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In addition, there were many private accounts of the mutiny written by the British. For example, Amelia Farrier, the wife of a dead officer, Lt Col. John Fancourt, published her experiences and of her family during the mutiny in the Sydney Gazette years later. However, such narratives have only highlighted one side of the story, and the native version of their involvement in the mutiny was rarely attempted.

The Forgotten Natives Despite the velour displayed by the native soldiers, and their sacrifice, there is hardly any account or signs to attest their participation in the mutiny. On the other hand, the military officers who were present at the time of mutiny wrote most of the accounts of the mutiny. And also, they ran the Court of Inquiry after the revolt and they might have tried to cover their wrong doings and short comings that led to the revolt. Further, most of the native soldiers who were involved in the revolt were killed; and some fled from fort; and others languished in prisons in different parts of the country. So the narratives of those native soldiers never saw the light of the day. Commonly, it is attributed to the limited literacy of the native soldiers and their supporters. But it is far from truth.

Most importantly, to quell any idea of further revolt or dissent, the British ensured that no narrative of natives was written. With this view,they removed every possible account of the rebels kept in any official records. The British neither created any record about the disposal of natives nor marked the burial of the dead rebels.

However, one Mustafa Baig, informed about the brewing conspiracy to his commanding officer, Lt.Col.Forbes prior to the mutiny. The said officer sought the opinion of the native officers, who dismissed the conspiracy and declared Mustafa Baig as insane and kept him in confinement. But, after the 10 July 1806 he was rewarded with 2000 pagodas, a Subedar's pension and a medal for his loyalty to the British. Nonetheless, almost two centuries later, the Government of errected a small pillar to commemorate the mutiny at Makkan Junction, Vellore, on 10 July 1998. This, perhaps, is the only symbol or monument that marks the event from the point of view of the natives.

Conclusion Although the of 1806 shared similarities with the Rebellion of 1857 in terms of intent, modus operandi, and outcome, it had many distinctive characteristics. Unlike 1857, which was led by native rulers and their lieutenants who were affected by British rule, the Vellore Mutiny of 1806 was largely led by of the soldiers. Further, apart from the multiple accounts of native soldiers who were involved in 1857 are available, there exist various symbols to mark their contribution. The systematic destruction of any evidence of native voices during and after the 1806 Mutiny signifies the hegemonic intent of the British rule. Yet, the available fragmentary evidences and inferences that can be drawn from other sources help us only to construct a limited or partial picture of the native narratives. In 2006, the then Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, Mr. Karunanidhi, while participating in the government function held at Vellore to mark the bicentenary celebration of the event, promised to establish a full-fledged memorial (manimantapam).

REFERENCES 1. Amelia Farrer, Lady Fancourt. (1842). "An Account of the Mutiny at Vellore, by the Lady of Sir John Fancourt, the Commandant, who was killed there July 9th, 1806." in The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 14 June 1842, p. 2. 2. Arthur F Cox, (1895). Madras District Manual: North Arcot, Vol. I, Madras: Printed by the Superintendent, Government Press. 3. Charles Mac Farlane, (1844). Our Indian Empire, Vol. II, London: Charles Knight. 4. Julian James Cotton. (1946), List of Inscriptions on the Tombs or Monuments in Madras, Government Press, Vol 2, p. 4

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