Hoehn: The American Labor Movement [Dec. 1902] 1

The American Labor Movement [A reply to Eugene Debs] by G.A. Hoehn

Published in The International Socialist Review [Chicago] v. 3, no. 6 (Dec. 1902), pp. 401-411.

I. Socialist movement. In 1893 the Socialist vote in the was less than 26,000. Today the entire There seems to be considerable misapprehension, Socialist vote is about 300,000. Which goes to prove especially among Socialists, in regard to the that the same economic causes that produce Trade movement of the United States of America, and not Unionism also produce Socialism. The economic truth only in regard to the trade union movement of the that “Labor creates all social value” is recognized and Western states, as Comrade Eugene V. Debs seems to propagated by the Socialists and Trade Unionists; and think, according to the views expressed in his article the more powerful Capitalism, the more intense the on “The Western Labor Movement” in the November exploitation of the masses of , the more hope- [1902] issue of The International Socialist Review. less the prospects for better timers, the more general Many years’ experience has convinced me that the unrest and the desire for economic, political, and the relationship between trade unionism and Social- social changes, hence the more intense intellectual ac- ism, i.e., the attitude of the politically organized So- tivity among the working class and those directly and cialists toward the Trade Union and general labor immediately dependent on the productive labor of movement, is the most vital question in the American others. All this tends to extend and strengthen the or- Socialist movement. The very existence of the Social- ganization and influence of Labor, both economic and ist Party depends on the solution of this question, while political. the Trade Union movement will be greatly benefited It might be claimed that the economic organi- and strengthened and its permanent success assured zation of Labor in this country was stronger in 1885- by the adoption of such fundamental Socialist tactics 86 than in 1893. This is not correct. With equal right as will guarantee the healthy cooperation between the we could assert that the Socialist movement of 1878- economic and political forces of labor in the great 80 was stronger than in 1902, because 2 or more So- struggle of emancipation. cialists were elected to the Chicago City Council. The It is significant to know that the Socialist move- fact of the matter is that the Socialist movement of ment develops in about the same manner and ration 1878-80 was a straw-fire of the first Socialist enthusi- as the Trade Unions. Compare the growth in the mem- asm without any backbone, a political protest of La- bership of the American Federation of Labor to the bor against the atrocities committed by Capitalism growth of the Socialist vote since 1893. The AF of L during the great railroad strike of 1877. In 1885-86 had just recovered from the general reaction that fol- the American proletariat, for the first time in the in- lowed the 8 hour movement of 1885-86, with its Hay- dustrial history of Capitalism, felt the general depres- market and Nov. 11th tragedies. For some time the sion and the rapidly increasing misery and poverty. Federation membership remained almost stationary at According to Carroll D. Wright’s first annual report, the 100,000 mark. Today its membership is nearly 1.5 that appeared in 1886, the number of unemployed million, or, to be very conservative, at least 10 times as had increased to over 1 million. high as in the early ’90s. The same can be said of the What was to be done? Reduction of the hours of 1 2 Hoehn: The American Labor Movement [Dec. 1902]

labor! “Eight hours!” soon became the general demand demands of their employees out of sheer fear of an of organized Labor. After less than 6 months of agita- impending social revolution. However, the enemies of tion and organization on the part of a small number Labor were not resting on their oars; they soon orga- of American pioneer Trade Unionists and German- nized for “self-defense and resistance.” The struggle speaking Socialists this country witnessed one of the between Organized Labor and Organized Capitalism most wonderful proletarian uprisings in the history of was on. the international labor movement. From those days The Order of the K of L went out of existence; on, the Trade Union movement became an important it had fulfilled its historical mission by demonstrating factor in the industrial and social development of this the power and solidarity of Labor. The K of L went country. down, not because Powderly was a demagogue, not Here is, in short, the historical recapitulation: because Sovereign was a capitalist politician, not be- The emancipation of the chattel slaves increased the cause Professor DeLeon tried to use the “remnants” to desperate competition on the “free labor market.” The mend the SLP coat, but because the very form of the new civil war began. While the capitalist tried to buy K of L organization was not adapted to the modern the commodity, labor, as cheap as possible, the wage- forms of warfare in the proletarian class struggle. worker, in order to sustain life, had to demand as high a price for his labor-power as possible. These diametri- II. cally opposed class interests cause considerable fric- tion, and soon a lively fight was begun. Seeing that The attitude of the Socialists towards the Trade the individual wage-worker was a mere straw in the Union movement during the last 15 years furnishes a wind when it came to the question of resisting the most interesting subject for the student of the Ameri- encroachments of Capitalism, the workmen united can labor movement. It is a fact that the old German into unions — local, national, and international unions Socialists, most of whom were compelled to leave their — and Knights of Labor assemblies. The capitalists country, their homes, their relatives and friends under lost no opportunity to reduce the wages the lengthen the Bismarckian Anti-Socialist laws, became the most the daily working time of their employees. Wherever active pioneers of American Trade Unionism. Hun- human labor-power did not realize the desired rate of dreds and thousands of unions were organized by and profit for the employer, new labor-saving machinery through them. was introduced, thousands of men being forced out of When, after the Haymarket tragedy in Chicago, work. Women and children were hired to do the ma- May 4, 1886, the capitalists seemed to have things all chine work, because they worked for considerably less their own way, when the dark wave of reaction swept wages. The conditions of the wealth-producing people all over the country, threatening to destroy every labor grew worse from day to day, and this state of affairs organization, the small pioneer band of German- caused general alarm. The workmen demanded higher American Socialists once more appeared in the deserted wages and shorter hours of labor. While certain trade arena of the class struggle, appealing to the wage-work- unions had existed many years before the Civil War ers to resist the desperate attempts to crush Organized broke out, and while efforts were made by these trade Labor, by organizing an independent political labor unions to better the condition of their members, it movement. This appeal was heeded. In the various parts must be borne in mind that the modern labor move- of the country Union Labor Parties were organized ment, the struggle between Capitalism and Labor did and thousands of votes cast for independent labor can- not amount to much until 1885 and 1886, when the didates. In 67,000 votes were polled for general 8-hour movement was inaugurated; i.e., the , and the capitalist politicians were movement for a general reduction of the hours of la- frightened like little children overtaken by a severe bor. thunderstorm. “Labor laws” by the bushel were passed The capitalist class had never dreamed of the by the different state legislatures and city councils and possibilities of such a movement. Indeed, the move- everything possible was done to check this indepen- ment was a surprise to them, and many granted the dent political labor movement. Labor leaders were pro- Hoehn: The American Labor Movement [Dec. 1902] 3 vided with political jobs, thereby mortgaging them- tarians were marching from the Pacific coast, “On to selves, body and soul, to the old capitalist parties. Washington!” singing Hamlin Garland’s labor hymn: Democratic and Republican politicians tried to get control over the local central labor unions, and the We have seen the reaper toiling in the heat of summer sun, We have seen the children needy when the harvesting is done; struggles the Socialists had to get these elements out We have seen a mighty army dying helpless one by one, and force them to the rear are of historical significance While their flag went marching on. and importance. Oh, the army of the wretched, how they swarm the city street, In 1890 the Socialists of Germany polled about We have seen them in the midnight, where the Goths and 1 million votes, thereby putting an end to the political Vandals meet; life of the Iron Chancellor, Prince Bismarck, the origi- We had shuddered in the darkness at the noise of their feet, nator of the anti-Socialist laws. This tremendous So- But their cause goes marching on. cialist vote surprised the entire civilized world, and, But no longer shall the children bend above the whizzing wheel, naturally enough, the Socialist movement in this coun- We will free the weary women from their bondage under steel, In the mines and in the forest, worn and helpless, men shall try, being almost exclusively German up to but a few feel years ago, could not escape the influence of this great His cause is marching on. Socialist victory in the old country. The Socialist La- bor Party decided to become an active political party Meanwhile the capitalist system of production and nominate straight Socialist tickets wherever pos- developed wonderfully into pools and syndicates and sible. In 1892 the first Presidential candidate on a trusts, and the concentration of capital went on in ever- strictly Socialist ticket was put in the field and 21,512 increasing rapidity. While the wage-workers were more votes were cast for the same. and more pauperized, the middle class of manufactur- As already mentioned, the Socialist movement ers and merchants were driven into bankruptcy and of this country was almost exclusively a German-speak- despair. ing movement, and with the exception of Boston, Under such favorable economic and social con- Chicago, and San Francisco there were almost no na- ditions it was only natural that both the Trade Unions tive American elements active in or for the Socialist and the Socialist movement should grow. The eyes of Party. The conditions for a truly American Socialist the intelligent working class elements were gradually movement were not yet ripe, and if a hundred silver- opened, and no longer could the capitalist politicians tongued Socialist agitators would have preached the scare them by waving the red flag in the bull’s face and doctrines of Socialism it would not have changed the by wrongfully denouncing the Socialists as the enemies political situation very much. In 1892 the great strike of “our stars and stripes.” in Homestead, Pa., broke out; 10,000 state militia- The Spanish-American War, with its contempt- men were called to arms to break this labor insurrec- ible feature of “Cuban Emancipation” by the specula- tion, after the Pinkerton hordes had been almost an- tors in Wall Street, resulted in tearing the mast of pa- nihilated during the memorable battle on the banks triotic hypocrisy off the face of our American plutoc- of the Monongahela River. A decade of the capitalist racy. This Cuban Emancipation War, followed by the reign of terror began. In Buffalo, Cripple Creek, Coeur “benevolently assimilating” war against the Filipinos, d’Alene, Brooklyn, Tonawanda, Chicago (Pullman), 10,000 miles off our shores, disclosed the imperialist Cleveland, St. Louis, and other cities the militia, fed- secrets and desires of American Capitalism. “Our stars eral troops, police, and deputy sheriffs were pressed and stripes” were used as a means to fool the people into service against the onward march of Organized into a patriotism of the insane and to make them fight Labor. Tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands, of for American capitalist expansion in Central America men went on strike for better conditions. While the and in far-off East Asia. “Overproduction” at home, capitalists were celebrating their World’s Fair in Chi- with thousands of working people starving, induced cago [1893] thousands of unemployed were holding our industrial lords and commercial pirates to secure meetings on the highways and byways all over the foreign markets, by peaceful tricks and speculations, country and soon hungry, suffering American prole- if possible; if not, by force of arms and at the price of 4 Hoehn: The American Labor Movement [Dec. 1902] hundreds of thousands of human lives and the free- finally threatened the very existence of their Socialist dom of foreign nations that had been almost unknown movement for the time. Section New York, Socialist to us 5 years ago. Labor Party was represented by delegates in the New During the last 3 or 4 years the American Trade York Central labor Federation. This Federation elected Union and the Socialist movements have doubled and Lucien Sanial as delegate to the Detroit convention of trebled their membership, which may be mainly at- the AF of L. This caused a fight on the floor of the tributed to the above-pictured economic, political, and convention, and Thomas J. Morgan, delegate of the social conditions. Chicago Trades Assembly, although no quite in accord In view of the fact that the German-American with the New York move, fought a splendid battle in Socialists were ever anxious to get English-speaking favor of Sanial’s admission as a delegate. The AF of L, elements interested in their movement, it can readily however, decided not to admit Sanial because he did be understood how men with no exceptional or ex- not represent any Trade Union, but was a direct repre- traordinary intellectual powers or ability could play sentative of a political party. the leading roles in the Socialist movement. “We must Here the trouble began. A campaign of revenge have the Americans!” “We must reach the English- was opened against the AF of L through Section New speaking elements!” were the often-repeated expres- York, admitting their mistake of being directly repre- sions of our old German comrades. I remember the sented in a central trade union body, withdrew its del- great rejoicing of our old pioneer friends when in 1889 egates from the Central Labor Federation soon after. they succeeded in securing the services of the renowned Messrs. DeLeon, [Hugo] Vogt, Sanial, and others con- adventurer, Professor Garside, of Baltimore. Professor tinued their nefarious propaganda, and when in 1895 Dan DeLeon entered the Socialist movement (as an the AF of L convened in New York, the above-men- inheritance of the Henry George campaign) as a man tioned “leaders of Socialism” had their plans and of less than average intelligence; but our German com- schemes cut and dried; they launched a Socialist Trades rades were anxious “to reach the English-speaking & Labor Alliance on the troubled waters of the Ameri- people,” and so Professor DeLeon was enveiled with a can labor movement, and the birth of this “enfant ter- cloud of supernatural gift and power, was nursed and rible” was celebrated in grand style and with at least a flattered until he himself got the idea of being the dozen times more “enthusiasm and inspiration and personification of Socialist wisdom and the incarna- hopes for the dawn of proletarian emancipation” than tion of political omnipotence. the late Denver convention of the Western Labor or The attitude of the Socialist Labor Party towards American Labor Union. the Trade Union movement from 1890 to the present The Socialist Labor Party was almost a unit in day has been a most unfortunate one, and we should endorsing the new union movement. In 1896 DeLeon, profit by their expensive experience. While theoreti- Sanial, and Vogt succeeded in hypnotizing and deceiv- cally the Socialist Party adopted an entirely new policy, ing the Socialist Labor Party convention held in the in reality the everyday practice of many of our party city of New York and the Socialist Trades & Labor members differs but little from the SLP methods. Alliance was officially endorsed. DeLeon, Sanial, and Unfortunately there are still many Socialists who look Vogt pledged their word of honor that their new union upon the Trade Unions as a movement without any movement was not directed against the AF of L or historic missionary and emancipating merits of its own, against any of the existing labor organizations. For but which should be made the tail end of some Social- hours they tried to prove by statistical figures how they ist political movement. would get the unorganized into line, and that they had not the least intention of organizing rival unions. III. Poor creatures! From that hour on the open hostilities and at- In 1891 the American Federation of Labor met tacks on the American Federation of Labor began, and in Detroit, Mich. Our New York comrades made a with this warfare of revenge and destruction on the serious break that caused them much trouble and economic field also commence the demoralization and Hoehn: The American Labor Movement [Dec. 1902] 5

the suicidal work of the Socialist Labor Party itself. IV. The ST&LA got unavoidably mixed up in fights against a number of national unions, the SLP could In his article on “The Western Labor Movement” not escape the consequences, section after section of in November [1902] International Socialist Review, the party was suspended for violating the “Estiela” prin- Comrade Eugene V. Debs speaks of “the lukewarm ciples and tactics. Suspension and expulsion right and comment and the half-approving, half-condemning left, until Sanial expelled Vogt, and DeLeon expelled tone of the Socialist Party press and the uncalled for, Sanial, and [Henry] Kuhn will expel DeLeon, and the unwise, and wholly unaccountable official pronuncia- dog’s tail will swallow the dog itself. mento of the St. Louis ‘Quorum’” in reference to the These are historical facts. action of the Western Labor Union in favor of Social- In 1898 the Social Democratic Party was orga- ism at its Denver convention. nized in Chicago after the secession from the Colo- Furthermore, Comrade Debs says: nists. The SDP, not without considerable opposition, Stripped of unnecessary verbiage and free from adopted a new policy concerning the attitude of the subterfuge, the Socialist Party has been placed in the Socialists towards the Trade Union movement. This attitude of turning its back upon the young, virile, class- attitude was re-endorsed by the Indianapolis conven- conscious union movement of the West, and fawning at the feet of the “pure and simple” movement of the East, and tion a year later, and in July 1901, the Unity conven- this anomalous thing has been done by men who are tion [also held at Indianapolis] unanimously adopted supposed to stand sponsor to the party and whose utterance the following declaration, determining the attitude of is credited with being ex cathedra upon party affairs. They may congratulate themselves that upon this point the Socialist Party of America towards the Trade at least they are in perfect accord with the capitalist press, Unions: and also with the “labor lieutenants,” the henchmen, and the heelers, whose duty it is to warn the union against The Trade Union movement and independent political Socialism and guard its members against working class action are the chief emancipating factors of the wage- political action. working class. The Trade Union movement is the natural result of capitalist production, and represents the economic Having been the originator and most ardent sup- side of the working class movement. We consider it the duty porter of the above-mentioned “Quorum” resolution, of Socialists to join the unions of their respective trades I feel justified in more clearly stating my position in and assist in building up and unifying the trades and labor organizations. We recognize that trade unions are by the matter. Some Socialist papers have printed the historical necessity organized on neutral grounds, as far as “Quorum” resolution in full and commented on it. political affiliation is concerned. Others published the resolution without comment. We call the attention of trade unionists to the fact that the class struggle so nobly waged by the trade union forces Again, others commented or denounced the “Quo- today, while it may result in lessening the exploitation of rum” without publishing a line of the resolution. One labor, can never abolish that exploitation. The exploitation comrade editor complemented the “Quorum” mem- of labor will only come to an end when society takes possession of all the means of production for the benefit of bers as “Happy Hooligans” — but none of the social- the people. It is the duty of every trade unionist to realize ist papers, with but one or two exceptions, saw fit to the necessity of independent political action on Socialist discuss the action of the “Quorum” intelligently, as it lines, to join the Socialist Party and assist in building up a strong political movement of the wage-working class, whose would have been their duty to do. ultimate aim and object must be the abolition of wage- This showed a weak point in our party, a lack of slavery, and the establishment of a cooperative state of clearness in the conception of the aims and objects of society, based on the collective ownership of all the means of production and distribution. our movement. The Western Labor Union convention endorsed This resolution is characteristic of our Socialist Socialism and the Socialist Party. Party movement, and sharply and strikingly draws the Every Socialist applauded this action. So did the line between the truly class-conscious Socialist move- St. Louis “Quorum.” ment and the misconceived, misunderstood, misin- The Western Labor Union changed its name into terpreted so-called class movement of DeLeonism. American Labor Union and decided to extend its field of operation to the Eastern states. 6 Hoehn: The American Labor Movement [Dec. 1902]

My experience prevented me from applauding ists. Strikers will get empty pockets, will get hungry, this second action of the convention. I do not care their families will suffer. what the promises or arguments of the delegates were Will a Socialist stomach stand more hunger and that took the above action. Whether the comrades and contraction than the conservative miner’s stomach in brothers were actuated by a spirit of resentment to- Pennsylvania? Will the Socialist striker’s family stand wards the AF of L, or by the desire to build up a So- the suffering and privations more patiently than the cialist trade union movement is not the question that family of the conservative? concerns me in this case. Neither can we consider what Answer, please! our wishes would be. We are confronted by condi- There is a limit to the sphere of Trade Union- tions and facts, not theories and wishes. ism. Keep this in your mind. What are the facts? Well, our ALU will strike at the ballot box, I hear some say. Comrade Debs knows the Western elements, he What have we got the Socialist Party for? knows their courage, their honesty, their energy, their The fact is this: The ALU cannot expand east of progressive spirit. All well and good. I have no reason the Mississippi without getting into a most disastrous to disbelieve him. But what does this prove? Does it fight against the AF of L. prove that the Westerners are more honest, more sin- Our Socialist Party movement cannot afford, has cere than the Eastern wage slaves? That they are more no right, to be dragged into a fight between two na- honest and sincere than those hundreds and thousands tional Federations of Trade Unions. of Socialists who assisted in the organization of the The St. Louis “Quorum” took action on the ALU Socialist Trades & Labor Alliance? matter after it was called upon to issue an organizer’s But the conditions and facts? commission of the Socialist Party to a general officer The American Labor Union, if it wants to carry and organizer of the American Labor Union, and after out it program as originally planned, will have to send considerable confusion had been created amongst our its organizers East, to St. Louis, Chicago, Milwaukee, comrades in various parts of the country, which goes New York, Boston. Having endorse the Socialist Party, to show that an attempt was made to drag the Social- the Socialist Party is expected to endorse the ALU and ist Party right into this trade union controversy and do what? rivalry. Organize ALU local unions. I do not speak for the “Quorum;” I express my Where? personal opinion and accept the responsibility of what In St. Louis, Chicago, Terre Haute, Milwaukee, I write or speak on this question. New York, Boston, Haverhill, Brockton, and elsewhere, Would Comrade Debs go to work and organize perhaps in the mining regions of Pennsylvania. the Terre Haute trades into ALU local unions? Cer- Next? tainly not. I don’t recognize and “pure and simple” Nearly every trade is organized in the cities and and “Socialist” Trade Unions, because I consider it ri- regions named. Organized under the AF of L. Well, diculous to make people believe that a mere pledge to we organize rival ALU local unions. a Socialist platform will make a man a Socialist or trans- What next? Will these new unions go ’way back form a conservative union overnight into a Socialist and sit down? union. No; they are anxious to expand, to grow. They Comrade Debs knows from experience that lead- will try to get new members. Where from? From the ers, no matter how honest, good, and Socialistic they old AF of L unions. may be, cannot create a labor movement where condi- Then they will make demands on the bosses. The tions are not favorable. Sam Gompers is not the AF of demands are refused. The strike begins. L, and I must protest against the assertion that the AF What next? of L unions have not assisted their Western brothers The ALU convention has endorsed Socialism; when in trouble. I remember one instance when the its members are supposed to be Socialist trade union- St. Louis Central Trades and Labor Union donated Hoehn: The American Labor Movement [Dec. 1902] 7 the entire Labor Day picnic income, amounting to but I cannot endorse it, still less can I encourage the about $700, to the striking members of the Western work in that direction. Miners’ Union. Here, again, I fully agree with Comrade Debs The Western brothers got sore at Sam Gompers when he says: and some other individuals and left the AF of L. They The party, as such, must continue to occupy this friendly had a perfect right to do so. But if other radical ele- yet non-interfering position, but the members may, of course, ments had done likewise, would there be such a splen- and in my judgment should join the trade unions East and did Socialist progress among the rank and file of the West and North and South and put forth their best efforts to bring the American labor movement to its rightful position AF of L as can be witnessed in every industrial center in the struggle for emancipation. of the East? Educate the rank and file, let them elect Social- May the time soon come when these factional ist delegates, representing the carpenters, miners, ci- fights will cease and the work of the grand army of garmakers, machinists, printers, etc., and you will Organized Labor will be crowned with victory and soon get rid of leaders whom you consider detrimen- success. tal to the progress of the movement. Comrades of the ALU, we may disagree as to Often, very often, have I been disappointed and tactics, but I am with you heart and soul in the glori- discouraged in the Trade Union movement, but this is ous war for the economic freedom of Labor. no reason why I should not continue the good work of Socialist propaganda in the movement. Yours for Labor and Socialism, I can fully understand the action of the Ameri- can Labor Union, I may excuse it to a certain extent, G.A. Hoehn.

Edited by Tim Davenport. Published by 1000 Flowers Publishing, Corvallis, OR, 2006. • Non-commercial reproduction permitted.

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