Geographia Polonica 2015, Volume 88, Issue 4, pp. 687-693 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/GPol.0040

INSTITUTE OF GEOGRAPHY AND SPATIAL ORGANIZATION POLISH ACADEMY OF SCIENCES www.igipz.pan.pl www.geographiapolonica.pl

A VISION FOR A FUTURE EUROPE ACCORDING TO A RUSSIAN MAP OF 1914

Piotr Eberhardt Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization Polish Academy of Sciences Twarda 51/55, 00-818 Warsaw: Poland e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract In this article, a map published and popularized in Moscow at the end of 1914 is presented and analyzed from a cartographic and factual perspective. Drawn up on the initiative of the highest Russian authorities, the map presents the post-World War One political system in Europe as envisaged by the author. He believed that, in the aftermath of a victorious war for , the significant shifts of political boundaries in Europe which are shown on the map would take place. The cartographic document in question thus constitutes interesting historic evidence attesting to the expansionist ambitions of the of that time.

Key words Russia • World War One • political boundaries in Europe

Introduction Europe, Fig. 1). However, the main title was accompanied by a jokingly formulated sub- In the initial phase of World War One a map title: Kak yego ne dumal videt Vilhelm tsar published in Moscow and then distributed Evropeyski (As it has not been thought of by across the entire Russian Empire bore a title Wilhelm, the Emperor of Europe). The conti- making the intention of the map designer nent of Europe is sketched with new political entirely clear. The map in question presented boundaries expected to take shape in the the envisaged post-War boundaries of Euro- aftermath of the defeat of the German and pean countries, and it was entitled Karta Austro-Hungarian Empires, and hence the budushchey Yevropy (The map of the future victory of the countries forming the Entente

VARIA: RESEARCH NOTES 688 Piotr Eberhardt

Figure 1. Karta budushchey Yevropy (The map of future Europe) Source: I.P. Alexeev, 1914

Cordiale – above all (naturally enough) make significant gains in territorial terms – Russia. at the expense of those defeated. There are The available copy of the map offers no doubts that the winning side would be that no information as to authorship, and so was of the Entente – first and foremost Russia. All apparently an anonymous work. There are of the annexation claims of the potential win- nevertheless definite and quite sound prem- ners are accounted for on the map. There are ises for suspecting that the map appeared also numerous, short and concise remarks on the initiative of the Foreign Office of Rus- within the broad margin of the map. These sia, as headed at that time by Sergey Sazonov. are in the nature of explanatory comments, Above all, it is well known that such a carto- and all conform with official declaration graphic document could not have been pub- of Sazonov, announced on 13 September, lished in wartime without the consent of the 1914, and then published in the governmen- highest authorities. Furthermore, the pro- tal press. These annexation proposals were posed boundaries of European countries are presented to the ambassadors of the United marked on this map in a quite precise manner, Kingdom and , accredited in the capi- and it has been assumed – justifiably – that tal city of Petrograd. The respective actions the effect of the War would be to bring about were conducted in concert, since during the very significant shifts in borders. It was antici- entire War Russia demanded freedom as to pated that the victorious countries would the establishment of the new boundary with

Geographia Polonica 2015, 88, 4, pp. 687-693 A vision for a future Europe according to a Russian map of 1914 689

Germany and Austria, not questioning the The military failure and movement of Ger- right of the Western Powers to determine man troops eastward brought about a shift the post-War western boundary of Germany. in the stance of the Russian authorities. A dif- This kind of agreement was accepted on both ficult internal situation also toned down the sides, and did not give rise to any reservations greed on the part of the Russian power elite. among the countries of the Entente Cordiale. It became increasingly reasonable to forward The map presented, whose publisher the concept of a return to the pre-War bound- was I.P. Alexeyev (?), was printed in Moscow, aries as of 1914. A reinstatement of imperial at 4 Nizhna Kislovka Street. There is a lack territorial programs could have been harm- here, not only of visible authorship, but, ful for Russian interests. Hence the map was also of any publication date. It can only be withdrawn from public circulation and was supposed that it was published before the never brought back out again. The Russian beginning of November 1914, when Turkey side instead increased its efforts to achieve entered the European military conflict. This a preservation of the pre-War status quo. can be deduced from a warning on the mar- However, later events associated with the gin of the map, addressed to Turkey, and urg- Revolution and the downfall of the Tsarist ing it not to side with Germany in the Euro- regime left the map altogether outdated. The pean war. peace agreement signed in Brest confirmed The cartographic document recalled here the total military defeat of the Russian state. was not official in nature, since it was not Under conditions transformed thus, the map undersigned by any state institution with the in question lost its political value and was appropriate authorisations to do that. How- relatively quickly forgotten by historians and ever, this fact should not be taken to disquali- geographers alike. The rich literature con- fy the document as historical evidence, since cerning the period of, and events linked with, it definitely appeared with official consent, World War One in fact makes only a few men- and perhaps even at the inspiration of the tions of the annexation plans of Russia, given chief military and state authorities of Russia, that these were of no political consequence. who made no secret at all of their political For the very same reason, there was a with- and territorial intentions and demands. A rel- ering-away of knowledge regarding the exist- atively swift victory over the ence of the map published in 1914, and of its was expected, and complete defeat of the ideological and geopolitical implications. enemy would be followed by a rectification It is most probable that the first Polish of the political boundaries, in such a way scholar to submit this cartographic and politi- as to first and foremost seal in significant ter- cal work to a general scientific interpretation ritorial gains for Russia. The map considered was Rosen-Zawadzki (1972). In the paper thus offers an illustration of Russia’s imperial he published, he provided a reproduction plans with respect to her enemies and neigh- of the map in a rough black-and-white ren- bours. However, implementation of those dition that is not easily legible. It was this plans always depended on the outcome cartographic image that attracted the atten- of the War, and this did not as it turned out tion of the present author, albeit with a sole take a course that conformed with the opti- focus on those boundaries relevant to the mistic expectations of the Russian General Polish lands (Eberhardt 2008, 2009)1. It was Headquarters. The defeat of the two Rus- the view – and presumably the intention – of sian Armies in East Prussia, and the gradual the authors of the map that Poland would be retreat from the territory of the so-called Pol- deprived of its sovereignty, instead acquiring ish Kingdom, rendered the elaborated plan for territorial change in Europe obsolete. 1 These two papers provide a broad bibliography Hence, as time passed, the map lost both its relating to the origins and historico-political condition- political and propaganda qualities. ing of the cartographic document in question.

Geographia Polonica 2015, 88, 4, pp. 687-693 690 Piotr Eberhardt the status of an autonomous province under rank of a secondary country, over which the Russian Empire. the powerful Russia might hold sway. It was In its original version, the map was col- naturally enough Russia that was to be the oured, and it has now become possible to pro- chief beneficiary of the War, and was empha- duce a rendition of it in line with these original sised throughout that the struggle of Russia colours. This fact allows for a better cognition with the Germanic universe was fully justi- and interpretation of the now-fully-legible fied, since the Russian authorities were not cartographic document. However, for rea- motivated by cynical political interest, but sons of size, the reproduction does not con- only demanded respect for justice and the tain the margins mentioned before, wherein wish that all European nations would enjoy the Russian-language comments were placed the same right to freedom and sovereignty. with a view to explaining the proposals put There is a comment on the map in this spirit, forward as regards shifts in boundaries and explaining the message quite unambiguously. the ultimate post-War shape of the political Given the colourful rhetoric of this comment, map of Europe. The complete set of com- which got repeated afterwards in the multi- ments can be read out from the reproduction plicity of various Russian and Soviet declara- attached to the paper by K. Rosen-Zawadzki tions, it is definitely worth quoting: The “Great referred to before. Some of these comments and self-dependent Russia wages war for the will be referred to here, since they explain rebirth of law, justice, peace and orderliness the motivations of the designer of the car- on the Earth. She does not need foreign prop- tographic document analysed. Given that erty, she wants no alien lands, she shall only these comments reflect the attitudes of the take what she fully deserves: Red Ruthenia Russian authorities, they have not lost their with Lvov and Przemyśl, a part of pronounced historical significance. with Chernivtsi. East Prussia, together with In the substantive analysis of the map Königsberg, soaked many times over with in question it is hard to determine the extent Russian blood, shall become again the Rus- to which map content expresses the personal sian land, up to the Vistula river. They should views of Minister Sazonov, or else the extent become anew the Russian fortresses.” This to which it represented the views of other quotation is not jut tendentious, but also leading politicians or the military. Knowing the entirely untrue. None of the provinces men- character of relations in Russia, one can sup- tioned, i.e. the so-called ‘Red Ruthenia’, Buko- pose that the decision to publish the map was vina and East Prussia, and none of the cities by no means incidental, and was taken col- listed – Lvov, Przemyśl, Królewiec, and Cher- lectively at the highest level of authority. The nivtsi – ever belonged to Russia. Below the ideological and political meaning of this docu- text quoted before, but still within the frame- ment is unambiguous. After having defeated work of the part devoted to Russia, we find her enemies, Russia intended to engineer the formulation “Poland shall unite her prov- a radical shift in the borders of European inces, dismembered until now by the evil plots countries. Central Europe was to differ sig- of Germany and Austria.”2 nificantly from the version designed during In conformity with the map considered, the Vienna Congress of 1815, which lasted Germany would lose to Russia East Prussia, for close on one hundred years in an almost Western and Gdańsk Pomerania, Wielkopol- unchanged shape. ska, as well as Upper and Lower Silesia to the The primary objective of the War in which East of the River Odra – this river intending Russia became involved was to dismember, to become the Russian-German border along and, in principle, to annihilate, the Austro- Hungarian Empire, while also diminishing the 2 For more about these designs, see Eberhardt (2008, 2009). Here, mention of the German and Austri- German Empire in terms of territory occu- an plots is particularly cynical, since it was Russia that pied. The latter was to be reduced to the was the main instigator of the partitioning of Poland.

Geographia Polonica 2015, 88, 4, pp. 687-693 A vision for a future Europe according to a Russian map of 1914 691 its entire course. In the West, the German- hand, Slovenia was to be incorporated into French border would, following the victorious Italy. The remaining skeletal Austria was war, be moved up to the Rhine. This would also to be deprived of Tirol, to the advan- imply Germany’s loss, not only of Alsace and tage of neutral Switzerland. This proposal Lorraine, but also of the entire territory situat- was justified by resort to a rather surprising ed between the Rhine and Mosel, along with argument entailing apprehension on the part Coblenz. Given the resistance to the march of Russian tourists as regards visits to Alpine of German armies seeking to attack France, spas and resorts in the inimical Austria. the author of the map is very magnanimous The Kingdom of was then to be with regard to Belgium. Thus, Belgium was extended to include southern Bukovina and supposed to gain – after the victorious war eastern . Further, a liquidation was over – significant compensation at the of Albania was envisaged, with a split pro- expense of German territory. The entire area posed between Serbia, Montenegro and between the Mosel and Rhine would thus Italy. Bulgaria was to regain eastern Thrace, be incorporated into Belgium. Similarly, sig- lost as a result of the , and nificant territorial gains were intended for in this way gain access to the Aegean Sea. The Netherlands. The North Rhineland with The information provided, contained the city of Essen, in which the arms factories on the map reproduced here except for the of the Krupp company were located, would comments on the margin, implies that Russia have become an integral part of The Neth- intended to pursue, after its victorious war, erlands. A shift is also postulated where the truly revolutionary changes in the political German-Danish boundary is concerned, this divisions in Europe. This was to be associated, needing to be pushed far southwards, down not only with a westward shift of the bounda- to the Kiel Canal. ries of the Russian Empire, but also with the However, the German Empire was to be liquidation of some of the existing political preserved, if in significantly reduced shape entities, and the establishment of certain new much recalling the so-called Ger- ones. All of the proposals as regards terri- many of 1945. On the other hand, liquidation tory that have been listed gain justifications was assumed in the case of Austria-Hungary, in the short, concise comments made to the or ultimately its transformation into a tripar- left of the map. These are of an authoritar- tite Hapsburg monarchy, composed of a prop- ian character, offering evidence as to the er Austria, Czechia, and Hungary. However, authors’ conviction regarding the enormous the map shows distinct political divides, cut- military power of Russia, and the requirement ting Austria-Hungary into several independ- that her world-power ambitions be satisfied. ent countries, notably Czechia with Moravia, The major undertone is a certainty that it is as well as Cieszyn and Opava Silesia. The Russia that would be predisposed to decide expected new boundaries of the Hungarian on the European continent’s future fate. state are also shown – with eastern Transylva- It is now hard to discern if the suggested nia (Siebenbürgen) lost, but with preservation design for the future configuration of Euro- of Hungary proper, Slovakia, Vojvodina, and pean borders, as developed by Sazonov’s western Transylvania. Russian sympathies for circles was a futurologist’s vision and com- the Eastern Orthodox Serbia found a reflec- pletely utopian, or did rather have tangible tion in a proposal for advantageous bounda- chances of being turned into reality. The ries for this country. So a ‘great’ Serbia was answer is difficult, as always in the case supposed to emerge from the World War, of visions whose high probability of realisa- including Croatia, Dalmatia, Bosnia, Herze- tion still fails to denote actual fulfilment for govina, and the western part of Macedonia, some reason or other. Considerations of their which was supposed to be split between degree of reality have a more journalistic Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece. On the other character and belong to what is referred

Geographia Polonica 2015, 88, 4, pp. 687-693 692 Piotr Eberhardt to as alternative history. However, it should standing their very serious treatment of their be noted that, at the moment, of distribu- eastern enemy’s power. They took advantage tion of the map (the end of 1914), none knew of the revolutionary ferment, which they also what the closer or more-distant future could stimulated effectively.3 As a result of de facto bring. In this initial phase of war, the defeat defeat in the War, Russia lost Finland, the of Russia was not really taken into account three Baltic countries (Lithuania, Latvia and by any objective and impartial observers Estonia), Poland, and Bessarabia. It was only of the then political scene. Russia had at its the later victory of the over Nazi disposal, not only the largest landed army Germany that brought the possibility of terri- in the world, renowned for its military effec- torial compensation and of a regaining of the tiveness, but also very strong allies in the lost countries and provinces, and even of the shape of France and Britain). The Central achievement of political domination over Powers were surrounded and obliged to fight territory stretching between the Baltic, Adri- on two fronts. After the Schlieffen Plan col- atic and Black Seas that was not envisaged lapsed, and a military failure over the Marne by even the most optimistic visions of the Tsa- ensued, the situation of Germany became rist power elite. Subordination of the whole very difficult, and – as the fighting continued, Central-Eastern European region and the and especially as the United States joined the obtainment of superpower status thus took military operation – began to look hopeless place after a 30-year delay, and of course indeed. Hence, it can be supposed that, had in entirely different geopolitical conditions. it not been for the Revolution and the collapse The unexpected events transforming the of state structures, Tsarist Russia would have Russian Empire from the inside brought about persisted until the Peace Conference in Ver- a rapid loss of significance where the map pub- sailles, among the victorious powers. Further, lished in 1914 was concerned. It abruptly lost in such circumstances, the voice of Russia its hands-on value and became an archival would have been decisive where political solu- document, though one that always retained tions concerning Central and Eastern Europe its cognitive value. It shows in a very pungent were concerned. In line with the declarations manner the imperial tendencies of the Rus- made previously, the Western Allies would sian state, which are inherent in nature. More- not have questioned Russia’s right to territo- over, the map is extremely interesting in both rial gains and her boundary-related demands substantive and cartographic terms, as it con- with respect to the defeated Germany and stitutes a unique item of historical evidence Austria-Hungary. worthy of in-depth analysis as regards both It is beyond doubt that the design shown the geographical and political sciences. There here, presenting a spatial setting to post-war are not so many examples in the geopolitical boundaries in Europe, was among the more literature of such visionary maps questioning realistic of then geopolitical concepts. This the existing political division of Europe, and reflects a construction on the basis of quite proposing its radical reconstruction. It ren- plausible premises, in line with the military ders quite faithfully the imperialist intentions strength of all countries participating in the of Russia, as regards nearer and more-distant European conflict, and the existing political neighbours alike. It is seen to reflect how, irre- alliances. The implementation of such a vision spective of the economic and political system, was thus capable of appearing highly prob- and even changes in the nature of the rheto- able, and it was rather the abolition of the ric applied, the goals of the Russian Empire Tsarist regime and the disintegration of the remain unchanged, with a constant desire Russian Army that were unexpected facts, hardly envisaged by analyses. The spectacu- 3 In April 1917, the German General Headquarters organised the transport of Lenin and 70 of his compan- lar downfall of the Russian Empire surprised ions from Switzerland, through Germany and Sweden, even Germany’s military leaders, notwith- to Petrograd.

Geographia Polonica 2015, 88, 4, pp. 687-693 A vision for a future Europe according to a Russian map of 1914 693 to achieve territorial expansion and political is being implemented cyclically, in relation domination. to the current geopolitical conditions and the After Crimea was incorporated into the actual possibilities for further implementa- Russian Federation in 2014, the later Ukraini- tion. In neither dimension are the aspirations an-Russian military conflict proceeded in con- constrained by either legal or moral barriers, nection with an officially proclaimed idea as is evidenced by ongoing current (2015) that appeared in the matter of the liberation events in Ukraine. That is why analysis of the by Russia of the so-called New-Russia, with map published in 1914 and showing the pos- some 1/3 of the entire territory of Ukraine tulated boundaries of the Russian Empire, being incorporated into Russia. In such cir- acquires political significance even beyond its cumstances, fresh reference to this particu- historical significance. lar map from a century ago seems fright- Presented exactly one century after its eningly apposite. As mentioned, in regard elaboration and issue, the map under con- to the political and territorial principles, the sideration here is beyond doubt exceptional imperial plans of old Russia remain mostly in terms of both content and form, and its unchanged. Irrespective of the form of gov- ideological message explains many political ernment, the authorities in the Kremlin seem events taking place during the 20th century. to uphold traditions associated with impe- In view of its originality, it is a historical docu- rial and superpower ambitions, consistently ment of high value, and should be subject pursuing a policy of expansion and enforced to further studies from specialists dealing domination. The programme in question with geopolitical concepts and doctrines.

(1944). Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środ- References kowo-Wschodniej, vol. 44, Warszawa: Polska ł EBERHARDT P., 2008. Projekty aneksyjne Cesarstwa Akademia Nauk. Zak ad Dziejów Europy XIX Rosyjskiego wobec ziem polskich podczas I wojny i XX wieku, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Semper, światowej [in:] P. Eberhardt (ed.), Problematyka pp. 249-264. geopolityczna ziem polskich, Prace Geograficz- ROSEN-ZAWADZKI K., 1972. Karta buduszczej Jew- ne, 218, Warszawa: Instytut Geografii i Prze- ropy. Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej, strzennego Zagospodarowania PAN, pp. 151- vol. 8, Warszawa-Wrocław: Polska Akademia 162. Nauk. Zakład Historii ZSRR i Europy Środkowej, ł ń EBERHARDT P., 2009. Kształt terytorialny Polski Zak ad Narodowy im. Ossoli skich, pp. 141- według mapy rosyjskiej (1914) i sowieckiej 144.

© Piotr Eberhardt. Article first received • August 2015 © Geographia Polonica Article accepted • November 2015 © Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization Polish Academy of Sciences • Warsaw • 2015 http://rcin.org.pl