small number of people who are unwilling to be re-trained and whose initiative is not easily resparked. Using trained social workers when possible, we concentrate our services on these people.

Added to this, we have to support the blind, the widows, and the poor because, as the Bible says, they will always be with us." (App.. II. A. 3).

"If a man is in need he is supported", the Minister stated to the

question whether "every citizen has the basic right to support by

the Government if he has no other means of support." However, the

Minister at once modified this statement by mentioning the problem

of the unemployed-employable single men, implying that, at times,

they come in considerable number to this Province from all across

Canada because the rates of Social Assistance are higher in B.C.

While higher assistance rates may have been the motivation for

some men, the milder climate during the winter and last, but not

least, the well-publicized Peace River project and other large pro•

jects must be taken into consideration as possible reasons for men

to have come to this Province.

The Minister pointed out the importance of vocational training

and re-training for unemployed-employables. He mentioned that the

whole country "has not kept pace with the needs of persons who are

unable or unsuited to obtain the University education." He indi- -97- cated that the problem of vocational training is a national one, however, efforts are being made by his Government in Vancouver and elsewhere to provide re-training facilities. Presently, the lack of teachers and too high entrance requirements are serious obstacles for this "crash program." If the entrance requirements are too high, one wonders whether the Province could lower them.

The Minister expressed sound coiorictions about goals for voca• tional training taking the individual's capacity for re-braining and adjustment into consideration. "A person who would like to be• come a plumber but who is unable to do so because of educational shortcomings, is enabled to become a plumber's helper." These are indications of fairly long-range planning, but the very real prob• lem of the future, namely increased leisure time with decreasing employment opportunities due to automation, was not touched upon.

Vocational training and education appears to be thought of as "the" solution. As was noted in Chapter II, similar concern over the ques• tion of vocational training was shown at the Annual Conventions of the Social Credit League.

A further point of importance is the Minister's concern to get people back into the employment stream "while the economic curve is going up, because at any other time this is impossible."

While Mr. Black recognizes the existence of economic cycles he did not indicate during the interview or in his speech what plans one should make for the time when the economic curve levels off or even drops. This consideration, one would think, should influence the thinking and planning of the Social Credit Government in the

Field of Social Welfare.

To cope with a small number of people who are unwilling to be -98- retrained and whose initiative is not easily resparked", the Minister actually suggested specialized case loads carried by professional trained social workers, when possible. This is sound Social Work practice and would be equally effective in the already mentioned area of the multi-problem family.

Finally, the Minister's, reference to the support of the blind, the widows, and the poor, "because, as the Bible says, they will always be with us," tends to support the thought that the religious base of Alberta's Social Credit movement, as indicated in Chapter

I, and with similar trends found to exist within the Social Credit

League, as indicated in Chapter II, exert their influence upon the

Social Credit Government of British Columbia.

In general, however, the Minister accepted with certain qualif• ications, the basic right to Social Assistance for individuals in need.

The question of "Work for Relief" is one of the most- crucial ones to assess the Social Welfare philosophy of B.C.'s Social Credit

Government. Hence the Minister was asked:

"In your address to the Legislature in February, 196l, you said of the unemployed man that "he should have the opportunity of working for.the assistance he receives." Do you. think that an able-bodied person should be required to work for relief?" (App. I. A. 5)

The Minister answered:

"This Government has never advocated work for Welfare."

(App. II. A. 5)

This is an important statement of Government policy and is in marked contrast to his own statement quoted above in Q.5. and to statements made by other members of the Government and by members of the Social Credit League. For example, Premier Bennett was -99- quoted in the Vancouver "Sun" of June 6th, I96I4., as favoring "work for relief." Furthermore, annual conventions of the Social Credit

League have come out in favour of "work for relief," as was in• dicated in greater detail in Chapter II of this thesis.

Hence it seems that a good deal of re-thinking has been going on within the Government and the party as to the question of "work for relief." An important influence in this connection may have been the Federal Government's attitude of "work or relief." In addition the British Columbia Association of Social Workers and opposition parties as well as the Federal Government stipulated not only work in its shared-cost winter-works program, but "meaningful work."

In general, one could conclude that the Social Credit Government of British Columbia has had mixed feelings toward the question of

"work for relief." On the one hand there is the traditional value attached to work, to individual responsibility and to community responsibility to find and provide work. On the other hand there appears to be some re-thinking on this question as indicated in the

Minister's statement.

In contrast to Aberhart and, apparently, the Social Credit philosophy in British Columbia, Major Douglas, as was indicated in chapter I, did not attach the same value to work. -100-

IV. Government Responsibility to Provide Employment versus Individual Responsibility for finding same.

Automation and unemployment are problems facing Federal and

Provincial Governments and require long-range planning in a variety of fields as they affect, both on a short and a long range basis, the welfare of the nation. Hence, the question of "Government Responsi• bility to provide Employment versus Individual Responsibility to finding same" is very important in any Welfare philosophy. Thus the

Minister was asked:

"It has been said that with increasing mechanism and automation unemployment will grow larger. Do you agree with this statement?"

The Minister answered:

"We feel unemployment is a very real problem. However, we agree with Michael Starr that un• employment is basically a problem for the Federal Government." (App. II, A. 8)

In part this question had been dealt with in a previous answer.

Hence the Minister choose to deal with It in terms of Federal

responsibility.

Yet it is evident that a Provincial Government can play a very

important role in providing employment. Thus, for example in

British Columbia, we have the Peace River project, numerous highway

construction projects, the building of schools etc. All are imp•

ortant indicators of employment opportunities created on a provincial

level. There is no doubt that this is being recognized by the

Premier of this province.

Thus, while Mr. Black places the burden of responsibility upon

the Federal Government, there is no doubt that a Provincial Government

can undertake activities which will provide employment opportunities -101- as well. In addition Mr. Black gives recognition to the fact that vocational training and employment opportunities are closely linked.

V. Long Range Planning in Field of Social Welfare and Long Range Planning in other Fields:

Stimulation of the economy and education are parts of the plann• ing done by B.C.'s Social Credit Government to meet the present and future needs caused by automation and unemployment. The focus is upon the economic stream.

Automation and unemployment cause problems strongly felt also in the general area of Social Welfare. Has the Social Credit Govern ment of B. C. a long range Social Welfare planning approach which would indicate the nature of their.Social Welfare philosophy? Are only short range measures being taken to meet certain very obvious needs or to give way to pressures from certain groups in the communi

Hence, the Minister was asked:

"Is it your opinion that in our contemporary and changing society there will be a need to extend Welfare Services? If yes, please ela• borate. If no, in your address to the Legis• lature of February, 1961, you said that "rather than expect Government to accept the total re• sponsibility for the consequence of broken homes, neglected children and the lonely aged persons in this Province," we should shoulder more of this responsibility as private citizens. Is it your opinion that we have already gone too far in provision of Welfare Services"? (App.I.Q.10)..

The Minister answered:

"Presently we are spending 59 million dollars on Welfare in a province of 1.7 million people. We think that the focus of responsibility should be redirected more toward the individual and the communities themselves. We believe that the community that succeeds the most is the community that helps itself. The extent of their responsibility has been laid down in -102-

Section 639, p. 1 and 2 of the i960 Municipal Act. We find some communities somewhat re• luctant to meet the commitments as spelled out by the Act. As an example, we believe the problem of Juvenile delinquency can best be dealt . with and resolved at the community level and that the juvenile should be rehabilitated within his own community. We have also formed a policy of decentra• lization in our Child Welfare services." (App.II, A.10).

The Minister's answer to the question whether an extension of Wel•

fare service is necessary, was to point at the provincial Govern•

ment's present expenditures on Social Welfare, namely 59 million

dollars. Without going into the aspect of long range planning

considering the potential future need for an extension of present

day Social Welfare services, the Minister pointed out that the Social

Credit Government thinks "that the focus of responsibility should be

redirected more toward the individual and the communities themselves."

With a great deal of emphasis he underlined the following statement:

• "We believe that the community that succeeds the most is the comm•

unity that helps itself."

In these statements a trend comes to the fore to encourage

the community and the individual to accept more responsibility for

welfare and for social action and planning.

To further emphasize this point Mr. Black mentioned the problem

of juvenile delinquency which "can best be dealth with and solved

at the community level and that the juvenile should be rehabilitated

within his own community."

In general the Minister's way of answering the question whether

there will be a need to extend Welfare Services by quoting his -103-

Government's total welfare expenditures leaves two interpretations:

Either the Minister feels his Government has already expanded its Social Welfare Services to a very high degree and Intends to continue ^or versus it the Government already spends too much money in view of the total number of citizens.

Mr. Blacks statement that "some communities are somewhat reluctant to meet the commitments as spelled out by the Act" must be seen in the light of the argument by many municipalities that their tax- burdens are already tremendous and that they cannot accept additional responsibilities.

Finally the Minister's example of the juvenile delinquent has two aspects. It is beneficial for both, the juvenile and the comm• unity to become involved in the former's rehabilitation. However the Provincial Government must support rehabilitation by providing resources in the form of trained Social Workers and institutions.

Perhaps we find a good indication of the Government's philosophy

in Mr. Black's speech to the Legislature in February, 196l: "..rather than expect Government to accept the total responsibility for the consequence of broken homes, neglected children and the lonely aged persons in this province." we should shoulder more of this responsibility as private citizens. (app. I, Q. 10)

However, this appears to be only one side of the coin as the

interpretation was solely based upon the Minister's past statements

and a single interview with him. To obtain a more balanced picture

of the Minister's philosophy in the field of "Human Relations," the

Minister's latest speech to the Legislature on February 23, 19&5, -101*- w.as used which provides factual information, and some general policy statements.

In this speech, the Minister stated: "In order to provide the best possible welfare services, continuous study and planning have been carried out." In a few sentences the growth of the Department of Welfare was outlined:

"In 195l, the year before this. Government took office, there were 119 social workers directly on casework, throughout the district offices. Today, there are 231. In 19^1, the Province was divided into five administrative regions each one covered by a regional director. Today, the Province is divided into 8 regions, each with its own director. In 195l, we had 15 district supervisors through the Province - today, we have 31*." etc. As well as constructively building up our field staff, we have strengthened our central adminis• tration considerably over the last few years."2

Among other examples cited by the Minister "a research specialist to examine the efforts of our services in a community" is most interesting.

While the increase in staff and administration not necessarily indicated long-range planning, but may be due to pressure from mounting numbers of clients or from the public and opposition parties, the research program and the staff development program can be taken as signs of long-range planning:

'op cit p.l

"op cit p.l* 3 op cit p.l* -io5-

"In 195l, $2q_00.00 was spent on bursaries to assist the staff in obtaining formal training at the School of Social Work, U.B.C. Today, $26,000 is being used to assist 16 social , workers toward their professional training."^

Note should be taken of the fact that in recent years the Federal

Government has assumed some responsibility for the training of

social workers through the Federal Welfare Grants. There is no

doubt that the increasing number of students attending the School

of Social Work, University of British Columbia reflect this Federal participation.

In general one may conclude considering both sides of the

proverbial coin, that the Social Credit Government emphasizes that

the responsibility for Welfare should be put more heavily upon the

community and the individual. On the other hand, there are signs

of long-range planning on the part of the Provincial Government.

Major Douglas propounded a highly distinctive economic philosophy.

Hence, in the following question, it was attempted to assess whether

the B.C. Social Credit Government has similarly distinctive features

in their Social Welfare philosophy. Thus the Minister was asked:

"Social Credit started out as a party with a highly distinctive economic philosophy. What do you see as the distinguishing features of the B.C. Social Credit Party as they affect Social Welfare?" (App. I. Q. 12).

The Minister answered:

"To put it in simplified terms, the only solution to Social Assistance is employment. "Moving the lunch bucket is the long-range solution to Social Assistance." Retraining and re-education are

"op cit P.5 -106-

vital. It is not always the individual who is to blame for his state, but sometimes it is the society in which he lives. Frequently, too, he has been brought up in ignorance." (App. II. A. 12).

In his answer the Minister gave the very distinctive features of his Government's Social Welfare philosophy. It comprises short

and long-range measures such as economic stimulation to move the lunch bucket, and short and long-range welfare planning such as ret• raining and re-education.

In general, the Minister brought out clearly the core of the

Social Welfare philosophy as developed by the Social Credit Govern• ment: Stimulation of the economy, education of the people to enable

them to remain in or rejoin the economic stream and emphasis upon

involving the community and the individual to a larger extent in

responsibility for their own welfare. Thus, the emphasis upon

economic measures to meet Social Welfare needs becomes more apparent.

Even education is thought of in the form of retraining more than

anything else. Hence Mr. Black is consistently following through

with his idea of "moving the lunch bucket"..

VI. The Setting of Priorities in Social Welfare Measures

After the Minister had the opportunity to talk about the basic

concepts upon which the Social Credit Government builds its Social

Welfare philosophy, the following questions were put forth to enable

the Minister to give some indication of the setting of priorities

in Social Welfare measures.

Hence the Minister was asked:

"What pressing problems do you see as existing in the Field of Social Welfare in British Columbia?" -107-

The Minister answered:

"While we are aware of problems in the areas of juvenile delinquency, the Native Indian population, the Canada Pension Plan, etc., we are focussing much of our attention upon Child Welfare and Family Services. We have made considerable pro• gress recently in providing facilities for the residential care of children such as receiving homes, foster and adoption homes." (App. II. A.9).

Before proceeding to talk about a special area in the field of

Provincial Social Welfare, the Minister talked for some time about juvenile delinquency, problems with the Native Indian population, The

Canada Pension Plan, etc., this he focussed upon the area of Child

Welfare and Family Services. It is this area which the Minister gave top priority.

In his speech to the Legislature, the Minister emphasized his

Government's philosophy underlying the Child Welfare programs namely that "family life must be preserved and strengthened." As example the Minister made the following statement.

"During the past two fiscal years, there has been a substantial increase in Family Service cases - in fact, approximately a 25% increase* This involves families not in receipt of fi- nancial allowances from the Department^

This trend to focus upon Child Welfare and Family Services finds its expression also in the legislative activity of the Social Credit

Government. As previously mentioned the majority of new Acts and

Amendments were in the same field.

In general the Minister indicated the complexity of problems in various fields of Federal and Provincial Social Welfare. Hoxfever, planning seems to be concentrated largely upon one field of Social -108-

Welfare, namely Child Welfare and Family Services.

This is consistent with Social Credit philosophy stressing the importance of the individual and the family even if this is not reflected in the resolutions of the.Social Credit League. Thus,

Government policy and stimulation created by the community as for example some agencies of the Community Chest and Councils of Greater

Vancouver, are driving forces behind the Social Welfare planning of the Social Credit Government.

The basic concepts were established, upon which the Social Credit

Government builds its Social Welfare philosophy. Furthermore an indication was obtained of the priorities for service in the Field of Social Welfare.

However, has the Minister's planning in the general field of

Social Welfare a long-range view? Does this prevent at least priority

Welfare Services from suffering during times of emergency?

To assess these questions the Minister was asked:

"In the address previously referred to, you said, '.unfortunately in times of stress certain services must take precedence over others in order that im• mediate need may be met and suffering alleviated- thus a slowdown in some of our preventive services must be accepted.' Are there services which you consider are affected by these considerations at present?" (App.I.Q. 11).

The Minister answered;

"As already indicated we consider that unemployment is a Federal responsibility and we have been en• deavouring to persuade the Federal Government to fulfill their commitment. In the meantime, however, the need to provide services for the unemployed- employable has resulted in a dilution of the ser• vices that we are able to offer to children and to the aged. -109-

Steps have been taken to alleviate this situation by the addition of staff and development of re• sources." (App.II. A. 11).

The Minister in his answer revealed an important problem facing

Social Credit Welfare philosophy. Under the influence of unemploy• ment in general and the influx of unemployed-employables, the

Social Credit Government experiences the "dilution of the services the Government is able to offer to children and to the aged." The

Provincial Government is forced eventually to react to a problem which they feel is the responsibility of the Federal Government and hence basic services, even priority services, tend to suffer. With mount• ing pressure for service and concern, additional staff is hired, resources are developed. An example for resources can be found in the Minister's speech to the Legislature:

"Possibly more in the field of resources, I would like to mention district offices, for they are a resource for the community. In 195l, there were 29 such offices. Today, we have increased that number to I4.I." (App .11 ,p.6) .

This is a real step forward. However, the problem of staffing is

serious. According to statistics given by Mr. Black there are pres• ently only 3k- District Supervisors available to staff 1+1 District

Offices.1

In general the Minister's answer tends to suggest that the dispute between the Federal and the Provincial Governments Is an

impediment to the consistency and the expansion of services, placing

some basic services under pressure.

1 Black, W.D., Legislative Speech, Feb. 23, 1965 -110-

VII. Formulation of the Social Credit Social Welfare Philosophy:

Toward the end of this two-and-a-half hour interview, it was felt by the Thesis group that an attempt should be made to con• solidate the information obtained about Social Credit Welfare philos• ophy into a formal statement. Hence the Minister was asked:

"Would you assist us in formulating your party's Social Welfare philosophy?"

The Minister answered:

"It is impossible to know really what future policy will be. Perhaps the Department of Social Welfare should be disposed of in name and called the "Department of Human Relations" as an overall coordinating Department for all. rehabilitation. However, we have to strengthen the fibre and backbone of this nation and of individuals and families. We are against the establishment of a "Welfare State" since we believe this has the reverse effect." (App.II.A.13).

The Minister's first reaction to the Thesis group's request was to state that the four members of the Thesis group, now were aware of his thoughts, ideas and philosophy on the different topics discussed during the interview and, hence, could construct on their own, what they think is the Social Welfare philosophy of B.C.'s Social Credit

Government.,

However, it was pointed out to the Minister that it would be helpful if he could provide some basic thoughts going beyond the ideas already expressed during the interview. Consequently, the

Minister provided the above quoted answer.

In general, in the Minister's answer to this last question one finds three very basic thoughts to what emerges to be the Social

Welfare philosophy of B.C.'s Social Credit Government: -111-

1. The Minister's statement that "it is impossible to know really what future policy will be", indicates that, in view of our modern, rapidly changing society, the Social Credit Government rests on economic stimulation and education.

2. In his statement that the Department of Social Welfare should perhaps become the Department of Human Relations, the Minister stressed the importance of rehabilitation. This concept of rehabil• itation is an integral part of education, one of the basic concepts upon which the Social Credit Government builds its Social Welfare philosophy. However, this emphasis on rehabilitation is heavily weighed on one side only, namely, rehabilitation suggesting the complete re-integration of an individual into the economic stream, hence becoming an independent, self-supporting citizen. Further-more, strong moral connotations go with this idea. To help persons become rehabilitated, the Social Credit Government makes available economic and educational resources.

However, the group of marginal or below marginal people for whom rehabilitation is limited or even impossible, appears to receive scant attention.

This tendency of favouring the "rehabilitatable" can be taken one step further: Relief or Social Assistance, in the eyes of the

Social Credit Government, appear to foster dependency, to be de• trimental to the recipient's character, hence rehabilitation becomes a key to character building. The philosophy appears to be that work is salutary, while leisure time is not, and lack of work-motivation is an indication of a faulty character. -112-

3. These ideas were underlined further by the Minister stating that his Government was against the "Welfare State" because it weakens the fibre and backbone of this nation and of individuals and families. In this connection the Minister's statement that

"perhaps the Department of Social Welfare should be disposed of in name and called the "Department of Human Relations," is an interest• ing one. One may wonder whether there is a connection between the

Minister's attitude toward the Welfare State and his suggestion to erase the word "welfare" replacing it with "human relations."

Following these questions, the Thesis group attempted to construct Social versus a "Cosial Welfare philosophy" on behalf of the Social Credit Govern• ment of British Columbia. Careful attention was paid to all state• ments made by the Minister asthe representative of the Social Credit

Government in order to express what the Thesis group feels, is

Social Credit Philosophy.,

Challenged by the Minister to participate in the formulation of the Social Welfare Philosophy of B.C.'s Social Credit Government the

Thesis group believes that the following statement might be thought of as a fair definition^ We believe in the basic right for assistance for individuals without means for support. We realize however, the importance of work for the individual's minds and bodies, and for the larger community. Hence, we stress rehabilitation as an answer to unemployment through which individuals tend to become dependent upon social assistance and loose their initiative, pride and self respect. To bring about rehabilitation, employment and

education are key factors. Rehabilitation must take place within the -113-

individual and within the community wherethe ultimate responsibility rests. We are against the Welfare State because it robs the individ• ual of his incentives to remain independent, self-reliant and res•

ponsible for his own welfare. We feel communities would be af•

fected similarly.

We cannot predict what our future Social Welfare policies will be but we act as needs arise and plan as far ahead in the fields

of economy and education as we are able, to prevent, if possible, the need for individuals to turn to Social Welfare services.

The above statement represents the collective thinking of the

[j. members of the Thesis group and should in no way be mis-construed

as an official statement of the Social Credit Government Social

Welfare Philosophy. CHAPTER IV

CONCLUSIONS ON THE SOCIAL CREDIT PARTY AND ITS SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY

The previous chapters have dealt with Social Credit monetary theory and practice in Alberta and British Columbia. It is now

our intention to produce some conclusions pertinent to the B.C0

Social Credit party and its welfare policy.

Douglas1 economic theory and Social Welfare

Our historical review of Social Credit and Social Welfare started with Major Douglas' theories, and the question is, what have we been able to ascertain about his efforts? Primarily, Major Douglas was concerned with the amelioration of the prevailing economic problems of his time, by the application of a set of new monetary principles to the country's financial organization. These principles,

in part, provides us with data which is relevant to the .field of welfare. The wanted increased freedom from want for the individual,

and in his opinion, the theories would not only make this possible but would also bring to an end the unemployment situation.

In order to reach this desired state he wanted'the economic

stress lifted from the person and for Douglas this meant the issuance

of a basic dividend. He believed that the Individual was entitled

to a basic income and through this to economic security, which cer•

tainly was not being provided at that time under the existing financ•

ial regime in Great Britain. Perhaps the most important observation we can make here, about Douglas and welfare was his belief that an

individual was entitled to the unearned increment because of the

latter's membership in the society and contribution to the community both as a consumer and producer. -11U,-

Aberhart's Social Welfare Policy

Aberhart had a philosophy similar to that of Douglas. He wanted the economy so organized that no 'bona fide' citizen would suffer deprivation in the fulfillment of his basic needs. Aberhart believed that this could be achieved by the issue of a dividend. In his view this dividend would also be the answer to other practical problems, in particular unemployment. One type of dividend (comp• arable to the family allowance of today) would encourage parents to keep their young people in school for a longer period of time and therefore out of the labor force. Similarly the dividend to people over 50 would encourage them to retire and withdraw from the labor market.

Both Douglas and Aberhart were concerned with unemployment, increased leisure time and people's needs, however they differ when confronted by particulars. Douglas gave the impression that the individual had the 'right' to expect economic aid from the state.

Aberhart believed that the individual should work for his dividend if work was available. One can conclude that Aberhart regarded the unearned increment as a privilege which could be taken away if the individual did not fulfill the work role expected of him by society.

However, he also expressed the view, that sympathetic consideration should be given those individuals who for one reason or another could not function under the new economic plan. (It must be remembered that Aberhart was opposed to 'relief and 'dole' because he felt they lowered the individual's morale). -115-

Aberhart expressed progressive views concerning health services.

He stated that he wanted adequate medical care for all members

of the society, starting with an increase in services and eventually

the adoption of a state medicare program i.e. comprehensive medical

care and health services. However during his term of office there

is little evidence demonstrating an attempt to put such a plan into

action.

Douglas and Aberhart had comparable plans based on the same

Idea - the removal of economic stress from the individual so that

he could live in a dignified fashion and be able to utilize his

increased.leisure time in constructive patterns of activity, accord•

ing to the dictates of his own ability and new economic freedom.

Aberhart had to be concerned with practicalities and of nec•

essity had to find answers to deal with the reality problems of his

native Alberta. While Douglas could afford the luxury of theorizing,

Aberhart could not rest on theory, but had to find ways of putting

the theory into practice.

B.C. Social Credit league and Social Welfare policy

From our study of the B.C. Social Credit league we conclude that

there is an affinity to the ideas of Douglas & Aberhart. The

league reaffirms the view that the individual in society be given

the freedom to develop his resources and must be allowed to share

equitably, in the things the nation produces.

Another aspect of the league's welfare policy derived from con•

sideration of the annual resolutions has to do with poverty and un•

employment. The resolutions point to the fact that these problem -116- areas are the direct result of an inadequate monetary system, and to a lesser extent the result of an individual's age and/or mental and physical infirmity. Prom the resolutions at our disposal we conclude that the league views the poor as falling into two categories.

In this thesis we have referred to these as the 'worthy' and 'unworthy' poor. The former category would consist of those individuals who, due to old age and/or a permanent physical or mental infirmity, are unable to participate in the work force of the community.

This view of worthy poor was certainly supported by the mass of resolutions which gives recognition to such people and urges that they should be given a decent standard of living, by means of adeq• uate pensions, broadening the base of eligibility and low cost hous• ing. The resolutions urged that this support be given the old people without resorting to a means test, which is another way of stating that the aged (who are part of the .worthy poor) have a right rather than a privilege to . such benefits.

The league goes one step further and supports a Federal portable pension plan which it believed would lower employer resistance to older employees, and also serve as a means of giving employees more freedom of movement in employment.

This concern with the aged is natural, for it is a state 'which all flesh is heir to', and it brings out the very important issue, that is, the league reaffirmation of its support of' free enterprise ideals, where every individual is expected to provide security for himself in his latter years; moreover it underlines the leagues members concern with the concept of the 'worthy poor'. -117-

Another category of the worthy poor are those unemployed

employables who would accept retraining and education. The sugg•

estion was made by the league that the ones who would help themselves

and accept this retraining and education should be given the opp•

ortunity to do so, and that sufficient financial aid should be

supplied by the state to encourage these people to make the effort

to become self sufficient and self supporting.

The league does not satisfactorily answer the question about

these people not covered by the general economic plan -- those people in need, who according to Aberhart should be given sympathetic

consideration by the state. This is evidenced by the attitude of

the league to those who are social assistance recipients. The

resolutions state that in some cases the financial aid encourages

the individual to be too .dependent upon the state and in the process

destroys his initiative and desire to become self supporting.

The league believes that those people who are under an income maintenance program, should be given work by the government. That

is the league supports a 'work for relief program, however, it does

make exceptions e.g. widows and invalids, etc.

In totality there appears to be a position of skepticism and

concern taken by the league in this matter of the social assistance

recipient. Emphasis is placed on a more stringent policing of the

program rather than provision of a service. Also there appears to be no recognition that the recipient may have a basic right to fin•

ancial assistance by the state.

The league's welfare policy also involves itself with the affairs

of young people, in particular the broad field of education, juvenile -118-

delinquency and retarded children. The resolutions of the league

imply that the Government should focus more attention on these

areas because of the special needs of juveniles and young adults.

The leagues policy is to support the young people by provision of

resources, which would aid in the prevention of delinquency plus;

rehabilitation for those that need it as well as increased educat•

ional facilities and economic aid for students, including those

at the University level.

There is a definite concern in regard to medical care and health

services. The league wants such care and services to be extended

and made available to the community under a type of medicare program.

However, such a program must not be detrimental to the freedom of

the individual or professional, say the resolutions*

In summary the league's welfare policy concerns itself more with

v provision of resources for those people who are not able to help

themselves due to youth, old age, a permanent physical or mental

infirmity.

The policy also makes provisions for those affected by unemploy•

ment, and supports the provision of resources and aid for that

category of unemployed employables who are willing to help themselves

and become self supporting. But for those 'unwilling' to help them•

selves the league demonstrates a range of sentiments going all the

way from antipathy to ignoring them altogether. Such people do not

meet the personality criteria of the league.

Social Work recognizes that there are people not motivated to

help themselves, but unlike the league feels a great deal of effort -119- should be expended to help them. Social Work experience can point to many examples where these individuals have developed, with professional help, the confidence,.ability and motivation to be• come self sufficient.,

B.C. Social Credit Government and Social Welfare

There have been many interesting speculations concerning the growth of Social Credit in B.C. Prom the early 30' s to 19q-9 it made some inroads into the political field, but not very noticeable ones. It was in the election of 1952 that they came to power when they contested most seats and won by a.little margin. This was one of the times in the British Columbia Social Credit history that there was cohesion between party members, their attention being focussed on the election and not on controversial issues. In 194-9 there were two Social Credit parties in British Columbia and sudd- enly two years later they had a government in power whose members included some newcomers to Social Creditism.

There appears to be little equanimity between Government and party about Social Credit as an economic theory; and while there are connections between the British Columbia Government and the

Alberta Social Credit Government and Douglas it is difficult to pinpoint where they merge or diverge.

Some achievement in the field of British Columbia Social Welfare

Appendix 3 bas more detailed information on the subject, however we wish to point out that the British Columbia Social Credit

Government has considerably expanded its services in the last 12 years. For example the number of districts have been increased -120-

from 29-1+1. Not only is more money allotted to this field but there is the admittance by government through its legislation, of increased responsibility to people and their welfare needs. The nexir bills, and amendments to old ones have shown that contemporary social problems can no longer be left to the jurisdiction of private philanthropy, public charity or piecemeal donations by government.

Philosophic base of Social Welfare policy in British Columbia

The British Columbia Social Credit government has organized its welfare policy around two important pillars--economic planning and education. In precise terms this means that by a process of economic stimulation and job training facilities the people of British

Columbia are to be quaranteed means of earning a living. One can conclude that government accepts the fact that automation and other technological advances are increasing unemployment. Yet believes that those affected by this trend can and should be helped to . get back into the economic stream rather than leaving them to exist on some type of permanent income maintenance program.

Although unemployment is a Federal responsibility, the British

Columbia Social Credit government accept their share in ameliorat• ing this problem. The intention is to keep on providing facilities to help people equip themselves for the new jobs created by the government's economic stimulation, plus retraining for those aff• ected by technological changes in their present occupations.

The Minister of the Department of Welfare has concern for and accepts, with certain reservations, the right of the less-work- motivated citizen to be given state financial aid. Accordingly -121-

the Minister does not support a work for relief program although

this is not a subject on which Government members have expressed unanimity. It should be pointed out however that there have been

statements made by important members of the Government on this

issue which indicates that there is no unanimity on this question.

There is a desire to encourage individuals to utilize educational

and vocational resources and rehabilitate themselves back into the

economic stream, rather than to encourage reliance on Social Ass•

istance which is thought of as destroying one's initiative and

willingness to be self supporting.

The Socreds are aware of the multitude of welfare problems

and due to the heavy drain on finances to support the unemployed

they have only been able to concentrate on certain services. The

dispute with the Federal Government over unemployment has according

to the Minister of Welfare, Mr. Black, jeopardized basic welfare

services.

Long range social welfare plans are not yet evident, it appears

from the past that the Government has dealt with the welfare

problems as they arose, rather than forecasting future trends and

making provisions to deal with them. However, the Government has

made determined efforts in such areas as Social Assistance grants;

probation services and institutions; child welfare and family ser•

vices; and now the proposals and plans for a type of medicare

system for the province.

Although the Government has increased its welfare services it

does not intend to create a welfare state. The prevailing attitude -122- is that communities and individuals should become more involved with welfare responsibilities and help to find solutions for their own community welfare problems, rather than adoption of an attitude of 'leave it to the government'.

Summary of British Columbia Social Credit Party Welfare Policy

The Social Creditists are believers in the rugged individualist and reject trends towards the Welfare State, that is, they stress individual endeavour and responsibility rather than control by the

State. They believe that people should help themselves and be supported by such Government measures in health, welfare, education and economic stimulation as are necessary to promote individual self reliance and sufficiency, the enhancement of one's own abilities and protection in times of sickness, economic stress, youth and old age. They have neglected to some extent the welfare planning for the 'untrainable' person, those least motivated to affect change in themselves or to take advantage of existing educational and voc• ational resources.

We conclude that it is difficult to ascertain whether what has been done in the welfare field has been due to pressure from the public at large, pressure from the Social Credit league or initiat• ive on the part of the Minister or other cabinet members.

Further areas for possible investigation

The present study has necessarily been Limited in its scope and in the depth with which it has been possible to pursue the subject matter. In particular our sampling of opinion and thinking within the league and legislature has been restricted. It would be of value -123- to pursue this study further through direct interview at both levels, thus highlighting areas of agreement and disagreement on welfare matters. While we have looked at Social Credit party philosophy from certain aspects, we have not considered how this philosophy has been expressed in, or related to legislation and the administration of policy and services. This is one possible area for research..

Other areas for further research, that would provide broader perspectives and add depth to the present topic suggest themselves.

For example it would be interesting to compare the attitudes and policies of contemporary Provincial and National Social Credit.

Perhaps this would give a fuller picture of the British Columbia

Social Credit philosophy, and the criteria around which they con• struct their welfare policy.

Finally, as was mentioned in the introduction to the thesis, this study was intended as the first of a series of companion studies, on the Social Welfare policies of the major political parties of British Columbia.! -12q.-

APPENDIX I

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

1. Major Douglas stated "The Industrial System which

makes goods is not to blame for poverty - it is the financial

system". In other words Douglas believed that the financial

system controlled largely as it is by private banks means that

the people have insufficient purchasing power to buy the goods

that the industrial system is capable of producing.

Is Social Credit philosophy today in accord with this

idea?

If answer yes -

Is it this Government's philosophy that they could

eliminate poverty through control of the economic system?

If answer no -

Would you. elaborate.

2. Does the B.C. Social Credit philosophy advocate the

distribution of a basic dividend as stipulated in theories of

Major Douglas, Aberhart and Solon Low as a means of increasing

purchasing power and eliminating poverty?

3. Do you think that every citizen has the basic right to

support by the Government if he has no other means of support?

q_. Has the present Government enacted legislation which

reflects its philosophy in the Field of Social Welfare?

5. In your address to the legislative in February, 1961,

you said of the unemployed man that "he should have the

opportunity of working for the assistance he receives."

Do you think that an able-bodied person should be -125-

required to work for relief?

If yes -

Please elaborate.

Do you believe that the present Social Assistance rates encourage numbers of people to go on Social Assistance?

Do you believe that if Social Assistance rates were lower, fewer people would remain on Social Assistance?

It has been said that with increasing mechanization and automation unemployment will grow larger,

i Do you agree with this statement?

If no - how is this to be prevented.

If yes -

Does the Government have a responsibility for providing for these people forced out of work - for example by Government subsidized employment schemes?

What pressing problems do you see as existing in the field of Social Welfare in British Columbia?

If some problems presented:-

Would you set an order of priorities among the problems you have listed?

Is it your opinion that in our contemporary and changing society there will be a need to extend Welfare

Services?

If yes -

Please elaborate.

If no -

In your address to the legislative of February, 19&1, -126-

you said that "rather than expect Government to accept the

total responsibility for the consequence of broken homes,

neglected children and the lonely aged persons in this

Province" we should shoulder more of this responsibility as

private citizens.

Is it your opinion that we have already gone too far

in the provision of Welfare Services?

11. In the address previously referred to, you said "un•

fortunately in times of stress certain services must take

precedence over others in order that immediate need may be

met and suffering alleviated - thus a slow down in some of

our preventive services must be accepted".

Are these services which you consider are affected by

these considerations at present?

12. Social Credit started out as.a party with a highly

distinctive economic philosophy. What do you see as the

distinguishing features of the B.C. Social Credit party as

they affect Social Welfare?

13. Would you assist us in formulating your party's social

welfare philosophy? -127-

APPENDIX II

Transcript of Interview

Definition of Social Work

Social Work is concerned with services to people as individuals, groups and communities. The goal should be and is to help people with personal, social and economic problems and find solutions to their problems insofar as they are capable of meeting with these solutions.

In reply to Question 1

We are living in changing times. What was true Lj.0 to 50 years ago is not necessarily true today. We are being told by labour and industry that due to automation and technology people may have to be trained several times over in a working life-time, to fit them for employment.

Our fathers worked more than 80 hours a week. You and I are going to see in the next decade a lessening of the work week to

32-36 hours. People will have more and more leisure time. The social aspects of leisure time are important because people must be taught to use this time, a job not only for the church but for society as a whole.

It has been suggested that in the future S0% of the population will be supporting the other 50%. This is most undesirable and can only be avoided if there is planning, and in this stimulation of the economy and education go hand in hand.

In reply to Question 2

Mr. Black deferred an answer. -128-

In reply to Question 3

"If a man is in need he is supported". However, the Unemployed

Employable single man raises complex problems. He may have to come to us because our assistance rates are higher. Some time ago over

300 such men arrived by train in this Province. We have to be concerned with this.

We see as one of our primary objectives the vocational training and re-training of these Unemployed Employables in order that they may be returned into the economic stream. This country has not kept pace with the needs of persons who are unable or unsuited to obtain the University education. We are behind with vocational training as a whole in Canada. We are working as fast as is possible to develop vocational training programs but the most

serious difficulty is in finding teachers. Presently some of the qualifications which are required for entrance into vocational training are too high particularly for people who have been on

Social Assistance for an extended period.

With this problem in mind we have recently started crash programs in Vancouver and elsewhere to provide retraining. For

example, a person who would like to become a plumber but who is unable to do so because of educational shortcomings, is enabled to become a plumber's helper. In general we believe that while the economic curve is going up we have to get these people back

into the employment stream because at any other time this is

impossible.

There are a small number of people who are unwilling to be

retrained and whose initiative is not easily re-sparked. Using -129-

tralned social workers when possible we concentrate our services

on these people.

Added to this we have to support the blind, the widows, and

the poor because so the Bible says they will always be with us.

In reply to Question k

Let the record speak for itself. We inherited legislation

from previous governments and this we have accepted or amended where desirable. We have also introduced new legislation, and will continue to do so when necessary. The legislation as a whole

is representative of our philosopy on Social Welfare.

In reply to Question $

This government has never advocated work for Welfare.

In reply to Question 6

We are aware of a small number of people of this type who are

tempted to go on Social Assistance unnecessarily. We are working

at this problem in Vancouver where we are endeavouring to reach

these people. It is often difficult either to find these people

or to establish their motivation for going on Social Assistance.

If they are threatened with work they tend to disappear and in the

case of the multi-problem family we don't want to break up the

family. However, the longer they stay on social welfare the more

individual initiative is destroyed.

In reply to Question 7

We have many complaints from unorganized areas and small

rural centres about the abuses taking place among Social Assistance

recipients. Our rates cut across the Province of B.C. and while

they cover the basic needs of recipients in urban areas, those in -130-

rural areas are able to supplement their assistance by growing vegetables, shooting game, buying reject apples and so forth.

Hence some are able to save money which they may use to purchase a T.V. on an installment plan. The disgruntled community complains to us about these abuses. This is one of the frustrations a minister has to face.

Our Social Assistance rates are constantly under review and according to our Statutes we have the right and responsibility to look at individual cases to assess their need. If the need is not being met our review board can assess the situation, recommend a special increase and notify me.

Our basic premise is that needs are being met above and beyond

Social Assistance rates where necessary. Additionally, in case of need, medical, dental, optical and drug costs are being covered.

In reply to Question 8

We feel Unemployment is a very real problem. However, we agree with Michael Starr that Unemployment is basically a problem for the Federal Government.

In reply to Question 9

While we are aware of problems in the areas of juvenile delin• quency, the Native Indian population, the Canada Pension Plan, etc., we are focussing much of our attention upon Child Welfare and Family

Services. We have made considerable progress recently in providing facilities for the residential care of children such as receiving homes, foster and adoption homes.

In reply to Question 10

Presently we are spending 59 million dollars on Welfare in a -131-

Province of 1.7 million people. We think that the focus of

responsibility should be redirected more toward the individual

and the communities themselves. We believe that the Community

that succeeds the most is the Community that helps itself. 'The

extent of their responsibility has been laid down in Section 639, p. 1 and 2 of the i960 Municipal Act. We find some communities

somewhat reluctant to meet the commitments as spelled out by the

Act.

As an example we believe the problem of Juvenile delinquency

can best be dealt with and solved at the Community level and

that the juvenile should be rehabilitated within his own community.

We have .also persued a policy of decentralization in our Child

Welfare services.

In reply to Question 11

As already indicated we consider that Unemployment is a

Federal responsibility and we have been endeavouring to persuade

the Federal Government to fulfill their commitment. In the mean•

time however, the need to provide services for the Unemployed

employable has resulted in a dilution of the services that we are

able to offer to children and. to the aged. Steps have been taken

to alleviate this situation by the addition of staff and develop• ment of resources.

In reply to Question 12

To put it in simplified terms, the only solution to Social

Assistance is employment. "Moving the lunch bucket is the long

range solution to Social Assistance." Retraining and re-education

are vital. It is not always the individual who is to blame for -132-

his state, but sometimes it is the society in which he lives.

Frequently too he has been brought up in ignorance.

In reply to Question 13

It is impossible to know really what future policy will be.

Perhaps the Department of Social Welfare should be disposed of in name and called the Department of Human Relations as an overall co-ordinating department for all rehabilitation. However, we have to strengthen the fibre and backbone, of this nation and of in• dividuals and families. We are against the establishment of a

"Welfare State" since we believe this has the reverse effect.

NOTE

Mr. Black emphasized that his was the Party and the Department who actually had the responsibility for Social Welfare provisions.

Statements and commitments by members of opposition parties should be viewed with caution since they do not have this responsibility.

Mr. Black handed students the "Policy Manual" of the Department of Social Welfare for their use in preparation of their thesis. -133-

III BIBLIOGRAPHY

Annual Conventions of the Social Credit League, 1953 to 1961+, (Reports of Resolution Presented to the Conventions). British Columbia Social Credit League.

Binns, K.J. Social Credit in Alberta. Hobart Tasmania, Government Printer, 194-7.

Black, ¥. D. Legislative Speech, Feb. 23, 1965.

A Brief on Public Welfare in the Province of British Columbia - For Presentation to the Honourable Wesley Black Minister' of Social Welfare, Province of British Columbia, Sept. 1961+, British Columbia Association of Social Workers.

A Brief on Public Welfare in the Province of British Columbia - For Presentation to the Honourable Wesley Black Minister of Social Welfare, Province of British Columbia, ..'Feb. 1961+, British Columbia Association of Social Workers.

British Columbia General Election 1937. British Columbia Provincial Government Publication.

British Columbia General Election 191+1. British Columbia Provincial Government Publication.

British Columbia General Election 191+5. British Columbia Provincial Government Publication.

British Columbia General Election 191+9 • British Columbia Provincial Government Publication.

Brown, Beverly Blake & Spence, John William "Measurement of Need in Social Assistance - An Approach to The Definition of Adequacy in Relation to Social Assistance Budgets". Master of Social Work Thesis University of British Columbia. (1962)

Brown, R. W. "British Columbia gets a Second Socred Party." The Financial-Post. Vol. U7 (7th November 1953) p.20..

Douglas, Clifford Hugh. The Alberta Experiment. London, Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1937.

Douglas, C. H. The Control and Distribution of Production. London, Nott 193k~»

Douglas, C. H. Credit Power and Democracy. London, C. Palmer, 1920.

Douglas, C. H. Economic Democracy. London, C. Palmer, 1921.

Douglas, C. H. The Monopoly of Credit. London, Chapman & Hall Ltd. 1933. -134-

Douglas, C. H. The Premises of Social Credit. New York, Economic Porum, 1933.

Douglas, C. H. Social Credit. London, Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1933*

Douglas, C. H. Warning Democracy. London, Nott, 1931+.

Hiskett, W. R. and Franklin, J. A. Searchlight on Social Credit. London, P. S. King and Son, Ltd., 1939.'

Harbron, J. D. "Social Credit in British Columbia". Canadian Forum, Vol.32 (August 1952) p.p. 102-3.

Holter, Elizabeth Sage. The A.B.C. of Social Credit. New York, Coward & McCann Inc., 1931+.

Irving, John. Social Credit Movement in Alberta. Toronto, ' University of Toronto Press, 1959.

Kelly, M.A.E., "Credit Experiments." National Review. Vol. 107 (Nov. 1936), p.p. 611+-622...

Lewis, John. Douglas Fallacies. London, Chapman & Hall Ltd. 1935.

MacPherson, C.B. Democracy in Alberta. Toronto, University of Toronto Press. 1953.

Mairet, Phillip. The Douglas Manual. New York, McCann, 1931+.

The Manifesto of the Social Credit Association of Canada, October. 1950. Social Credit Association of Canada.

Reynolds, M. "How Social Credit Took British Columbia." MacLean's Magazine, Vol. 65 (1st September 1952), p.p.7-9,51+.

Sinclair, Michael. Reading Reference to Social Credit. Vancouver, 1963.

Social Credit Manifesto 1936. British Columbia Social Credit League.

Smith, H.B. "Mr. Aberhart Leads a Foray; British Columbians Get the Word .Direct from the Prophet." Country Guide, Vol.59, (October 194-0) p.3.

Social Welfare Services in British Columbia, An Address Delivered by the Honourable Wesley D. Black, Feb. ll+th, 1961. The Provincial Government of British Columbia.

Thompson, Robt. Canadians It's Time You Knew. Ottawa, Vanger Press, (No date of Publication).

Tutte, W.A. Douglas Social Credit For Canada. Vancouver Social Credit Publishing Co. 1931+. -135-

"Your Social Credit Question Answered," January, 1962. The Social Credit Association of Canada.

NEWSPAPER ITEMS.

"Bennett Denies Hospital Debt." The Vancouver Sun, 8th Jan»1953»P.2

"Bennett in Line to be Social Credit Boss." The Vancouver Sun, 7th December 19 5l, p.l7»

"Bennett Pledges Pull Support for Socred's Money Policies." Vancouver Daily Province. 10th July, 1953, p.22.,

"C.C.P. Move Blocks Social Credit from Setting up G-overnment,"! The Vancouver Sun, 1st August 1952, p.l.

"Hospital Act Compulsory." The Vancouver Sun, 7th Nov..1952, p.l.

"New British Columbia Social Reform Party Planned with Bennett As Leader." The Vancouver Sun, l5th June 195l, p.4-8.

"Okanagan's Bennett Quits Tories." The Vancouver Sun. 6 Dec.1951,p.

"Pattullo Examines Social Credit" Vancouver Daily Province. 5th October, 1935, p.30.

"Socred Wants Voluntary Hospital Plan. The Vancouver Sun. 22 March 1952, p.36.

"Twenty-Eight Thousand Avoiding Hospital Payments." Vancouver Daily Province, 2nd October, 1953, p.l.

"Work for Welfare backed by Bennett." The Vancouver Sun, 9th June, 1964,. p.6.