Constructing a New Food Ethics Volume 1, Number 2 and Discourses of Difference Fall 2018 DOI: 10.25335/M5/PPJ.1.2-4 Tiffany Tsantsoulas Robert Chiles Stephen Rachman Gretel Van Wieren Renee Wallace

Abstract This paper examines ways beyond the epistemic limits of our current public narratives of food ethics. We contend that a new food ethics paradigm must transcend the fraught history connecting food waste with discriminatory figurations of race, gender, and class in our social imaginaries in order to build opportunities for representation and agency in hitherto silenced marginalized communities. Thus, we suggest a new food ethics incorporate strategies adapted from standpoint epistemologies and intersectional to construct a multivalent “bottom-up” approach to ethical narratives about food and food waste.

On March 3, 2016, a Whole Foods customer tweeted an image of a pre-peeled orange packaged for sale in a plastic container with the caption, “If only nature would find a way to cover these oranges so we didn’t need to waste so much plastic on them.”1 This tweet swiftly went viral as tens of thousands of users shared their outrage about wasteful- ness under the hashtag #orangegate. The image of a pre-peeled, packaged orange became a powerful metonym for upper middle class excess; it helped to solidify the association between expense, privilege, or- ganic food, and faux- al- ready captured by popular imaginings of the Whole Foods and its customers.2 The public pressure became so great that Whole Foods removed the item from its shelves.3

1. Megan Garber, “Would You Buy a Pre-Peeled Or- ange? On Whole Foods, Products, and the Outrage Culture that Just United them,” The At- lantic, 4 March 2016, https://www.theatlantic.com/ entertainment/archive/2016/03/would-you-buy-a-pre- peeled-orange/472329/. 2. This association plays into the false dichotomy be- tween Agrarian and Industrial food ethics, which we explore in our essay “Getting Wasted: Going Be- yond ‘Agrarian vs. Industrial,’ and Moving Towards a New Food Ethics,” https://publications.publicphi- losophyjournal.org/record/?issue=6-18-224799&k id=6-15-224803. 3. BBC News, “Plastic-Wrapped Mandarins Withdrawn by Whole Foods,” BBCNews: Business, 4 March 2016, https://www.bbc.com/news/business-35727935. Tsantsoulas et al PPJ 1.2 (2018) 2 At the same time, a small and overlooked con- 1. Food, Waste, and our Social tingent of people living with disabilities and dis- ability advocates voiced an alternative take on Imaginaries the viral controversy. In a blog post on March 4, A new food ethics paradigm should encour- 2016 entitled “When Accessibility Gets Labeled age public discourse that conceptualizes prob- Wasteful,” disability studies scholar Kim Sauder lems and solutions by centering the complex explained that pre-peeled and packaged fruits needs of marginalized communities. This “bot- allow people with motor skills disabilities to eat tom-up” approach is particularly necessary in fresh and healthy foods that would otherwise 4 order to contest our inherited social imaginar- be inaccessible to them. Her post echoed the ies that link garbage and food waste with dis- Twitter replies and comments of others frus- criminatory ideas about class, race, and gen- trated with how the #orangegate narrative der. A social imaginary is a shared set of stories, erased accessibility from public conversations images, figures, and symbols that express ide- about food, waste, and ethical . als and values informing our common sense of 5 This controversy illustrates the need for a new how society functions and ought to function. public dialogue about food and food waste. It In this section, we briefly trace the discrimina- shows that the impulse to publicly condemn tory associations woven through our current wastefulness can both emerge from a genuine social imaginary around food waste. ethical concern for the common good, in this Prior to postwar economic growth, case for the environment, and make discrimi- in the United States would routinely re-pur- natory assumptions about whose needs count pose goods after use. Susan Strasser’s Waste as matters of public import. We believe that a and Want: A Social History of Trash explains new food ethics paradigm must be responsive that Americans of the prewar era reused food to the varied needs of marginalized peoples. or fed them to livestock and burned Thus, public conversations about food ethics trash to heat their homes. By the early 1800s, should present opportunities for representa- peddlers and swill children would collect tion and agency in marginalized communities. refuse that could be recycled and This is a matter of knowledge and action, or, reused for industrial processes.6 After the Civ- put philosophically, of epistemology and eth- il War, mass production and industrialization ics. A new public dialogue on food ethics and not only shifted the business model wastefulness will also need to transcend the to the of industrial waste products,7 but fraught history connecting food waste with also resulted in growing urban spaces becom- discriminatory discourses of race, gender, and ing Marxian metabolic rifts,8 as it was far easier class in our social imaginaries. To carry out to continue goods in rural spaces, both objectives, we suggest turning to the in- especially organic materials that could be ab- sights of standpoint theory and intersectional- sorbed into the consumptive cycles of agricul- ity to (1) overcome the current epistemic limits tural . to our public narratives about food and waste, and (2) to construct more ethical narratives by 5. On the idea that social imaginaries contain values, creating opportunities for new storytellers and norms, and views of moral order, see Charles Taylor, Mod- ern Social Imaginaries (Durham: Duke UP, 2004). spectators. 6. Susan Strasser, Waste and Want: A Social History of Trash (New York: Owl Books, 1999). 7. According to Strasser, “By the end of the century, this two-way trade had given way to specialized wholesalers and waste dealers - a separate, highly organized trade built on a foundation of industrial waste, supplemented by 4. Kim Sauder, “When Accessibility Gets Labeled Waste- scraps collected from scavenging children and the poor- ful,” crippledscholar, 4 March 2016, https://crippledscholar. est of the poor.” Waste and Want: A Social History of Trash com/2016/03/04/when-accessibility-gets-labeled-waste- (New York: Owl Books, 1999), 109. ful/. See also her follow up post, published a week later, “Or- 8. The term “metabolic rift” is a short-hand reference to anges, Access, Opposition, and ‘Yes, but…’” crippledscholar, a longer phrase from Marx’s Capital wherein he explains 9 March 2016, https://publications.publicphilosophyjournal. that the urban conditions of produce an “irrep- org/record/?issue=6-18-224799&kid=6-15-224803.5. On the arable rift in the interdependent process of social metab- idea that social imaginaries contain values, norms, and olism, a metabolism prescribed by the natural laws of life views of moral order, see Charles Taylor, Modern Social itself.” Karl Marx, Capital: Volume III, trans. David Fernbach Imaginaries (Durham: Duke UP, 2004) (London: Penguin, 1981), 949. Tsantsoulas et al PPJ 1.2 (2018) 3

Yet, even as urban food waste and other gar- contaminates.10 This cultural obsession affect- bage accumulated, it was not until the late ed new immigrants and people of color, as well 1880s and early-1890s that urban citizens’ as low-income white families. Chuck Jackson dumping of trash in the streets began to be summarizes it this way: understood as a serious public health concern. Garbage brought with it maggots, rats, and Early-twentieth-century uneasiness about lower-class whites overpop- odors, and, in response, cities began to take ulating the nation led to a panicked responsibility for public trash collection and organization of public and private disposal. Different disposal methods were pur- research which could eugenically sued, including the use of cheap immigrant chart lines of white families. Eugenic labor to sort out reusable materials. Enduring reports on white rural poor—includ- conceptual associations between food waste, ing maps, tables, diagrams, and their odor, and poor or immigrant labor began to analyses—advanced an ideology of form. Increasingly, these laborers were them- wasteful or weak human stock; the selves viewed as urban “pests” who came to cultural moment of American eu- genics both influenced and was- in “represent decay, contamination, and a chal- fluenced by a common-sense racial 9 lenge to order.” logic which associated ‘whiteness’ with the clean and the good, the By contrast, mass production and the consum- pure and the pleasing.11 er economy reduced the need for middle-and upper-class households to reuse and repur- The ideology of American eugenics, where pose their waste, while product-marketing whiteness is the peak of purity and goodness, campaigns encouraged people to keep buy- required that white genes be conceptually pu- ing new and convenient items. The resulting rified of any and all lasting associations with buildup of trash led Progressive Era reformers poor and/or non-white communities. Hence to push for urban sanitation measures—mu- the post-Reconstruction renewed support for nicipal garbage collection, sewage systems, miscegenation laws, legal segregation, and, etc.—catalyzed by urban planning and public concurrently, the emergence of the conceptu- health discourses. In a prime example of the al precursors to our modern term white trash need to imagine ethical solutions to problems to signify those whites who must be literally from the multiple perspectives of marginal- cleansed out of the concept of whiteness. ized communities, this time period saw the urban and immigrant poor both helped and In short, the continued influence of racist ide- hurt by these reforms. Public health measures ology on popular understandings of waste can improved sanitation, but jobs for poor immi- be traced back to this legacy of eugenics and grants as unskilled street trash collectors and white imperialism. As Lauren Corman explains, sorters diminished. Unfortunately, the concep- “Racists often appropriate the figure of the tual associations between the poor and urban pest in an attempt to legitimate their attitudes contamination remained long past the lost by grounding their rhetoric within the natural employment opportunities. world. […] One has to look no further than the racial slur, ‘coon,’ or its variant ‘dirty coon.’”12 At the same time as Progressive Era reformers Thus we see how the racist and classist logics pushed for changes in urban sanitation meth- underlying the marginalization of people of ods, racial and gender discourses were increas- color, and to a lesser extent the white poor, fig- ingly focused on protecting the purity of the ure both as dangerous and waste- white American family. Eugenics discourses in ful for the health and success of the (white, the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centu- wealthy) American family. ries helped introduce “a cultural paranoia over 10. Chuck Jackson, “Waste and Whiteness: Zora Neale Hur- defective germ-plasm” that shaped long-last- ston and the of Eugenics,” African American Re- ing national obsessions with “the strength of view 34, no. 4 (Winter 2000): 642. a (white) American future” cleansed of these 11. Chuck Jackson, “Waste and Whiteness: Zora Neale Hur- ston and the Politics of Eugenics,” African American Re- view 34, no. 4 (Winter 2000): 642. 9. Lauren Corman, “Getting Their Hands Dirty: Raccoons, 12. Lauren Corman, “Getting Their Hands Dirty: Raccoons, Freegans, and Urban ‘Trash,’” Journal for Critical Animal Freegans, and Urban ‘Trash,’” Journal for Critical Animal Studies 9, no. 3 (2011): 42. Studies 9, no. 3 (2011): 40. Tsantsoulas et al PPJ 1.2 (2018) 4

Likewise, nineteenth- and twentieth-centu- ers about social delinquency, race, ry discourses on white femininity praised do- and class. Adjacently, maintenance mesticity, cleanliness, and sanitation and were of urban civility and garbage contain- circulated by cookbooks, nutritionists, home ment is threatened by the physical and symbolic disruption of trash. … economists, and popular literature (e.g., Ladies’ Home Journal, Good Housekeeping, McCall’s). Not only do trash and garbage have Eugenics discourses placed the imposition of their own negative (human) cultural carrying the pure and clean future of Amer- connotations, but dumpsters and the ica on middle and upper class white women, people—so-called ‘trash pickers’— while simultaneously demonizing the classed who frequent them also carry their and racial Other for reproducing.13 Currently, own stigmas. These layered aspects combine to connote criminality, or at women remain most commonly in control of minimum, desperation.15 the family’s domestic management, including their food and waste habits, and it is still com- These harmful conceptual associations form mon to publicly appeal to (and blame) mothers part of the social imaginary shaping the narra- as responsible for ethical interventions on the tives and figures populating public discourse health of our bodies and environments. about food and food waste ethics. Today, the conceptual outlines drafted in the Ironically, there is reason to see hope in the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries have example of #orangegate. In swiftly and publi- solidified in our social imaginaries. For those cally condemning excessive wastefulness on with the means, is out of the part of the imagined white, wealthy Whole sight and out of mind, and thus it is increas- Foods shopper, Internet crusaders voiced their ingly the burden of the racialized global urban desire to hold the privileged accountable for poor to bear the literal and conceptual weight their own waste. While this might suggest a of our overdeveloped and wasteful society. As disruption of the inherited conceptual associ- observed by Strasser, “Above all, sorting is an ation between waste and marginalized com- issue of class: trashmaking both underscores munities, which is sustained, in part, by con- and creates social differences based on eco- cealing the waste the wealthy produce, the nomic status. … The wealthy can afford to be question nonetheless remains as to how far we wasteful.”14 The wealthy also have the privilege can extrapolate from an instance of corporate to be cleansed of any lingering conceptual as- shortsightedness to a model of ethical reason- sociation with waste and garbage. Negative ing that accounts for long-standing conceptu- imagery attending trash—mess, dirt, smells, al blind spots. Hence, the next section consid- pests—are still associated with poverty-strick- ers strategies from standpoint epistemologies en, immigrant, and marginalized communi- and intersectional feminism to help construct ties, even as it is clear that the affluent produce a “bottom-up” approach to ethical narratives far more waste. Moreover, as Corman explains, about food and food waste, an approach capa- these associations can combine with other dis- ble of centering multiple and complex margin- criminatory discourses to produce powerful alized needs. stereotypes and images linking the marginal- ized with risks to the public good: 2. Standpoint Epistemologies Discourses related to pests, vermin, and dirt potently combine with oth- and Intersectional Feminism Standpoint theory provides a different episte- 13. For detailed studies of these intersections, see Har- away, Modest_Witness@Second_Millenium.FemaleMan©_ mological frame for conceiving ethical prob- Meets_OncoMouseTM (New York: Routledge, 1997); Ange- lems than traditional (scientistic) objectivity. la Davis, Women, Race, and Class (New York: Random Sandra Harding, Nancy Hartsock, Donna Har- House, 1981); Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought away, Patricia Hill Collins, and others critique (New York: Routledge, 2000); Ladelle McWhorter, Racism and Sexual Oppression in Anglo-America: A Genealogy and destabilize what we traditionally consid- (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2009); and Ann Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire (Durham: Duke UP, 1995). 15. Lauren Corman, “Getting Their Hands Dirty: Raccoons, 14. Susan Strasser, Waste and Want: A Social History of Freegans, and Urban ‘Trash,’” Journal for Critical Animal Trash (New York: Owl Books, 1999), 8-9. Studies 9, no. 3 (2011): 28, 36. Tsantsoulas et al PPJ 1.2 (2018) 5 er an objective and authoritative epistemic edge-making practices. Instead of hubristic standpoint. Traditionally, an objective epistem- claims to objective and universal knowledge, ic standpoint is defined as abstract, theoreti- standpoint epistemology claims particular, sit- cal, and emotionally detached. In practice, this uated, socially-located standpoints17 as multi- definition operates in service of producing and ple grounds for a new concept of authoritative maintaining exclusionary access to epistemic knowledge-production. Standpoint theorists authority for those deemed predisposed (by often emphasize the situated positions of sys- the same system of knowledge-production) temically marginalized thinkers as those espe- toward objectivity of this kind, i.e. white, male, cially capable of producing more authoritative Western subjects. This results in the marginal- knowledge about our world, its power rela- ization of other thinkers excluded by definition tions, and systems of oppression. This empha- from claims to epistemic authority, not by their sis responds directly to the occlusion of these efforts but by their positions within race, gen- marginalized voices, and is particularly import- der, and class-based socio-cultural hierarchies. ant when considering who has the authority to Think, for example, of the still prevalent idea make claims within ethical dilemmas. that women are too emotional to be authorita- tively objective as decision-makers. Approach- When the public expressed outrage at the ing an ethical problem from this epistemic pre-packaged oranges causing Whole Foods perspective often foregrounds and universaliz- to “do the right thing” and pull them from its es the needs of the already privileged because shelves, the framing of this food ethics dilem- of their assumed position as authoritative ma, however inadvertently, silenced the voic- knowers uniquely capable of seeing a problem es of disabled persons and advocates and ex- objectively and without “special” interests. This cluded them from the public to whom Whole leads to occlusions, like in our #orangegate Foods was ethically responsive. This occlusion example, wherein the presumed universal ap- is unsurprising. Patricia Hill Collins notes that proval of a given solution causes harm to mar- while an “oppressed group’s experiences may ginalized subjects unrepresented by the ethi- put its members in a position to see things dif- cal narratives employed by the authoritative ferently, … their lack of control over the ideo- epistemic agents. logical apparatuses of society makes express- ing a self-defined standpoint more difficult.”18 Standpoint theorists make two critical interjec- In other words, the fact that the standpoint of tions into our traditional ideas about epistem- disabled persons lacked public epistemic au- ic authority that can help us construct a new thority and was easily erased or ignored is a food ethics today. First, they insist on the situ- symptom of structural inequities in epistem- atedness of knowing. Denying strong claims to ic privilege; some people are not treated as objectivity, the imposition of situated knowing 17. Contrary to common misunderstandings, it is import- contends that no one is capable of erasing their ant to recognize that standpoints are not naturalized or es- socio-cultural identity—as, for example, white, sentialized but are achievements. In other words, one does male, European, middle class, able-bodied— not receive a marginalized epistemic standpoint at birth, one must first work to reflect critically on the relations of or of denying the specificity of their embod- power informing their subject position. For instance, op- ied personal life and history, and its attendant pressed or marginalized persons might work to inhabit an affects, attitudes, interests, and worldviews.16 “outsider within” perspective that offers uniquely valuable This interjection dismantles pretensions to insight on problems. Patricia Hill Collins gives the exam- ple of Black female domestic workers who lived with and universal authority embedded within the tra- cared for White families, yet were never properly part of the ditional concept of epistemic objectivity. Sec- family. Some of these women critically reflected on their ond, standpoint theorists reveal possibilities for situations, wrote about them, or allowed Black feminist developing more ethical and inclusive knowl- intellectuals to take up their stories, which afforded them or those theorists a position from which to produce dis- tinctive analyses of the domestic situation. “Learning From 16. To deny this is what Donna Haraway calls the “god trick,” the Outsider Within: The Sociological Significance of Black wherein knowers assume to see from everywhere and no- Feminist Thought,” Social Problems, 33, no. 6. (Oct.–Dec. where, erasing their own particular embodied situated- 1986), S14-S32. Likewise, bell hooks describes working to in- ness. As the name suggests, Haraway argues that human habit a similar position in the academy as a Black woman beings are not capable of assuming this divine perspective. philosopher educated in the Ivy League. From Margin to “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism Center (Boston: South End Press, 1984). and the Privilege of Partial Perspective,” Feminist Studies 18. Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought (New York: 14, no. 3 (Autumn 1988), 575-99. Routledge, 2000), 39. Tsantsoulas et al PPJ 1.2 (2018) 6 important knowers. This failure to hear is not the packaged oranges from their shelves did necessarily willful or active, but the end result so to intentionally harm or inconvenience per- is the same: the ethical solution proposed in sons with disabilities by denying them access the name of the public pushes an already mar- to healthy fruit. Yet, this was nonetheless an ginalized community to the sidelines. Thinking outcome of their actions. with standpoint theory’s two critical interjec- tions above, a new ethics of food would both From intersectional theories of harm we can underscore the need for multiple standpoints learn to be critical of solutions to problems and take special care to think with and within that position marginalized persons to absorb the standpoints of the already marginalized to more harm by introducing a burden (the need produce situated and more inclusively respon- to peel an orange) that may seem harmless or sive articulations of food ethics problems and indeed beneficial (no plastic container is better solutions. for the environment), and yet that intersects with preexisting vulnerabilities (the inability to While standpoint theory rewrites our epistem- peel fruit on one’s own) to create more harm ic assumptions, intersectionality reshapes our for an already marginalized community. Sim- approach to evaluating ethical benefits and ply put, if an ethical solution is not accessible harms. Intersectionality as a concept emerged to the poor, the disabled, the overworked, the from the need to represent the unique harms unemployed, the immigrant, the illiterate, and suffered by Black women in the United States so on, then that solution is not maximally eth- in a legal system that reduced their position to ical. An intersectional lens forces a more com- either that of women or that of African Amer- plicated narrative about food ethics where, for icans, thus erasing the distinctiveness of the example, considerations of environmentalism Black woman’s particular position in society.19 and class could not be easily isolated from Its basic premise is that different axes of op- those of ability and race. pression like race, class, gender, sexuality, and ability intersect with one another to form a collision site of potential harms that cannot be 3. Conclusion easily separated or simply added together. An We began this paper calling for new storytell- intersectional approach considers a subject as ers and new spectators for the ethical narra- an entanglement of identities that may lead to tives we tell about food waste, and we pointed particularized oppressions and harms. Instanc- to lessons from intersectional and standpoint es of “intersectional subordination,” Crenshaw theorists for devising ethical solutions today. states, “need not be intentionally produced; in After briefly tracing how narratives about fact, it is frequently the consequence of the waste are implicated in fraught conceptu- imposition of one burden that interacts with al histories of race, gender, and class, we can preexisting vulnerabilities to create yet anoth- 20 see that a new ethics of food and food waste er dimension of disempowerment.” Adopting cannot afford to be blind to these discourses an intersectional lens to view ethical problems of difference. While we have only presented is not meant to victimize the subjects of harm a small sample, these historical studies and or to place blame on other actors for directly conceptual genealogies bring into relief how causing their vulnerabilities. It is designed to discourses of food waste are essentially mor- draw attention to the preexisting power re- al discourses. They connect with our national lations within which we encounter ethical identities, our ideas about progress and suc- dilemmas and to guard against condoning cess, and our worries about contamination solutions that exasperate harms and vulnera- and degeneration. Against this background, a bilities. To return to our example, it would be new food ethics must (1) overcome the current unreasonable to conclude that either Whole epistemic limits to our public narratives about Foods or those who insisted that they remove food and waste, and (2) construct more ethical 19. Kimberle Crenshaw, “Mapping the Margins: Intersec- narratives by creating opportunities for new tionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of storytellers and spectators. As standpoint epis- Color,” Stanford Law Review 43, no. 6 (July 1991): 1241-99. 20. Kimberle Crenshaw, “Mapping the Margins: Intersec- temology observes, we must divest ourselves tionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of of claims to objectivity while including more Color,” Stanford Law Review 43, no. 6 (July 1991): 1249. Tsantsoulas et al PPJ 1.2 (2018) 7 situated voices in our analyses to guard against ———. “Situated Knowledges: The Science doing further harm. As we include these voices, Question in Feminism and the Privilege of intersectional feminism warns, we must pro- Partial Perspective.” Feminist Studies 14, actively attend to the intersectionality of their no. 3 (Autumn 1988): 575-99. identities and the differential risks and harms associated with already-marginalized positions hooks, bell. From Margin to Center. Boston: in society. It is our hope that these strategies South End Press, 1984. and the conceptual genealogies they respond Jackson, Chuck. “Waste and Whiteness: Zora to become part of a new social imaginary in- Neale Hurston and the Politics of Eugenics.” forming the public discourse about food ethics African American Review 34, no. 4 (Winter and waste. 2000): 639-60. Marx, Karl. Capital: Volume III. Translated by ACKNOWLEDGMENTS David Fernbach. London: Penguin, 1981. This work was supported by the USDA National McWhorter, Ladelle. Racism and Sexual Op- Institute of Food and Agriculture Federal Ap- pression in Anglo-America: A Genealogy. propriations under Project PEN04437 and ac- Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2009. cession number 1012188. Sauder, Kim. “Oranges, Access, Opposition and ‘Yes, but…’” crippledscholar, 9 March 2016, BIBLIOGRAPHY https://crippledscholar.com/2016/03/09/or- anges-access-opposition-and-yes-but/. BBC News. “Plastic-Wrapped Mandarins With- drawn by Whole Foods.” BBCNews: Busi- ———. “When Accessibility Gets Labeled ness, 4 March 2016, https://www.bbc.com/ Wasteful.” crippledscholar, 4 March 2016, news/business-35727935. https://crippledscholar.com/2016/03/04/ when-accessibility-gets-labeled-wasteful/. Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. New York: Routledge, 2000. Stoler, Ann Laura. Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault’s History of Sexuality and Corman, Lauren. “Getting Their Hands Dirty: the Colonial Order of Things. Durham: Raccoons, Freegans, and Urban ‘Trash.’” Duke UP, 1995. Journal for Critical Animal Studies 9, no. 3 (2011): 28-61. Strasser, Susan. Waste and Want: A Social His- tory of Trash. New York: Owl Books, 1999. Crenshaw, Kimberle. “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Vio- Taylor, Charles. Modern Social Imaginaries. lence Against Women of Color.” Stanford Durham: Duke UP, 2004. Law Review 43, no. 6 (1991): 1241-99. Davis, Angela Y. Women, Race, and Class. New York: Random House, 1981. Garber, Megan. “Would You Buy a Pre-Peeled Orange? On Whole Foods, Convenience Products, and the Outrage Culture that Just United Them.” The Atlantic, 4 March 2016, https://www.theatlantic.com/enter- tainment/archive/2016/03/would-you-buy- a-pre-peeled-orange/472329/. Haraway, Donna J. Modest_Witness@Second_ Millennium.FemaleMan©_Meets_Onco- Mouse™. New York: Routledge, 1997. Tsantsoulas et al PPJ 1.2 (2018) 8

Tiffany Tsantsoulas is a PhD candidate in philosophy and women’s, gender, nad sexuality studies at Penn State University. Her dissertation develops a phenomenological concept of embodied resistance as a decolonial poets of the human. She is also a founding member of Penn State’s Restortative Justice Initiative.

Robert Chiles is a senior lecturer in American history at the University of Maryland. He has published on environ- mental history on the gilded age, including The Revolution of ’28: Al Smith, American Progressivism, and the Coming of the New Deal (Cornell 2018).

Stephen Rachman is associate professor of ninteenth-cen- tury American literature, director of the American studies program, and co-director of the Digital Humanities and Literary Cognition Laboratory at Michigan State University.

Gretel Van Wieren is an associate professor of religious studies at Michigan State University. She is the author of Restored to Earth: Christianity, , and Ecological Restoration (Georgetown UP, 2013).

Renee Wallace is the executive director of Doers Consult- ing Alliance and the executive director of FoodPLUS De- troit.

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