evans et al_HB feminist.indd 3 21/05/2014 14:22 00_Evans et al_BAB1404B0065_Prelims.indd 3 01-Jul-14 12:01:43 PM 18

Thinking Sex Materially: Marxist, Socialist, and Related Feminist Approaches

Rosemary Hennessy

INTRODUCTION also a potent technology for securing rela- tions of power across practices and institu- Why does matter for how femi- tions to a variety of social and political ends. nist theory understands sexuality? The sim- There are several feminist understandings plest answer is that materialism, and of materialism that differently inflect how specifically the philosophy of historical sexuality is understood, and I address them materialism, aims to explain the world in in a long note at the end of the chapter.1 order to transform it. Feminist approaches to Because feminist theories of sexuality draw sexuality draw upon materialist perspectives upon the efforts of pioneering women and because they share a basic premise: theories men who insisted on the importance of sexu- of social life that begin with what humans ality to socialism’s materialist perspective, need to survive are best able to foster actions the chapter begins with a brief history of to redress injustice. Historical materialism some nineteenth- and early twentieth-century recognizes that the process of meeting sur- socialist free thinkers whose ideas on sexual- vival needs and intervening in their unjust ity shook up western Marxism. I then con- organization entails relations that are eco- sider the historical flashpoint of the 1970s, nomic, political and cultural. As a historical when came into its own and discourse that is a component of culture, a historical materialist paradigm deeply sexuality is an integral feature of social life. informed feminist debates on sexuality. The Materialist theories of sexuality recognize next section focuses on the cultural turn in that sexuality is one way that human capaci- the late twentieth century when feminist ties for sensation and affiliation, psychic theory more profoundly probed the question identification and desire are made meaning- ‘what exactly constitutes the material history ful, and as such it is intimately involved in of sexuality?’ I then address theory’s shaping subjects and power relations. It is powerful contribution to sexuality studies,

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especially as it draws upon materialist femi- struggles to simultaneously address the struc- nist critiques of neoliberal capitalism’s ture of and sexual relations (Kollontai, investments in sexualized bodies, subjects 1977). Against the grain of middle-class and politics. In the chapter’s final section I women’s purity campaigns, she claimed that gesture toward new directions in feminist the only way to end prostitution was to elimi- studies that are returning to historical materi- nate the conditions that compel women to alist concepts to advance a better understand- seek out sex work as a way to survive. ing of sexuality as a value-producing The early twentieth century was a pivotal component of capitalism, a technology of time when the question in socialism imperial projects and commodity cultures was highly contested, dismissed by some as and an affect-laden feature of organized premature or divisive and promoted by oth- struggles toward social alternatives. ers as fundamental. Over the course of the following decades, feminists who aligned with socialist principles would challenge the SOCIALISTS AND SEX RADICALS limits of Marxist theory and the refusals of socialist political organizers to include wom- It is not hard to see why sexuality became a en’s concerns in their agendas. The efforts of political issue for feminists in the nineteenth these early socialist feminists to address century, given the enormous effort that went sexuality were shaped by the contradictory into policing women’s reproductive capacity, situation of women in the industrialized sec- sexual activity and desire (Jackson and Scott, tors of the world. Women were being 1996: 3). However, feminist campaigns in recruited into wage labor and a modernizing the developing world were constrained by urban life that loosened the grip of patriar- the material circumstances in which genera- chal control over their bodies, minds and tions of women lived, with limited opportu- movement at the same time as they were nities for economic independence and control confronting the persistence of that control at 2 of their fertility and the prevailing sexual home and in the public sphere. morality. Socialist theory that situated wom- As the historian Mari Jo Buhle argues, the en’s within a materialist frame- topic of women’s sexual emancipation work was most famously elaborated by brought turn-of-the-century socialists to a Friedrich Engels in The Origin of the Family, crossroads. In the and Europe and the State (1970). He two camps on the question of women’s sexu- argues that the sexual division of labor is ality emerged: those who defended pure rooted in the emergence of private property womanhood, opposed prostitution and as women’s bodies and sexuality came under launched social purity campaigns that tar- the control of men, and he predicts that geted ‘white slavery’ and temperance; and women’s full emancipation will arrive only those who fought for women’s sexual free- with the socialization of housework and dom and (Buhle, 1981: childrearing. In the socialist movements of 256–87). Some of the latter group were fol- the Second International (1889–1914), lowers of sex theorists such as Edward Engels’ arguments went unquestioned. Carpenter and Havelock Ellis; others moved The Russian socialist Alexandra Kollontai in circles with early modernists such as was a rare exception. She argued that the Crystal Eastman, Mabel Dodge Luhan and sexual problem cannot be solved unless there Dora Russell, or supported the ideas of is reform of the human psyche and in turn a women’s reproductive rights advocates, transformation in basic socio-economic rela- among them Elizabeth Gurley Flynn in the tions. She called for materialist analysis of US and Stella Browne in the UK, who the historically varied forms of love and sexu- refused to disconnect these issues from the ality and for continued social and economic labor movement.3

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The nineteenth-century free love move- struggle and women’s efforts to establish ment was an antecedent of sex radicalism. It an intellectual voice were played out emerged from the utopian socialism of the against the pull of psychiatry and - 1820s and 1830s and influenced the anar- hood (Rabinowitz, 1991). Mid-century chists and sex radicals of the 1890s and the western Marxist intellectuals, many con- birth control movement of the twentieth cen- cerned with the political and social impli- tury.4 By the early twentieth century many cations of the Holocaust, turned their women who were also socialists were taking attention to rethinking the path to social up the banner of sexual freedom and promot- transformation and the role of sexual cul- ing ‘free love’ as part of a broader campaign ture in it. Among them were the Austrian for women’s rights.5 Among free thinkers, the Wilhelm Reich, whose controversial exper- sex radicals were distinguished from femi- iments and writings, such as The Sexual nists because they saw the feminist focus on Revolution (1936), ultimately met with suffrage to be at the expense of emancipating state repression and censorship after he women’s ‘true nature’. Figures such as the moved to New York to escape the Nazis. anarchist Emma Goldman voiced the sex The Cold War kept activism by sex radicals radical free-thinker position in opposing the and feminists in check or underground, but institution of not because it impinged several leading intellectuals did pioneering upon women’s rights but because it stifled work that left a lasting legacy. In the late women’s passion and capacity for erotic love 1940s and early 1950s Alfred Kinsey was (Goldman, 1970; Gornick, 2011: 70). publishing his empirical research on Sexual Capital expansion in the twentieth cen- Behavior in the Human Male (1998) and tury took place through the violent milita- Sexual Behavior in the Human Female rization of two world wars and the growth (Kinsey et al., 1953). The wide range of of a global military–industrial complex; human sexual practices his studies dis- the restructuring of colonialism; a wide- closed provoked considerable public con- spread attack on labor movements; and the troversy and hinted at a brewing sexual intensification of consumer culture. The revolution. Two other landmark works of advancing modernization that followed in this era are Simone de Beauvoir’s The its wake provoked sweeping cultural Second Sex (1952, rpt.1989), which undid changes that registered in adjustments to the biological foundation of womanhood the meanings of gender, sexuality and race. and became a touchstone for an emerging Between the wars the woman question and new stream of feminist thought, and that had once been pressure Herbert Marcuse’s synthesis of Marx and points in radical circles on the Left were Freud in Eros and Civilization (1966, rpt. marginalized and, by the Great Depression 1974), which was embraced by sex radicals years of the 1930s, they were almost com- and activists in the 1960s. For the most pletely subsumed under class issues. In the part, however, the public debates that United States radical voices such as Mary women’s sexual emancipation had pro- Inman’s were rare. Her In Women’s Defense voked in the early twentieth century would (1940) challenged Popular Front conven- simmer after the war, erupting in the 1960s tions that reaffirmed bourgeois concep- to drive a wedge into feminist and socialist tions of women’s sexuality (Rabinowitz, orthodoxies in the New Left. 1991: 5). However, as Paula Rabinowitz’s work on the 1930s reveals, popular fiction was one outlet for radical women writers. SEX AND CAPITALIST In the work of Tillie Olsen, Agnes Smedley and Mary McCarthy sexuality was often a The upsurge of sexual liberation in the 1960s battleground in which a narrative of class coincided with world-wide uprisings in

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which feminists and others embraced Marxist efforts to advance a more ample politics concepts as a powerful guide to revolution. ignored women’s interests and the topic of In heated theoretical discussions lines were sexuality. Much of the most important theo- being drawn between a socialism that was retical work of this period was the result of focused on economic and colonial injustice, women’s efforts to redress this neglect by a youthful rebellion that was more individu- taking into account the relationship of patri- alized and attentive to sexual and cultural archy to capitalism. politics, and the ideas of a marginal few who Marxist feminist scholars working in and saw the divide between economics and cul- outside the university in the 1970s conducted ture as a hurdle to be overcome by a materi- cross-cultural and historical studies of earlier alist analysis of sexuality under capitalism. forms of kinship and the role of gender in the Sexuality featured prominently in feminist division of labor (Leacock, 1972; Reed, redefinitions of ‘the personal as political’ in 1970; Rosaldo and Lamphere, 1974). Their consciousness-raising groups and in critiques analyzes cleared the way for theories of sex- of patriarchy that feminists around the world uality as a component of social reproduc- placed on a political agenda that included tion.6 In 1975 Gayle Rubin published her sexuality among other issues that had previ- essay ‘The Traffic in Women’, which put ously been seen as private. forward a materialist and structuralist analy- During these energized and frenzied sis of the ‘sex–gender system’. Her formula- years, the theoretical and political lines tion de-naturalized sex and gender in a between radical and socialist and manner that emphasized their integral rela- were more blurred than tion to one another and offered a concept that later accounts might suggest. Many femi- would profoundly influence feminist theory, nists turned to the ideas of sex radicals from even though the essay’s effort to align his- earlier generations. Margaret Sanger’s auto- torical materialism and theories of kinship biography was re-issued in 1970, as was never quite coheres.7 A decade later, her Emma Goldman’s, and in 1972 the US femi- essay ‘Thinking Sex’ would pursue a sexual nist Alex Kates Shulman published a collec- libertarian stance and leave behind her earlier tion of Goldman’s writings and speeches. argument that sexuality is an integral feature That same year Eleanor Leacock’s now clas- of social reproduction, broadly understood.8 sic introduction to Engels’ Origins of the By the end of the decade, materialist efforts Family was published. Works such as to theorize sexuality were blossoming. The ’s first issue of the socialist feminist journal (1970) indicate the degree to which femi- Feminist Review, which appeared in 1979, nists who ultimately broke from Marxism featured Michèle Barrett and Mary nonetheless were engaged in thinking McIntosh’s elaboration of ’s through how historical materialism might concept of . It was fol- advance a better understanding of sexuality lowed three years later by a special issue on as a social rather than a natural phenome- sexuality featuring many facets of sexual non. Feminist analyzes of sexuality in the politics that the Women’s Liberation move- early years of the New Left also were being ment had made visible. formulated out of alliances that traversed the During these years feminists pursued Black Power movement, student and labor materialist analysis in theoretical work that movements and the liberation struggles in was propelled by a sense of urgency and an Vietnam, China and Cuba that both took for awareness of devising theoretical paradigms granted and recast certain Marxist assump- with direct ties to social movements that tions. Although the New Left devoted consi­ were themselves charged sites of debate over derable attention to capital investments in concepts. Lisa Vogel aptly characterizes the ideology and non-market relations, many consequent theoretical divisions within

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Marxist and in terms of The Sargent collection is organized around two approaches (1995: 23–9). One focused a series of responses to an essay entitled ‘The on two parallel systems that fuel the develop- Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and ment of history: the class struggle and the sex Feminism’ by Heidi Hartmann, earlier drafts struggle. The other, more closely aligned of which appeared in 1975. Hartmann maps with Marxism, took the position that social out some of the premises of historical mate- reproduction is the central dynamic of his- rialism as they conceptualize the material tory. Here ‘reproduction’ refers to the entire base of patriarchal control over women’s process of domestic labor, exchange and labor power and sexuality. While she does consumption, as well as the cultural and not overcome the impasses in this ‘unhappy political structures that accompany them. marriage’, she does call for continued theo- Both approaches would shape theories of retical work to make patriarchy a more sexuality throughout the decade. The first robust analytic category, and she encourages evolved into a conceptual framework that feminists to turn to Marxism as a well-devel- supported parallel movements focused on oped theory of social change. The Eisenstein women, sexuality and race, and eventually collection has two essays specifically focused morphed into an identity politics that had lit- on sexuality. One, by Linda Gordon, offers a tle relation to materialism. The latter would history of feminist struggles for birth control; re-emerge as a valuable theoretical stand- the other, by Nancy Chodorow, draws upon point for materialist investigations in the new Gayle Rubin’s concept of the sex–gender millennium. system to theorize the sexual politics of In the early phase of these debates socialist mothering. feminists formulated what came to be called Capitalist Patriarchy also includes four ‘dual systems theory’, an approach that situ- collective statements, one of which, the ated sexuality within the social relations of Combahee River Collective statement, first both patriarchy and capitalism. Dual systems published in 1977, is a notable example of theory has been critiqued for, and some theorizing by US black feminists that would say it has since been abandoned addresses sexuality as a key component of because of, its failure to enable analysis of socialist feminism.10 Members of the collec- capitalism and patriarchy that is both suffi- tive had been meeting since 1974 and work- ciently general and specific. What remains ing on projects addressing sterilization abuse, significant about this work, however, is its abortion rights, rape and health care. They effort to think sexuality in relation to capital- assert that their position is socialist ‘because ist and patriarchal organizations of social we believe the work must be organized for life. Central to these debates was the concept the collective benefit of those who do the of ‘capitalist patriarchy’, which appeared in work and create the products and not for the the work of many feminist scholars. It is evi- profit of the bosses’, and they call for a dent in the Egyptian feminist Nawal ‘feminist and antiracist revolution’ that takes El-Saadawi’s introduction to the English into account the specific class situation of translation of her book The Hidden Face of black women (Eisenstein, 1979: 366). Like Eve (1980) where she refers to class domina- other socialist feminists, they acknowledge a tion and men’s domination as the principal debt to Marxist theory but argue that it needs problems women face.9 Two US collections to be reworked to address the specific situa- from that time that focused on debates over tion of black women. They call attention to the dual systems perspective are Women and sexuality as always racialized and reject Revolution, edited by Lydia Sargent (1981), separatism as a viable strategy and Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for because it ‘negate[s] the facts of class and Socialist Feminism, edited by Zillah race’ (Eisenstein, 1979: 367). Also in this Eisenstein (1979). collection is a history of the Marxist Feminist

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groups 1–5 which notes the attention they for structural changes in curriculum. The gave to sexuality, including norms defining university answered by absorbing difference, legitimate and illegitimate sex, birth control institutionalizing diversity represented by and the systematic sterilization imposed by segmented interest groups, and by establish- the US government on Puerto Rican, Native ing multicultural programs, thereby neutral- American and other third world women. izing the systemic analysis of radical critiques Some feminist theorists, among them that tied cultural difference to class. Indeed, Rosalind Coward and Ann Foreman, inte- as Joan Sangster and Meg Luxton so aptly grated the insights of psychoanalysis into a point out, in the ensuing years ‘class was historical and materialist feminist approach. often named but remained a theoretical ghost, Ann Ferguson’s Blood at the Root: an absent presence’ (2013). Motherhood, Sexuality, and Male Dominance As feminism established a foothold in the (1989) is a socialist feminist argument that academy and impacted public discourse the draws upon this work to theorize what she voices of women of color increasingly chal- calls ‘sex-affective production’, a system of lenged the presumptive white and middle- production of human desires connected to class subject of feminism. One example of sexuality and love, centered in the house- the ensuing debates is evident in Michèle hold, but semi-autonomous from the capital- Barrett and Mary McIntosh’s 1985 response ist economy. Following the post-Marxist to black feminists’ critiques of the racism in theorists Gilles Deleuze and Feliz Guattari’s feminist theory and social movements. The theories of desire, and pursuing Gayle exchanges published in the UK-based social- Rubin’s concept of sex–gender systems, ist feminist journal Feminist Review under- Ferguson argues that sexuality is a bodily scored the pitfalls of feminist paradigms that energy that is socially produced and inte- overlook racism and presume racially grated into relations that meet human needs homogenous formulations of issues that have for social bonding. In contrast, Michèle a bearing on sexuality, among them family, Barrett’s Women’s Oppression Today (1980) abortion and other reproductive rights.11 is a Marxist feminist argument for under- In the late 1960s through the early 1970s standing gender and sexuality as ideological many grassroots gay and lesbian organiza- cultural practices integral to the relations of tions understood in relation to production and reproduction in capitalism. In feminist and antiracist politics. From its addition, she makes a case for acknowledg- founding in 1969 the Front ing both the continuities and discontinuities produced theoretical work that was deeply between gender identity and sexual practice. influenced by socialist thought and commit- Her approach is indebted to analyzes of patri- ted to forwarding coalition politics (R. archy developed in radical feminist writings Ferguson, 2012: 217).12 Several groups saw and to the concepts of ‘reproduction’ and sexuality as correlated with gender and the ideology in the work of the French Marxist sexual division of labor and linked gay Louis Athusser (Barrett, 1980: 10). oppression under capitalism to the role of the The absorption of feminism, ethnic studies family and the subjection of women. Few and, eventually, sexuality into the academy lesbian groups in the 1970s turned to was a key feature of globalization’s commodi- Marxism, however, as most tended to iden- fication of difference in response to the tify patriarchy as the primary cause of wom- threatening ruptures to capital that social en’s oppression. Nonetheless, several, among movements against imperialism, patriarchal them The Furies, based in Washington DC, oppression and racism were posing. Student did develop materialist critiques of hetero- uprisings on campuses across the US, Europe sexuality as an institution and an ideology. In and Latin America called for the university to 1975, addressing a Socialist Feminist confer- be accountable to the needs of the people and ence at Antioch College in Ohio, Furies

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member Charlotte Bunch asserted that any proved incapable of chal- politics aimed at confronting heterosexuality lenging the class divide between women. One would have to be class politics. The class symptomatic example in the US registered in issue Bunch raised was axiomatic for many the fact that both inside and outside the acad- feminists in the late 1960s and early 1970s, emy socialist feminist responses to the but tying it to heterosexuality was provoca- recruitment of middle-class women into the tive (Bunch, 1987: 180). In 1978 Monique workforce were calling for socialized collec- Wittig also sparked public controversy in the tive responsibility for childcare, but they United States and France with her explosive were not the dominant voices in debates over assertion that ‘ are not women’.13 sexuality (Sangster and Luxton, 2013). Her critique situated ‘lesbian’ as a political Increasingly sexuality was being under- standpoint that makes visible the violent stood and debated in individualized terms as regime of heterosexuality and refuses to be a practice and as pleasure discrete from labor subjected to it (Turcotte, 1992). Unlike and care, and gay activists were increasingly Adrienne Rich, whose essay ‘Compulsory affirming homosexuality as a single issue Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence’ discrete from race, gender or class. The sex (1980, rpt. 1994) would make a similar argu- panics of the 1980s largely consolidated this ment, Wittig called her position ‘materialist’. shift. They ranged over many topics, among The term signaled that her thinking was part them the regulation of pornography, legal of a broader feminist network in France, protections for gay people, the scope of Canada and the United States that grew out reproductive freedom for women and the of a critique of historical materialism. In her content of safe-sex education. The ‘sex wars’ formulation, materialism meant that wom- waged in the United States, Canada and the en’s oppression and the regime of hetero- United Kingdom drew battle lines between sexuality are not based in biology or nature positions that emphasized sexual danger and but rather in social and historical institutions. those that argued for valorizing sexual pleas- Like Christine Delphy, she took Marxism to ure. The first camp continued to embrace task for hiding the ‘class conflict between ’s emphasis on women’s men and women’ and for not attending to oppression and sexual violence; unfortu- what it means for members of oppressed nately it joined feminist interests with the classes to be subjects (Wittig, 1992: 18). In gathering forces of a radical Right waging calling for a materialism that addresses sub- anti-pornography campaigns. In the second jectivity and sexuality, she rearticulated camp were pro-sex supporters. While the terms from a Marxist left that was increas- debates suggest the degree to which sexuality ingly turning to ideology as an ‘imaginary’ was serving as a linchpin in the turn to cul- formulation and applied them to the category tural politics, they also generated important ‘woman’. theoretical work, some of which advanced socialist feminist approaches.14 The 1982 Scholar and Feminist IX SEX PANICS AND THE CULTURAL Conference ‘Towards a Politics of Sexuality’ TURN held at Barnard College in New York City has been seen as a defining moment in pro- The early 1980s were a pivotal period for sex history. Its aim was ‘to expand the analy- feminism. The New Left was becoming sis of pleasure’ and ‘create a movement that incorporated into the professions and the speaks as powerfully in favor of sexual historical forces that summoned it to attend pleasure as it does against sexual danger’ primarily to culture were drawing more and (Vance, 1984: 3). The collection of papers more feminists away from the systemic ana- from the conference includes authors such as lyzes of Marxist and socialist feminism. Dorothy Allison, Amber Hollibaugh, Cherríe

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Moraga and Hortense Spillers. Rubin’s essay either neglects class or replaces class analy- ‘Thinking Sex’, which appears here, chal- sis with analysis of class culture. Nonetheless, lenges the assumption that feminism is or as feminism has taught us again and again, should be the privileged site of a theory of suppressed knowledges are not irretrievably sexuality (Vance, 1984: 307). The introduc- lost. Although they were often marginalized, tion by the editor, Carole Vance, takes a more Marxist and socialist feminists did continue measured stance, acknowledging the contin- to investigate sexuality as a regulatory ued importance to feminists of attention to regime and a site of agency for gendered and the sexual dangers women confront and of racialized subjects in capitalism’s class- theorizing women’s pleasure. The absence of based division of labor. any socialist or Marxist feminist analysis in Important investigations of sexualized the volume would seem to imply that these domestic labor were published in the mid- analytical perspectives have fallen through 1980s, among them the German feminist the cracks between danger and pleasure. Maria Mies’s Patriarchy and Accumulation However, the collection Powers of Desire on a World Scale (1986), which links the (1984), edited by Ann Snitow, Christine historical processes of colonization and Stansell and Sharon Thompson and pub- ‘housewifization’ that sexualized women as lished by Monthly Review the year after the ‘breeders’ and ‘consumers’ in distinct yet Barnard Conference, demonstrates that related imperial formations. Hazel Carby’s socialist feminist analysis of sexuality was Reconstructing Womanhood (1987) is very much alive. The editors’ introduction another noteworthy materialist feminist pub- provides a broad descriptive history of social- lication from that period. Carby begins her ism’s concern with sex, and essays by Kathy readings of nineteenth-century black women Peiss and Allan Berubé link specific periods writers with analyzes of two very different in capitalism’s development to the emer- but interdependent sexual ideologies that gence of sexual subjects. John D’Emilio’s operated upon white and black women in the soon-to-become-classic essay ‘Capitalism antebellum US South. Mary Poovey’s and Gay Identity’ was first published here, Uneven Developments (1988) also investi- tracing the appearance of homosexuals and gates sex and gender ideology, here in the the release of sexuality from a procreational context of emerging medical discourse and mandate as capitalist wage labor expanded. novelistic representations of sexualized labor The collection marks a significant develop- in the Victorian family household. ment in socialist and Marxist approaches to Beginning in the 1980s, in part as a sexuality in that it offers detailed analyzes of response to capital’s intensified invasion of the relation between changing sexual forma- bodies and subjects, intellectuals increas- tions and historical adjustments in labor and ingly attended to what came to be called capital mobility. ‘bio-politics’ and its role in the construction The end of the twentieth century ushered of sex and sexuality. The work of Michel in a new phase in theorizing sexuality. As Foucault led the way and profoundly influ- cultural materialism increasingly influenced enced evolving materialist feminist academic feminist theory, research across approaches to sexuality. The English transla- disciplines pursued investigations of histori- tion of Foucault’s The History of Sexuality, cal formations of sexuality.15 When class was volume I (1978) provoked an avalanche of addressed it was often understood as social theoretical work that pursued his argument status or as a set of cultural practices that that the gradual deployment of sexual dis- comprise one axis in the trinity of race, class courses installed new forms of disciplinary and gender that by 1989 was defining the power exercised through norms and ‘tech- prevailing ‘intersectional’ methodology of nologies’ of the subject. Foucault’s genea- academic women’s studies, a paradigm that logical approach to history and to power

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abandoned the theoretical pre-suppositions component of young women’s sexual desires of his Marxist teachers, principally the notion and identifications. Much of this work teased that class relations have some determining out tensions between the oppressive impact force in binding propertied interests to pre- of consumer culture and the incitements to vailing ideas and cultures. Foucauldian mate- sexual agency that pop culture offered rialism sees power as a diffuse set of force women and . Janice Radway’s research relations that operate through norms and on women readers, Reading the Romance forms of governmentality to which there is (1984), discloses romance reading as an no necessary class logic and no stable ‘out- escape from the dissatisfactions of women’s side’ from which to launch a transformative everyday sexual relationships. Angela opposition. In this analytic, sexuality is con- McRobbie, who was affiliated for several tinually enmeshed in relations of power. years in the 1980s with the Birmingham Despite Foucault’s neglect of gender, femi- Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies, nist approaches to sexuality were deeply did path-breaking research on working-class influenced by his attention to discourse and English adolescent culture which was the body. Some, such as Ann Stoler, launched later collected in her Feminism and Youth critiques of his stunning oversight of the Culture (1991). McRobbie continues to ana- colonial imprint on the history of sexuality lyze new configurations of in (Stoler, 1995).16 Others articulated his popular cultural forms and to tease out the insights with those of earlier feminists. possibilities for women’s sexual agency they Notable among them is Judith Butler, whose offer. In the last decades of the twentieth Gender Trouble (1990) brings into critical century feminists increasingly paid attention conversation ’s materialist to the double-edged limits and possibilities critique of heterosexuality and notion of the that capital’s commodification of bodies and lesbian as ‘not woman’ with Foucault’s con- consciousness poses for women. Susan cept of the discursively constructed subject Willis’s A Primer for Daily Life (1991) to advance a performative theory of gender extends the theory of the commodity to an and . Butler’s 1994 interview analysis of consumer culture’s impact on with Gayle Rubin teases out Rubin’s engage- children’s desires and negotiation of gender ment with Foucault as well as with Marxism differences, and she also looks to the utopian and underscores these two formidable femi- openings that nonetheless persist in child- nist theorists’ ties to materialist analysis. hood ritual and play. The US philosopher Female Sexualization: A Collective Work of Susan Bordo’s Unbearable Weight (1993) is Memory (1989), by Frigga Haug et al., another example of materialist feminist work appropriates some of Foucault’s insights for on the body that flourished in the 1990s. a more overtly socialist feminist approach to Bordo assesses the contemporary obsession sexuality. Written by a socialist feminist col- with the sexualized body as evident in cos- lective based in Hamburg and West Berlin, metic surgery, dieting and physical fitness the book makes a case for ‘memory work’ as training and situates this cultural phenome- a critical practice that entails writing narra- non in the changing relations of gender and tives about becoming a feminine sexualized labor for men and women. subject and reading them with and against a During the 1990s historical work in sexu- group’s theoretical reflections. ality studies, some of it feminist and loosely The emergence of cultural studies as a influenced by post-Marxist and Foucauldian broad-ranging field of inquiry in the 1980s historicism, was also analyzing the inflection was inspired by materialist efforts to address of sexuality by nation-state regimes and working-class and everyday cultural forma- drawing attention to sexual and racial forma- tions, and it eventually included innovative tions outside the over-developed world and feminist research on popular culture as a key across several zones of empire as they shaped

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state policy and the tourist industry work of lesbian feminists twenty years ear- (McClintock, 1995; Alexander, 1997). lier, by the 1990s it had a distinctly post- During these years feminist research on sex- structuralist twist, meaning that the focus had uality also drew attention to the interface of shifted to the instability of heterosexuality as sexuality and labor in the circuits of global an effect of language, representations and mobility. Notable examples include the spe- practices. Judith Butler’s argument for gen- cial section of Social Text (McClintock, der and sexual identity as performative prac- 1993) edited by Anne McClintock on the sex tices became a defining paradigm for many trade; Lillian Robinson and Ryan Bishop’s feminist scholars. Postmodern thought analysis of sexual cultures and the Thai eco- shaped feminist attention to sexuality in cos- nomic miracle (1998); and Kamala mopolitan centers across the west. The Kempadoo’s research on Caribbean tourism Chilean feminist theorist Nelly Richard’s and the sex trade (Kempadoo, 1999). With work in the 1980s and 1990s, translated into the demise of the Soviet Union socialist English in the volume Masculine/Feminine feminists were coming to terms with the (2004), also engages post-structuralism and paradoxical impact of socialism on women’s materialism to investigate the intersection of culture, labor and sexuality in their everyday gender and sexual identity. She explores the lives (Haug 1991). Cynthia Enloe’s 1993 figure of the transvestite, whose representa- investigation of ‘postwar postpatriarchy’ in tion exploded during the Pinochet regime Bosnia, El Salvador, Russia, Vietnam and against the background of prostitution and other countries makes incisive connections poverty and Chilean gay culture that was between the politics of sexuality and milita- disrupting the rigid structures of city life. A rism in the wake of the Cold War. Throughout more explicitly materialist feminist critique these years the Mexican feminist theorist of heterosexuality grounded in the Marxist Marta Lamas, who founded and directed the and socialist feminism of the 1970s was put journal Debate feminista, was also writing forward by British sociologists Stevi Jackson about the social production and commodifi- (1999) and Diane Richardson (1996). cation of women’s sexualized bodies and developing projects devoted to women’s reproductive health and the health needs of QUEER NEOLIBERAL NORMS independent sex workers. By the late 1990s and into the first decades of the twenty-first In the early 1990s the term ‘queer’ began to century feminists were organizing and writ- circulate in activist and social movement ing about the extreme sexual violence accom- discourse, displacing ‘’ and ‘gay panying warfare and the ravages of neoliberal liberation’ with a more diffuse emblem of capitalism. One notable example is the work non-normative resistance. The insurgence of of journalists and researchers, many materi- ‘queer’ was spurred in large part by the frus- alist feminists, working in collaboration with trations of organizing around HIV-AIDS, and activists on both sides of the US–Mexican it was groups such as ACT UP in the US and border, who have continued to address the its offshoot Queer Nation that early on pro- murders of hundreds of women in Ciudad moted ‘queer’ as the banner of a liberation Juárez, Mexico (Fregoso and Bejarano, 2010; politics that confronted the oppressive norms Ravelo and Domínguez-Ruvalcaba, 2006; of race, gender and sexuality. ‘Queer’ had an Wright 2006). uneasy and at times oblique relation to sexual One of the major effects of late twentieth- liberation’s more materialist analysis and century theoretical attention to sexual dis- activism, and some queer-identified groups course was the development of feminist had members with Marxist intellectual roots. critiques of heterosexuality. Although the For example, the organization OutRage!, institution of heterosexuality featured in the formed in 1990 in the UK, drew on members

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of the Marxist-leaning Gay Liberation Front new stage of capitalism that has come to be to fight against police brutality and advocate called ‘neoliberalism,’ and it is to some for gay and lesbian civil rights. Manifestos degree its byproduct. At the same time that and agit prop also at times merged queer and ‘queer’ was redefining sexual politics in the identity-based politics. For example, the streets and the study of sexuality in the uni- manifesto of ACT-UP’s offshoot Queer versity, neoliberal policies were loosening Nation targeted the violent effects of sexual state regulation of capital accumulation and norms and institutions while at the same time privatizing industries, social welfare and an explicitly endorsing a sexual politics that affective life of respectable consumer citi- aimed to ‘make every space a Lesbian and zenship. The once-fixed boundaries policing Gay space’ (Anon., 1990). ‘Queer’ quickly normative sexuality according to a hetero- travelled across the circuits of knowledge homosexual distinction were also relaxing as production in the cosmopolitan centers of the gay chic was being absorbed into cosmo- global north and south and moved into aca- politan culture and opening lucrative mar- demic writing as the sign of a critical con- kets. The result was the incorporation of frontation with heterosexuality and a homosexuals into a widening class divide rescripting of identity and politics. Queer and the creation of a limited version of theorists employ many of the reading strate- equality for a narrow and domesticated gay gies of deconstruction as well as Foucauldian sector. Although the neoliberal cultural materialist analysis to critique the violent imaginary came to include respectable queer regimes of the normal that reproduce cultural subjects and gay families, and big business distinctions – specifically, though not exclu- found new queer markets, norms regulated sively, the distinction between ‘homo’ and by sexual abjection continued to supplement ‘hetero’. The critical force of capital accumulation. lies in its successful denaturalizing of these In its early years, queer critique that and other cultural forms. In disclosing the addressed these contradictions was almost fluid and intersecting play of differences that non-existent. By the mid to late 1990s, how- undermines the stability of identities and ever, as the impact of neoliberal capitalism norms, it draws upon Foucault’s argument intensified, analyzes began to appear that that sexuality is a historical and discursive recast the insights of queer theory into a his- effect in a diffuse field of power relations. torically based materialist analysis that Undoubtedly queer theory generated new addressed capitalism’s expanding commod- lines of inquiry in feminist and lesbian and ity culture (Hennessy, 2000; Gluckman and gay studies, but, from its earliest formula- Reed, 1997; Morton, 1996). Some of that tions, its relation to feminism was vexed. work built upon critiques of ‘heteronorma- Some materialist feminists found its neglect tivity’ that began to circulate when Lisa of capitalism problematic. Other feminists Duggan and Michael Warner first introduced complained that queer approaches were dis- that term in 1998. Chrys Ingraham’s 1999 placing feminism’s attention to gender and analysis of the wedding industry disclosed failed to address the persistence of patriar- heterosexuality’s institutional and ideologi- chal gender oppression. Counter charges cal power, as does the anthology she later claimed that sexuality requires an analytic edited, Thinking Straight (2004). Several distinct from feminist preoccupations with important studies in the next decade attended gender. to the coalition of forces underlying the Like the uneven emergence of sexuality redistribution of wealth that neoliberal poli- as a topic of concern for feminists, intellec- cies were accomplishing and their impact on tual and political claims in the name of sexual, racial and gendered subjects. Lisa ‘queer’ were conditioned by historical devel- Duggan’s Twilight of Equality (2004) is a opments. Queer theory was born during a notable example. Another line of inquiry

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combined feminist and queer theory with the rather than the more philosophical ‘theory post-Marxist materialism of Foucault and per se’. The former develops concepts Deleuze to address the regulation of bodies through investigations of specific historical and subjects in the wake of burgeoning or social problems rather than putting for- nationalisms. Jasbir Puar’s Terrorist ward more generalized theories. Much of this Assemblages (2007), for instance, extends research does not actually advance a histori- the critique of homonormative ideologies to cal materialist or socialist feminist analysis ‘homonationalisms’ that shore up US impe- or investigate sexuality’s relation to labor, rial ambitions by distinguishing ‘properly but it does enable a fuller understanding of hetero and homo’ citizens from perversely the operation of sexual norms in nation-state sexualized and racialized Arabs, Muslims institutions and imperial policies, and to and Sikhs. some extent engages intellectuals from out- Much of this new research in sexuality side the global north. Among the few recent studies was pursuing critical avenues opened studies of sexuality that do situate their argu- by decades of activism in the streets, and ments quite firmly within historical material- some important studies reflect on the impli- ist feminist theory is Kevin Floyd’s The cations of the institutional assimilation of Reification of Desire (2009), which returns to queer and feminist social movements Georg Lukác’s concept of reification to (Wiegman, 2012; R. Ferguson, 2012). The locate the roots of queer politics in the emer- 2005 special issue of Social Text, which gence of twentieth-century consumer culture marked the fifteenth anniversary of queer and sexualized masculine identities. theory, charts needed developments in a Hegemony and , edited by materialist queer theory. Among those they the Berlin-based scholars María do Mar name are the militarization of state violence Castro Varela, Nikita Dhawan and Antke and the escalation of the US empire; the Engel (2011), reclaims the early twentieth- clash of religious fundamentalisms; the ero- century Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci’s sion of civil rights; the pathologizing of concept of hegemony to explain both the co- immigrant communities; shifting forms of optation and subversive potential of ‘queer’ migration; and the return to domesticity as a as a political stance. prophylactic against economic redistribution and cultural dissent (Eng et al., 2005). This list could also serve as a map for new direc- NEW DIRECTIONS tions in materialist feminist theoretical work on sexuality, with the addition of concerns The historical urgencies of the present and that are likely to continue impacting women foreseeable future call for analyzes of sexuality and populations, such as reproductive that will delineate its ties to the contradictions and sexual health, human trafficking, sex and uneven developments of capitalism – the tourism, sexual violence and the role of sexu- cultural values that legitimize greed and ality in collective efforts to build alternative unmet need and the openings that nonetheless ways of life. persist for erotic attachments that are integral The most notable examples of twenty-first to aspirations for an alternative way of life. century materialist work in Both young and established scholars in the affirm a debt to feminist theory and social new millennium are doing theoretically movement and insist that no politics will get informed work on neoliberal capital’s con- us very far without a critical purchase on the tinuing expansion and the role of sexuality in ways that gender and sexual formations fea- organizing efforts against it, and some of the ture in capitalism. They are joined by a grow- most valuable scholarship is elaborating an ing number of feminist sexuality studies international and transnational materialist pursuing ‘theoretically informed’ research feminist analysis.

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Noteworthy among studies of the impact Scholarship on changing state and family of globalization in the afterlife of colonial- formations within and across the global north ism is work that addresses what it means to and south also has drawn attention to sexuality develop a critical perspective on the transna- as a feature of changing sexual practices in tional circulation of queer identities in private and public spaces and institutions advertising, film, performance art, the inter- (R. Ferguson, 2012; González-López, 2005; net or in the political discourses of human Valentine, 2007). Much of this research con- rights (Binnie, 2004; Cruz-Malavé and tinues to be informed by the influence of Manalansan, 2002). Some of the strongest post-Marxist materialism. Lisa Rofel’s recent work examines the sexual legacies of Desiring China (2007) is one instance which imperial culture in specific national con- draws upon Foucault and Deleuze and texts. The Canadian historian Joan Sangster Guattari to address the constitution of desire has championed a more solidly marxist in post-socialist China, where new forms of feminism that works with and against subjectivity, including gay identities, adhere Foucauldian concepts to draw out the history to the practice of becoming transnational of sexual regulation in Canada. Her citizens. Regulating Girls and Women (2001) investi- Intellectuals working outside the United gates the process by which the law in States and Europe are making notable con- Ontario, Canada constituted women and tributions to materialist histories and ana- girls as sexualized subjects and took them lyzes of sexual cultures and identities, and into the courts through issues such as incest, future theoretical inquiry will no doubt sexual abuse, prostitution and delinquency. build upon their contributions. Feminists Some recent materialist work investigates are conducting historical and ethnographic sexuality as a feature of neocolonial lega- research on sexuality in relation to moder- cies: for example, as a feature of the emo- nity, media, non-capitalist economic pro- tional labor of care work and the global sex jects and indigenous cultures in Nicaragua, industry; in the mapping of bodies and prac- Mexico, Iran and India (Howe, 2013; tices in the two-thirds world and its confron- Stephen, 2002; Najmabadi, 2005; tation by indigenous cultures and colonial Kotiswaran 2012). The journal positions heritages; and in the sexual politics of trans- frequently publishes research on sexuality national organizations such as the World by emergent Marxist or materialist feminist Bank.17 Another important line of investiga- scholars from Asia and the Asian diaspora. tion addresses sexuality as a feature of state Their special issue, ‘Beyond the Strai(gh)ts: policy and the policing of migration and Transnationalism and Queer Chinese diaspora, as, for example, in the disciplinary Politics’ (2010), edited by Petrus Liu and tactics of customs officials against lesbians Lisa Rofel, focuses on a new generation of and or in the regulation of asylum Chinese intellectuals who have turned to and tourism (Cantú et al, 2009; Luibhèid and queer sexuality as a discourse through Cantú 2005; Luibhèid, 2008; Reddy, 2005). which to analyze a more complex and A recent new direction in sexuality studies transnationalized world after the demise of addresses varied forms of affective and sex- class struggle and national liberation as ual affiliation among migrant workers from politically effective metanarratives. Stevi diverse regions of the world. Nyan Shah’s Jackson, Liu Jieyu and Woo Juhyun’s col- (2012) research on the intimacies developed lection, East Asian Sexualities, contributes among South Asians, Afghanis and African to these debates with studies from China, Americans who came to the western regions Hong Kong, Taiwan, Korea and Japan. of the United States and Canada and con- As Petrus Liu contends, many Asian schol- fronted the state’s efforts to exert repressive ars are producing theories of sexuality that pressure on non-whites is one example. are incompatible with Foucault and that

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suggest that future work in sexuality stud- Mexican workers’ campaigns for freedom ies will need to address the assumption of of association, health and safety and clean Chinese – as well as other Asian and air, land and water, I began to see sexuality African – exceptionalisms (Liu, 2007). The and gender as strong attractors whose cul- question ‘Do non-western cultures have tural meanings feature both in capital’s histories of sexuality that cannot be accumulation of surplus labor and in collec- described by western categories?’ remains tive organizing for a better life. Workers’ a provocative one for materialist theories testimonies affirm that the human capacity to answer without forfeiting attention to for affective attachment is essential to sus- sexuality as a major vector in global capi- taining an organizing effort. While at times talism’s impact on national economies, it may be articulated in conventional formu- cultures and organized resistance. lations of sexuality and gender, it also can How sexuality features in the creation of spill into collective bonds that defy availa- alternative worlds is a topic broached by ble cultural categories. In Fires on the some of the most important new directions in Border (2013) I address the affectively materialist, feminist and queer studies, and it laden ability to collaborate as a surplus that draws upon utopian aspirations that have is never completely harvested by capital and been a recurring feature of the radical activ- that supports the common ground that ism of Gay Liberation, queer politics and organizing occupies. The affect-cultures of Marxist thought. Some of this work explic- labor and community organizing in Mexico itly makes a case for a queer uto- have a particular history, but iden- pian horizon (Muñoz, 2009), while other tifications and attachments that have been investigations probe the affective affiliations integral to collective struggles for dignity that can generate new possibilities of life and justice there also disclose features of even in the context of extraordinary neglect sexuality and the erotic energies that sup- and surveillance (Povinelli, 2011). plement it that also pertain to organizing Researchers in and on the global south, many efforts elsewhere. from materialist and socialist feminist stand- A reinvigorated materialist and feminist points, are raising new theoretical questions analysis of sexuality will continue to about sexuality and sexual identity as fea- amplify our understanding of sexuality’s tures of social movements that are confront- relation to the reproduction of social life, to ing neoliberal transnational policies and the ways that bodies and well-being are bio-politics: as features of the landless work- impacted by political economy and culture ers’ movement, the food sovereignty move- and to the animation or erosion of collective ment and the Occupy and indignad@s social movement toward life-enhancing movements (A. Ferguson, 2012). Research alternatives. Such a feminist analysis will on HIV-AIDS-related activism and on labor not of itself mend the violence of capitalism and community organizing is also probing that has so badly frayed the social fabric of the erotic dynamics of social movements and communities around the globe, but without suggesting that materialist theories of affect it feminist theory risks becoming irrelevant, are useful for assessing the role of sexuality unable to explain the conditions that shape and sexual identity in organizing efforts the desires and needs that organize peoples’ around basic needs and sustainable futures lives. The rich archive of Marxist and (Gould, 2009; Hennessy, 2013). socialist feminist analysis of sexuality’s My own most recent research has focused material history is radical knowledge on what I call the ‘affect-culture’ of labor because it exposes the deeply rooted rela- organizing by workers in the factories for tion of sexual norms and practices to capi- assembly-for-export in northern Mexico. tal’s political economy and imperial Over the past fourteen years, as I supported ambitions. As such, it is an indispensable

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resource as feminist theory continues to labor. Indeed, some materialist feminist analysis offer conceptual maps for the making of a does not address capitalism per se at all, devoting better world. attention primarily to political or cultural prac- tices formulated as discipline, governmentality or bio-politics. For critiques of this approach, see Conaghan, 2009; Giménez, 1997; Hennessy and NOTES Ingraham, 1997: ‘Introduction’. For Marxist and socialist feminists, class is the 1 The very term ‘materialism’ is a site of debate in fundamental social relation through which capital feminist theory. Marxist feminism has the clos- is accumulated, and this accumulation depends est theoretical ties to the philosophy of historical upon cultural values that include sexuality. This materialism, even as it also expands this analysis understanding of class is quite different from the of social relations to take into account the ways commonsense notion which marks distinctions capitalism relies upon patriarchal and imperial in status among groups rather than a social rela- domination. I use a lower case ‘m’ for ‘marxist tion between those who own and control capital feminism’ throughout the chapter to signify this and those who do not. While feminist materialist critical engagement with Marxism. A key distinc- approaches have differing conceptions of class, tion of marxist feminism is the priority it gives to each takes sexuality to be a historical discourse relations of labor necessary for survival, a process that draws upon gender and race in producing in which culture, including gender and sexuality, social subjects, embodied subjectivities and polit- prominently features. Marxist feminists approach ical standpoints. the oppression of women, sexual dissidents and 2 For examples, see The Modern Girl around the people of color as integral to capitalism and pay World Research Group, 2008. special attention to the ways ideologies of race, 3 On Flynn, see her autobiography (Flynn, 1973); gender and sex legitimize the devalued labor that also Rowbotham, 1992: 151–62; and Tax, feeds capital accumulation. 2001. On Browne, see several of her pamphlets Socialist feminism is a term that gained traction reprinted in Rowbotham, 1977 and her collabo- in the 1970s, although since the nineteenth cen- rative text on abortion (Browne et al., 1935). tury women had been part of socialist movements 4 Notable sex radicals of the late nineteenth century and promoted women’s issues as vital to them. in the United States included Victoria Woodhull, By the mid-twentieth century socialist feminism Angela Heywood, Lois Waisbrooker, Lucinda began to bring together the insights of radical Chandler, Ida Craddock, Lillie D. White, Dora feminism’s critique of patriarchy with Marxism’s Foster, Dr. Alice Stockham and Lillian Harman. historical materialist class analysis. While socialist 5 Other birth control champions included Kate feminists call for the transformation of capitalism, O’Hare and Agnes Smedley (US), Marie Stopes they are reluctant to theorize gender and race as (UK) and Kato¯ Shidzue (Japan). Many other components of a single integrated capitalist sys- women who set up birth control clinics and saved tem. Socialist feminists maintain that patriarchal women’s lives around the world remain hidden sex–gender relations are semi-autonomous from from history. capitalism, and they support the political impor- 6 See the Canadian scholars Benston (1969), tance of an autonomous P. Morton (1971), and Seacombe (1974); also (Ferguson, 1989; 1991; Vogel, 1995: 40–46). the Italian feminist Maria Dalla Costa and her Materialist feminism is a term that also collaborator, then US-based Selma James, who emerged in the mid to late twentieth century, together with other feminists launched the coined by the French feminist Christine Delphy in movement (1972). 1975 (Delphy, 1980; Jackson, 1996). Materialist 7 For critiques of Rubin’s essay from a Marxist femi- feminism initially signified a feminist intervention nist position, see Hartsock, 1985: 293–304; and into Marxism that embraced its materialist prem- Hennessy, 2000: 179–89. ises but reoriented key concepts such as class and 8 See Rubin, 2012 for her reflections on the signifi- labor. By the end of the 1990s, however, materi- cance of these two essays. alist feminism’s ties to historical materialism had 9 See Hatem, 1987 for an assessment of Marxian considerably loosened to the point that a good approaches to women’s sexuality in this period deal of work that deployed this term had become that consider patriarchal class formations in the post-Marxist, meaning that its analyzes tended Middle East. to focus on culture, ideology or state formations 10 The other three statements are from the Socialist and rejected the Marxist concept of capitalism as Feminist Conference in Yellow Springs, OH; the an integrated system or social totality in which Berkeley-Oakland Women’s Union; and an analy- culture is linked to relations of property and sis of Marxist-Feminist Groups 1–5.

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11 See the response to Barrett and McIntosh by Bhavnani, K.K. and Coulsen, M. (1986) ‘Transforming Bhavnani and Coulsen, 1986. Socialist Feminism: The Challenge of Racism’, 12 Among groups that set out to develop Marxist Feminist Review, 23: 81–92. or socialist (though not feminist) analyzes of Binnie, J. (2004) The Globalization of Sexuality. London: sexuality were the Los Angeles Research Group; Sage. the Lavender and Red Union (Los Angeles); Red Bordo, S. (1993) Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Butterfly (New York); the Gay Left Collective (UK); and the Gay Socialist Action Project (New York Western Culture, and the Body. Berkeley: University City). See also Mieli on Italian Gay Liberation and of California Press. the Gay Left in the UK. Browne, F.W.S., Ludovici, A.M. and Roberts, H. (1935) 13 Her lecture ‘The Straight Mind’, delivered to the Abortion. London: Allen and Unwin. Modern Language Association that year, was Buhle, M.J. (1981) Women and American Socialism, published two years later in Questions Féministes. 1870–1920. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 14 Jackson and Scott, 1986 include a section on Bunch, C. (1987) Passionate Politics. New York: St. these debates as well as a section on related Martin’s. debates regarding the commercialization of sex. Butler, J. (1990) Gender Trouble: Feminism and the See also Vance, 1984. Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge. 15 For notable examples see Chauncey, 1995; D’Emilio and Freedman, 1997; Lovell, 1987; Butler, J. (1994) ‘Interview with Gayle Rubin’, differ- Newton et al., 1983; Newton and Rosenfelt, ences, 6(2–3): 62–99. 1986; Stansell, 1987; Walkowitz, 1982; 1992. Cantú, L., Naples, N. and Vidal Ortiz, S. (2009) Sexuality 16 Critiques of Foucault’s neglect of gender also and Migration: Border Crossings and Mexican can be found in Diamond and Quinby, 1988 and Immigrant Men. New York: New York University Hekman, 1996. Press. 17 On global care and sex industries, see Ehrenreich Carby, H. (1987) Reconstructing Womanhood: The and Hochschild, 2002; Hoang, 2010. On trans- Emergence of the Afro-American Woman Novelist. national sex practices, see Bedford, 2009; Garza Oxford: Oxford University Press. Carvajal, 2003; Domínguez-Ruvalcaba, 2007; Chauncey, G. Jr. (1995) Gay New York: Gender, Urban Green, 2001; Green and Babb, 2002; Liu, 2007; 2010. Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World, 1890–1949. New York: Basic Books. Conaghan, J. (2009) ‘ and the Feminist Project in Law’, in Emily Grabham et al. (eds), REFERENCES Intersectionality and Beyond: Law, Power, and the Politics of Location. London: Routledge-Cavendish. Alexander, M.J. (1997) ‘Erotic Autonomy as a Politics pp.21–48. of Decolonization: An Anatomy of Feminist and Cruz-Malave, A. and Manalansan, M. (eds) (2002) State Practice in the Bahamas Tourist Industry’, in Queer Globalizations: Citizenship and the Afterlife M. Jacqui Alexander and Chandra Talpade of Colonialism. New York: New York University Mohanty (eds), Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Press. Legacies, Democratic Futures. New York: D’Emilio, J. and Freedman, E. (1997) Intimate Matters: Routledge. pp.63–100. A History of Sexuality in America. Chicago: University Anon. (1990) ‘ read this’ (www.actupny.org/ of Chicago Press. documents/QueersReadThis.pdf) Accessed on March Dalla Costa, M. and James, S. (1972) The Power of 31, 2014. Women and the Subversion of the Community. Barrett, M. (1980) Women’s Oppression Today: London: Falling Wall Press. Problems in Marxist Feminist Analysis. London: De Beauvoir, S. (1989) . First published Verso. 1949. New York: Vintage. Barrett, M. and McIntosh, M. (1985) ‘Ethnocentrism Delphy, C. (1980) ‘A Materialist Feminism is Possible”, and Socialist Feminist Theory’, Feminist Review, 20: Feminist Review 4: 79–104. 23–47. Diamond, I. and Quinby, L. (eds) (1988) Feminism and Bedford, K. (2009) Developing Partnerships: Gender, Foucault: Reflections on Resistance. Boston: Sexuality, and the Reformed World Bank. Northeastern University Press. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Do’ Mar Castro, M., Dhawan, N. and Engel, A. (eds) Benston, M. (1969) ‘The Political Economy of Women’s (2011) Hegemony and Heteronormativity: Revisiting Liberation’, Monthly Review, 21: 13–25. ‘the Political’ in Queer Politics. London: Ashgate.

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