Sonderdrucke aus der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg

MARLIES HEINZ

Imports – consumer goods, gifts or private property?

The story behind the material evidence for external relations in late Bronze Age Kumidi (Kamid el-Loz)

Originalbeitrag erschienen in: Bulletin d'archéologie et d'architecture libanaises / Hors-série 6 (2008), S. 311-322 BAAL Hors-Serie VI Pp. 311-322

Imports - Consumer Goods, Gifts or Private Property? The Story behind the Material Evidence for External Relations in Late Bronze Age Kumidi (Kamid el-Loz)

MARLIES HEINZ

Imports document economic relations. But this is only one information among several that imports contain. Within the scope of our research in Kamid el-Loz we are interested in the social aspects of economy, in the social functions of possessions and in finding answers to the questions of why people want what they get and how they get what they want!

I. Introduction settlement history from at least the Early Bronze Age until the Roman period or rather until today! (Fig. 1) The adjacent considerations represent only first The city and village of Kumidi, which is the ancient reflections concerning those material goods from Kam id name of the site, had been occupied by "foreign el-Loz that are generally called "imports". Goods that powers" since the middle of the 2nd mill. B.C. At that might have reached the settlement as private property time the Egyptians took over the political and military of migrants accrueing from neighboring areas, objects control in Kumidi — and occupation continued under that might have been presented as gifts on site, as the Persians, the Greek and the Romans. "diplomatic regards" or simply have been bought or One of the research topics that we trace within exchanged and used as consumer goods. In order to the scope of our excavations in Kamid el-Loz is figure out the functions of these so called "imports" a dealing with this occupation history and its potential short glance at the history of Kamid el-Loz seems to impacts on the cultural heritage. We are interested be revealing (Heinz 2000; Morris 2005). Kamid el-Loz in the interrelationship between the given political is one of the largest sites in the Beqa'a-plain with a circumstances and the social, cultural and economical 311

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Fig. 1- Map of Lebanon, location of Kamid el-Loz and integration of Kamid el-Loz into overland road-system (Liban - IAutre

rive. Beaux Arts Magazine. Institut du Monde Arabe. Paris (1998: 65, digitally revised by Ch. Krug)).

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development in Kumidi — as well as in its visible region or country of importation". Imported goods expression in the material evidence. It is conjecturable are different — that is how we think to recognize them! that occupational forces do especially control the But what is different from what? What makes objects foreign relations as well as the economic activities of "different"? As a rule it is the form, the material and the the occupied territories. Both fields are of essential decoration of objects. importance for safeguarding the power of the The material evidence and its context, especially occupying forces — at home as well as in the distance. the so called small finds and the pottery of Kamid el- Interconnections between areas can — among Loz shall be presented below, followed by the attempt other signs — be traced by "imports". The dealing to tell the story behind the material — respectively try with "imports" will be the "leitmotiv" of the following to find answers to the comprehensive questions asked considerations and these considerations will — for the above. time being — be structured by a bundle of questions'. Kamid el-Loz or Kumidi, as it was known during The case that Kamid el-Loz had been occupied by the Late Bronze Age, was one of several urban centres the Egyptian superpower during the Late Bronze Age at the time, was equipped with a palace, with a temple leads initially to the question whether and how this and a living area west of the temple, with a building political situation effected the external ties of those now referred to as "Schatzhaus", and with another living in Kamid el-Loz! Parts of todays Syria and the living area that extended over the so-called eastern northern environments as far as Anatolia belonged to slope of the tell (Fig. 2) (Heinz et alii., in print — 10 the Egyptian enemy's country — has this situation be years of excavations in Kamid el-Loz). reflected in the material evidence of Kamid el-Loz? Kumidi served as a regional administration Mesopotamia, a far off neighbour, accessible only centre in the Beqa'a plain. Its natural high-producing through crossing the Syrian dessert was at the same conditions made the Beqa'a a preferred settlement time partner of the Egyptian powerholders. Did the area. Another advantage of the habitat was the well known bonds between Mesopotamia and Egypt fortuitous location of roads, that crossed the plain leave any visible marks in the material evidence of the and connected the Beqa'a and its settlements with its Egyptian periphery, here of Kamid el-Loz? neighbours in the East, West, North and South. These Further questions center on the modalities of how and why "imports", that is "objects from outside" communications — roads were crucial in arranging reached Kumidi and what they provoked. In other the contacts that provided the inhabitants of Kumidi words: How did the users get what they want — and with those goods we call either "imports", consumer- why did they want what they got? What was the goods, "gifts" or "diplomatic regards". The Late intended purpose of the "imports" and accordingly Bronze Age city obviously had been a prosperous — who where the owners? Did the acquired property place, not only equipped with the location-specific of "imports" effect the status of the owners, and, if advantages but also with a local elite that knew how at all, how? Was the possession of special goods to capitalize on them. At times when the demand for considered as symbols of luxury and prestige? Was commodities was growing, a place like Kumidi feeded the ownership of special goods normative or rather a desire for resources as well as a desire for control of exceptional? What did it mean not to be in a position trade through the control of trade-routes. As a result of owning equivalent goods? And - last but not least of this constellation of demand and supply, Kumidi do the "imports" bring up the issue of "payment" — was taken over by the commanding superpower at what was the exchange-value that had to be equalled the time, the Egyptians. The details of this political for gaining "imports" and who paid? situation of Kumidi have been supplied by written Before turning to the evidence of Kumidi, a short evidence. This written information has been amply and rather general definition shall be given of what broadened by the various artefacts found in the above an "import" is and how it can be recognized in the mentioned palace, in the temple and its surrounding inventory of a site: "An import is a commodity that settlement, in the living area of the eastern slope as has been brought from its region of descent to the well as in the so called "Schatzhaus" (Fig. 3).

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Fig. 2- Site plan of Kamid el-Loz.

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Fig. 3- Plan view of the so called "Schatzhaus" Nachmann 1983: 51, fig. 25 and 50, fig. 24).

The "Schatzhaus", the context with the "richest" make Egypt a definite candidate as the source of accumulation of imports, consisted of three rooms, origin. The painted pottery of the "Schatzhaus", a hallway, and a cellar. Rooms S and T in the cellar originally manufactured in Crete as well as in Cyprus, served as burial chambers and the others as anterooms. allocates further foreign relations of the inhabitants of Although the "Schatzhaus" had been robbed in the Kumidi. past, some of the grave-goods were left in situ and, Imports did also belong to the inventory of the as a selection will show (Fig. 4), exhibit the diversity palace, where bronze weapons, bronze needles and of goods that had been brought to Kumidi. Golden bronze cutlery had been found. (Fig. 5) A vessel, pendants, figurines made of silver sheet and covered containing fragments of broken silver objects like with gold, bronze weapons, an ivory figurine of a lyrist jewellery, various needles, and pieces of other broken and a wooden gameboard, a ring with a scarab and silver-jars should furthermore be mentioned. The a cartridge inscribed with the name of the egyptian keeping of these fragments proves the value not pharao Thutmosis III, a box or container in form of a only of the objects, but of the imported metal as a duck made of ivory and a stone-vessel inscribed with raw material. The palace did also cover a good deal the personal name of the egyptian prince or priest of painted pottery that has been manufactured in "Ra-Woser" had been preserved. Greece, Crete and Cyprus and that accounts for the Although up to date not all of the grave-goods can palace's role in the external relations of the city. All be allocated to their point of origin, those inscribed in all we can already note that the functions of the

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Fig. 4- Selected imports from the so called "Schatzhaus".

palace seemingly lead to another type and spectrum wider range of inhabitants of Kumidi into the foreign of imports than the "Schatzhaus". relations — exceeding the political and religious elite of The same applies to the findings of the living area palace and temple. on the eastern slope. At the moment being it is not Yet another wide variety of evidence for the foreign yet clear who was living in that district and what the connections is being rendered by the inventory of the functions of the area had been within Late Bronze temple. The temple hold ivory and bronze-figurines, Age Kumidi. But the pottery of Cypriot and Greek- the latter probably originating in the area of todays mycenean origin might refer to the integration of a Anatolia and/or Syria, a silver-sheet depicting the head

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0

Fig. 5- The Late Bronze Age palace of Kamid el-Loz (excavated 2007) / bronze ladle from that palace.

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of the Egyptian god Hathor, furthermore cylinder- of those owning the imports and on the question of seals from the regions of Syria and Palestine, (Fig. the ownership itself. 6) as well as a multitude of painted pottery, stemming Against the background of the historical situation from Greece and Cyprus and glass-vessels from Egypt. in Kumidi at that time it seems quite possible that With the new excavations more and more imports are the burial objects represented personal belongings turning up from the settlement around the temple — it of those Egyptians, that had taken over the political is striking that so far only pottery from Cyprus occurred affairs in Kumidi. As such they may even have been here (base-ring ware I and II). memorabilia, objects that already had a "biography" The current state of research thus illustrates that at when committed to the dead. At the same time it least four contexts in Kamid el-Loz exhibit a plurality doesn't seem to be too unlikely that objects arrived of imports. At the same time a variety of countries via diplomatic exchange. The exchange of gifts in can be identified as possible places of origin — Egypt, particular those of diplomatic advertences is well Crete, Greece, Cyprus and probably Anatolia and known, the latter being a means of diplomatic regard Syria. The identification of the objects as imports in and connected with paying homage to each other, terms of the above given definition can be considered rewarding loyalty, assuring public relations and as secured. The questions that remain and that we try tightening strategic alliances - true to the maxim that to answer within the scope of our research-project in small gifts preserve friendship. My considerations Kamid el-Loz are - how and why these imports arrived concerning the acquisition of the imports do suggest, in the city, what purpose they served in Kumidi, who that we are actually not dealing with consumer

the owners had been, how — if at all — the imports goods. That applies especially for those objects that had effected the status of the owners and what the carried the name of a member of the political elite, equivalent had been that had to be given for gaining such as prince Ra-Woser as well as the most famous imported goods? pharaoh Thutmosis III. In accordance with the then None of these questions has been answered valid moral concepts and modes of trading, vessels comprehensive so far, but it seems quite possible to and rings with the personal name of leading figures make some educated guesses concerning at least the are hardly conceivable as trading-goods — and sales functions, the owners and the social value of those of this kind have not yet been accounted for. So far "goods from outside". The above cited contexts all entirely unanswered is the question of who executed served different functions within the settlement - care the quid pro quo for these "imports" - the dead before for the dead, administration, politics and representation they died or the surviving members of the family when of power, religious purposes and domesticity. they buried their loved ones? Regardless of the open Those buried in the "Schatzhaus" have been questions it goes without saying that the imported members of the elite families of Kumidi. The dead gravegoods effected the social status of the owners and either represented the local ruling family or members did point to the social significance that was aligned to of that Egyptian government circles that had exercised their use. the political control in Kumidi. That they are considered The imports found in the palace as well as in members of the upper class is affirmed foremost by the the houses on the east-slope represent a somewhat richness of the burial gifts. divergent spectrum than that conveyed by the objects The question about how the majority of these found in the "Schatzhaus". These imports are mainly burial gifts had reached Kumidi — and whether they verified through painted pottery of Cypriot and Cretan served as — consumer goods, as gifts, as diplomatic origin, that is to say, through objects that might either advertence or whether they had been brought along have served as transport-containers or have been as personal belongings from Egypt, can not yet be imported as consumer-goods being en vogue. At answered free of doubt. present the imported vessels are rather estee-med Nevertheless it seems to be possible to give first as such consumer-goods which reached Kumidi hints concerning their supposed functions, the way as an outcome of trade, although it is of course not they reached Kumidi, their effect on the social status impossible to consider them as gifts or as diplomatic

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Fig. 6- The Late Bronze Age temple from Kamid el-Loz. 319 Imports - Consumer Goods, Gifts or Private Property? BAAL Hors-Serie VI

regards. The ongoing research shall clarify these exceptionally on site. The reason for the absence of unsolved questions. Mesopotamia, itself a well known political partner of We are only at the beginning of exposing the Late Egypt at the time and the scarceness of Syrian and Bronze Age settlement on the east-slope and interpreting Anatolian evidence in the material record of Kumidi, the evidence of both Late Bronze Age settlement areas must have been due to the political situation. The — and it is too early to have a concluding answer ready power of the Egyptian empire did significantly relay to yet another of our questions concerning the access on the economic exploitation of its territories — to imports: was the acquisition of imports open to controlling and governing the economic activities of more or less all members of the community of Kumidi occupied territories was thus - in the past as well as or was it rather restricted to elite circles ? in the present - the pretended road to success for the The temple was the third "owner" of "goods occupying forces. from outside", holding a mixture of consumer goods The above given first reflections concerning the as well as other objects like idols and figurines. The imports used in Kumidi leave us behind with more latter, so the assumption here, had been used rather questions than answers. The present investigations for ceremonial activities than for events in everday in Kamid el-Loz — the analysis of the functioning of life. The temple inventory points out that goods from Kumidi during the Late Bronze Age under the impact outside did not only belong to the sphere of the living of foreign rule, the effect of the occupational history and the dead. Obviously it had been likewise necessary of Kamid el-Loz on the local development in general, to provide the gods with valuable gifts coming from on worldviews and self-perceptions, on norms and outside and thus symbolizing a form of reciprocity values — raises expectations for getting response to where the humans served the gods and in return the the open questions. The imports especially direct gods secured the good living of the humans. our future interests inter alia on the topic of tradition As a first conclusion concerning the imports found and the development of traditions under the specific in the Late Bronze Age settlement in Kumidi we may circumstances of occupation, on representation, on notice: the Late Bronze Age had obviously been a communication and on nonverbal communication prosperous period for the Levant, and a prosperous by means of the material world — here especially by time at least for the elite of the city of Kumidi. Goods means of imports and luxury and prestigious goods from "outside" definitely belonged to the lifestyle — between the living, the bereaved, between the of at least this elite. Commodities from outside had living and the deceased and presumably secured the been used as consumer goods as well as for political communication between the humans — dead and alive and social representation. Commodities from outside and the gods. accompanied the dead — as personal property? or political gifts? They served as a means of decoration and representation of status, they stood for prestige and luxury and had been necessary, if not normative for the urban elite of the time. And last but not least did imports form part of that funds that served the needs of the city's divinities. The diversity of goods and the spectrum of possible producing countries was significant at that time. Contacts had been established between Kumidi and a variety of regions, most of the bondings aligned to the West and South, to Cyprus, Greece and Egypt and within the Levant to Palestine. Mesopotamia, the area we were also looking for as a potential trading partner did obviously not belong to those areas Kumidi was communicating with — and finds from Syria and Anatolia had been rather

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