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The Trouble with Trees? Social and Political Dynamics of Street Tree-Planting T Efforts in Detroit, Michigan, USA ⁎ Christine E

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The Trouble with Trees? Social and Political Dynamics of Street Tree-Planting T Efforts in Detroit, Michigan, USA ⁎ Christine E Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 31 (2018) 221–229 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Urban Forestry & Urban Greening journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ufug The trouble with trees? Social and political dynamics of street tree-planting T efforts in Detroit, Michigan, USA ⁎ Christine E. Carmichael , Maureen H. McDonough Michigan State University, Department of Forestry, 480 Wilson Road, Room 126, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: In Detroit, Michigan, a non-profit organization responsible for planting street trees on city-owned property in Community engagement neighborhoods received “no-tree requests” (NTR) from 24 percent of residents approached between 2011 and Environmental justice 2014. This example reflects a barrier to urban tree canopy improvement. Power dynamics between stakeholders Political ecology can be a key reason for resistance to tree-planting. In this study, we sought a deeper understanding of per- Species selection spectives on the uses and consequences of power in a street-tree planting program in Detroit, Michigan by Urban and community forestry answering three questions: Who wins? Who loses? Who decides? Interviews with city residents who submitted NTR or received trees, as well as those within the non-profit organization, provided data for this study. Results showed that the non-profit organization made decisions regarding which trees to plant in particular locations, and maintenance protocols. Many residents felt they “lost” with the tree-planting program (i.e. they were unable to have their values integrated into the tree-planting program) due to lack of decision-making involvement about tree species selection and maintenance responsibilities. Negative experiences with trees, particularly lack of city tree maintenance, contributed to residents’ views of the problems with the tree-planting program. Those within the non-profit organization focused on educating residents about the benefits of trees to increase acceptance of tree-planting, and expected residents to participate in tree maintenance. These findings demonstrate the im- portance of providing information relevant to participants who serve as partners in long term stewardship of trees, and the need to include residents in decision-making to identify and achieve shared goals. 1. Introduction property in front of houses. In the city of Detroit, Michigan, USA, a non- profit, tree-planting organization received “no-tree requests” (NTR) Trees provide numerous ecological and social benefits in urban from nearly one-quarter of residents eligible to receive a street tree areas, including mitigation of air pollution and stormwater run-off, between 2011 and 2014, thereby declining to have a tree planted on the reduction in noise, and decreased crime (Kuo and Sullivan, 2001). Local city-owned easement between the street and sidewalk. residents who engage directly in urban and community forestry can also Power dynamics between participants in urban and community build cohesion with one another by working to identify collective in- forestry efforts can be a key reason for resistance to tree-planting ef- terests and capacities (McDonough and Vachta, 2005). As human po- forts. Scholars note that the development of goals and approaches to pulations in urban areas continue to grow, placing greater stress on the urban and community forestry often do not adequately account for the ecological elements of the environment, many cities around the world values of all stakeholders (Perkins, 2015). Models of urban and com- have set ambitious goals for increasing and improving the health of the munity forestry in the U.S., as well as the field of community-based urban tree canopy to achieve a range of benefits (American Forests, natural resource management, acknowledge the necessity of under- 2012; Conway and Bang, 2014). Yet, there are also costs associated standing the ways power is distributed and used in any efforts to with managing trees in urban environments. These circumstances are achieve ecological and social goals of diverse participants (Clark et al., creating complex networks of governance to manage and reconstitute 1997). nature in urban settings (Campbell and Gabriel, 2016). Within this in- Still, Campbell and Gabriel et al. (2016, p. 253) note that “…the tricate arrangement, organizations and agencies working in cities en- significance of critical approaches within the mainstream scholarly counter difficulties. Challenges to expanding the urban tree canopy discourse in urban forestry and urban greening remains under- include resistance to having trees planted on the city-owned street developed.” Some scholars have examined types of urban greening ⁎ Corresponding author. Present address: University of Vermont, Gund Institute for Environment, 617 Main Street, Room 207, Burlington, Vermont 05401, USA. E-mail address: [email protected] (C.E. Carmichael). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2018.03.009 Received 11 August 2017; Received in revised form 9 March 2018; Accepted 10 March 2018 Available online 10 March 2018 1618-8667/ © 2018 Elsevier GmbH. All rights reserved. C.E. Carmichael, M.H. McDonough Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 31 (2018) 221–229 activities (i.e. urban gardening) that are an example of resistance to power (Perkins et al., 2004). As a result, “elite” members of society will dominant and oppressive social structures in cities (White, 2011). make decisions about greening to maximize profit and capital accu- However, no studies to date appear to have utilized a community-en- mulation (Byrne, 2012; Conway et al., 2011; Landry and Chakraborty, gaged research approach to investigate resistance to urban greening as 2009). For example, decision makers within the city will transform an expression of opposition to institutions of control in urban en- natural landscapes through strategic creation of well-maintained green vironments. This is despite the growth in literature outlining how the spaces (e.g. in downtown areas) in an effort to attract wealthy investors, traditional exercise of power in cities produces and reproduces uneven residents, and tourists, but not invest as much in the development of urban tree canopies that perpetuate social injustices, including dis- green spaces in low income neighborhoods (Bryson, 2013). parate health outcomes based on socioeconomic status and race, in Recently scholars noted how traditional urban forestry decision- cities like Indianapolis, Indiana (Heynen, 2002), Milwaukee, Wisconsin makers tend to value trees and make the case for investment in urban (Heynen et al., 2006), Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (Brownlow, 2006) forestry based on quantifiable characteristics (e.g. carbon sequestration, and Los Angeles, California (Byrne, 2012). stormwater flow management) which (1) omits some of the most pro- Urban political ecology offers a framework for examining power minent socio-cultural values associated with trees like beauty and cul- dynamics in urban and community forestry efforts by focusing on three tural heritage that cannot be as easily quantified (Konijnendijk van den key questions: Who wins? Who loses? Who decides (Heynen et al., Bosch, 2015), and (2) does not consider costs associated with main- 2006)? By examining these questions, researchers can better under- tenance of different species of trees and how those costs will be dis- stand the decision-making power of different societal groups, and tributed across different actors over time. In this context, “participa- whether approaches used in urban and community forestry efforts tion” of community residents serves to achieve greater productivity at a adequately integrate the values of all stakeholders. There is currently lower cost rather than influence decision-making to improve commu- little knowledge of how city residents and non-profit organizations fa- nity well-being holistically (Campbell, 2015). Marginalized groups, cing challenges to improvement of the health of the urban tree canopy who lack meaningful control over capitalist processes, often suffer en- define the problem(s) with street tree-planting programs. vironmental injustices as a result (Heynen, 2003), which can include The purpose of this study was to gain a deeper understanding of inadequate access to sustainably managed environmental benefits that how power was perceived, and used, by those involved in a street-tree fulfill a range of values. planting program in Detroit, Michigan, and the social and ecological In response to such trends, studies have emerged to examine sta- consequences of these circumstances. By examining answers to key keholder participation in decisions about appropriate use of urban urban political ecology questions (Who wins? Who loses? Who de- space (Poe et al., 2013). In Detroit, White (2011) conducted a case cides?) of residents who received trees and those who submitted “no- study of an urban farming initiative in which activists utilized a com- tree requests” as well as those within the non-profit organization, this munity-based model to involve residents in increasing access to healthy research sought to clarify how these stakeholders characterized the food. In regards to tree-planting programs, Donovan and Mills (2014) problem with the street tree-planting program, and whether such per- suggest a need to tailor such efforts to specific neighborhoods, parti- spectives could explain the submission of “no-tree requests.” This re- cularly less affluent areas, and hire canvassers from neighborhoods search fills a gap in knowledge of power dynamics and their impacts
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