SACRIFICE, Pages 179-195 ARCH and IVE 5, FEASTING at TH E PALACE of NESTOR

HESPERIA 73 (2004) ANIMAL SACRIFICE, Pages 179-195 ARCH AND IVE 5, FEASTING AT TH E PALACE OF NESTOR

ABSTRACT

The contexts of burned faunal assemblagesfrom Blegen'sexcavations at the Palace of Nestor are examined in this paper. Special attention is given to a deposit of bones found in a corner of room 7 of the Archives Complex. It is argued that these bones, from at least 10 cattle, probablyrepresent the remains of a single episode of burned animal sacrificeand large-scale feasting that occurredshortly before the palacewas destroyed.Feasts of this sort are likely to have played a diacriticalrole in Mycenaean society.The bones may have been brought to room 7 in order to verify to palace authorities that a sacrificehad been completed.

The institution of feasting in Mycenaean palatial society has been a focus of investigations by Aegean prehistoriansfor more than a decade.' Analy- sis of Linear B texts has demonstrated clearly that revenue received by the palatial administration could be directed toward "the provision of state- organized banquets, whether of a religious or of a secular character."2Ar- chaeologists as well as art historians have considered the nature of such events and where they are likely to have been held.3 In many instances, as Killen has suggested, "state hospitality" no doubt helped "in holding to- gether the fabric of the society."4Differential access to food and drink, however, is also likely to have served to define and accentuate differences within that society, through what Dietler has described as the "diacritical" role of feasts.5

1. We would like to thank the two information.We also thank Natalia dine 1998, pp. 84, 87-88; Shelmerdine, Hesperiareviewers, Brian Hayden and Vogeikoff-Broganfor facilitatingour forthcoming;Davis and Bennet 1999, JeremyB. Rutter,and John Bennet, access to recordsfrom the Palaceof pp. 110-111; Whitelaw 2001, p. 58. Susan G. Cole, Michael Cosmopoulos, Nestor excavationsthat are archivedat 4. Killen 1994, p. 70. Robin Hdigg,Yannis Hamilakis, the American School of Classical 5. Dietler (2001, p. 85) writes that Michael Nelson, KerillO'Neill, Studies at Athens. a feast "involvesthe use of differenti- Thomas G. Palaima,Ruth Palmer, 2. Killen 1994, p. 70. See also ated cuisine and styles of consumption Kevin Pluta, Ian Rutherford,and Piteros, Olivier,and Melena 1990, as a diacriticalsymbolic device to natu- Cynthia W. Shelmerdinefor offering esp. pp. 171-184; Killen 1996, 1998a; ralize and reify concepts of rankeddif- comments on this articleor for Palaima2000. ferencesin the status of social ordersor respondinghelpfully to requestsfor 3. E.g., McCallum 1987; Shelmer- classes."

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Dietler and Hayden have divided contributions to their recent edited collection, Feasts:ArchaeologicalandEthnographic Perspectives on Food,Poli- tics, and Power, into two parts: papers that consider ethnographical and historical examples of feasting with a view to building frameworks within which archaeological data may be interpreted, and those "that attempt to with the detection of in the material record and to then grapple feasting 6. Dietler and Hayden 2001, p. 6. make plausible inferences about the social life and culture of the people 7. Isaakidouet al. 2002; see also who were producing and participating in those feasts."6 The present paper Halstead 2003, p. 259. Although in falls into the latter category. In it we consider burned faunal remains from this articlewe start from an analysisof Carl excavations at the Palace of Nestor at context ratherthan of faunalremains, Blegen's Pylos, newly analyzed we reach severalconclusions similarto Paul Halstead and Valasia that to shed on the by Isaakidou, promise light those of Halstead and Isaakidou of ritual animal sacrifice and in the at the practice feasting Peloponnese (forthcoming);neither colleague end of the 13th century B.C. (Fig. 1). In particularwe concentrate here on should, however,be implicated in any the interpretation of finds from room 7, part of the Archives Complex of of our more extremeflights of fancy. We are to Halstead and the palace. Examination of this room offers us an extraordinaryopportu- very grateful to information from close of the Isaakidoufor sharingtheir paperwith nity integrate already gleaned analysis us in advanceof its and, content and context of Linear B texts with the results of of other publication study more generally,for the enjoyable artifacts and animal bones that were found in the same room. In so doing collaborationthat we have had with we considerably expand remarksand interpretations published elsewhere.7 them. FEASTING AT THE PALACE OF NESTOR I8I

Figure 1 (opposite).Plan of the Palace Dietler and Haydenobserve that it maybe possibleto recognizethe of Nestor showingthe locationsof archaeologicalconsequences of particularfeasts.8 We suggestthat this is five groupsof burnedanimal bones. preciselythe caseat Pylos,where several deposits of faunalremains appear A sixthgroup was probablyfrom the to be the remnantsof burnedanimal sacrifices made on a single occasion samegeneral area as groups3-5. and of the distributionof meatto a numberof individu- R. Robertson,after C. based consequent large J. J. Wright, events finds room occurred on PalaceofNestor I, foldoutplan by als. The last of these (representedby in 7) J.Travlos shortlybefore the finaldestruction of the Palaceof Nestor.We arguethat feasts incorporatingthese practices,among their many other meanings and effects,played a diacriticalrole within Mycenaeansociety, and in this regardour paper complements a discussionof hierarchicalMycenaean feasting soon to be publishedby Lisa Bendall.9

ANIMAL BONES FROM THE EXCAVATIONS

In 1997, severalmembers of the Pylos RegionalArchaeological Project (PRAP)began to reinventoryand publish finds from Blegen's excavations at the Palaceof Nestor,now storedin the nearbyArchaeological Museum of Hora.'oOne goal of the projectwas to identifysignificant groups of ar- chaeologicalfinds left unpublishedby Blegen'steam. It soon becameap- parentthat thereexisted a largequantity of well-preservedanimal bones (weighingmore than 275 kg),most from clearly defined contexts, that had been little studied."1The decisionwas made to embarkon a systematic reexaminationof all animalbones preserved from Blegen's excavations and of the contextsin which he and his team had discoveredthem. Toward this end a researchteam was formed,consisting of Isaakidou,Halstead, andourselves. Isaakidou and Halstead have been responsible for the analysis of the faunalremains, while we have studiedthe stratigraphyof the rel- evantdeposits. In a preliminaryinventory made by Halsteadand Davis in 1998, Hal- stead observedthat the state of preservationand rangeof speciesrepre- sented by animalbones from six excavationunits from both inside and outsidethe palacecomplex were unusual: the bonesappeared to havebeen

8. Dietler and Hayden 2001, pp. 8-9. ture.We are gratefulto the late Wil- room,especially Maria Antoniou, 9. Bendall, forthcoming.Halstead liam D. E. Coulson and to James D. EmmettL. Bennett,Hariclia Brecou- and Isaakidou(forthcoming) similarly Muhly, formerdirectors of the School; laki,Suzanne Hofstra, Julie Hruby, suggest on the basis of the faunalre- to Maria Pilali, administratorof the MichaelLane, Sari Miller-Antonio, mains in room 7 and elsewhereat Pylos School; and to the office of the Greek LynneSchepartz, Robert Schon, Nick that feasting and animal sacrificeplayed ArchaeologicalService at Olympia, Thompson,and Erin Williams. a significantrole in legitimating social particularlyits director,Xeni Arapoyi- 11. Someof thesebones had been distinctionsthere. anni, and Yioryia Hatzi, curatorof brieflydescribed by Nobis(1993) who, 10. This enterprise,called the Hora antiquities.The reorganizationof the however,did not haveaccess to pri- Apotheke ReorganizationProject, has storeroomsand our efforts towardre- maryexcavation records. Since it was been directedby Stocker,with advice publicationof Blegen'sfinds have been clearto us thatthe bonesthat he had from Davis, Bennet, and Shelmerdine. supportedby the Institute for Aegean examinedranged in datefrom the end Researchhas been conductedunder Prehistoryand the Louise Taft Semple of the EarlyBronze Age untilthe final the auspicesof the American School Fund of the Department of Classics of destructionof the palacein LateHel- of Classical Studies at Athens, in the Universityof Cincinnati.We also ladic(LH) IIIB,and that he hadseen accordancewith the terms of a permit thank all those who have assistedin onlypart of the totalcollection, a fuller grantedby the Greek Ministry of Cul- reorganizingthe second Blegen store- studyseemed warranted. 182 S. R. STOCKER AND J. L. DAVIS

~mand ible femu hum rus

Figure2. Bovine skeletonshowing bones representedin the depositsof burned bones. CourtesyV. Isaakidou andP. Halstead entirelyburned and to consistalmost totally of partsof mandiblesand leg joints of cattle (Fig. 2).12 The six groupsof burnedbone were studiedin greaterdetail in September2000 by Halstead and Isaakidou,who con- cludedthat eachis the remnantof a highlystructured deposit. The groups arecontaminated by only a few fragmentsof unburnedbone, which clearly differfrom the burnedmaterial in termsof their anatomicaland/or taxo- nomic character.The burnedmaterial thus seems to havebeen deposited with some care,rather than havingbeen discardedwith mixedrefuse. It is our contentionthat these depositsare the end productof ritual practice,the burnedbones probablyrepresenting a sacrificeto the gods. Accordingto Halsteadand Isaakidou,all six groups"exhibited a more or lessdistinctive degree and type of burning,suggesting derivation from single burningepisodes rather than the collectionfor disposalof bones burned independently."'3Many of the bonesbear clear traces of knifemarks con- sistenteither with dismemberingor filleting,suggesting that they had been strippedof meat before burning.Deep chop marksor fracturepatterns characteristicof deliberatebreakage of the bone, for examplein marrow extraction,were not observed. Furtherstudy confirmed that the burnedbone consistsalmost exclu- sivelyof cattle (5-11 head per deposit)with partsof a single red deer in eachof two groups.14The bonesare highly selective in termsof anatomical

12. Halstead 2003, p. 259; Hal- 13. Halstead and Isaakidou,forth- regardingevidence for Mycenaean stead and Isaakidou,forthcoming. The coming. See also Halstead 2003 and burned animal sacrificeat Eleusis. excavationlabels preserved on groups Isaakidouet al. 2002. Our description Godart (1999) more generallydiscusses 1-5 recordthe followinginformation: of the bones and their condition is en- the sacrificeof animals,including 1) S2 1954. W Chasm. 10-12.7.54; tirely dependent on informationpro- cattle, in Linear B texts, while Palaima 2) Room 7 bone: S3 Room of pithos vided to us by Halstead and Isaakidou. (1989) is concernedspecifically with heapof bones;S3 NW extension; Recent discoveriesin the Cult Center cattle at Pylos. 3) WK4. SW wall E. 17.5.62; 4) WK6. at Mycenae and at the Mycenaean 14. Deer are representedin groups 1 Fire on top of wall E. p. 161. 7.7.62. shrine at Ayios Konstantinoson Me- and 6 (Halstead and Isaakidou,forth- WK354; 5) EBW. 3.6.61. GPA. 2. thana have also been thought to derive coming, table 1; see also above, n. 12, Tjfipoc2, 11. 1.10-1.30. sel. 26. The from sacrifices;in addition to references for the contexts). See Bennet's recent label on the sixth group is damaged and to these finds in Isaakidouet al. 2002, suggestion (2001, p. 35) that the unique incomplete, but seems to read "PNW" see Hamilakis and Konsolaki2004. referencesto deer in two Cr tablets may (see below, n. 17). See also Cosmopoulos 2003, pp. 16-18, represent"the elite's contributionto FEASTING AT THE PALACE OF NESTOR 183

composition, and are composed almost entirely of humerus, femur, and mandible bones (Fig. 2). Many of the cattle seem to have been adult bulls or steers.15 In 2001, examination of the excavation contexts of the six deposits of burned bone led us to the conclusion that none could be positively dated earlier than LH IIIA and that all probably belong to contexts dating to LH IIIB.16Three, and probably four, of the six deposits of burned bones were found in the northwest part of the site, just outside the Main Build- ing (Fig. 1, groups 3-5), and it seems likely that in each of these places bones from a sacrifice were purposely discarded.7 In Classical Greece the selective disposal of bones from a particular sacrifice appearsto have been unusual. Nemeth has reviewed the epigraph- ical evidence for the treatment of sacrificial waste.'8 Provisions included 1) statutes determining areas of disposal for ashes from the sacrificialaltar, dung from animals to be sacrificed, and excrement from the intestines of sacrificed animals; and 2) rules concerning the locations of tanneries that bought the hides of the sacrificed animals. The disposal of bones is not explicitly treated in these texts, however, and archaeologicalevidence suggests that, more often than not, they were simply swept from the altars and became part of the generalized refuse of a sanctuary.19

CONTEXT OF BURNED BONE IN ROOM 7

In contrast to most of the deposits of burned bone mentioned above, one deposit clearly lay on a floor of the Palace of Nestor at the time of its final destruction (Fig. 1, group 2). The faunal remains from this deposit, already recognized by Blegen as the probable remains of sacrifice (see below), were found stored in a wooden box and labeled in a way that left no feasts from their own special activities." fragmentsof burnedcattle bones from bone in this deposit and one in group 2 R. Palmeris currentlypreparing a PNW trenches 8/1 and 11, also located was found in September2002 by manuscripton deer in the Cr tablets in the northwestpart of the site, sug- Halstead and Isaakidou(we thank and in frescoesat Pylos. See also Ha- gested to Halstead and Isaakidouthat them for this information).It is likely milakis 2003 on the role of hunting in all derivedfrom the same deposit. It that the bones in group 1 had been prehistoricGreece. thus appearsprobable that the bones in removedfrom the floor of room 7 15. Halstead and Isaakidou,forth- the sixth groupwere found outside the when the southwestwall was robbed coming. Tablets from Pylos that ap- Main Building,in the same general in historicaltimes and had been pear to recordsacrificial animals also areaas groups 3-5. The contexts of dumped into the trenchleft afterthe expressa preferencefor males (see Kil- these deposits, as well as the natureof looting. At presentit does not seem len 1994, p. 80). But see Un 6, where the faunalremains from them, will be that the combinationof groups 1 and 2 only females are recorded.We are discussedin greaterdetail in a future resultsin an increasein the minimum gratefulto C. Shelmerdinefor remind- publicationcoauthored with Isaakidou numberof cattle representedin the ing us of this text. and Halstead. deposit in room 7. 16. Extensive deposits of animal In 1954, during excavationof the 18. Nemeth 1994. bones from earlierstages of the palace robbed-outsouthwest wall of room 7, 19. E.g., as at Kommos in Crete; see are preserved,but they are not similar another deposit of burnedbones Shaw 2000. At Didyma, intact (but in characterto the six groups of burned (group 1) was found. The full label unburned)thigh bones were deposited bone discussedhere. on the containerreads "S2 1954. in specialplaces (Tuchelt 1992). In 17. and 5 W Chasm. 10-12.7.54 Groups 3, 4, (see above, (S2 dug by general,see Higg 1998 for archaeologi- n. 12) were certainlyexcavated in E. Bennett) to earlyJuly: pot in '1939 cal evidence for ClassicalGreek animal these areas.In 2002, comparisonof the Trenches,numbered sherds Room 7 sacrifice. remainsfrom group 6 with isolated (Archives)Chasm."' A join between a 184 S. R. STOCKER AND J. L. DAVIS

Figure3. Spearheadand swordin room 7 at the time of excavation. Palace of Nestor ExcavationsArchive, Universityof Cincinnati, neg. 52-20: "Spear, Sword, and Tablet no. 10 [= Es 650], from East" doubt that they had been found in the western corner of room 7.20At least 10 head of cattle are represented.21 The progress of excavation of room 7 can be reconstructed from the field notebooks. On June 12, 1952, Blegen discovered a deposit of animal bones in room 7 of the Archives Complex (originally known as the "Room of the Pithos," later as the "Annex"to the Archives Room of the palace). He described that day'sexcavation in trench S3 NW extension (equivalent to the southwest part of room 7) as follows: West part of extension to south of it filled with fragments of gigantic pithos. A few tablets under pithos frag[ment]s. Close beside the above mentioned wall several miniature kylikes-1 or 2 intact. Also giant heap of bones apparently animal indicated on Theocharis plan.22 Blegen removed the deposit on June 18: Start removing heap of bones on W. side of N. Ext. and also the miniature pots and to clear floor, if any, under them.23 A spearhead and a sword also lay near the northwest wall of room 7, not far to the northeast of the bones and miniature kylikes. The spearhead is complete; the sword, although shattered when found, is nearly complete and its bronze is well preserved. All of these objects are clearly visible on photographs taken at the time of excavation (Figs. 3, 4).24 A plan by

20. See n. 12 abovefor the context probablydo not representthe gradual 22. CWB 1952, p. 39. The wall near indicatedon the originalexcavation accumulationof bonesfrom individu- which the miniaturekylikes were found is label. Group 1 probablybelonged to allysacrificed animals subsequently that which dividesroom 7 from room 8. the samedeposit; see above,n. 17. burned as a group.They note that their 23. CWB 1952, p. 57. 21. Halsteadand Isaakidou (forth- estimate of the minimum numberof 24. PalaceofNestor I, pp. 94-95, coming)suggest that these bones are individualcattle representedin the fig. 274, nos. 3 and 4; a drawing of likely to have been placed in room 7 as deposit is likely to be low, given the the spearheadis publishedin Avila a singleact of depositionand that they fragmentarystate of the material. 1983, p. 45, no. 99. A fragment of a FEASTING AT THE PALACE OF NESTOR 185

Figure 4. Room 7 with bones and pithos, from the north, 1952. Palace of NestorExcavations Archive, University of Cincinnati,slide 52-65: "Pylos Englianos Annexof ArchivesRoom. Broken Pithos andBones"

Demetrios Theocharis was not published by Blegen and Rawson, but it and other drawings (Figs. 5, 6) are contained in one ofTheocharis's archi- tectural sketchbooks, now preservedin the archivesof the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. In a preliminary report, Blegen suggested that room 7 might be a shrine.25In the final publication, however, Blegen and Rawson were more reserved in their judgment: On the floor in the south corner of the room on the day of the fire an enormous ribbed pithos evidently stood covered with its lid. A considerable heap of burned animal bones lay in the western corner and close beside them near the northwest wall were found 11 diminutive kylikes, probably votive offerings. What these apparent remains of sacrifices and dedicatory vessels had to do in the tax collector's office raises an unsolved problem.26 blade, not from the sword, and poss- the room at the time of its destruction. side, it ran over the top of an earlier ibly part of yet anotherblade were The black-and-white wall of poros blocks; one of these photograph.s found in room 7, but their precise taken on June 12, 1952, that show the blocks is incised with a double axe findspots cannot be determined. pithos, spearhead,sword, and deposit_ sign (PalaceofNestor I, pp. 44-45; cf. (CWB 1952, p. 28, recordsa fragment of bones are numberedP52-18-20. The Nelson 2001, pp. 118-120). Blegen's of bronze amid tablets S3-4-7 [Es spearhead,sword, and Linear B tablets brief notes document the relative 644-647], and CWB 1952, p. 38, are also indicated on a plan drawnby positions in room 7 of the pithos, heap mentions a "largishpiece" of bronze Blegen (CWB 1952, p. 40). of bones, kylikes, sword, and spear- near the bronze sword.)These arti- 25. Blegen 1953, p. 63. head. Notebook pages describing the facts are describedand illustratedin 26. PalaceofNestor I, p. 92. The excavationof S3, North Extension and PalaceofNestor I, p. 95, fig. 265, no. 3, description of the stratigraphyof S3, Northwest Extension include and fig. 266, no. 1. A small fragment room 7 published by Blegen and Raw- CWB 1952, pp. 24, 28, 32, 36, 38-41, of silverwas also found in the room. son (PalaceofNestor I, pp. 92-95) is 43, 57, 103, and 105. W. A. McDonald For the spearheadand sword, see entirely supportedby the unpublished appearsto have clipped the edge of Hofstra 2000, p. 100. Many small excavationrecords. A stratigraphical the deposit of bones in room 7 already fragmentsof metal were found in the section by Theocharis (1952 Sketch- in 1939 in his trench I (WAM 1939, course of excavationsof the palace books, American School of Classical pp. 113 and 117, where he describes (Hofstra 2000, pp. 84-86) and it is Studies at Athens Archives) shows the "justsouth of room of archivesa good possible that the scrapsof bronze elevation of the floor of room 7 and many bones extending into east side and silver found in room 7 fell into the way in which, at its southeastern of trench"). i86 S. R. STOCKER AND J. L. DAVIS

wall between roomns 7 and 8

pithos sherd miniature f7•5 • • bones kylikes

pithos

L Figure 5. Pithos, miniature kylikes, and bones in room 7. R.J. Robertson, after sketch, not to scale, by D. R. Theo- charis.Theocharis 1952 Sketchbooks, American School of Classical Studies at Athens Archives

wallbetween rooms 7 and8 edge of trenchS3 NW extension spearhead

sword

tablets 0 p

Figure 6. Spearhead and sword in room 7. R. J. Robertson,after sketch, not rim pithos to scale, by D. R. Theocharis.Theocharis 1952 Sketchbooks,American School of Classical Studies at Athens Archives FEASTING AT THE PALACE OF NESTOR 187

Figure 7. Fourof the miniature kylikesfrom room 7 on displayin the Hora Museum. HoraApotheke ReorganizationProject Archive, University of Cincinnati

Figure8. Miniaturekylikes in room 7 at the time of excavation,from the north; bones at right. Palaceof Nestor ExcavationsArchive, University of Cincinnati, slide 52-63: "PylosAnnex of Archives Room. Votive Cups"

Study of excavation records and unpublished artifacts permits us to add a few footnotes to Blegen and Rawson's publication. It seems that the only fixed piece of furniture in room 7 was the pithos, which fell with its mouth toward room 8.27 Other than the pithos and its lid, no ceramic vessels were clearly being used in the room at the time it was destroyed. Some 20-22 miniature kylikes were, however, found in room 7. These include the 11 examples now on display in the Hora Museum (Fig. 7), which Blegen and Rawson specifically say were found near the heap of burned bones (Fig. 8),

27. Pluta (1996-1997, p. 240) existed documents in any medium NestorI, p. 92) thought, on the other has suggested that this pithos could other than clay,and that tablets may hand, that the pithos had been full have served as a source of water for continuallyhave been recycled (but of oil that, when spilled, fueled the fire forming and reformingtablets. See on the potential difficulties of recycling, in which the Linear B tablets were also Bennet's (2001, p. 27) arguments see Sj6quist and Astr6m 1991, pp. 23- baked. that at Pylos there may not have 24). Blegen and Rawson (Palaceof I88 S. R. STOCKER AND J. L. DAVIS

Figure9. A selectionof miniature kylikesfrom room7 in the storeroomsof the Hora Museum.Hora ApothekeReorganization Project Archive, Universityof Cincinnati

aswell as thosein a containerof ceramicslabeled "Room 7: VotiveKylikes," now in the storeroomsof the museum.28It is impossibleto establishwith precisionthe findspotswithin room 7 of this lattergroup (Fig. 9), which consistsof at least nine, and probably11, miniaturekylikes of a style and fabricidentical to the 11 exampleson display.29

ARTIFACTS AND TABLETS IN ROOM 7

It is obviousthat all remains in room7 mustbe consideredin anyreconstruc- tion of activitiesin the room.30The key to understandingthe presenceof burnedbones in this room is their spatialassociation with other artifacts, includingLinear B tablets.Pluta has persuasivelyargued that room 7 was the "office"of the archivist:that he sat thereto revisetexts and to monitor the flowof tabletsthat would later be archivedin room8.31Tablets appear to havebeen storedtemporarily along the northeastwall of room7, and more than200 tabletswere in the roomat the time of its destruction(Fig. 10).32

28. PalaceofNestor I, p. 93. In their Although they mention (p. 95) that the of miniaturekylix type (i.e., with the final publicationBlegen and Rawson miniaturekylix shapewas represented handle pressedinto place inside the did not explicitlydescribe the kylikesin among scatteredsherds found in room 7, rim) and four straightrim sherds are the container,probably because they they do not recordthe numberof sherds probablynonjoining fragmentsof the were fragmentary.In one place (Palace or minimum numberof vessels. 9-11 miniaturekylikes in the container. ofNestorI, p. 366), they reportedthat 29. Estimation of the numberof Blegen (CWB 1952, p. 29) notes a ky- there were 12 miniaturekylikes in the vessels seems justified since the excava- lix in the east part of the room;Theo- room, "elevenof them numbered," tors do not seem to have discardedany charis,in a 1952 sketchbook,illustrates while in another place (p. 93), they pottery from the deposit that contained at least one kylix,perhaps a miniature, noted that there were 11 examples. the miniaturekylikes. In the container in the southeastpart of the room. Blegen and Rawson were not entirely there are many fragmentsfrom shapes 30. Pluta 1996-1997, p. 247. consistent in how they reportedstatis- other than miniaturekylikes, including 31. Pluta 1996-1997, p. 245. A tics: in most cases they did not count largerkylikes of a standardsize. There similar scene is depicted in Henry sherds or fragmentaryvessels (but see are also very small sherdspresent, in- Hankey'swell-known drawing;see their descriptionof the contents of dicating that all of the materialwas Chadwick 1976, p. 19, fig. 9. room 24; PalaceofNestor I, p. 141). retained.Seven nonjoining handles 32. Pluta 1996-1997, pp. 242, 247. FEASTING AT THE PALACE OF NESTOR I89

Figure 10. Tabletson the floor of room 7 at the time of excavation. Palace of Nestor ExcavationsArchive, University of Cincinnati, slide 52-31: "Pylos Annex from S. Tablets on Floor"

The original position of the tablets in room 7 can be located accord- ing to a fine-meshed grid.33Several texts appear to be concerned with the provisioning of sacrifices and associated feasts. Palaima has concluded that grid square 52 was "the area for label discards and temporary pre-process- ing of baskets of tablets brought to the Archives Complex."34In this square were found the tablets of the "armorinventory of the Sh series as well as tablets of the Es series that list offerings to Poseidon and key human figures in the Pylos kingdom."35Adjacent to these two groups of tablets were the heap of animal bones (concentrated in grid square51) and the 11 miniature kylikes, spearhead, and sword (grid squares 42, 43, 52, and 53). Palaima has also observed that grid square 83 at the southern end of room 7 contained a "smalland special group of tablets (chiefly and signifi- cantly Un 718 and tablets of the Ta series)."36Of considerable importance is the fact that Un 718 is a "prospectivetext" that anticipates offerings that will be made to Poseidon by e-ke-ra2-wo (whom Palaima and others be- lieve is the king of Pylos), the military commander, the da-mo, and a group called the wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo.37That offerings to Poseidon were in the process of being made when the palace was destroyed is implied by the future tense of the verb "to give." Palaima has concluded that certain texts were retained in this part of room 7 to await "confirmation that the contributions had indeed been made."38

33. The gridwas originally estab- 35. Palaima1995, p. 628. nn. 7-8. We thank J. Bennet for this lishedby Bennettand Olivier (1976, 36. Palaima 1995, p. 624. reference.On currentviews concerning p. 25, fig. 2), and has recentlybeen ad- 37. Killen, however,believes that the identificationof e-ke-ra2-woas the justed by Pluta (1996-1997, pp. 234- wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jois an individual,not a king of Pylos, see Bennet 2001, p. 26, 238). group, and reads the form as a posses- n. 11. 34. Palaima 1995, p. 624, n. 9. sive adjective;see Killen 1998b, p. 21, 38. Palaima1995, p. 629. I90 S. R. STOCKER AND J. L. DAVIS

SACRIFICE, FEASTING, AND ROOM 7

It seems possible that all of the artifactsin room 7, with the exception of the tablets and the pithos and its lid, are remnants of animal sacrificeand ritual dining. The sword could have been involved in the slaughter of sacrificial victims. Knives and swords figure prominently in Aegean Bronze Age iconographyof sacrifice,and Killen recentlyobserved that the "axesand swords (or knives) listed [in Ta 716] are attractivelyinterpreted as weapons used to kill sacrificialanimals.""39 The spearheadis unexpected,however, since spears, although associated in Bronze Age iconography with hunting and warfare,40do not featurein depictions of sacrifice.Might its presence be related to the inclusion of deer remains among the burned bones at Pylos?41 Sup- port for the idea that the spearheadand swordwere ritualinstruments comes from the fact that both must have been antiquesby the time of the destruction of the Palace of Nestor. Is this an example of religious conservatism? The spearhead is of a Middle Bronze Age type, whereas the sword is of Sandars'stype E and probablydates to the 14th century.42Hofstra discusses both the spearhead and sword, noting the "oddly archaic form" of the former.43Similarly, the coarse red micaceous fabric of the large pithos that stood in room 7 appearsto be more characteristicof pottery from levels of the later Middle Bronze Age and early Late Bronze Age than that in use 39. Killen 1998a, p. 422. For the during the final stages of the palace. iconographyof sacrifice,see Dietrich Associations of the miniaturekylikes with feasting ritualsare also likely. 1988, and commentaryby N. Mari- natos on 50 of the same volume; Some fragments of wall paintings from the Throne Room (room 6) ap- p. also Marinatos 1986, pp. 22-25. pear to represent activities associated with Two tables with two drinking. 40. See, e.g., Hofstra 2000, p. 99. men seated each other are each man opposite depicted, plausibly restored 41. Group 1 contained deer bones as raising a kylix in a toasting ritual.44McCallum restores the Two Men at and is probablyfrom the same deposit Table, a bull sacrificed on an altar (19C6), and the Lyre Player and Bird as group 2 (see above,nn. 14, 17). (43H6) in a single outdoor composition that decorated the northeast wall 42. Avila 1983, p. 45; Sandars1963, pp. 132-133. of the Throne Room.45Although the hands of the Two Men at Table are 43. Hofstra 2000, pp. 98-101. not an association between seated and exists in preserved, figures drinking 44. See PalaceofNestor II, pp. 80- Aegean iconography, e.g., in the Knossos Campstool Fresco, whether or 81, frr.44aH6 and 44bH6. not its fragments are arrangedas in Evans's reconstruction.46Reexamina- 45. For the Two Men at Table, see tion of the fresco fragments from the Throne Room in 2002-2003 has McCallum 1987, pp. 90-91, 199; for the bull, 94-95. See also shown, however, that fragment 19C6 can no longer be confidently re- pp. Wright, this volume, p. 163, 13. constructed as a bull or as other sacrificialvictim.47 fig. any 46. See Cameron 1964. More gen- The use of the miniature in ritual precise kylikes remains unclear. erally,see Wright, this volume, for Certainly the diners did not use them at the table as drinking vessels. They discussionof seated drinkingfigures in are much too small for that. The miniature kylikes could have held only a Mycenaeanand Minoan iconography. 47. We thank our token amount of liquid (0.009-0.035 1),48and we should probablyimagine colleagues H. Brecoulaki,Caroline Zeitoun, and that their content (if any) had symbolic significance. Andreas Karydasfor this information. The attested use of miniature kylikes in the palace is limited to what 48. PalaceofNestor I, p. 366. are arguablyritual contexts in the Throne Room: two were recovered on a 49. PalaceofNestor I, pp. 89, 91. plastered table of offerings near the western column of the room, and one Saflund (1980, p. 241) mistakenlycites and Rawson to the lay against the northwest end of the northeast wall of the room.49Blegen Blegen effect that one miniaturewas found on the and Rawson considered the miniature kylix (shape 26) to be local to the only offering table. southwest from from the and in cham- Peloponnese.50Apart examples palace 50. PalaceofNestor I, p. 366. ber tombs at Volimidia, only a single rim fragment has been recognized in 51. In the settlement at Nichoria; Messenia.51 Several examples are known, however, from the northeast see Shelmerdine1992, p. 515. FEASTING AT THE PALACE OF NESTOR 191

Peloponnese, found in what appearto be ritual contexts.52Many complete miniature kylikes were found at the Palace of Nestor itself in the doorway between rooms 18 and 20, and in rooms 20 and 60; these parts of the palace served as repositories of large quantities of plain pottery that may well have been dispensed at feasts.53The presence of this shape in association with burned bone in room 7, on the offering table in the Throne Room, and in tombs at Volimidia suggests to us that the miniature kylix was regularlyemployed in ritual in Messenia and was not a plaything for children, a possibility raised by Blegen and Rawson.54Further support for a ritual function may be suggested by traces of burning on the miniature kylikes from the Throne Room, in use at the time of the final destruction of the palace; those from room 7 show similar traces.55 Analysis of the Pylos Ta series of tablets suggests that paired dining was a feature of feasting at the Palace of Nestor. Killen has argued that the Ta tablets represent "an audit of the palace's equipment for banqueting, including the consumption of sacrificialanimals ... listed on the occasion of a major feast held to mark the appointment of a new office holder."56 Palaima agrees that the tablets record banqueting equipment and he has counted the total number of each item in all tablets of the series. Among other objects, 22 seats and 11 tables are recorded, and he imagines 22 individuals present at a feast, seated at these 11 tables in the manner of the representationsin the frescoesof the Throne Room." The number of seated banqueterscould thus correspondto the number of miniaturekylikes found in room 7. If this is not an extraordinarycoincidence, two possible conclu- sions follow: 1) a single miniature kylix was deposited in room 7 on behalf of each of 22 banqueters; and 2) the number 22 could have held special significance at a Mycenaean banquet. Might such a select group of diners have comprised representativesfrom the principal subcenters of the kingdom of Pylos, perhaps with the addition of several high-ranking officials of the palace itself?58 The evidence of the materialremains points, however, to the existence of a hierarchy of feasting at Pylos: a more intimate group of seated individuals and a much largergathering of less privilegedattendees." The number of animals represented by the cattle bones in the deposit in room 7

52. French 1981, p. 45; Konsolaki- the palace,reported by Blegen as hav- sioningfeasts at theselocal centers Yannopoulou2000; Dabney,Halstead, ing been found inside a "stonestruc- (Bennet2001, p. 33). and Thomas, this volume. ture"but not mentioned in the final 59. On the likelylocations for a 53. See Whitelaw 2001, pp. 52-62; report.Blegen speculated(CWB 1952, largerfeast in the vicinityof the Palace we thankJ. Hruby for additionalinfor- p. 15) that there may have been a shrine of Nestor,see Shelmerdine1998, mation regardingcontexts in rooms 18 in this place. pp.84, 88;Davis and Bennet 1999, and 19. 56. Killen 1998a, p. 421. p. 110;Whitelaw 2001, p. 58.The 54. PalaceofNestor I, p. 366. On the 57. Palaima2000, p. 237. compositionof the wallpaintings of the ritualuse of largerkylikes, see Saflund 58. There appearto have been ca. 20 ThroneRoom suggests that the seated 1980. higher-ordercenters in the kingdom. dinersate alfresco, rather than inside 55. In contrast,the miniaturekyli- Bennet (2001, p. 32) counts "sixteen the palace,but anyritual involving the kes from rooms 18, 19, 20, and 60, as or seventeenmajor centers within miniaturekylikes may have occurred well as from the "MainDrain" (under the polity other than Pylos itself and indoors,since in theThrone Room, as corridor59, just outside room 60), were Leuktron,possibly the FurtherProv- notedabove, vessels of this typeappear not burned.We have not succeededin ince capital."There is some evidence to havebeen in use at the timeof the locating two examplesfrom court 58 in that the palacewas involved in provi- finaldestruction of the palace. 192 S. R. STOCKER AND J. L. DAVIS impliesthat 22 banqueterswere not the onlyparticipants in the sacrifice andassociated feasting. The slaughtered animals would have yielded a large quantityof meat,far in excessof theneeds of 22 banqueters,and probably enoughto supplythe entirepopulation of the townaround the palace.60 A Hellenisticinscription from Keos mandated that ca. 1.25 kg of meatbe distributed to each male present at a sacrifice61 and, if distributions at Pylos were on a similarscale, nearly a thousandfamilies could have been pro- vided with meat from the cattle in room 7.62 The numberof cattlerepresented in the remainsthat lay on thefloor in room 7 may have been great in comparison to the single bull given to Poseidon in Un 718 by e-ke-ra2-wo, but the existence of other groups of burned bones with the remains of five or more cattle and the Linear B evidence suggest that large-scalesacrifice of bovines was not without prece- dent at Pylos.63 Pluta interpretsthe bones and kylikesin room 7 as "evidence for repeated activity of some sort."64 It seems unlikely, however, that the bones derive from multiple events of sacrifice at festivals held over several consecutive days, rituals of a type that are attested both in Linear B and Hittite texts.65 Finally, it needs to be asked why there were artifactsother than tablets in room 7. There is no evidence that burned sacrifices or other rituals were conducted in the room; we can offer no support for Blegen's original hy- pothesis that room 7 was itself a shrine, nor was the room sufficiently large to have held 22 diners. The miniature kylikes appear to have been trans- ported to room 7 after their ritual use. They do not appear to have been kept there as part of equipment for a banquet, since room 7 was not used

60. See alsoIsaakidou et al.2002, 1982, p. 180, for a discussionof this of 15 ha in LH IIIB), estimates the p. 90, andHalstead and Isaakidou, inscription. population at ca. 3,000 individuals forthcoming,for the amountof meat 62. Fieldworksponsored by PRAP (Whitelaw 2001, pp. 63-64); a smaller likelyto havebeen derived from the has suggestedthat the minimum size of settlement size of 12.5 ha would yield sacrificeand the size of the population the communityaround the Palaceof an estimate of 2,500 individuals. to whichit mayhave been distributed. Nestor in LH IIIB was on the orderof 63. See PY Ua 25, where 10 head Ruschenbusch(1982, p. 180),drawing 12.5 ha (Bennet 1999, p. 13; Davis et of cattle (8 males and 2 females) are on EarlyModern statistics published by al. 1997, pp. 427-430). Carothersand recorded.Sacconi (2001, p. 469) dis- Cipolla(1980, p. 126) andothers, esti- McDonald's (1979, pp. 435-436) re- tinguishes between such "grandsban- matesan averageweight of 200-220 kg gressionformula based on examination quets d'etat"and the "repastypique- peranimal. Jameson, on the otherhand, of populationsand areasof modern ment religieux,"where daily rationsof quotesan estimateof usablemeat pro- villages in Messenia yields a population food in small quantitiesare distributed videdby adultanimals in DarkAge of only 850 individuals,certainly too to a limited numberof individuals Nichoriathat is onlyhalf this amount low an estimate in light of the consid- participatingin a ritual.Hamilakis and (Jameson1988, p. 95), andthat is the erablenumber of women known to Konsolaki(2004, p. 147) note that the figureemployed by Killen(1994, p. 81, have been residentat the palace (see burned sacrificesin the Mycenaean n. 53) forMycenaean times. Even Chadwick 1988, p. 76; we thank shrine at Ayios Konstantinoson usingthe lowerfigure, the sacrificeof J. Bennet for drawingour attention Methana may be an exampleof the 10 cattlewould have yielded on the to this point). Renfrew's(1972, p. 251) latter type of celebration,a case of orderof 1,000kg of meatand probably estimatedsettlement density of 300 "empowermentfor the few"who may more,since Halstead and Isaakidou personsper hectarewould yield a pop- have been provisionedby a palace. (forthcoming)have concluded that the ulation on the orderof 3,750 for the 64. Pluta 1996-1997, p. 247. individualsrepresented in the deposit settlement at Ano Englianos,but this 65. See above,n. 13. Concerning in room7 wereat the upperend of the density figure must be too high. White- such sacrifices,see Killen 2001; Sacconi sizerange for cattle at Pylos. law, using a lower density of 200 per- 2001; also Ruijgh 2004. 61. IG XII v 647;see Ruschenbusch sons per hectare(and a settlement size FEASTING AT THE PALACE OF NESTOR 193

for the storage of ceramics: at least half of the kylikes were piled on the floor in no obvious order, all were burned, and many were broken. One possible interpretationworth exploring is that the bones, miniature kylikes, and weapons, like the tablets found near them in grid square 52, had recently been brought to room 7. Did the administration of the palace perhaps require physical proof that the rituals in which these objects were involved had been completed? If these artifacts came to room 7 as part of a process of administrativesupervision, it may be presumed that, had the palace not been destroyed, the spearhead and sword would have reentered the storerooms of the palace, the bones would have been buried in special deposits like those found to the north and northwest of the palace, and the miniature kylikes would have been otherwise discarded. A parallel case of administrative supervision might be indicated by tablet Un 718 (the label for which was found in grid square 52) if we accept Palaima'sargument that it was being retained in grid square 83 in anticipation of confirmation of contributions, since "major offerings to Poseidon were still in the process of being made at the time that the palace was destroyed."66Given the remarkablecorrespondence between the number of seats recorded in the Ta tablets and the number of miniature kylikes found in room 7, is it possible that both groups of objects were associated with a celebration of the same event, the appointment of the 66. Palaima1995, p. 629. new da-mo-ko-romentioned in Ta 711?

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Sharon R. Stocker

UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS

CINCINNATI, OHIO 45221-0226 [email protected]

Jack L. Davis

UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS

CINCINNATI, OHIO 45221-0226 [email protected]